In City: Shanghai_TU Delft BK Complex Projects Student Research_Draft by Yang Zhang

In Cities:

SHANGHAI

IN CITIES: SHANGHAI TU DELFT - COMPLEX PROJECTS - MSc 2 - RESEARCH AND DESIGN

在城市：上海

IN CITIES: SHANGHAI TU

DELFT

COMPLEX

PROJECTS

MSc

RESEARCH

AND

DESIGN

在城市：上海

COMPLEX PROJECTS : IN CITIES

Streets of Shanghai

CONTENTS

FORWARD

INTRODUCTION Historic Shanghai Concessions Reform and opening up 2016 and beyond

PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE Hard infrastructure - Land Hard infrastructure - Water Public space Logistical system

NODES IN THE MEGA CITY Urban growth Demography and behaviour Commercial space as public space Verticality

URBAN IDENTITY Historic identity Contemporary urban identity Boundaries and boarders in public space People and places

内容

前锋

介绍历史悠久的上海优惠改革开放 2016年及以后

公共基础设施介绍坚硬的基础设施-土地坚硬的基础设施-水公共场所

巨型城市中的节点城市成长人口统计学和行为商业空间作为公共空间垂直度

城市身份历史身份当代城市身份公共空间的边界和寄宿生人与地方

FOREWORD 前言

IN CITIES: SHANGHAI

Complex Projects MSc 2 IN Cites studio has been working on the city of Shanghai for two semesters (2018 fall - 2019 spring) with two groups of students, and the support from CAUP, Shanghai. This exhibition is to give a general impression of the work done by students, as well to express the attention drawn by the studio. IN Cities: Shanghai started with a broad research of the context: on history, urban infrastructure & water system, economy & policy, culture & demography, and architecture identity. Afterwards, it has focused on the use of public space and its relationship with commercial activities. Taking the knowledge and understanding gained in the research, students posed questions and tried to tackle them by research/design projects. The Streetscape Shanghai (TU Delft, Student)

studios have brought up reading on the fragmented nature of Shanghai urban tissue, established a dialogue on the different understanding of public space in the urban environment and raises the notion on particular topics: Community in Urban Development; Use of Space in Public Infrastructure; New Urban Centre; and Hypothesis in Megacity. This exhibition consists of two parts: collective research (wall) and individual/ group projects (glass boxes). Within the research, we are showing: a TIMELINE formulating the general context we have been looking into; a SERIES OF MAPS showing the reinterpretation of selected area; GROUP RESEARCH MATERIAL from 6 groups as evidence of the narratives to be established. Meanwhile, we are showing selected material from students’ projects. The purpose is not to cover everything students have worked on, but to stimulate the connection between different projects, to reinforce the notion risen collectively and post questions to the audiences.

学期的课程（2018年秋季至2019年春季），有两组学生，并得到了上海CAUP的支持。这次展览是为了给学生们所做的工作提供总体印象，并表达工作室的关注。在城市中：上海首先对背景进行了广泛的研究：历史，城市基础设施与水系统，经济与政策，文化与人口统计学以及建筑特征。之后，它专注于公共空间的使用及其与商业活动的关系。利用研究中获得的知识和理解，学生提出问题并尝试通过研究/设计项目解决它们。这些工作室对上海城市组织的零散本质进行了阅读，就城市环境中对公共空间的不同理解进行了对话，并提出了以下特定主题的概念：在公共基础设施中使用空间；新城市中心；和大城市假说。该展览分为两个部分：集体研究（墙）和个人/小组项目（玻璃箱）。在研究中，我们正在展示：制定我们一直关注的总体情况的时间表；一系列地图，显示对选定区域的重新解释；来自6个小组的小组研究材料作为要建立叙述的证据。同时，我们将展示学生项目中的精选材料。目的不是要涵盖学生所做的所有工作，而是要激发不同项目之间的联系，加强集体提出的概念，并向观众发布问题。

在城市：上海

Complex Projects MSc 2 IN Cites工作室已经在上海开展了两个

Introduction

STUDIO RESULT

介绍

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占位符文字占位符文字 Complex Projects MSc 2 IN Cites工作室已经在上海开展了两个学期的课程（2018年秋季至2019年春季），有两组学生，并得到了上海CAUP的支持。这次展览是为了给学生们所做的工作提供总体印象，并表达工作室的关注。在城市中：上海首先对背景进行了广泛的研究：历史，城市基础设施与水系统，经济与政策，文化与人口统计学以及建筑特征。之后，它专注于公共空间的使用及其与商业活动的关系。利用研究中获得的知识和理解，学生提出问题并尝试通过研究/设计项目解决它们。这些工作室对上海城市组织的零散本质进行了阅读，就城市环境中对公共空间的不同理解进行了

TIMELINE

HISTORIC SHANGHAI

CONCESSIONS

REFORM AND OPENING UP

2016 AND BEYOND

Hard infrastructure Water infrastructure PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE

Public space Logistical systems

Trade Demography and daily activity

NODES IN THE MEGACITY

Commercial space as public space

Historic identity Contemporary identity URBAN IDENTITY

Boarders and boundaries Occupying the pavement

时间线

The book is structured around three different themes: Public Infrastructure, Nodes in the Mega City and Urban Identity. Each chapter aims to explore public space in Shanghai relating to its historic urban development and future prospects. The research explores history, urban infrastructure & water system, economy & policy, culture & demography, and architecture identity to create a comprehensive exploration of the mega city. Alongside public space the research seeks to understand key shifts in social and physical changes in the city, focussing on, The concessions, Reform and Opening Up and 2015 and beyond. Through an acknolwedgment of key moments in Shanghai’s history we are able to better understand the social and physical urban development in Shanghai.

本书围绕三个不同的主题进行了组织：公共基础设施，大城市中的节点和城市身份。每章旨在探讨上海的公共空间及其历史悠久的城市发展和未来前景。该研究探索了历史，城市基础设施和水系统，经济与政策，文化和人口统计学以及建筑特征，从而对这座巨型城市进行了全面的探索。除公共空间外，该研究还试图了解城市社会和自然变化的主要变化，重点是特许权，改革开放以及2015年及以后。通过承认上海历史上的关键时刻，我们可以更好地了解上海的社会和自然城市发展。

TIMELINE

HISTORIC SHANGHAI

CONCESSIONS

REFORM AND OPENING UP

2016 AND BEYOND

HARD INFRASTRUCTURE WATER INFRASTRUCTURE PUBLIC SPACE LOGISTICAL SYSTEMS DEMOGRAPHY AND ACTIVITY TRADE

COMMERCIAL SPACE AS PUBLIC SPACE

HISTORIC IDENTITY BOARDERS AND BOUNDARIES

OCCUPYING THE PAVEMENT

时间线

The book is structured around three different themes:

本书围绕三个不同的主题进行了组织：公共基础设施，大城

Public Infrastructure, Nodes in the Mega City and Urban

市中的节点和城市身份。每章旨在探讨上海的公共空间及其

Identity. Each chapter aims to explore public space in

历史悠久的城市发展和未来前景。该研究探索了历史，城市

Shanghai relating to its historic urban development

基础设施和水系统，经济与政策，文化和人口统计学以及建

and future prospects. The research explores history,

筑特征，从而对这座巨型城市进行了全面的探索。

urban infrastructure & water system, economy & policy, culture & demography, and architecture identity to

除公共空间外，该研究还试图了解城市社会和自然变化的主

create a comprehensive exploration of the mega city.

要变化，重点是特许权，改革开放以及2015年及以后。通过承认上海历史上的关键时刻，我们可以更好地了解上海的社

Alongside public space the research seeks to understand key shifts in social and physical changes in the city, focussing on, The concessions, Reform and Opening Up and 2015 and beyond. Through an acknolwedgment of key moments in Shanghai’s history we are able to better understand the social and physical urban development in Shanghai.

会和自然城市发展。

Introduction

TIMELINE

1842

1912 Republic was established in China

Treaty of Nanjing

CONCESSIONS IN SHANGHAI 1840

First Opium War

1845

1850

Taiping Rebellion

1855

1860

1865

1870

1875

1880

1885

1890

1895

First SinoJapanese War

Second Opium War

QING DYNASTY

Lilong Housing

1900

1905

1910

Xinhai Revolution

1915

1920

1925

1930

1935

1940

Second Si Japanese W

REPUBLIC OF CHINA

Work-Unit

ai n

介绍

1976 Mao Zedong’s death

Population

1978 Chinese economic reform

1949 Founding of the People’s republic of China

1912 Republic was established in China

1915

1920

1925

1930

1935

1940

Mao Zedong

1945

Second SinoJapanese War

1950

1955

Early economic development

REPUBLIC OF CHINA

Deng Xiaoping

1960

1965

Economic recovery

1970

1975

1980

Culture Revolution

1985

1991

2004

Jiang Zemin

Hu Jintao

1990

1995

2000

Economic Reform

2005

2012

2010

Xi Jinping

2015

2020

2025

2030

Economic development

PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA 11%

Work-Unit compound

20%

18%

23%

High-Rise community

44%

51%

70%

Urbanization level

Introduction

HISTORIC SHANGHAI The origins of the city of Shanghai starts many hundred years ago with a merchant community, famous for it silk and textile (Chen, 2018). In 1553 the Japanese attacked the region. As a response, the city built walls to prevent further attacks. Around 1600, four water gates were constructed to provide access to outside the city. The watergate connected the moat with the Huangpu river. This provided defence, a means for transportation, waste disposal and drinking water (Denison & Ren, 2006)Around 1681, the threat from pirates was considered passed. This resulted in the growth of Shanghai outside the city walls and the use of the sea as transportation and means of commerce increased. Commercial activities grew along the river bank (Denison & Ren, 2006).

Development outside the city walls (Denison and Ren, 2006) 54

介绍

历史悠久的上海上海的起源始于数百年前的商人社区，以丝绸和纺织品闻名（Chen，2018）。

1553年，日本人袭击了该地区。作为回应，这座城市修建了城墙，以防止

进一步的袭击。大约在1600年，建造了四个水闸以提供通往市区外的通道。水闸将护城河与黄浦江相连。这提供了防御，运输，废物处理和饮用水的手段（Denison＆Ren，2006）。大约在1681年，海盗的威胁被认为已经过去。这导致上海在城墙外发展，并随着交通和商业手段的发展而利用海洋。沿河岸的商业活动增加了（Denison＆Ren，2006）。

Drawings of walled city (Denison and Ren, 2006) 55

Introduction

CONCESSIONS The concessions played an important role in shaping the cities economical and

In the right pictogram we see the importance of both

physical growth. In this map you can see the conncessions on the west part of the

the money center and the trade centre. Where the

Hangpu river and the city expansion. Because of trade, and the large ships there

money centre is mostly influenced digitally. Thinking of

were no bridges constructed on the Hangpu river. In 1989, the Yan’an Road East

the way the Western society changed into a knowledge

Tunnel was built, connecting Yan’an Road to Lujiazui in Pudong (Shanghai Municipal

economy and displaced hard labour to foreign

Government 2009). This new tunnel was built in the interest of a unspoiled

countries, we might say we see the same tendency

landscape. It provided new opportunities to establish a shiny appearance of Shanghai

happening in Shanghai.

starting with the TV tower in 1990 and new street profiles. In the map on the right you can see how the city has a very functional layout. Along the river you will find many docks and industrial areas. There are a range of utilised docks, abandoned docks, and those which have been transformed into shoppingmalls or a landscape park.The financial area’s are situated in the armpit of the Hangpu river. Ever since the speed of money increased the buildings shifted from the old to the new glass towers on the east side of the river. Throughout history you can see a change of labor and interest from a small city, influenced by trade from all sides. To rising importance of import and export with a growing financial centre close to the big ship docks.

Concession location A - International concession, B - French concession C - Old city, D - The Bund, E- New financial area

Tunnel connecting the Bund to the new financial district, built in 1989 1 - The Bund, 2 - New financial district 56

介绍

前提条件特许权在塑造城市的经济和物质增长方面发挥了重要作用。在此地图中，您可以看到杭浦河西部的特许经营权和城市扩展。由于贸易和大型船只，在杭浦河上没有修建桥梁。

1989年，修建了延安路东

隧道，将延安路与浦东陆家嘴连接起来（上海市政府，2009年）。建造这条新隧道是为了保护未受破坏的景观。从1990年的电视塔和新的街道概况开始，它为建立上海的光辉外观提供了新的机会。 Industry

Finance

在右侧的地图中，您可以看到城市的功能布局。沿着河，您会发现许多码头和工业区。有各种各样的

Movement between industy and financial sectors

利用码头，废弃码头，以及那些已经被改造成购物广场或风景公园的码头。金融区位于杭浦河的腋下。自从金钱的速度增加以来，河东侧的建筑物已从旧的玻璃塔转移到了新的玻璃塔。在整个历史中，您可以看到一个小城市在各方贸易的影响下劳动力和利益的变化。随着大型船舶码头附近不断发展的金融中心的发展，进出口对贸易的重要性日益提高。在右侧的象形图中，我们看到了货币中心和贸易中心的重要性。货币中心主要受到数字化影响的地方。考虑到西方社会如何转变为知识经济并把艰苦的劳动转移到国外，我们可以说我们看到了在上海发生的同样趋势。

A B

Concession location A - Old industry, B - Finance, C - Tourism 57

Introduction

REFORM AND OPENING UP

改革开放

When the Cultural Revolution ended in 1978, a new period begun. This was the

1978年文化大革命结束时，新时期开始了。这是

early stage of China’s ‘Reform and Opening Up’. During this period of economic

中国“改革开放”的初期阶段。在这一经济改革时

reform, the focus in developing the Pearl River Delta region, centered on the city

期，珠三角地区的发展重点是深圳，这是该国新思

of Shenzhen, which was a test site for the nations new ideas. It would be until the

想的试验场。直到1990年代，上海才开始从中国

1990s that Shanghai started profiting from the reform taking place in China.. During

进行的改革中获利。从1978年到1990年，上海的

the period from 1978 till 1990, Shanghai’s growth was lagging behind.Moreover,

增长一直滞后。此外，上海在中国的重要性下降

Shanghai’s importance in the country declined. As during the period before, there was

了。与上一时期一样，上海的城市框架并没有发生

no real change in the urban framework of Shanghai.

真正的变化。

The 1986 masterplan on lower right corner of the left page is however, in

但是，追溯到左页右下角的1986年总体规划清楚

retrospective, a clear sign that a turnover was on the near horizon. Since this

地表明，营业额即将到来。由于该总体规划是第一

masterplan is the first which resembles Shanghai’s modern urban form. It was this

个类似于上海现代城市形态的总体规划。正是这一

particular masterplan that would form a basis for the development of Shanghai into

总体规划为上海发展成为中国乃至世界的主要城市

becoming a major city in China end eventually the world. This development would

奠定了基础。这种发展将在1990年开始，并一直

start in 1990 and continue to the present and near future.

持续到现在和不久的将来。

(Left) Masterplan of Shanghai (Virtual Shanghai, 1999) (Right) Shanghai 1972 (Virtual Shanghai, 1999) 58

介绍

Introduction

2016 AND BEYOND

通网络

blic Transportation Network As the municipality of Shanghai looks to the future, they have designed a master plan 2017-2035. The plan focusses on three main strategies: economic innovation, ‘humanistic’ environments and environmental sustainability. The master plan explores the potential for the development of public space, transport and nodes within the city.

Town cluster

Proposing strategies involving municipalities, private developers and Town cluster

local communities. The ambitious masterplan explores ideas such as the ‘15 minute city’, an ambition to develop essential amenities (schools, doctors, supermarkets etc) within 15 minutes of all Shanghai residents. This is an example of developing local economies, sustainable cities through

Intercity railway

Town cluster

Regional (municipal) line

the reduction of transport, and healthier communities.

Urban line

Town cluster

Local line

Students developed the topics from the 2035 master plan to

Backbone public transportation line Main city

explore the potential within the city. From large scale transport and

New city

logistics, public space and the typology of the shopping mall, to street

New town Main hub

统模式

m Model

际铁路域铁路道快线

interventions.

Diagram: 15 minute city, transport infrastructure proposal 功能定位设计速度（km/h） (Shanghai 2035 Masterplan, 2018) Functional Orientation

Designed Speed (km/h)

平均站距（km）规划里程（km） Average Stop

Planned

Distance (km) Spacing Maps: Shanghai Town Cluster Plan, Historical and Cultural Protection Plan and(km) Shanghai 服务于主城区与新城及近沪城镇、新城之 Municipality-wide Ecological Network Planning. (Shanghai 2035 Masterplan, 2018) 间的快速、中长距离联系，并兼顾主要新

市镇。上海市城市总体规划2017-2035

ty railway, pal railway ress railway

地铁

bway

轻轨

Shanghai Master Plan 2017-2035

| Shanghai Town Cluster Plan |

｜上海市域历史文化保护规划｜

| Shanghai Municipality-wide Historical and Cultural Protection Plan |

100-250

3-20

1-2

1000以上

上海市城市总体规划2017-2035 Shanghai Master Plan 2017-2035

｜上海市域生态网络规划｜

| Shanghai Municipality-wide Ecological Network Planning |

Over 1,000

服务高度密集发展的主城区，满足大运量、高频率和高可靠性的公交服务。

Serve intensively developed main city and meet the public transportation service requirement for large traffic volume, high frequency and high reliability 服务于较高程度密集发展的主城区次级客运走廊，与地铁共同构成市区轨道网络。

railway

Serve secondary passenger transportation corridors in the intensively developed main city, and form the municipal rail network with subways

现代轨电车轮系统等

作为大容量快速轨道交通的补充和接驳，或服务局域地区客运走廊，提升局域公交服务水平。

rn tramcar tired transit tem etc.

上海市城市总体规划2017-2035

｜上海市域城镇圈规划｜

S er ve fast connec tion and medium-and- long-distance connection among the main city, new cities and towns near Shanghai and among new cities, and simultaneously support the major new towns

Shanghai Master Plan 2017-2035

Serve as the supplement and connection of high-capacity rapid rail transit, or serve the local passenger transportation corridors to improve service of local public transportation

1000以上 Over 1,000 60-80

0.6-1.2

0.5-0.8

1000以上 Over 1,000

61｜

｜42

｜66

介绍

2016年及以后随着上海市政府对未来的展望，他们制定了总体规划2017-2035。该计划着重于三个主要战略：经济创新，人文环境和环境可持续性。总体规划探索了城市中公共空间，交通和节点发展的潜力。提出涉及市政，私人开发商和当地社区的战略。雄心勃勃的总体规划探索“

15分钟的城市”之类

的构想，以实现在所有上海居民15分钟之内发展基本设施（学校，医生，超市等）的雄心。这是发展地方经济，通过减少交通运输实现可持续城市以及社区健康的一个例子。学生根据2035年总体规划制定了主题，以探索城市内的潜力。从大规模的运输和物流，公共空间和购物中心的类型学到街头干预。

In cities: Shanghai Research and design locations Research location Design location 61

RESEARCH AND DESIGN 研究与设计

Shanghai (TU Delft, Student, 2019)

TIMELINE

HISTORIC SHANGHAI

CONCESSIONS

REFORM AND OPENING UP

2016 AND BEYOND

Hard infrastructure Water infrastructure PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE

Public space Logistical systems

Trade Demography and daily activity

NODES IN THE MEGACITY

Commercial space as public space

Historic identity Contemporary identity URBAN IDENTITY

Boarders and boundaries Occupying the pavement

时间线

TIMELINE

HISTORIC SHANGHAI

CONCESSIONS

REFORM AND OPENING UP

2016 AND BEYOND

Urban development in Shanghai Masterplan of Shanghai

PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE

Public transport Infrastructure growth Current Infrastructure Nodes

Water and the city Environment People and water

Pollution Water management

Social use Changes in public space

Waterfront infrastructure and The Bund Waterfront infrastructure and The Expo Shanghai streetscape

Public squares Public parks

Street design guidelines

Timeline of commerce Analysis of Chinese logistical system

Commerce Delivering China in the 21st Centuary

Urban growth

NODES IN THE MEGACITY

Free trade and the polycentric city

Traditional shopping street History of the shopping mall

Behavoir and the city Density, age, immigration Daytime activities Living in the mega-city Mobility

International shopping street

Casestudy: Qibao Vanke Plaza Casestudy: xintandi Public and private Pedestrian routes and malls Development of commercial space as public spaces Landuse Nodes Vertical mapping

Yingzao fashi Temples

URBAN IDENTITY

Living From city to courtyard International architecture Hai Pai culture The birth of the Shikumens

Food culture

Housing Rapid urban development Gated communities Physical boundaries and physiological boarders Streets as boundaries Buildings as boundaries Occupying the pavement Eating in Shanghai Physical activity Reinterpreting the pubic realm

时间线 The book is structured around three different themes: Public Infrastructure, Nodes in the Mega City and Urban Identity. Each chapter aims to explore public space in Shanghai relating to its historic urban development and future prospects. The research explores history, urban infrastructure & water system, economy & policy, culture & demography, and architecture identity to create a comprehensive exploration of the mega city. Alongside public space the research seeks to understand key shifts in social and physical changes in the city, focussing on, The concessions, Reform and Opening Up and 2016 and beyond. Through an acknowledgment of key moments in Shanghai’s history we are able to better understand the social and physical urban development in Shanghai.

本书围绕三个不同的主题进行了组织：公共基础设施，大城市中的节点和城市身份。每章旨在探讨上海的公共空间及其历史悠久的城市发展和未来前景。该研究探索了历史，城市基础设施和水系统，经济与政策，文化和人口统计学以及建筑特征，以对这座特大城市进行全面的探索。除了公共空间，该研究还试图了解城市社会和自然变化的主要变化，重点是特许权，改革开放以及2016年及以后。通过承认上海历史上的关键时刻，我们可以更好地了解上海的社会和自然城市发展。

TIMELINE

HISTORIC SHANGHAI

CONCESSIONS

PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE

Urban development in Shanghai

Masterplan of Shanghai

Public transport

Water and the city

People and water

Changes in public space

Public squares Public parks

Timeline of commerce

Analysis of Chinese logistical system

NODES IN THE MEGACITY

Urban growth

Traditional shopping street History of the shopping mall

Yingzao fashi Temples Living

URBAN IDENTITY

From city to courtyard International architecture Hai Pai culture The birth of the Shikumens

Housing

Food culture

时间线

REFORM AND OPENING UP

2016 AND BEYOND

Infrastructure growth Current Infrastructure Nodes

The book is structured around three different Environment

Pollution

themes: Public Infrastructure, Nodes in the Water management

Mega City and Urban Identity. Each chapter aims to explore public space in Shanghai

Social use Waterfront infrastructure and The Bund Waterfront infrastructure and The Expo Shanghai streetscape Street design guidelines Commerce

relating to its historic urban development and future prospects. The research explores history, urban infrastructure & water system, economy & policy, culture & demography, and architecture identity to create a comprehensive

Delivering China in the 21st Centuary

Free trade and the polycentric city

Alongside public space the research seeks to

Behavoir and the city Density, age, immigration

understand key shifts in social and physical changes in the city, focussing on, The

Daytime activities Living in the mega-city Mobility International shopping street

exploration of the mega city.

concessions, Reform and Opening Up and 2016 and beyond. Through an acknowledgment of

Casestudy: Qibao Vanke Plaza Casestudy: xintandi

key moments in Shanghai’s history we are able

Public and private pedestian routes and the super brand mall Development of commercial

to better understand the social and physical urban development in Shanghai.

space as public spaces Landuse Nodes Vertical mapping

本书围绕三个不同的主题进行了组织：公共基础设施，大城市中的节点和城市身份。每章旨在探讨上海的公共空间及其历史悠久的城市发展和未来前景。该研究探索了历史，城市基础设施和水系统，经济与政策，文化和人口统计学以及建筑特

Rapid urban development Gated communities Physical boundaries and physiological boarders Streets as boundaries Buildings as boundaries Occupying the pavement

征，以对这座特大城市进行全面的探索。除了公共空间，该研究还试图了解城市社会和自然变化的主要变化，重点是特许

Eating in Shanghai Physical activity Reinterpreting the pubic realm

权，改革开放以及2016年及以后。通过承认上海历史上的关键时刻，我们可以更好地了解上海的社会和自然城市发展。

Introduction

介绍

PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE 公共基礎設施

CONTENTS

内容

RESEARCH xx Introduction

xx 介绍

xx Hard infrastructure - Land

xx 坚硬的基础设施-土地

xx Hard infrastructure - Water

xx 坚硬的基础设施-水

xx Public space

xx 公共场所

xx Logistical system

xx 物流系统

DESIGN

Nanjing Road (TU Delft Student, 2019)

研究

设计

xx Urban Voids

xx 都市虚空

xx The New Bridge

xx 新桥

xx Streets of Shanghai

xx 上海的街道

xx Delivering the Future

xx 创造未来

Shanghai’s rapid development has been one of a global force, especially with regard to technological adaptation and development. Public infrastructure is an important factor - shaping the way people move. Its importance is reflected in the scale at which it occupies land, becoming in its own way, landmarks in public spaces. By nature of the function, it is nearly impossible to remove these behemoths of infrastructure.The research analysis the values and state top down planning guidelines, to understand how logistical, technical, environmental and social infrastructure can be amalgamated into public space and utilised within the megacity. Some of the projects have taken on the task of projection, focusing on infrastructure and logistics to provide future forms of industry and public space. How can the city develop to transition from secondary industry to a tertiary industry-driven city?

Transport infrastructure map

上海的快速发展一直是全球力量之一，特别是在技术适应和发展方面。该研究分析了价值和国家自上而下的规划指南，以了解如何将技术，环境和社会基础设施整合到公共空间中并在大城市中加以利用。一些项目承担了投影的任务，重点是基础设施和物流，以提供未来形式的工业和公共场所。城市如何发展，从第二产业向第三产业驱动的城市过渡？

Casestudyand design locations

HARD INFRASTRUCTURE LAND

硬基础设施土地

Left: Highway Shanghai (TU Delft, Student 2019) Transport infrastructure Metro lines Pedestrian overpasses Tunnels

Public infrastructure

URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN SHANGHAI

上海城市发展

Historically, there are three significant era’s of rapid urbanisation in

从历史上看，上海的发展经历了三个重要的快速城市化时代。殖

the development of Shanghai; colonial concessions (1839), formation

民地让步（1839），中华人民共和国成立（1949），工业革命

of Peoples Republic of China (1949), opening up and reform (1990)

（1990）

The first era of development, or planned city expansion, takes place

发展的第一个时代，即计划中的城市扩张，发生在第一次鸦片战

after First Opium War (1839–1842), when colonial entities were

争（1839年至1842年）之后，当时殖民主体控制了整个城市。

in charge of the majority of the city. On the northern side of Old

在古中国城的北侧，建立了三个殖民地“租界”。最接近历史名

Chinese City, three colonial ‘concessions’ were established. The one

城的那个地方，是由法国人控制的。另一个位于前者的北部，由

closest to the historic city, was controlled by the French. An other

英国人控制。 1863年，这是第三个租界；美国，一起构成“国

one, located north of the former, was controlled by the British. This

际解决方案”。

one was combined in 1863 with a third concession; the American 殖民统治者计划了他们添加到现有“城墙之城”的扩建。当查看

one, which together would form the ‘International settlement’.

城市结构时，这是可见的。当观察周围道路只是有机的周围区域 The colonial rulers planned out the expansions they added to the

时，显然存在一种非常独特的街区结构。在下面的地图（是1913

existing ‘Walled City’. Which is visible when looking at the urban

年的地图）中，我们可以清楚地看到该城市在殖民统治时代的发

fabric. There clearly is a block structure which is very distinctive

展速度。用红色显示城市的城市结构，就像1855年一样。然后用

when looking at the surrounding areas where the road layout is just

黑色和白色显示城市结构，就像1910年的时候一样。值得注意的

organically. In the map below, which is from 1913, we can clearly

是，南部的“有城墙的城市”。圆形的形状很明显。

see how much the city grew in the era of colonial rule. In red, the urban fabric of the city is displayed as it was in 1855. Then in black and white the urban fabric is displayed as it was at the time in 1910. Important to note is the ‘Walled City’ in the south. Its rounded shape is clearly distinctive.

公共基础设施

Masterplan of concessions 1855 (Old Shanghai, 1928) 1855 planned infrastructure 85

Public infrastructure

MASTERPLANNING IN SHANGHAI

The second era of urbanization took place after the People’s Republic of China was founded in 1949. During this period the Chinese government prioritized the development of the manufacturing and industrial sectors. For Shanghai this meant that it had to be transformed from a financial center into an industrial city, focused on manufacturing. Under planned economic system, the city would grow and become China’s largest manufacturing city. During this era which ended in the late 1970s, Shanghai’s population doubled, from 6 million to about 12 million (in 1982). This growth was mostly the result of the planned migration of laborers into the city, which were needed to for the manufacturing industries. Despite increase of population, and production levels, the urban area did not grow significantly. The existing urban area which developed during the colonial era, however grew in its intensity of use. Another major change was the introduction of manufacturing districts into the existing urban fabric. These manufacturing districts basically were large factory plots, surrounded by workers units - where laborers would live. There was not much of a focus on urban planning, or infrastructural planning during this period. The focus was merely on maximizing industrial production. However, some plans were made in this particular period. But none of it has actually been realized. Examples of these plans are shown below. The first set of maps shows the 1949 masterplan for Shanghai. The leftmost map shows infrastructure and land-use on the regional scale. Whereas the middle and rightmost map show respectively infrastructure and land use on a city level. If we compare these plans to the current map of the city, there is hardly any overlap in terms of infrastructure. In the row of maps below, the masterplans of 1953, 1959 and 1986 are shown (left to right). What is noticeable immediately, is the differences between the plans and their respective predecessors. For these maps (except for the one of 1986) it is evenly true that there is no overlap with the cities current infrastructure and urban form, meaning that none of it was realized. This becomes (All images) Masterplan of Shanghai (Virtual Shanghai, 1999)

apparent in the map of the Shanghai region, shown below. This shows the major regional infrastructure in 1972, or actually the lack of it.

公共基础设施

上海市总体规划

1949年中华人民共和国成立后，出现了第二个城市化时代。在此期间，中国政府将发展工业和工业列为优先事项。对于上海而言，这意味着它必须从金融中心转变为专注于制造业的工业城市。在计划经济体制下，这座城市将成长为中国最大的制造业城市。在这个1970年代末期结束的时代，上海的人口翻了一番，从600万人增至1200万人（1982年）。增长主要是由于计划中的劳动力迁入城市所致，这是制造业所需的。尽管人口和生产水平都有所增加，但城市地区并没有明显增长。但是，在殖民时代发展的现有市区，其使用强度也在增加。另一个重大变化是在现有的城市结构中引入了制造区。这些生产区基本上是大型工厂区，周围是工人居住的工人单位。在此期间，没有过多地关注城市规划或基础设施规划。重点仅在于最大化工业生产。但是，在此特定时期已制定了一些计划。但实际上并没有实现。这些计划的示例如下所示。第一组地图显示了1949年的上海总体规划。最左侧的地图显示了区域范围内的基础设施和土地利用。而中间和最右边的地图分别显示了城市一级的基础设施和土地使用情况。如果将这些计划与当前城市地图进行比较，则基础设施几乎没有重叠。在下面的地图行中，显示了1953、1959和1986年的总体规划（从左到右）。立即注意到计划与它们各自的前任之间的差异。对于这些地图（1986年的地图除外），与当前的基础设施和城市形态没有重叠的地方确实是正确的，这意味着没有实现。这在上海地区的地图中变得明显，如下所示。这显示了1972年主要的地区基础设施，或者实际上是缺乏基础设施。与当前的高速公路和高铁网络相比，它只是当今该地区基础设施建设的一小部分。

Public infrastructure

PUBLIC TRANSPORT

In the late 19th and early 20th century Shanghai developed in a similar

The tramways would eventually disappear in 1975 because of

way as many European cities did. In this first era of rapid urban growth,

declining passenger numbers. This was due to the growing congestion

as in the European cities, a need for public transportation emerged.

in the streets, which blocked the tramways. The trolleybus network

The colonial rulers therefore planned tramways as well as a network

however, would reach its 100th anniversary in 2014. It would be until

for buses and trolleybuses. The maps below show two plans for the

the development of the metro, that the city was relying on these

tramways in the foreign concessions in Shanghai. These maps account

networks as its main public transportation.

for the first Infrastructural planning done in the city. It is important to notice how the maps end at the borders of the concessions, implicating their the concessions strong individual independence; there was no integral plan for the city as a whole and these networks would remain the most important public infrastructure until the late twentieth century.

Masterplan of tramways 1853 (Virtual Shanghai, 1853) Trolley routes 88

公共基础设施

公共交通

在19世纪末和20世纪初，上海的发展与许多欧洲城市一样。在第一个城市快速增长的时代，就像欧洲城市一样，出现了对公共交通的需求。因此，殖民统治者计划了电车道以及公共汽车和无轨电车的网络。下面的地图显示了上海外国租界中的有轨电车的两个计划。这些地图说明了该市完成的第一个基础设施规划。重要的是要注意地图如何在特许经营的边界结束，这意味着特许经营具有很强的个人独立性；整个城市尚无整体规划，这些网络将一直是最重要的公共基础设施，直到20世纪末。由于乘客人数的减少，有轨电车最终将在1975年消失。这是由于街道上日益拥挤的交通堵塞了电车。然而，无轨电车网络将在 2014年迎来100周年纪念。直到地铁的发展，该市才将这些网络作为主要的公共交通 Cathay theatre 1931 (Writes of Passage, 2020)

Masterplan of tramways, 1939 (Virtual Shanghai, 1939) Bus routes Trolley routes 89

Public infrastructure

INFRASTRUCTURE GROWTH

1984

1989

1994

SCALE 1:400.000 5KM

10KM

SCALE 1:400.000

50KM

5KM

1999

10KM

2004

10KM

SCALE 1:400.000

50KM

5KM

2014 Urban infrastructure growth 1984 - 2018

SCALE 1:400.000 5KM

2016 Highway

Metro 90

50KM

2009

SCALE 1:400.000 5KM

50KM

10KM

50KM

SCALE 1:400.000 5KM

10KM

2018

50KM

公共基础设施

基础设施增长

Currently the infrastructure of Shanghai consists of four major systems or entities. In the graph we can see how the usage of the network grew, almost exponentially, opposed to the numbers of highway traffic. The reason for this is that most of Shanghais road are at their maximum capacity, this is especially true for secondary roads. Therefore the city council aims for reducing car ownership and instead facilitates the metro as an alternative. Since the street level is the most congested, the metro network is added as a layer to the city. Adding these layers tackles congestion, but at the

0.5 h

interface of the layers there is friction. Since the metro

1.0 h

operates at a different scale it is not suitable for short

1.5 h

trips furthermore the metro stations are not accessible from all of the city areas. They are especially hard to 2.0 h

reach because of the same street level congestion.

2.5 h

Commuter times in Shanghai

目前，上海的基础设施包括四个主要系统或实体。在该图中，我们可以看到网络的使用率几乎成指数

15m

增长，与公路交通的数量成反比。原因是上海的大部分道路都已达到最大容量，尤其是次要道路。因此，市议会的目标是减少汽车拥有量，而以地铁为

10m

替代方案。由于街道最拥挤，因此将地铁网络作为城市的一层添加。

添加这些图层可解决拥塞问题，但在图层的界面处会产生摩擦。由于地铁的运行规模不同，因此不适合短途旅行，而且并非所有城市地区都可以到达地铁站。由于相同的街道拥堵，他们尤其难以到达。

0 2000

2005

Growth of transport infrastructure 91

2015

2010 Public rail

Highway

Water

Public infrastructure Below: Shanghai metro tunnel (Tim Franco, 2016)

公共基础设施 Metro growth

1994

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

Public infrastructure

NODES

Transport Infrastructure nodes play a pivotal role the systems, not as point of arrival or departure but transference of mobility from one means to another. It’s ability to manage high capacity commuter mobility and the programmatic capabilities that come as a product of such infrastructural overlaps give such nodes unique hyper relational qualities of a public space. Major intersections of multiple high-speed public transport systems and even proximity to regional highways, such as seen at the Shanghai’s People’s Park, the busiest public transport node [8] create large concentrations of agglomeration activity where movement of people through public space is frequent and intense. We see the intersection of such infrastructure results in a higher provision of pedestrian infrastructure connections to the transport nodes and surrounding areas to enhance mobility from the city to the node.

Metro stations a polycentric network 94

HARD INFRASTRUCTURE WATER

Public infrastructure

WATER AND THE CITY Water infrastructure: reclaimed land (Google, 2019)

1984

1989

1994

1999

2004

2009

2014

2016

2018

公共基础设施

水与城市

Through maps we have categorised factors both influencing and influenced by water in the urban

Populair pedestrianized area Greenery along riverside

environment, from geology and pollution to economy and social usage. Understand the wide range of factors

Populair pedestrianized area

and potential within the water landscape of the city can

Greenery along riverside

have huge impacts on how we design within the built environment.

￥

The map is based around The Bund and Pudong area,

Commercial and High Value Real Estate

this area incorporates tourism, commercial spaces,

se lu cia So

￥

industrial zones, a range of transportation and urban typologies. Allowing us to access all factors involved in water management and interaction with the city.

Commercial and High Value Real Estate

Monument of the People’s Heroes Peace Hotel

We have split the map into four layers, Geology,

Oriental Pearl TV Tower

Infrastructure, Buildings and Social use. Sewage overflow Water logging Lack of sewage network

Deteriorated water quality

通过地图，我们对城市环境中水的影响和影响因素

gs in ild Bu

Tranport underwater (Metro, car, pedestrian) River cruises and ferries

进行了分类，从地质和污染到经济和社会使用。了

Freight shipping

解城市水景观中的各种因素和潜力，会对我们在建

Combined sewerage system

筑环境中的设计产生巨大影响该地图基于外滩和浦东地区，该地区包含旅游，商业空间，工业区，一系列交通和城市类型。使我们

Lower risk of flooding by upstream water

Split sewer system Salinization of river

能够访问涉及水管理和与城市互动的所有因素。我

Decreasing sediment deposition

们将地图分为四层，即地质，基础设施，建筑物和

e ur ct tru as fr In

Water pollution

社会用途

Shore Erosion Higher risk of flooding by sea water

Water related axonometric projection Bund and Pudong area, Shanghai, China Holly Dale Philippe Chazee Sjoerd Rijpkema

4832574 4819500 4376854

gy olo Ge

Complex Projects

The Bund Geology, infrastructure, buildings, social use 99

100

150

200m

Public infrastructure

ENVIRONMENT

This research investigates was within the city at a large scale, looking at the history

would results would indicate that by 2100 half of

of water in China, then focusing specifically on Shanghai. Exploring how the city has

Shanghai will be flooded and 46% of flood barriers

developed: utilising technology, urban developments, social structures and political

overtopped. The risk of flooding is directly related to

systems to create the water infrastructure the city has today. Furthermore accessing

the height of current flood prevention infrastructure8.

the cities possibilities for future growth and development.

A sea level rise of 60cm would result in 18 million residents in danger of flooding in Shanghai and its

Shanghai is situated on wetlands and is constantly growing and expanding into the

neighbouring areas. Flooding in Shanghai would not

waterways. The Yangtze River, the third largest river in the world, has been naturally

only affect individual residents in the city but China as

carving its own borders for centuries. For the last decade, it has been fighting against

a whole. With Shanghai a major economic area within

human interventions as the city looks to grow into its historic flood planes, channels

the country and international transport hub, through

and bays.

ports, airports and train network. With vast majorities of the city predicted to be flooded by 2100, this would

Future predictions for climate change are varied and diverse, yet all predict climate

include, the Lujiazui skyline, historic bund area, both

change including global temperature rise, an increase in natural disasters and sea level

airports, Chongming island. Effecting tourism, economic

rise. With varied sea level rise throughout the global other predictions estimate sea

prosperity, agriculture, transport and life for the

level rise in Shanghai will be 18.5 cm in 2050 and 43.3 cm in 2100. This prediction

residents of Shanghai as they know it14.

Water gates Hydrological stations Storm surge barrier

Flood risk

East China Sea

Water flow Shanghai 100

公共基础设施

环境

这项研究大规模地调查了城市内的水的历史，然后重点研究了上海。探索城市的发展方式：利用技术，城市发展，社会结构和政治制度来创建城市今天的水基础设施。此外，访问城市为将来的增长和发展提供了可能性。上海位于湿地上，并且不断成长并扩展到水道中。长江是世界第三大河，数百年来一直在自然地划定自己的边界。在过去的十年中，随着该市希望发展成为历史悠久的洪灾飞机，航道和海湾，它一直在与人类的干预作斗争。未来对气候变化的预测是多种多样的，但是所有预测都将对气候变化进行预测，包括全球温度上升，自然灾害增加和海平面上升。在全球范围内海平面上升各不相同的情况下，其他预测估计上海的海平面上升将在2050年达到18.5厘 Shanghai, 17.5 million people

米，到2100年达到43.3厘米。这一预测结果表明，到2100年，上海将有一半被洪水淹没，而46％的洪水屏障将超过。洪水的风险与当前防洪基础设施的高度直接相关8。如果海平面上升60厘米，将有1800万居民面临上海及其周边地区的洪灾危险。上海的洪水不仅会影响城市中的个人居民，还会影响整个中国。通过港口，机场和火车网络，上海已成为该国和国际运输枢纽的主要经济区。到2100 史悠久的外滩地区，两个机场，崇明岛。影响上海居民的旅游业，经济繁荣，

Osaka, 5.2 million people

Alexandria, 3 million people The Hague, 2.5 million people Miami, 2.7 million people Rio De Janiero, 1.8 million people

农业，交通和生活14。v

Cities ranked by flooding vulnerability 101

Hong Kong, 8.4 million people

年，这座城市的绝大多数地区都将被洪水淹没，其中包括陆家嘴的天际线，历

Public infrastructure

POLLUTION

The cities first water census in 2012 revealed that 53%

3 gorges dam

of water in the Shanghai municipality including lakes,

controls water flow

rivers, canals etc, was below the worst grade of five

Municipality waste

levels and only 3% of surface water was clean enough for fish farms or household drinking water6. Pollution is an global issue and China established quality standards Industry

for pollutants, as annual, daily and hourly averages to

polluting river,

protect public health and the environment.

pollution remains

Due to the size of the Yangtze River it has one of the Shanghai sewage system flows into river

Polluted material

largest amounts of pollutants added to the water.

enters the food

However because of its size its concentration of pollutants are comparable to many other rivers in the world. The Yangtze River has 15 major tributaries which stretch 3700 km from Shanghai; collecting

Pollution in sea when arriving

Salt water

waste, pollution and nutrients as it flows through

in Shanghai

national parks, towns, industrial estates, and finally Shanghai and the East China Sea. The largest sources of pollution comes from mineral fertilisers in agriculture

Fish eat polluted

and residential waste from a growing population,

material Pollution settles on river bed

contaminating ground and surface water. The rivers

and is absorbed

pollution levels are constantly changing throughout its journey depending on the location of the pollutant sources, flow and quantity of pollution disposed in

Pollution entering Shanghai water ways

the river. With pollution such as As, Hg, and Tl often remaining concentrated at the source18. The Chinese government have been making national pledges since 2013 when they pledged $327 billion USD to improve water quality. However after thousands of pig carcasses were dumped in the Yangtze River in 2015 alongside cancer rates in Shanghai growing in the past decade the government pledged another $1.94 billion for water pollutant control.

102

公共基础设施

污染

Populair pedestrianized area Greenery along riverside

2012年的城市第一次水普查显示，上海市的53％的水（包括湖

Populair 源是农业中的矿物肥料和人口增长带来的居民废物，污染了地 pedestrianized

泊，河流，运河等）的水质低于最差的五个水位，只有3％的地

下水和地表水。河流的污染水平在整个旅程中一直在变化，这 riverside Greenery along

area

表水清洁得足以养鱼场或家庭饮用水6 。污染是一个全球性问

取决于污染物源的位置，河流中的污染物流量和污染量。由于

题，中国建立了污染物的质量标准，将其作为年度，每日和每小

As，Hg和Tl等污染，经常在源头保持集中18。

时的平均值，以保护公众健康和环境。自2013年以来，中国政府一直在做出国家承诺，当时中国承诺提

￥

由于长江的大小，它是水中添加量最大的污染物之一。但是，由

供3270亿美元用于改善水质。然而，在2015年将数千头猪尸体

于其大小，其污染物浓度可与世界上许多其他河流媲美。长江有

倾倒在长江中之后，加上过去十年中上海的癌症发病率在不断上

High Value Real Estate 15条主要支流，距上海3700公里。收集流经国家公园，城镇，

升，政府又承诺投入19.4亿美元用于控制水污染物。

Commercial and

工业区，最后是上海和东海的废物，污染和养分。污染的最大来 al ci So

e us

￥ Commercial and High Value Real Estate

Monument of the People’s Heroes Peace Hotel

Oriental Pearl TV Tower

Sewage overflow Water logging Lack of sewage network

Deteriorated water quality

gs in ild Bu

Tranport underwater (Metro, car, pedestrian) River cruises and ferries Freight shipping

Combined sewerage system

Lower risk of flooding by upstream water

The Bund Infrastructure and pollution

Split sewer system Salinization of river Decreasing sediment deposition

103 Water pollution

Shore Erosion

e ur ct ru st ra f In

Public infrastructure

WATER MANAGEMENT

The network of canals and rivers of Shanghai has seen the build up of a large collection of gates and barriers. With large difference in tides, and threats from increasing extreme weather, especially typhoons; the system needs to constantly adapt to the changing water levels. Typical flood barriers in Shanghai consist of large concrete slabs and sea walls. All designed for a given water level, which is not the total visible height of the barrier. When the water gets above that water level, there is a big chance the food barriers is going to break. The future keeps bringing new challenges to the Shanghai drainage and sewage system. The still growing population is an ever pressing factor to the system, as well is water pollution. Climate change is the other big challenge. Causing heavy rains and extreme droughts, the Shanghai Sewage and Drainage system needs more investments in the decades ahead5.

Drainage map Shanghai Combined drainage with separate drainage system Separate drainage system Combined drainage system

上海的运河和河网已经建立了许多闸门和屏障。潮汐差异很大，极端天气特别是台风带来的威胁；系统需要不断适应不断变化的水位。上海的典型防洪屏障包括大型混凝土板和海堤。所有设计都是针对给定的水位，而不是屏障的总可见高度。当水位高于该水位时，食物壁垒很有可能会被打破。未来不断给上海的排污系统带来新的挑战。人口的持续增长是该系统的一个紧迫因素，水污染也是一个紧迫因素。气候变化是另一个重大挑战。由于下大雨和极端干旱，上海的排污系统在未来几十年需要更多的投资5。

104

公共基础设施

水管理 Drainage and sewage system 1980’s Situation

Deteriorated water quality

Water logging

Sewage overflow

Lack of a sewerage network

1987-1995 - 1st Shanghai Sewage Project

Combined sewerage system

Long-distance transmission

Centralized treatment

Three sewerage collection catchments

1992 - First self-financed sewerage companies in China RESIDENTS & BUSINESS

PRIVATE COMPANY

¥ Result

Shanghai Sewerage Company

GOVERMENT

1996-2004– 2th Shanghai Sewage Project

Rehabilitation of existing sewer systems

Implementation of secondary sewer system

Implementation of pre-treatment of sewage

New and better pumping facilities

Extreme increase of population

Heavy rains due to climate change

Extreme drought due to climate change

New effluent pumping facilities

Future challenges

Water pollution

105

Institutional Development and Training

Public infrastructure

PEOPLE AND WATER

The waterfront in Shanghai was mainly used for industrial purposes but as seen from the images, the surrounding areas has been used as a leisure ‘green’ space with walkways2. The evolution of vessels on the Huangpu, from small sized sampan’s and Chinese Junks to large transporter and cruise ships stop along the Huangpu river, impact on the geography of the waterway. The water fronts in Shanghai have been used in a diverse range of ways narrow canals serving as small boat docking where different activities take place such as eating, tourism, resting and socialising. Whilst in surrounding water villages the houses are set on pilots directly on the water. Today the bund, on the Hunagpu river provides a social space for people to enjoy the river. During the day, allows for an open space away from the roads, high rise, and narrow streets of the Shikumen district. During the night, it is also a popular attraction to witness the night scape and the particular ‚atmosphere‘ created from the dazzling light show and reflection on the water from the financial district. Images: Water infrastructure through time First: Historic narrow canals with small boat docking Second: Traditional houses on pillotes, walkways on inner streets Third: 21st Centuary Post Expo Park Forth: 21st Centuary The Bund

106

公共基础设施

人与水

上海的滨水区主要用于工业用途，但从图像中可以看出，周围区域已被用作带走道的休闲“绿色”空间2。黄浦江上船只的演变，从小型船和中国垃圾到大型运输船和游轮，都沿黄浦江停泊，这对水路的地理产生了影响。上海的滨水区以多种方式被用作狭窄的运河，作为小船停靠的码头，在这里进行各种活动，例如饮食，旅游，休息和社交。在周围的水乡中，房屋直接安置在飞行员身上。如今，在沿那普河上的外滩为人们提供了享受河流的社交空间。白天，为石库门地区的道路，高层建筑和狭窄的街道提供一个开放的空间。在夜间，目睹夜景和令人眼花light 乱的灯光秀以及金融区的水面反射所形成的特殊“气氛”，也是一个受欢迎的景点。

107

Development of the Bund Image order:1921, 1930, 1945, 2008, 2013 (Henriot, 2019)

Public infrastructure

SOCIAL USE

As Shanghai became more industrial, vessels grew and required more space as well as larger docking areas. From the archived images this seemed to have created more organised and controlled spaces with gated areas. Eventually limiting the freedom to access the water. At the time where industries began to spread out of the centre, and the planning for the 2010 World Expo, the waterfront completely changed purpose. They were seen as a fruitful opportunity to create a symbol of the city, the plan was to activate it and make it a more social and sustainable place, creating more accessibility for cycling, walking, and overall, a more aesthetically landscape through greening.

108

公共基础设施

社会用途

随着上海工业化程度的提高，船只不断增长，需要更多的空间以及更大的停靠区域。从存档的图像来看，这似乎创造了具有门控区域的更有条理和受控的空间2。最终限制了取水的自由。在各行各业开始向中心扩散3以及2010年世博会的规划之时，滨水区完全改变了目的4。他们被认为是创造城市象征的良机，其计划是激活城市并使之成为一个更具社会性和可持续性的地方，从而为骑自行车，步行以及通过绿化创造总体上更美观的景观提供更多便利。

Images: Expo (TU Delft student, 2019) Fuxing ferry terminal (TU Delft student, 2019) 109

PUBLIC SPACE

公共场所

Right People’s Park (Gyenes, 2017) Public Space Mapping Green space Forest Heathland Water Commercial Cultural

Public infrastructure

CHANGES IN PUBLIC SPACE

With the revolution in 1949 came a new vision on housing and public space. The urban planning after 1949 was based on the construction of wider roads, open spaces and creating large public squares in the old city centre. This was a new form of public space that didn’t exist in China at that time, and was meant to house scripted mass demonstrations and government exposure. The architecture of this time is dominated by soviet influence within public monuments and large squares. The residential buildings were also based on the Soviet principle: large building blocks with green spaces in-between, and wide roads to make them accessible. Gardens and city parks became public domain and accessible for everybody. After the death of Mao the city of Shanghai developed real quick. The port was allowed to trade with other countries again and lots of development projects started to make the city internationally stronger. In this period the buildings in the city became higher and bigger. Former neighbourhoods were demolished and replaced by one single building filling up the whole building block. With this new kind of architecture the streets in Shanghai were getting more anonymous. The street was not a meeting place anymore, but just a place for cars to drive. (Top) The British had made private recreation grounds in 1934 (Bottom,Arkaraprasertkul, 2018) (Bottom) Peopls Square (visitourchina, 2020)

116

公共基础设施

公共空间的变化造

1949年的革命带来了关于住房和公共空间的新视野。 1949年后的城市规划以修建宽阔的道路，开放的空间并在旧城区创建大型公共广场为基础。这是当时中国尚不存在的一种新型公共空间，旨在容纳脚本化的大规模示威游行和政府的宣传。这段时期的建筑在公共古迹和大型广场中受到苏联影响。住宅建筑也基于苏联的原则：大型建筑块之间有绿色空间，宽阔的道路使之易于使用。花园和城市公园已成为公共领域，每个人都可以使用。毛死后，上海迅速发展起来。该港口被允许再次与其他国家进行贸易，许多开发项目开始使这座城市在国际上更加强大。在此期间，城市中的建筑物越来越高。以前的社区被拆毁，取而代之的是一栋填满整个建筑块的单一建筑物。有了这种新型建筑，上海的街道变得越来越匿名。这条街不再是聚会的地方，而只是开车的地方。

Recreational swimming pool as part of an American concession, Columbia circus, 1930. The pool was later disused and converted into a water feature in a commercial complex 2018 (Top Historic Shanghai, 1943) (Bottom, Smart Shanghai, 2018)

117

Public infrastructure

PUBLIC SQUARES

Western public spaces and more specific the square are generally believed to originate from the greek agora. The agora was a marketplace for local merchants and a place for political gathering. Pre modern China lacks the equivalent of a greek agora, although a similar function was hosted by shrines and temples. These places were not only spaces for religious activities, but also for social gatherings and other activities. Squares in shanghai are mostly huge vast spaces, set up in a symmetrical way. Next to the squares you can find governmental institutes and museums. These square function more as a dramatic background for these buildings, then as a space made for people. They host some activities such as walking and strolling, or taking pictures of one of the monuments on the square. But they don’t host that many static activities, caused by the lack of pedestrian friendly furniture such as benches and shading elements. Separated from the urban fabric. neither integrated within the city or the urban life of the shanghainese.

Peopls Square (Baker, 2020) 118

公共基础设施

公开广场

西方的公共空间，尤其是广场，通常被认为起源于希腊集市。 agora是当地商人的集市和政治聚会的地方。 5尽管近代神社和庙宇具有类似的功能，但近代前的中国并没有希腊式的古玩。这些地方不仅是宗教活动的场所，还是社交聚会和其他活动的场所。上海的广场大都是以对称的方式设置的巨大广阔空间。在广场旁边，您可以找到政府机构和博物馆。这些广场的功能更多是作为这些建筑物的引人注目的背景，然后是为人们打造的空间。他们举办一些活动，如散步和散步，或为广场上的古迹之一拍照。但是，由于没有适合行人通行的家具（例如长凳和遮阳元素），因此它们没有进行太多静态活动。与城市结构分开。既不融入上海或上海的城市生活。 Square analysis Top: Century Square, Shanghai Middle: Peoples square, Shanghai Bottom, functions

GOVERNMENTAL INSTITUTE DISCONNECTED FROM SURROUNDINGS

119

Public infrastructure

PUBLIC PARKS

The public life is deeply rooted in the Shanghainese culture, a culture of entertainment, food and consuming. Most of it happens in the public or semipublic spaces of the city, the spaces where people can meet. Private space is comparatively small, so people are willing to go outside for their social activities. The city parks have an important role fulfilling the needs of social space. Most of the parks are fenced, walled and guarded, they are not as accessible as European parks and therefor also not well embedded in the city fabric. The parks function almost always as a destination, people go there with purpose; to leisure, meet, or spent time with relatives. Mostly elderly are present in the parks, from early in the morning until late in the afternoon. They do all kind of activities as dancing, Thai Chi, making music or different type of games like mahjong. Yu Garden (Tieman, 2020)

Park and social functions 120

公共基础设施

公共公园

公众生活深深植根于上海文化，一种娱乐，饮食和消费文化。大部分发生在城市的公共或半公共场所，人们可以在那里见面。私人空间相对较小，因此人们愿意出门参加社交活动。城市公园在满足社会空间需求方面发挥着重要作用。大多数公园都是用围栏，围墙和看守的，它们不如欧洲公园那样容易到达，因此也没有很好地嵌入城市结构中。公园几乎总是作为目的地，人们有目的地去那里。与亲戚休闲，见面或共度时光。从清晨到下午深夜，公园里大多数都是老人。他们从事各种各样的活动，例如跳舞，泰国志，做音乐或打麻将等其他类型的游戏。

Ming Zhu Gong Yuan (Tu Delft Studen, 2020) 121

Public infrastructure

1 2 7

8 Infrastructure and public space has improved dramatically throughout China in the last century. Through analysing parks in Shanghai we can understand the changes from social, environmental and public

infrastructure aspects. Huangpu Park (1) was the first public park in China, opened in 1889, however due9to the concessions only westerners could enter the park

until 1928, when it became open to Chinese people. Through time Shanghai has rejected separation of cultures and fused both Chinese and western styles. Modern parks such as Mengqing Park (5) combine western and Chinese styles to create the classic Shanghai fusion. The municipalities are using parks such as Mengqing Park to promote environmental initiatives through incorporating pollution control within the parks landscape. The Expo park (10) is located at the Huanpu riverfront,

the land has had a lot of transitions: from wetland, to farmland, to heavy industry and the site of the post-

industrial rebirth of the city. In 2017 it is transformed again, into the EXPO Cultural Park. The Expo is widely recognised in the city as a huge success

Parks in Shanghai Green Space Parks researched 122

公共基础设施

上个世纪，整个中国的基础设施和公共空间得到了极大的改善。通过分析上海的公园，我们可以了解社会，环境和公共基础设施方面的变化。黄埔公园（1）是中国第一个公共公园，于1889年开放，但是由于特许经营权，只有西方人才能进入公园，直到1928年它才向中国人民开放。随着时间的流逝，上海已经拒绝了文化分离，并融合了中西两种风格。蒙清公园（5）等现代公园结合了中西两种风格，创造出经典的上海融合。市政当局正在利用诸如孟庆公园之类的公园，通过将污染控制纳入公园景观来促进环保措施。

5. Suzhouhe Mengqing Park (TU Delft Student 2019)

世博园（10）位于the浦河沿岸，土地经历了许多转变：从湿地，农田，重工业到城市的工业化后重生。在2017年，它再次转型为世博文化公园。世博会在城市中被公认为是巨大的成功

10. Expo Park (TU Delft Student 2019)

7. Yuyuan Garden (Tieman, 2020) 123

Public infrastructure

SHANGHAI STREETSCAPE

One of the most recognisable shifts in public space use can be seen

In Shanghai for example, the negative consequences of mass car

in the decline of traditional uses (dedicated recreation or social trips

transit; long commute times, noise pollution, air pollution, lifestyle

after work and at weekends) to the park. Younger generations,

generated diseases challenge the daily livability, sustainability and life

instead, incorporate recreation into their daily routines, through a

quality of citizens. In the long run such consequences will inevitably

more fragmented leisure time schedule. As a result, the street as an

degrade the economic development of Shanghai as its ability to attract

all-encompassing public space and interface between work and leisure,

and retain human capital will decline. This paradox was the catalyst for

functionality and recreation, economic catalyst and social hub has

a change in the approach to roads, and that’s where Gehl was asked

emerged.

to help out.

Current street environment The rapid economic growth, has dictated an aggressive urban development policy across China. This policy has meant that streets have been planned as roads; a one-dimensional infrastructure element to transport as many people as possible in and out of urban economic centers. Planners have prioritised peak flow as a measure of success, improving road capacity to incredible numbers.

Shanghai | Triple Lane, ID 17

Vegetation: Tree Canopy

Saftey measures Street llighting: Yes Speed seperation: Yes Easy crossing: No

Visible social programs: Yes

CCTV: Yes High maintenance: No Mobility Car lanes: 3 Pedestrian lanes: 2 Cycle lanes: 0

Street furniture: No Visible social programs: No Pronounced ground level plinth: Yes

Surface material variation: low Shanghai streetscape:Three vehicle lanes COMPLEX PROJECTS : IN CITIES

Streets of Shanghai

124

nes: 8 trial :2 0 es n0 light yes yes es prog no nth yes

ross 0 mat 0 mat 0

公共基础设施

上海街景

公共空间使用最明显的变化之一就是传统用途（下班后和周末专

以上海为例，公共交通的负面影响；通勤时间长，噪音污染，

用的休闲或社交旅行）向公园的减少。相反，年轻一代则通过更

空气污染，生活方式引起的疾病挑战着公民的日常生活，可持

加零散的休闲时间安排将娱乐纳入他们的日常工作。结果，这条

续性和生活质量。从长远来看，由于其吸引和保留人力资本的

街道成为了无处不在的公共空间，成为了工作与休闲，功能与休

能力将下降，这种后果将不可避免地使上海的经济发展恶化。

闲，经济催化剂和社会枢纽之间的交汇处。

这种悖论是改变道路方式的催化剂，而这正是Gehl被要求提供帮助的地方。

当前的街道环境经济的快速增长决定了在中国采取积极的城市发展政策。这项政策意味着街道已被规划为道路；一维基础架构元素，可将尽可能多的人运送进出城市经济中心。规划人员将高峰流量作为衡量成功与否的优先级，将道路通行能力提高到惊人的数量。

Shanghai | 8-Carrier, ID 3

Saftey measures

Vegetation: Tree Canopy and

Street llighting: Yes

low greenery

Speed seperation: Yes Visible social programs: No

Easy crossing: No CCTV: Yes High maintenance: No

Mobility Car lanes: 6 Pedestrian lanes: 2 Cycle lanes: 0

Street furniture: No

Surface material

Visible social programs: No

variation: low

Pronounced ground level plinth: Yes

Shanghai streetscape: Eight vehicle lanes COMPLEX PROJECTS : IN CITIES

Streets of Shanghai

125

Public infrastructure

STREET DESIGN GUIDELINES

The ‘Street Design Guidelines’ are based on the simple and all-

sidewalk and all child or public facilities in the city, and most parts of it

encompassing principle that the street is public space. It refers to the

are lined with various buildings on both sides.

streetscape as both a concept (the way we think and approach the planning of streets) and a design (the way we choose and prioritise

With respect to the concept, roads focus on transport function and

physical design elements against their functionality).

can be divided into several grades by their traffic function, while streets pay more attention to spatial interface enclosure, various

The road is a kind of infrastructure for various vehicles and

functions and activities, and catering to non-motorized travel. Streets

pedestrians to travel on. Urban road refers to the road used by traffic,

can be divided into different types based on functions or building at

transportation and pedestrians in cities. The street is a road with

both sides and street activities.

Shanghai Street Design Guidelines 126

公共基础设施

街道设计准则

“街道设计指南”基于简单而又无所不包的原则，即街道是公共空间。它把街景既指概念（我们思考和处理街道规划的方式）又指设计（我们根据物理



功能选择功能并对其进行优先排序的方式）。道路是各种车辆和行人行驶的基础设施。城市道路是指城市交通，运输和行人使用的道路。这条街是



一条带人行道的道路，城市中的所有儿童或公共设

Dgn

施，其中大部分地区两旁都是各种建筑物。在概念 

上，道路侧重于交通功能，可根据交通功能分为几级，而街道则更注重空间界面的封闭性，各种功能和活动，并适合非机动出行。根据功能或两侧的建





Mixed function neighbourhoods

筑物以及街道活动，街道可分为不同类型

Human scale

Rich visual experience 127



LOGISTICAL SYSTEMS

物流系统

Logistical system Wu Jiao Chang Left: Recycling (TU Delft student, 2019)

Public infrastructure

COMMERCE

To understand the importance of commerce in Shanghai, it needs to be investigated both historically as well as globally. As of now, the function of commerce has become an omnipresent typology, always surrounding us at any time, location, event. We face shops in our streets, museums, universities and even hospitals. If the 21st century has one global typology, spread throughout the world with highly similar phenotypical articulations, it is the typology of commerce. As the manifestation of global Capitalism and Consumerism, commerce, and it’s most immediate function, retail, have become a major factor in almost any economic system around the world. Globally, we generate 28.1 Trillion USD of revenue in direct retail, almost twice the domestic GDP of the largest economy in the world, the United States of America. In the year 2017, the median global growth of the retail sector was estimated at about 3.4% compared to the previous year, a number expected to be the average growth of this sector for the coming years.

Bund Finance Centre (TU Delft student, 2019)

97%

United Kingdom

16%

94%

United States

22%

46%

84%

Japan

54%

Brazil

Retail types in reference to national retail revenue, 20154 Organized Retail (Shopping Centres, Online Shopping) Traditional Retail 130

78%

China

公共基础设施

商业

要了解上海商业的重要性，需要在历史上以及全球范围内对其进行研究。截至目前，商务功能已成为无所不在的类型，始终在任何时间，地点，事件中都围绕着我们。我们面对街道，博物馆，大学甚至医院的商店。如果说二十一世纪有一种全球性的类型学，以高度相似的表型表达在世界范围内传播，那它就是商业的类型学。作为全球资本主义和消费主义的体现，商业及其最直接的功能是零售，已成为全球几乎所有经济体系中的主要因素。在全球范围内，我们的直接零售收入达28.1万亿美元，几乎是世界上最大经济体美国的国内生产总值的两倍。 2017年，全球零售业的中位数增长率估计为约3.4％，较上一年有所增长，这一数字有望成为未来几年该行业的平均增长率。

Global Retail Footprint, 20013

131

Total Retail Area: 2.000.000.000 sm

100%

United States: 770.000.000 sm

34%

Asia: 740.000.000 sm

33%

Europe: 180.000.000 sm

Latin America: 150.000.000 sm

Africa: 37.000.000 sm

1.3%

Public infrastructure

TIMELINE OF COMMERCE

Reappearance stores Online shopping Experience shopping Infrastructure shopping Store- in-store City mall Big-box stores Supermarket Outlet store Suburban mall Department store Galleria Arcade Exchange/Stock exchange Shop/chain store Agora/Market space/Bazaar

0000

1200

1500

1600

1700

1800

1850

Timeline of commerce by typology Centralized Type Outdoor Type Indoor Type Integrated Typologies 132

1900

1920

1940

1960

1980

2000

2010

Timeline of technology used in commerce

Spatial Development System Development Service Development

133 Virtual Shops, 2010s

Shopping Apps, 2000s Digital Wallet, 2000s

Amazon, 1994

Internet, 1990s

ATM, 1970 Optical Scanner, 1975 Surveillance Systems, 1980

Computer, 1960

Credit Card, 1950

Revolving Door, 1935

Shopping Cart, 1920s

Air Conditioning, 1919

Escalator, 1892

Elevator, 1869 Electric Light, 1870

Mail Ordering, 1860s

Sprinkler System, 1800

Skylight, 1760

Kiosk, 1800s

Credit, 17th century Calculator, 1642 Magazine Advertisement, 1800

公共基础设施

时间线

Civil Development Military Development

134

Drone Delivery, 2014

“Lights-out-warehouse”, 2001

Integrated Logistics Support, 1991

Logistic Center, 1971 “Just-in-time”-delivery, 1970s

“Business Logistics”, 1960s

World War II, 1939 Cool Chain, 1940s Berlin Airlift, 1948q Containerization, 1950s

Highway, 1925

Cargo Flight, 1910 World War I, 1914

Truck, 1890s

Mass Production, 1850s

Napoleonic Wars, 1805 Railroads, 19th century

Magazine, 18th Century

Pedestrian Street, 1666

Dutch East Company, 1602

Medieval Warehouse, 5th century

Roman Legion, 300BC Horrea Galbae, 100BC

Public infrastructure

ANALYSIS OF CHINESE LOGISTIC SYSTEMS

公共基础设施

中国物流系统分析

The world of retail is about to be disrupted

在未来十年内，零售业将受到前所未有的破坏。我们不仅在开发新的工具，

unprecedentedly within the next decade. Not only

将获取商品的方式从单纯的消费方式转变为基于经验和虚拟环境的文化，还

are we developing new tools shifting the way we

提高了我们在全球环境中便捷购物的技术能力。通过最大程度地减少加工，

acquire goods from mere consume to a culture based

物流和最终在世界任何地方的交货的延迟，我们正在促进全球贸易和交换。

on experience and virtual environments, we also advance in our technological capabilities of shopping

中国特别容易出现新技术的发展-经济高速增长，历史范式的转变以及在最

conveniently in a global environment. By minimising

短时间内适应变化的能力无与伦比的国家。在中国，我们正经历着非常有可

delays in processing, logistics and ultimately delivering

能成为全球购物文化的未来的时代，其商业基础设施正在大大扩展，并且激

goods at any point in the world, we are fostering global

励着创新，重新思考和发展我们所知的零售建筑类型，而与此相距甚远达到

trade and exchange.

了这一市场潜力的极限。

China is especially prone to new technological developments - a country with a tremendous speed of economic growth, shift in historic paradigms and incomparable capabilities of adaption to change within a minimal amount of time. In China, we are currently experiencing what can very well become the future of the global culture of shopping, with a vastly expanding commercial infrastructure and the incentive to innovate, rethink and evolve the architectural typology of retail as we know it, whilst being far from having reached the

LAST-MILE-DELIVERY

limit of this markets potential.

DOMESTIC PRODUCTION TIER 2 - LOGISTIC CENTER SECONDARY LOGISTICAL REGIONS/CITIES HARBOR TIER 3 - logistic center Rural distribution/Local city

AIRPORT B2B-Chain

TIER 1 - LOGISTIC CENTER

Small Scale Businesses

Primary logistical regions/cities

B2B-Chain Large/Medium Scale

135

Public infrastructure

DELIVERING CHINA IN THE 21ST CENTUARY

在交付中国21世纪

Besides the storage facilities, an essential part of logistics lies within

除了仓储设施，物流的重要部分还在于货物的交付。同样，在过

the delivery of goods. Also here China has seen a high degree of

去的几年中，中国在这里看到了高度的创新，但是交付系统与世

innovation within the last years, but the system of delivery is not highly

界其他市场没有高度差异。如在五角场地区所举例说明的，主要

differentiated from other markets around the world. As exemplified

的分销类别是大规模交付和更长距离，几乎完全是在企业对企业

in the area of Wujiaochang, the main distribution classifications are

的情况下。同样，中等规模的交付通常是B2B，无论是短距离还

large scale deliveries and longer distances, almost exclusively in a

是中距离。在企业对企业和企业对客户的背景下，大量用于短途

Business-to-Business- context. Also medium size deliveries are

交付的自行车和轻便摩托车在中国和其他新兴市场中尤为明显。

usually B2B, whether they are short or medium range distances.

许多运输公司都将重点放在这个高度分散的市场领域，因为由于

Particularity in the Chinese, and in other emerging markets, can be

在线零售的增加，该市场在未来具有强大的潜力，因此对B2C交

found in the high amount of bikes and mopeds used for short distance

付服务的需求特别高

deliveries of all kinds, both in Business-to-Business and Business-toCustomer context. Many transportation companies focus on this highly decentralized market segment, as it has strong potential for the future due to increasing online retailing, resulting in a high demand especially for B2C-delivery services.

105M sm Los Angeles

44M sm China

Chinese logistic property market, 201711,12,13 136

公共基础设施

Logistical system Wujiaochang L001: Truck Volume L002: Cargo Vehicle Volume L003: Cargo Vehicle Volume L004: Bike Transport Volume L005: Bike Transport Volume

District/Region Radius District/Region Radius Subdistrict/Neighborhood Distance Subdistrict/Neighborhood Distance Subdistrict/Neighborhood Distance

B2B B2B B2B B2B B2C

137

Delivery Points, L001 Delivery Points, L002 Delivery Points, L003 Delivery Points, L004 Delivery Points, L005

REFLECTION

Rapid infrastructure growth within the last 10 years has facilitated logistical and commercial needs within large essential infrastructure projects. Building upon strong poly centric network in the city, municipalities have created dynamic nodes in the city to respond to social, physical and environmental needs. The waterfront development post-expo is a clear example of the work done by the city to regenerate industrial land, combining tertiary industries, public space and environmental infrastructure.

反思

在过去的10年中，基础设施的快速增长促进了大型基本基础设施项目中的物流和商业需求。在城市强大的多中心网络的基础上，市政当局在城市中创建了动态节点，以响应社会，自然和环境需求。世博会后的滨水区开发是该市为结合第三产业，公共场所和环境基础设施而进行的工业用地再生工作的一个明显例子。

URBAN VOIDS

The project studies open spaces within the city which appear as a consequence or an after-thought of transport infrastructure. In a city as rich in traffic networks as Shanghai, these spaces occur frequently and permeate the dense uban fabric. They remain unutilized, often unrecognized expanses of residual space. Undervalued and outside of the realm of traditional land-use, these spaces constitute an opportunity for improving the connectivity of public spaces in Shanghai. Shanghai is a city of fragmented public spaces. While these spaces are plentiful, they are divided from one another, frequently by infrastructural obstacles in the form of wide roads and highways. This disjunction is particularly striking in the historic city center, where the most important landmarks of the city are only 25 minutes apart on foot and yet feel totally detached from one another. As the recommended route lines some of the largest roads of the city, the Urban Voids this infrastructure generates offer an opportunity to create a pedestrian promenade and a network of active public spaces. By Michalina Wawro AND Mariona Maeso

140

BELOW

IN PLAN

OCCUPYING

CURB

PORCH

JOINT

EATING

VOID TYPE ABOVE

STALL

HALL

PERIMETER

ACTIVITY

城市空虚

间经常被宽阔的道路和高速公路形式的基础设施障碍彼此分隔。

EXERCISING

该项目研究了城市内部的空地，这些空地是交通基础设施的结果 RUNWAY 或经过深思熟虑后得出的。在上海这样一个交通网络发达的城

STRIP 这种分离在历史悠久的市中心尤为明显，那里最重要的地标城市

INSTALLATION

市，这些空间经常出现并渗透到密集的城市结构中。它们仍然未

距离酒店仅25分钟步行路程，但彼此之间却完全分离。由于建

被利用，常常未被识别为剩余空间。这些空间被低估且不在传

议的路线沿着城市的一些最大道路行进，因此该基础设施产生的

统土地使用领域之内，为改善上海公共空间的连通性提供了机

城市空洞提供了创建人行长廊和活跃的公共空间网络的机会。

会。上海是一个零散的公共空间城市。虽然这些空间足够多，但它们之

141

STREETS OF SHANGHAI

N CITIES

ghai

The aim of the project has been to research the streets of Shanghai, in a central location, to explore the spatial qualities for non-motorized users. A crucial question was also how the large city growth and increased use of motor transportation had impacted the street quality for pedestrians. The research method and urban analysis of street data collection was altered three times before it reached its current form. Surveying the city we collected 45 datapoints, with each datapoint consisting of 15 variables with information relating

COMPLEX PROJECTS : IN CITIES

Streets of Shanghai

to general spatial qualities. These include information on topics such as vegetation, safety, car/bike/pedestrian space allocation ratios, plinth program and mobility measures. Motorized traffic was predominantly given spatial priority, but overall the findings often point to considerate street design. This included a large registration of street elements that are linked to increased pedestrian well-being. The findings also raise questions on the topic of street furniture, plinth design and the role of the cyclists in the busy megacity. An important an immediate finding when analyzing the streets was the difficulty of adequately capturing the qualities of the pedestrian experience. The complex Shanghai | Research Map

physical layers were clearly incomplete without the added understanding offered by the non-physical layers of the street and the city. Solving the big challenges of the future clearly requires a deep understanding of the street and it’s both immediate and connecting environment. Therefore, a new question arose on the topic of information Alleys

structuring. In a time of age where we experience overflow of information; what tools Pedestrian Streets does the urban designer have to effectively structure and understand the landscape Neighbourhood Streets of information? How does the architect, the planner, developer, and the urban Regular Streets designer, navigate and utilize the available opportunity provided by our data- and

information driven time? By André Mowinckel Nilsen & Rolf Oosterhuis

OJECTS : IN CITIES

f Shanghai

144

上海的街道 Challenge | Handeling the Complexity Challenge | Handeling the Complexity

Planners Urbanists Architects Developers Initiators

Street Design

Physical Layers

Non Physical Layers

Organizing Complexity Highlight Possibilities Supporting Decisions

COMPLEX PROJECTS : IN CITIES

Streets of Shanghai

该项目的目的是研究中心位置的上海街道，以探索非机动用户的

了人们对以下问题的质疑：街道家具，底座设计以及繁忙都市中

空间品质。一个关键的问题是，大城市的发展和机动车运输的使

骑自行车者的角色。

用如何影响行人的街道质量。在分析街道时，一个重要的立即发现就是难以充分捕捉行人体验街道数据收集的研究方法和城市分析在达到当前形式之前已进行

的品质。如果没有街道和城市的非物理层提供的更多理解，复杂

了三次更改。在对城市的调查中，我们收集了45个数据点，每个

的物理层显然是不完整的。要解决未来的巨大挑战，显然需要对

数据点包含15个变量，并提供有关一般空间质量的信息。这些

街道有深刻的了解，它既是直接的环境，也是连通的环境。因

信息包括有关主题的信息，例如植被，安全性，汽车/自行车/行

此，关于信息结构的话题提出了一个新的问题。在我们经历信息

人空间分配比率，基座计划和机动性措施。机动交通主要是在空

泛滥的时代；城市设计师必须使用哪些工具来有效地构造和理解

间上优先考虑的，但总体而言，调查结果通常指向体贴的街道设

信息格局？建筑师，规划师，开发商和城市设计师如何导航和利

计。其中包括大量与行人福祉相关的街道元素。调查结果还引发

用由数据和信息驱动的时间提供的可用机会？

145

The layer-map application on this site meant as a superficial but

of information layers may provide us with the insight needed for

sincere starting point for further discussions into the topic of

solving the future of healthy urban space. Through structuring and

urban development, particularly in megacities. Furthermore, the

understanding our available sources, we can take the full advantage of

project wishes to underline the need for collecting, organizing and

our current overflow of data and information.

applying considerate structure to the vast information available to city designers. The deep convergence between vast networks

146

Shanghai | Streetscape Beta

该站点上的图层地图应用程序是进一步讨论城市发展主题（尤其是特大城市）的肤浅但真诚的起点。此外，该项目希望强调需要收集，组织和应用体贴的结构来为城市设计师提供大量信息。庞大的信息层网络之间的深度融合可能为我们提供解决健康城市空间的未来所需的见识。通过结构化和理解我们的可用资源，我们可以充分利用当前数据和信息的溢出。

COMPLEX PROJECTS : IN CITIES

Streets of Shanghai

www.m89.no/streetscape.html Challenge | Handeling the Complexity

COMPLEX PROJECTS : IN CITIES

Streets of Shanghai 147

DELIVERING THE FUTURE

Delivering the Future investigates the potential of drone delivery

At first, the particularity of the Shanghai logistics system is analysed,

for central Shanghai. As both the Chinese consumer-class and the

with a focus on the so-called“Last-mile delivery” and the Business-

trend towards online retailing are growing rapidly, new approaches

to-Consumer (B2C) segment, making up the largest share of logistics

towards logistics are necessary in order not to overload urban

transportations in the city. Within this segment, individualized drone

infrastructure. The project assesses the technical demands and

delivery could potentially replace most street-based deliveries. Based

physical infrastructural elements required in order to cover the centre

on the technical specifications of current drone models,and population

of Shanghai with a scalable network for drone delivery.

density, an optimized network covering the centre of Shanghai is calculated. The network is based on a hexagonal cells, as this provides the most efficient segmentation of airspace, with a logistical drone port in the centre of each cell. By Thomas Krall

《交付未来》调查了上海市中心无人机交付的潜力。随着中国消费者阶层和在线零售趋势的迅速增长，为了不使城市基础设施超载，必须采用新的物流方法。该项目评估了技术需求和所需的物理基础设施要素，以通过可扩展的无人机交付网络覆盖上海中心。首先，分析了上海物流系统的特殊性，重点是所谓的“最后一英里交货”和“企业对消费者”（B2C）细分市场，它们构成了上海物流运输的最大份额。在这一细分市场中，个性化的无人机交付有可能取代大多数基于街道的交付。根据当前无人机型号的技术规格和人口密度，计算出覆盖上海中心的优化网络。该网络基于六角形单元，因为它提供了最有效的空域分割，每个单元的中央都有一个后勤无人机端口。

152

4.00m

3.00m

3.50m

3.30m

6.00m

8.60m

153 46.00m

22.00m

创造未来

44.00m

R22.00m

Two different aspects of the physical infrastructure required were

observation platform. Parcels arrive in the basement via truck delivery,

further studied - the decentralized elements required to receive

and are being distributed over

parcels from the drones, and one of the main drone ports needed

elevators and robotic sorting machines to their designated docking

for distribution, drone storage and maintenance facilities. The

station. To complete the design, a park covering the underground

decentralized infrastructural elements have been designed for a variety

facilities provides the neighbourhood with green and public space.

of spatial situations which can be found in the city - ranging from open public space, to different densities of residential areas, to high-rise and super-tall typologies. Besides that, the drone port located in the Hongkou-district is being designed on a conceptual level. The design is based the logistical requirements of its delivery cell, amounting to 400 drone docking stations with an estimated parcel output of 60.000 units/ day. To reduce noise pollution and landing time, the docking stations are located in 150m height, together with maintenance facilities and an

154

进一步研究了所需的物理基础设施的两个不同方面-从无人机接收包裹所需的分散元素，以及分发，无人机存储和维护设施所需的主要无人机端口之一。分散式基础设施已针对城市中的各种空间情况进行了设计-从开放的公共空间到不同密度的居住区，再到高层和超高层类型。除此之外，虹口区的无人机端口正在概念设计上。该设计基于交付单元的后勤需求，总共有400个无人机对接站，估计包裹日产量为60.000个/天。为了减少噪音污染和降落时间，扩展坞位于150m的高度，并配有维护设施和观察平台。包裹通过卡车运送到达地下室，并在电梯和自动分拣机到其指定的停靠站。为了完成设计，覆盖地下设施的公园为社区提供了绿色和公共空间。

60.000 PARCELS/DAY PROCESSED 400 DRONE LANDING PLATFORMS MINIMIZE TRAVEL/LANDING TIME MINIMIZE NOISE POLLUTION

750 Drones

INTEGRATION IN URBAN SETTING

155

D E L IV E R IN G T HE F UT UR E T HO M A S S . KRA L L

It you’ll doesn’t you cattle itself can’t. Rule. Fly all have bearing, saw.

你不会，你牛本身不会。规则。飞都带轴承，锯。感动的人黑

Moved man. Darkness, fly. Behold without she’d together earth.

暗，飞翔。看不到她在一起。开始。每一个都要开始一个深处的

Beginning. Have to beginning deep a above creature every. Have male

生物。让男性深刻我们的精神。种子到每个不是被称为。搜集。

deep our spirit. Seed to every isn’t were had called be. Gathering.

第六生命在空中深层丰富的统治之后补充了第四光后。

Sixth life replenish unto gathering fourth light after deep abundantly dominion form i air wherein after.

156

157

Public infrastructure

INFRASTRUCTURE GROWTH

基础设施增长

In the mappings below the growth of Shanghai’s urban area, derived

在下面的地图中，将根据左侧图像绘制的上海市市区的增长与主

from the image set on the left, is compared to the growth of the

要基础设施（即地铁网络以及高架的公路和环路）的增长进行了

major infrastructure i.e. the metro network and the elevated highways

比较。很明显，这种基础设施的实现与城市的发展密切相关，并

and ring roads. It is apparent how the realisation of this infrastructure

且这个过程是如何计划的。

is closely related to the city growth and how this process was very much planned.

Right: Nanpu bridge flyover (Urban Splatter, 2013) 160

公共基础设施

1984

1989

1994

SCALE 1:400.000 5KM

10KM

SCALE 1:400.000

50KM

5KM

1999

10KM

2004

10KM

5KM

10KM

50KM

Urban infrastructure growth 1984 - 2018 Highway Metro SCALE 1:400.000 50KM

161

SCALE 1:400.000 5KM

50KM

SCALE 1:400.000 5KM

10KM

2018

2016

10KM

SCALE 1:400.000

50KM

2014

5KM

SCALE 1:400.000 5KM

2009

SCALE 1:400.000 5KM

50KM

10KM

50KM

Public infrastructure

CURRENT INFRASTRUCTURE

Currently the infrastructure of Shanghai consists of four

15m

major systems or entities. In the graph we can see how the usage of the network grew, almost exponentially, 10m

opposed to the numbers of highway traffic. The reason for this is that most of Shanghais road are at their maximum capacity, this is especially true for secondary

roads. Therefore the city council aims for reducing car ownership and instead facilitates the metro as an alternative. Since the street level is the most congested,

0 2000

2005

2010

the metro network is added as a layer to the city. Adding these layers tackles congestion, but at the

2015

Growth of transport infrastructure

interface of the layers there is friction. Since the metro

Public rail

operates at a different scale it is not suitable for short

Highway

trips furthermore the metro stations are not accessible

Water

from all of the city areas. They are especially hard to reach because of the same street level congestion.

Public rail and metro

Highway

Ports 162

公共基础设施

当前的基础设施

目前，上海的基础设施包括四个主要系统或实体。在该图中，我们可以看到网络的使用率几乎成指数增长，与公路交通的数量成反比。原因是上海的大部分道路都已达到最大容量，尤其是次要道路。因此，市议会的目标是减少汽车拥有量，而以地铁为替代方案。由于街道最拥挤，因此将地铁网络作为城市的一层添加。添加这些图层可解决拥塞问题，但在图层的界面处会产生摩擦。由于地铁的运行规模不同，因此不适合短途旅行，而且并非所有城市地区都可以到达地

0.5 h

铁站。由于相同的街道拥堵，他们尤其难以到达。

1.0 h 1.5 h

2.0 h

2.5 h

Commuter times in Shanghai

163

NODES IN THE MEGA-CITY 中的節點大城市

CONTENTS

内容

RESEARCH

研究

xx Introduction

xx 介绍

xx Demography and behavoir

xx 城市成长

xx Commercial space as public space

xx 人口统计学和行为

xx Verticality

xx 商业空间作为公共空间 xx 垂直度

DESIGN

Left: Yu Garden (TU Delft, student)

设计

xx Future Form

xx 未来形式

xx ExPost Facto

xx 事后

xx Mall = More

xx 购物中心=更多

INTRODUCTION

Nodes in the mega-city are found at intersections of different infrastructures. This chapter explores the factors which form these nodes and how they can provide logistical, economic and social support for both the local and global communities. Projects under this theme explore the potential of new forms of ＆shopping malls＊ based on their current social contributions to the city. These architectural types that sit on the connection of urban infrastructures have created new sub-centres and destinations. In a megacity like Shanghai, these ＆shopping malls＊ have large impacts on the city＊s architectural identity. What is the social responsibility these malls carry as new urban centres in the city?

Realestate price map

介绍

大城市中的节点位于不同基础设施的交叉点。本章探讨了构成这些节点的因素，以及它们如何为本地和全球社区提供后勤，经济和社会支持。本主题下的项目根据当前对城市的社会贡献，探索新型购物中心的潜力。这些位于城市基础设施连接上的建筑类型创造了新的子中心和目的地。在上海这样的大城市中，这些购物商场对城市的建筑形象产生了很大的影响。这些购物中心作为城市的新城市中心，承担着什么社会责任？

Casestudyand design locations

TRADE

贸易

RUSSIA

Moscow

Astana

KAZAKHSTAN Urumqi Turpan

KYRGYZSTAN

Beijing Dunhuang Lanzhou KOREA

Xian CHINA

IRAN

Luoyang

IRAQ

Basra

Chongqing PAKISTAN

Changle Quanzhou Guangzhou TAIWAN Beihai

New Delhi Khambhat

SAUDI ARABIA

Nanjing Hangzhou

Hormuz Gwadar

JAPAN

SHANGHAI

Calcutta

OMAN

Chittagong

INDIA

Pacific Ocean

Haikou YEMEN

Dhofar

Arabian Sea Kozhikode

Mukalla Adon

Bay of Bengal

Ayutthaya Qui Nhon

Cochin Kollam

SOMALIA

SRI LANKA Colombo Galle

Mogadishu

South China Sea PHILIPPINES

Kuantan Banda Aceh Semudera Kuala Lumpur

Pahang Melaka

MALAYSIA

Baraawe Belitung

INDONESIA

Palembag Left: Lilongs Shanghai (TU Delft, student) Right: Economic routes New routes Ancient river routes Maritime routes International railway

Jakarta

Surabaya

Nodes in the megacity

URBAN GROWTH

Shanghai has seen foreign concessions, war and surrender, it has seen the rise and fall of powerful leaders with diverging solutions for its country. It builds today on an unprecedented economic achievement, as the city literally and figuratively continues its reach for the skies. The reforms seen in the last 30 and 40 years have yet again made Shanghai attract and invite global trade and investment. So much so that the city’s economic growth has increased between 9-15% since the start of the 1990’s.1

172

大城市中的节点

城市增长

上海看到了外国的让步，战争和投降，看到了强大的领导人的兴衰，其国家的解决方案各不相同。今天，它以空前的经济成就为基础，因为这座城市从字面上和象征意义上继续延伸到天空。过去30到40年间发生的改革再次使上海吸引并吸引了全球的关注和投资。自1990年代伊始，这座城市的经济增长就达到了9-15％。1

1846

1870

1918

1950

2005

2019

Left: Shanghai (TU Delft, student) Right: Urban growth

173

Nodes in the megacity

FREE TRADE AND THE POLYCENTRIC CITY On the map you see what the city of Shanghai looks like nowadays with the different political districts, The sub-urban cities and the residential population per square meter in the different districts. Around this city core you have the Suburban satellite cities. To ease crowding and congestion in the central city, Shanghai has built several satellite towns in its suburbs. With the relatively new Shanghai metro system this suburbs are connected to the city centre and the airports. These satellite cities are getting bigger and bigger. Since 2013 the area of Pudong is a Free Trade Zone. This zone integrates the Shanghai harbour areas and the Pudong international airport. This Free trade zone cancels some trading rules and financial requirements in China. In this zone its allowed to do duty free imports and re-exports, to stimulate the trading in the harbour area and cross border investments.

Nodes and population density per 1 sqkm 30,000 - 45,000 15,000 - 30,000 3500 - 5500 1500 - 3500 500 - 1500 Satellite city

174

大城市中的节点

自由贸易与多中心城市

在地图上，您可以看到当今上海的政治面貌不同，郊区城市和不

地区和浦东国际机场。该自由贸易区取消了中国的一些贸易规则

同地区每平方米的居住人口。

和财务要求。在该区域，它被允许进行免税进口和再出口，以刺激港口地区的贸易和跨境投资。

在这个城市核心周围，您有郊区的卫星城市。为了缓解中心城市的拥挤和交通拥堵，上海在郊区建立了几个卫星城镇。借助相对较新的上海地铁系统，该郊区可以连接到市中心和机场。这些卫星城市越来越大。

Lilong and view to node (TU Delft Student)

自2013年以来，浦东地区为自由贸易区。该区域整合了上海港口

175

DEMOGRAPHY AND DAILY ACTIVITIES

人口统计学和日常活动

Data

Where people live (day)

Where people live (night) FACTORS THAT AFFECT THE CHOICE OF LOCATION IN THE CITY

proximity to

proximity

parks

shops

offices

mobility

M M

shops

proximity

M M

offices

(Left) Nanjing Road (TU Delft Student)

metro

proximity

price

proximity to

school

hospital

hosp it a l SCH OO L

to parks

house rental

Nodes in the megacity

BEHAVIOUR AND THE CITY

Demography, as the origin of the word proclaims -from Ancient Greek demos, ‘the people’ and grapho, ‘writing, description of measurement’- is a term that defines the statistical study of populations. It is closely related to research on the size, distribution and changes of population over time including migration and ageing in certain areas. Our research will follow the discourse of gathering relevant data about the city of Shanghai. We will also focus on possible reasons that can explain the data as well as on their impact to the built environment. Behaviour, can be defined as the range of actions and mannerisms made by individuals in conjunction with themselves or their environment.’ We decided to direct our research on the latter part of this definition. More specifically we will focus on the spatial behaviour of the people within the city. Furthermore we will focus on the mobility around the city that facilitates the behaviour of people and their interaction with their surroundings.

Photograph: East Nanjing street (Gamma nine, 2011)

178

大城市中的节点

行为与城市

人口统计学这个词的起源（源自古希腊的演示中的“人民”和“图形”，“文字，度量的描述”）是定义人口统计研究的术语。它与有关人口规模，分布和随时间变化的研究密切相关，包括某些地区的迁徙和老龄化。我们的研究将遵循收集有关上海市的相关数据的论述。我们还将重点关注可以解释数据的可能原因以及它们对构建环境的影响。行为可以定义为个人与其自身或周围环境共同采取的行动和举止的范围。’我们决定将研究的重点放在该定义的后半部分。更具体地说，我们将专注于城市中人们的空间行为。此外，我们将专注于城市周围的流动性，以促进人们的行为及其与周围环境的互动。 Photograph: Neighbourhood Shopping (TU Delft, Student)

Data

Built environment

179

Spatial Behaviour

Nodes in the megacity

DENSITY

AGE

From this information we can see that most people are concentrated

With the decreasing death rate, that comes as a result of the advanced

in specific areas of less square meters indicated as high density. The

medical support system we can observe large percentages of aging

high density of the areas of the centre however seem to have reached

population in the city. This observation can have an effect on the built

a point of saturation. The descrease of the pressure off of this area

environment in the amount of hospitals within the city.

is in line with the government’s intention for the polycentric future development of the city. (Masterplan 2035)

8 9

2 5 1 3

13 4

Population density per district

Municipalities 1. Xuhui 2.Hongkou 3. Hangpu 4. Yangpu 5. Putuo

6. Changing 7. Pudong 14 8. Minghang 9. Boashan 10. Jiading

11.Qingpu 12. Songjiang 13. Fengxian 14. Jinshan 15. Chongming

180

大城市中的节点

密度

年龄

从这些信息中，我们可以看到大多数人都集中在密度较小的特定

随着死亡率的降低，这是先进的医疗支持系统的结果，我们可以

区域，这些区域显示为高密度。然而，中心区域的高密度似乎已

观察到城市中老年人口的很大比例。该观察结果可能会影响城市

经达到饱和点。减轻这一地区的压力与政府对城市多中心未来发

内医院数量的建筑环境。

展的意图是一致的。（总体规划2035）

Age structure by municipality, 2017

Population growth

above 60 35 - 59 18 -34 17 and below

181

Nodes in the megacity

IMMIGRATION

From the graphs we can see a continuous higher inflow than outflow rate. The population keeps increasing but the population cap is set for 25 million for permanent residents by 2035 (Masterplan 2035). We can see that there are high percentages of foreign population in Shanghai, enhancing the city’s international character and commercial activity.

Migration demographic 2015 - 2017 France Australia United States Canada United Kingdom Germany Singapore Republic of Korea Japan

182

大城市中的节点

移民

从图中可以看出，流入量连续高于流出量。人口不断增加，但到 2035年永久居民的人口上限设定为2500万（总体规划2035）。我们可以看到，上海的外国人口比例很高，这增强了上海的国际性和商业活动。

Population Inflow - Outflow

Migration over the years Inflow Outflow

183

Nodes in the megacity

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Daytime K Eactivities Y Less dense

KEY

Less Dense

More Dense

More dense Parks

Hospitals

Shoppink Malls

Schools

Parks Shopping malls

184

Metro Lines & Stops

大城市中的节点

从图中可以看出，流入量连续高于流出量。人口不断增加，但到2035年永久居民的人口上限设定为 2500万（总体规划2035）。我们可以看到，上海的外国人口比例很高，这增强了上海的国际性和商业活动。从图中可以看出，流入量连续高于流出量。人口不断增加，但到2035年永久居民的人口上限设定为 2500万（总体规划2035）。我们可以看到，上海的外国人口比例很高，这增强了上海的国际性和商业活动。

KEY

Night time activities Less dense

Less Dense More Dense More dense Hospitals Hospitals Shopping malls Schools

185

Nodes in the megacity

DAYTIME ACTIVITIES It can be observed that parks located in the centre attract a great

The urban structure of the waterfront also inevitably affects the

amount of visitors. This can be explained by their easy accessibility

way people behave, interact with their surrounding environment and

and their popularity. It is interesting to observe that specific parks

move in the city. We can observe that the movement of the people is

are attracting specific ages of the population. Also the structure of

limited to a specific linear route along the river. Thus this movement

the urban fabric of the city in which these recreational spaces can be

behaviour is predefined based on the form of the waterfront park

found can affect the way in which people behave within them.

space as a linear promenade. This type of park attracts also the younger population who engage in activities such as jogging but also

The urban structure of the Renmin park and the facilities in the

families as play and eating areas.

near proximity affects the way people behave, interact with their surrounding environment and move in the city. We can observe that there is freedom in the choice of movement in all directions that becomes possible due to the more rectangular layout of the area and the multible entrances to the park. Lastly it has been observed in the parks of the city the majority of the visitors are elderly people who have more free time.

Renmin park (TU Delft Student, 2019)

RENMIN PARK

186

大城市中的节点

白天活动可以看出，位于中心的公园吸引了大量游客。这可以通过其易于访问和流行来解释。有趣的是，特定的公园吸引着特定年龄的人口。在其中可以找到这些休闲空间的城市城市结构的结构也会影响人们在其中的行为方式。人民公园的城市结构和附近的设施影响着人们的行为方式，与周围环境的互动以及在城市中的移动。我们可以看到，由于该区域的矩形布局和公园的多个入口，因此可以自由选择各个方向的移动。最后，据观察，在城市公园中，大多数游客是老年人，他们有更多的空闲时间。滨水区的城市结构也不可避免地影响人们的举止，与周围环境的互动以及在城市中的移动。我们可以观察到，人们的活动仅限于沿河的特定线性路线。因此，该运动行为是基于海滨公园空间的形式预先定义为线性长廊。这种公园也吸引了年轻人参加慢跑等活动，也吸引了家庭作为娱乐和用餐区。

The Expo (TU Delft Student, 2019)

PUDONG WATERFRONT

187

Nodes in the megacity

LIVING IN THE MEGA CITY We chose these locations within the city because they are popular

an area. With this focus we observed that the most popular locations

areas with a great amount of visitors daily. These heat maps are

are facilities such as restaurants, shops -mall or shopping street-,

indicating the movement of people at 3 p.m. The areas include

offices, museums, parks, hotels and universities. The good quality of

facilities that based on literature as well as our study can be factors

the transport network is enabling people from all over the city as well

affecting the citizens’ choice of living area but also their movement in

as tourists to get around in these central areas.

the city to satisfy various needs. We decided to use heat maps, even though not originally used in urban design, in order to observe the popular gathering spaces within

1. Wujiao Chang

2. Lujiazui

The Wujiao Chang Square

3. Yu Garden

Shanghai Restaurant

ZhengDa Shopping mall

Yu Garden

The 21 century Building

FACTORS ATTRACTING POPULATION

Wujiaochang Station (Line 10)

FACTORS ATTRACTING POPULATION

Lujiazui station (Line 2)

walking street

FACTORS ATTRACTING POPULATION

Yuyuan Garden Station (Line 10)

Traffic conjestion in infrastructure levels

Malls

Univeristies

Offices

Hotels

Malls

Financial district |Offices

188

Hotels

Temple

Shops

Restaurants

大城市中的节点

住在特大城市

我们之所以选择城市内的这些地点，是因为它们是受欢迎的地区，每天都有大量的游客。这些热图表明了下午3点人们的动向。这些地区包括根据文献以及我们的研究得出的设施，这些设施可能会影响市民选择居住地区的因素，也可能会影响他们在城市中满足各种需求的行动。我们决定使用热图，即使最初不是在城市设计中使用，也要观察某个区域中受欢迎的聚会空间。以此为重点，我们观察到最受欢迎的地点是餐厅，商店（购物中心或购物街），办公室，博物馆，公园，酒店和大学等设施。优质的交通网络使整个城市的人们以及游客都能在这些中心地区四处逛逛

5. Nanjing East Road

4. Renmin Square

Century Plaza Commercial area

YueHui mosaic

Financial Center

FACTORS ATTRACTING POPULATION

People’s Square Station (Lines 1-2,8)

FACTORS ATTRACTING POPULATION

Nanjing Road (E.) (Line 2), People’s square (Lines 1-2,8)

shops

Offices

Museums

Park

Shops

Restaurants

Hotels

189

Malls

Nodes in the megacity

MOBILITY At the weekend, the flow of people mainly comes from the

For many office workers, the end of the subway line is selected as

surrounding rural areas, entering the city by train, then changing to the

the residential area. On the one hand, it is convenient and quick to

subway to enter the city centre. During weekdays, the flow of people

reach the city centre by subway, while at the same time since it is far

mainly enters the urban area from the southwest by bus and transfers

from the centre of the city, the house price is relatively low. The office

to the metro lines to access the central area of the city. The subway

area is concentrated in Huangpu District, Pudong District and Jing'an

network inside the city is dense, with high accessibility and wide

District. Some suburbs have also become hot areas for work due to

coverage, eliminating the need to transfer.

urban construction and development.

Other means of transport (bus, train) to metro transfer (on a weekend)

Other means of transport (bus) to metro transfer (on a weekday)

Traffic

Traffic Bus station - metro transfer (on a weekend)

Bus station - metro transfer (on a weekday)

190

大城市中的节点

流动性在周末，人流主要来自周围的农村地区，乘火车进入城市，然后

对于许多上班族来说，地铁线的末端被选为居住区。一方面，乘

换乘地铁进入市中心。在工作日中，人流主要是从西南方向乘公

坐地铁到达市中心非常方便快捷，同时由于远离市中心，房价也

共汽车进入市区，然后转移到地铁线以到达城市中心地区。市区

相对较低。办公区域集中在黄浦区，浦东区和静安区。由于城市

内的地铁网络密集，交通便捷，覆盖范围广，无需换乘。

的建设和发展，一些郊区也成为工作的热点地区。

Metro stops close to popular working areas

Popular metro stops attracting residential facilities with efficient connection to the centre

Traffic

Traffic Worker distribution around the metro stop (live)

Worker distribution around the metrostop(work)

191

Nodes in the megacity

CITY AND BEHAVIOUR

The interaction between people and the urban environment can be a reciprocal relationship. Within the spatial reality of a city we can observe that not only does the built environment affect the behaviour of people in a city but also the behaviour of people can have an impact on the built environment. The city can influence the way people move from one place to another and at the same time specific elements of the city can influence the selection of location of residence of the individuals. We understand the reverse relationship in two approaches. On the one hand the habits of people, if represented in a majority, that can be seen as a change in Demographic analyses, have the power to alter the shape of the city if the municipality or government deem it appropriate to take action. This can be exemplified with the realisation of the excess density of the centre that led to the proposal of a polycentric structure for the city, that would take some pressure off of the city centre by creating several self-sufficient small-scale towns. This strategy has already started to take place as the density of the centre has started to gradually decrease. On the other hand even individual’s choices of space occupation within the city can influence the way the city looks and functions. More specifically it is interesting to see the re-purposing of streets as meeting, sitting, cleaning and play areas with the addition in some cases of street furniture of the individuals.

Photograph: East Nanjing street (Gamma nine, 2011)

192

大城市中的节点

城市与行为

人与城市环境之间的互动可以是对等的关系。在城市的空间现实中，我们可以观察到建筑环境不仅会影响城市中人们的行为，而且人们的行为也会对建筑环境产生影响。城市可以影响人们从一个地方移到另一地方的方式，同时城市的特定元素可以影响个人居住地的选择。我们通过两种方法了解反向关系。一方面，人们的习惯（如果占多数）可以看作是人口分析的变化，如果市政当局或政府认为适当采取行动，则它们有权改变城市的形态。这可以通过实现中心的超密度来举例说明，该密度导致提出了城市的多中心结构的建议，这将通过创建几个自给自足的小城镇减轻城市中心的压力。随着中心密度的逐渐降低，这一策略已经开始发生。另一方面，即使个人对城市空间的选择也会影响城市的外观和功能。更具体地说，有趣的是将街道重新用作会议，休息，清洁和娱乐场所，并在某些情况下增加了个人的街道家具。 Photograph: Lilong (TU Delft student)

193

COMMERCIAL SPACE AS PUBLIC SPACE

商业空间作为公共空间

Left: Shopping mall (TU Delft student, 2019) Right: Public space in the city Defined pubic space Semi publica space Parks Walkways Demolished public space

Nodes in the megacity

TRADITIONAL SHOPPING STREET The traditional street is a local street with local product for the local inhabitants, you can find this typology all around the city. Most of the time they are part of the traditional LiLung housing blocks, and thereby form the outer ring of this block. Compared to the international shopping street, the scale of the street and the buildings are much smaller. These street grew to a larger knit of streets, with a lot of small shops varying from hardware stores, greengrocers, butcheries to different craftsman. The traditional street is mainly used for the daily activities of people living in the surrounded areas. These streets have a vibrant feeling, there are always people around. The profile of the street appears different from the International shopping street, it is more narrow and there is not a clear division of functions most of the time the side walks becomes an extension of the shops. This means that the street is used for all types of traffic and makes it less convenient than the pedestrian area we see in Nanjing Road.

(Below) Yuyuan lilung section

ԑߺ

196

大城市中的节点

传统购物街

传统街道是一条为当地居民提供当地特产的地方街道，您可以在城市各处找到这种类型。在大多数情况下，它们是传统的LiLung轴承座的一部分，从而形成了该轴承座的外圈。与国际购物街相比，这条街和建筑物的规模要小得多。这些街道发展成更大的街道，有许多小商店，从五金店，杂货店，肉店到不同的手工艺人不等。传统街道主要用于居住在周边地区的人们的日常活动。这些街道有生机勃勃的感觉，周围总是有人。这条街的轮廓看上去与国际购物街不同，它更狭窄且没有明确的划分在大多数情况下，人行道的功能成为商店的延伸。这意味着该街道可用于所有类型的交通，并使其不如我们在南京路看到的步行区方便。 Photographs: Yuyuan day and nigh (TU Delft student, 2019) (Below right) Yuyuan Plan

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INTERNATIONAL STREETS

Nanjing Road

南京路

One of the busiest shopping street in the world and one of the main commercial

世界上最繁忙的购物街之一，也是上海的主要商业

areas in Shanghai. From early on it was an important road, connecting the bund with

区之一。从一开始，这是一条重要的道路，将外滩

the racetrack. After 1949, when the racetrack was demolished, it was replaced with

与赛马场相连。 1949年后，赛马场被拆除，后来

the people’s park and square leaving Nanjing road a equally important connection.

改为人民公园和广场，使南京路同样重要。

After 1949, the private shopping malls and stores were nationalised by the

1949年后，私人购物中心和商店被政府收归国有。

government. Moreover, the government regulated most culture and entertainment.

此外，政府管制大多数文化和娱乐活动。南京路不

Nanjing road was no longer the busy commercial street it was before. But after the

再是以前的繁忙商业街。但是，在经济改革之后，

economic reform the street became once more the important shopping street it was.

这条街再次成为了重要的购物街。行人被汽车推到

Pedestrians were pushed in to crowded sidewalks by the car, but in 2000 a big part

拥挤的人行道上，但是在2000年，大部分道路变成

of the road was transformed in to a pedestrian street.

了一条步行街。

Nanjing Road, 1930 (Archimaps, 2011)

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大城市中的节点

国际街道

Nanjing Road, plan and section

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Nodes in the megacity

HISTORY OF THE SHOPPING MALL The mall is mostly known from North America, where it developed into its own kind of public space: completely covered, conditioned and autonomies in the urban fabric. Allthough the popularity of malls in North America is declining, in China and more specific Shanghai these Shopping malls seem more popular then ever. This development is quite recent, as China didn’t have these malls before 1990. The enclosed shopping mall is not a traditional public spaces, it is privately owned; despite that, it more and more becomes the space where shanghainese meet and stay.

Ocean Terminal Hong Kong, 1966 (Pinterest, 2019)

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大城市中的节点

购物中心的历史

该购物中心以北美地区最为人所知，在那里发展成为一种自己的公共空间：完全覆盖，有条件且具有城市结构的自主权。尽管北美购物中心的受欢迎程度正在下降，但在中国和更具体的上海，这些购物中心似乎比以往任何时候都更受欢迎。这种发展是最近的事，因为中国在1990年之前没有这些购物中心。封闭的购物中心不是传统的公共场所，而是私人拥有的。尽管如此，它仍然越来越成为上海人相遇和居住的空间。

Dai Sun Department Store, 1934 (Choy Chong, 2019)

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CASESTUDY: QIBAO VANKE PLAZA

Qibao Vanke Plaza opened in 2016 and provides 150,000 sq.m of retail space. It is

七宝万科广场于2016年开业，提供15万平方米的

adjoins the ancient town of Qibao, enjoying the natural scenery of Chinese Water

零售空间。它毗邻七宝古镇，享有中国水乡的自

Town.The project is positioned as mid market.The key tenants include CGV cinema

然风光，该项目定位为中端市场，主要租户包括

and blt supermarket and the key fashion retailers are Zara and Uniqlo.1

CGV电影院和blt超市，主要时装零售商是Zara和 Uniqlo.1

The people counting solution for Qibao Vanke Plaza was designed based on coverage of three different scenarios: outdoor hallway, indoor levels and key areas. Unicross

七宝万科广场的人员计数解决方案是根据三种不同

has implemented people counting system for Qibao Vanke Plaza to improve property

场景的覆盖范围设计的：室外走廊，室内楼层和关

management and stimulate sales.2

键区域。 Unicross为七宝万科广场实施了人员计数系统，以改善物业管理并刺激销售

Qibao Vanke Plaze (J17, 2020)

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大城市中的节点

七宝万科广场

100m

100m 0m

Superbrand mall floor plans and pedestrian flow

Parking

100m

storage

commercial

203 0m

100m

public space

0m 100m

100m

logistic space

100m

Nodes in the megacity

CASESTUDY: XINTANDI

The newest developments have Shanghai‘s upscale Xintiandi shopping district to thank for demonstrating the merits of creating a retail experience. Over a decade ago, the developer, Shui On Group, integrated antique walls, tiles and facades of 1920s and 1930s shikumen (stone warehouse gate) housing with shopping, dining and entertainment to create a new heritage district.Despite early criticism for its theme-park retail design around a series of traditional public courtyards and grey flagstone lanes, it proved popular. Today a Shanghai landmark, it includes a new indoor element dedicated to contemporary design. “The iconic shopping mall tower typology is old-fashioned,” says Oval Partnership director Lin Hao, who led the design team, “so we opened the ‘box’ and integrated inside and outside.” In practice, this meant keeping the buildings at a low-rise “human scale” with at least a third of the space dedicated to cafes, bars and restaurants. Most important for the retail industry, the shift in priorities to creating spaces with strong social and cultural values by giving heritage buildings a new lease of life can go well beyond restoration for the sake of protection to incorporate them as functioning spaces within a modern development. No longer can shopping centres be viewed as a composite of tenanted areas and circulation space. Now retail entertain in a wide range of innovative ways, with a view to provoking an 4,000 emotional response in customers. 3,500 Pop-up retail; art and cultural features; and performance spaces all help to create interest and elements of surprise 2,000 that encourage repeat visitation and 1,500 prevent monotony.

Xintandi (TU Delft student, 2019)

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案例研究：新坛地

上海的高档新天地购物区是最新的发展，这要感谢他们展示了创造零售体验的优点。十年前，开发商瑞安集团（Shui On Group）将1920年代和1930 年代的石库门（石库门）房屋的古董墙，瓷砖和外墙与购物，餐饮和娱乐场所相结合，创建了一个新的文物保护区。围绕一系列传统公共庭院和灰色石板巷道的公园零售设计，很受欢迎。如今已成为上海的标志性建筑，它包括致力于现代设计的新型室内元素。椭圆设计合伙人总监林浩说：“标志性的购物中心大厦类型是过时的，因此我们打开了’盒子’，并在内部和外部进行了整合。”实际上，这意味着将建筑物保持在低层的“人类规模”，并至少将三分之一的空间用于咖啡馆，酒吧和餐馆。对于零售业而言，最重要的是，优先考虑的转移是通过赋予遗产建筑新的生命来创建具有强大的社会和文化价值的空间，这远远超出了修复的目的，因为要进行保护，以便将其纳入现代发展中的功能空间。购物中心不再被视为租户区域和流通空间的组合。现在，零售业以各种创新方式进行娱乐活动，以期在顾客中引起4,000种情感反应。 3500个弹出式零售；艺术和文化特色；和表演空间都有助于创造兴趣和惊喜元素2,000，鼓励重复访问，还有 1,500防止单调。 Xintandi access plan (TU Delft student, 2019)

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PUBLIC AND PRIVATE

The Circular Pedestrian Bridge in Lujiazui, is part of the Urban Environmental Beautification Project for Pudong pedestrian bridge (PT NIKI FOUR, 2017)

the 2010 Shanghai EXPO, the investment paid by

Space maintenance and property management map

circular pedestrian flow, this does not benefit the high

the government. The malls are connected with a proportion of office buildings in the area, but only the retail. The government will recover the costs indirectly from brining new consumers to the area, rather than the community within. It is a long term investment. In Wujiaochang it is a different form of investment. The government carried out the 1999-2020 planning to develop the Wujiaochang area and then came up with the urban planning in 2003. This allowed the government to encourage private firms to invest in the area creating market opportunities, which had to be in line with the area plan, including the development of pedestrian space, with the government only having to invest a small percentage for the underground transport network. In the old city of Shanghai, where the buildings are owned individually, the participation of private developers’ capital to provide public space could be difficult to achieve. Currently, the public space in the old city is mainly maintained by the government. We could believe that the participation of private or collective capital would encourage spontaneous production of public space. So, for this kind of case, is there some potential of other way of cooperation between the individuals or the community and the goverment to provide public space, since Shanghai has already gone this far to let public participation in the design process?

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大城市中的节点

公立和私立

陆家嘴圆形人行天桥是政府投资的2010年上海世博会城市环境美化项目的一部分。购物中心与环形人行道相连，这对区域内高比例的办公楼无益，而仅对零售有利。政府将从吸引新消费者到该地区而不是内部社区间接地收回成本。这是一项长期投资。

SPACE MAINTENANCE SPACE GROUP C

在五角场，这是另一种投资形式。政府执行了1999 年至2020年的五角场地区发展规划，然后在2003 年提出了城市规划。这使政府能够鼓励私人企业对该地区进行投资，以创造市场机会，这必须与当地的发展相吻合。区域规划，包括行人空间的开发，政府只需为地下交通网络投资一小部分。在老城区上海，那里的建筑物是个体拥有的，私人开发商的资本参与提供公共空间可能很难实现。目前，旧城区的公共空间主要由政府维护。我们可以相信，私人或集体资本的参与将鼓励公共空间的自发生产。那么，既然上海已经走了这么远，让公众参与设计过程，那么在这种情况下，个人或社区与政府之间是否存在其他合作方式来提供公共空间？

Wuijachang (Baidu, 2020) Space maintenance and property management map Maintenance fees High fee Low fee Property Management Public facility Low fee High fee

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GROUP C

Nodes in the megacity

DEVELOPMENT OF COMMERCIAL SPACE AS PUBLIC SPACES Shopping malls in Shanghai have become a popular space to shop. But more then just shopping, the mall has become a place to meet hang out and enjoy entertainment. It has become an important leicure place within the city. Allthough the mall is privately owned, it houses some kind of public space: pseudo public space. The space is more controlled, but still facilitates some public activities. The ground floor of the mall is mostly a open space, similar to a pedestrian street, or a square. The floors above are opened up in the middle remaining a visual connection with the ground floor. These smaller more functional upper floors leave less space for activities, becoming a more functional walk by. The activities are therefore mostly centered on the groundfloor and even more; within the shops en attractions. Next to shopping they offer activities such as cinema’s, karaoke, arcades, playing areas for children and places to eat. This interior focus of the malls result in a neglect of the exterior. Malls mostly seem autonomous in their surrounding; somewhat

Xintandi (TU Delft, Student 2019)

disconnected from their surroundings. For the mall to become a more public space, this connection with the urban fabric is important to improve.

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大城市中的节点

商业空间发展为公共空间

上海的购物中心已经成为购物的热门场所。但是，不仅是购物，

方的地板在中间打开，与底楼保持视觉连接。这些较小的功能性

商场还成为聚会和娱乐的地方。它已成为城市内重要的休闲场

较高的上层地板留出了较少的活动空间，成为了功能更强的步行

所。

者。因此，活动主要集中在一楼，甚至更多。在商店内景点。在购物旁边，他们提供各种活动，例如电影院，卡拉OK，拱廊，

尽管购物中心是私人所有，但它容纳了某种公共空间：伪公共空

儿童游乐区和就餐场所。

间。该空间受到更多控制，但仍有助于一些公共活动。

购物中心的这种内部焦点导致对外部的忽视。大型购物中心似乎在其周围是自治的。与周围环境有些脱节。为了使购物中心成为

购物中心的底楼大部分是开放空间，类似于步行街或广场。上

更多的公共空间，改善与城市结构的这种联系非常重要。

Development of commerce

Typology of the traditional market How to get there

Typology of the shopping street

How to get there

Typology of the shopping mall

How to get there Mall

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VERTICALITY

垂直度

Left: Shanghai tower, Shanghai World Financial Center, Jin Mao Tower (TU Delft student, 2019) Right: Lujiazui

Nodes in the megacity

LAND USE

The configuration of Shanghai’s infrastructure results in many nodes ranging in density. In such a network, the success of a building or an area is highly determined by its accessibility; in other words, land uses depend on infrastructures. The incredible growth Shanghai experienced recently led to new functions and visible diversification, also due to the foreigner concessions. From the analysis, the density of functions and their collocation are the most interesting data. In contrast with the vast low-rise residential areas, the activities around the nodes are stacked vertically.The transition between such spaces rarely occurs with a medium density urban fabric. It’s easy to find in Shanghai adjacent constructions with many functions and morphologies. Like other main Chinese cities, Shanghai invested in the construction of medium-size and large malls (up to 10.000 m2) than on smaller. It appears that little stores spread homogeneously over the city serving the population on a local scale. Local and metropolitan dimensions sometimes merge in a single area generating intricate links.

Arial photograph Laoximen (SupChina, 2017)

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大城市中的节点

土地利用

上海基础设施的配置导致许多节点的密度不等。在这样的网络中，建筑物或区域的成功很大程度上取决于其可访问性。换句话说，土地利用取决于基础设施。近年来，由于外国人的让步，上海经历了令人难以置信的增长，带来了新的功能和明显的多元化。从分析来看，功能的密度及其搭配是最有趣的数据。与广阔的低层住宅区相反，节点周围的活动垂直堆叠，在中等密度的城市结构中很少发生这种空间之间的过渡。在上海，容易找到具有许多功能和形态的相邻建筑物。与中国其他主要城市一样，上海投资建设的中型和大型购物中心（不超过10.000平方米）要比规模较小的大。看来，几乎没有商店均匀地分布在城市中，为当地人口服务。有时，本地和大都会地区会合并在一个区域中，从而产生复杂的链接

SHANGHAI POPULATION DENSITY/KM2 2017

Land density map (PWC, 2017)

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Nodes in the megacity

NODES

From our studies we have been able to highlight the intense agglomeration occurring at infrastructural intersections into which explode and implode [9] into dense commercial and cultural program both horizontally and, most crucially, vertically. As these nodes of public space concentrate, the peripheralisation of central Shanghai’s agglomeration dynamic becomes internally more poly-centric. Shanghai’s successfully urban growth as such can be attributed to the rigorous inter-modal network of interacting nodes and enhances land-use concentration. The complexity is generated mostly by the extension of Shanghai itself. More the area of the analysis is restricted more the verticality is legible and comparable to the human scale. From a distant point of view, the tridimensionality is evident only because of the morphology of the high-rises; the internal complexity and accessibility of the public infrastructures, shopping malls included, require a closer look. Case study map

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大城市中的节点

节点数

从我们的研究中，我们能够突出显示在基础设施交叉口发生的强

复杂性主要是由上海本身的扩展而产生的。分析的范围越受限制

烈集聚，在这些交叉口中，水平方向（最关键的是垂直方向）爆

垂直性就越清晰，可与人类规模相媲美。从遥远的角度来看，三

炸并分解为密集的商业和文化节目[9]。随着这些公共空间节点的

维性仅由于高层建筑的形态而明显。公共基础设施（包括购物中

集中，上海中心集聚动态的外围化在内部变得更加多中心化。上

心）的内部复杂性和可访问性需要仔细观察。

海之所以能够成功地实现城市发展，可以归因于相互影响的节点之间严格的多式联运网络，并提高了土地利用的集中度。

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Nodes in the megacity

VERTICAL MAPPING

CASESTUDIES: LUJIAZUI

As the city develops vertically we must also develop the way we draw,

Lujiazui is a characteristic node in the financial district that presents

read, and communicate the city. Through vertical mapping we can

several layers of infrastructure: the pedestrian overpass, the roads at

begin to understand the agglomeration of infrastructure at a range of

street level, the metro station and two road tunnels underground.

different levels, allowing us to understand connectivity and density

The concentration of infrastructure and increased connectivity

throughout these vital city nodes.

happens where there is a dense land use, with many office buildings, retail and leisure spaces.

Lujuazui (Trover, 2020)

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大城市中的节点

垂直映射

随着城市的垂直发展，我们还必须发展绘制，阅读和交流城市的方式。通过垂直映射，我们可以开始了解不同级别范围内基础设施的集聚，从而使我们能了解这些重要城市节点之间的连通性和密度。陆家嘴是金融区的一个特色节点，它具有几层基础设施：人行天桥，街道水平的道路，地铁站和地下的两条公路隧道。基础设施的集中和连接性的提高发生在土地密集的地方，有许多办公楼，零售和休闲场所。

Office Landmark Educational Cultural Retail Hospitality Residential Metro Songhu Road Main Road

219

Nodes in the megacity

220

大城市中的节点

221

Nodes in the megacity

CASESTUDIES: WU JIAO CHANG Wujiaochang is another example of high density of infrastructure in an area with dense land use. The node has a sunken plaza that connects four large malls, main roads at both street level and underground, and a metro station. The buildings with the highest densities are located closest to the node, while the residential areas are further away.

Wuijachang (Baidu, 2020)

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Nodes in the megacity

CASESTUDIES: EAST FU-XING PIER The East Fu-xing Pier presents a different kind of infrastructure node, with the ferry station at the center and a pedestrian overpass that links the different sides of the crossroad. The area is high density, but the ferry station is underused. The underground infrastructure is disconnected from the rest and there are no links to the riverfront.

East Fu-xing Pier (SCMP, 2019)

226

REFLECTION

Shanghai’s strong poly-centic nodes are an agglomeration of physical and social infrastructure. As they increase vertically, municipalities look to new ways of creating pedestrian infrastructure and public space within the new urban centres. At ground level, we can see a new focus on the local street identity beginning to emerge, the Shanghainese are looking to rediscover communal street life with public space for communal activities and local commerce.

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Community and urban identity

237 饺

EX POST FACTO: HYBRID PROGRAMS FOR URBAN CONTINUITY Since the early 90s, the Pudong district in Shanghai was transformed reaching a similar density of constructions to the rest of the megacity. Nevertheless, some infrastructures and buildings rose over time resulting in urban discontinuity and residual spaces which lost or changed their functions. We investigated the complexity of Shanghai in infrastructural nodes, where the density might enhance the very performance of public facilities. Referring to Cities Without Ground, we expanded the multiple levels of the nodes. Morphology and data reveal a lack of synergy between some buildings, such as malls, and infrastructures. Ex Post Facto aims to blur the distinction between infrastructure and program, with a graft in the recent pedestrian bridge of Lujiazui. The overpass was built in 2009 as a safer and quicker way for the numerous tourists and commuters. It leads to diverse public areas not merged with the infrastructures. Therefore the project serves as inbetween typology, both route and place, able to increase the activities in the public domain which involve people’s movement, technology, and transitory programs. By Luca Fontana

UCTURE

238

事后：城市连续性混合计划从90年代初开始，上海浦东区进行了改造，其建筑密度与大城市的其余部分类似。然而，一些基础设施和建筑物时间导致城市的不连续性和剩余空间丧失或改变其功能。我们调查了上海在基础设施节点上的复杂性，其密度可能会提高公共设施的性能。关于没有地面的城市，我们扩展了节点的多个级别。形态和数据表明，某些建筑物（例如购物中心）和基础设施之间缺乏协同作用 Ex Post Facto旨在通过在陆家嘴最近的人行天桥上进行嫁接来模糊基础设施和计划之间的区别。立交桥建于2009年，是众多游客和通勤者安全快捷的方式。这导致了不同的公共区域没有与基础设施合并。因此，该项目是路线和地点之间的类型学，可以增加公共领域的活动，涉及人们的运动，技术和过渡计划。

239

The circular existing bridge provided the starting point to investigate the accessibility to different public spaces: the Oriental Pearl Tower [monument], Super Brand Mall [mall], and the Shanghai Financial Center [square]. Given the specificity of each, the project connects the pedestrian bridge to the buildings according to their needs. Part of the research focused on the evolution of e-commerce and the role of the physical shopping mall in the current market. The connection with the “super brand” mall has been completely rethought so that the long avenue inside can be more accessible through a massive staircase. Here, people can meet, play and be entertained by the mall activities and technologies. Something undefined can occur.

50% PROGRAM 50% INFRASTRUCTURE

100% PROGRAM 0% INFRASTRUCTURE

200% PROGRAM 0% INFRASTRUCTURE 240

现有的圆形桥梁为研究不同公共空间的可访问性提供了起点：东方明珠塔（纪念碑），超级品牌购物中心（购物中心）和上海金融中心（广场）。考虑到每种情况的特殊性，该项目根据人行天桥的需要将人行天桥连接到建筑物。部分研究重点在于电子商务的发展以及实体购物中心在当前市场中的作用。与“超级品牌” 购物中心的联系已被完全重新考虑以便可以通过巨大的楼梯更方便地进入内部的长长的大道。在这里，人们可以通过购物中心的活动和技术来聚会，娱乐和娱乐。可能会发生未定义的情况。

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Nodes in the megacity

MALL = MORE

The success of the Shanghai mall typology is undeniable. Its climate-

make up an important part of Shanghai ‘public space’. If a mall can

controlled interiors, together with its extensive retail and entertainment

be considered as such is questionable though. Is the shopping mall

programme, make it a popular place for the Shanghai inhabitants to

a public entity at all? How democratic is the use of it? What does its

spend their spare time. Besides this, the way in which it is integrated

ownership mean for the continuity of its public function? There are

within the city’s infrastructure and especially the metro network, makes

many aspects about the current and future presence of the mall as a

it easily accessible to a large part of the population.

type of public space that could lead to friction.

These factors made it a genuine profit generator for real-estate developers as well. The massive increase in retailing space over the

By Lars Kloeg and Niek Van Der Gugten

last decade accounts for this. As a result, shopping malls nowadays,

242

大城市中的节点

购物中心=更多

上海购物中心类型学的成功不可否认。其气候受控的内饰以及广泛的零售和娱乐计划，使其成为上海居民度过闲暇时光的好地方。除此之外，它在城市基础设施（尤其是地铁网络）中的集成方式使大部分人口都可以轻松访问它。这些因素也使其成为房地产开发商的真正利润来源。在过去十年中，零售空间的大量增加是造成这一现象的原因。结果，如今的购物中心已成为上海“公共空间”的重要组成部分。购物中心是否可以被认为是值得怀疑的。购物中心是不是一个公共实体？使用它有多民主？它的所有权对于其公共职能的连续性意味着什么？关于购物中心目前和将来的存在，存在许多方面的问题，因为这可能会导致摩擦。

243

Our proposal addresses these aspects and focuses on redefining the shopping mall as a public space. Further, the way in which this typology relates to the surrounding urban fabric is questioned. The aim is to show what could potentially be done to improve the mall and make it an integral and well functioning part of the public space. The IAPM mall shall be used as testing ground for our proposal. Not as a transformation project, but merely for its location within Shanghai. The mall is considered nonexistent, only the towers present will be used as a starting point.

244

我们的提案针对这些方面，并着重于将购物中心重新定义为公共场所。此外，这种类型学与周围城市结构有关的方式受到质疑。目的是展示可以采取哪些措施来改善购物中心并使其成为公共场所不可或缺的功能。 IAPM商城将用作我们提案的试验场。不是作为改造项目，而仅是因为其在上海的位置。该购物中心被认为是不存在的，仅将现有的塔楼作为起点。

245

URBAN IDENTITY 城市身份

CONTENTS

内容

RESEARCH xx Introduction

xx 介绍

xx Historic identity

xx 历史身份

xx Contemporary urban identity

xx 当代城市身份

xx Boundaries and boarders in public space

xx 公共空间的边界和寄宿生

xx People and places

xx 人与地方

DESIGN

Shikumen (TU Delft, Student 2019)

研究

设计

xx Community

xx 社区

xx The gate: Reviving the shikumen

xx 门：复兴石库门

xx Water Corridor

xx 水廊

INTRODUCTION

The rapid pace of progress happening in Shanghai, while profiting the country’s economy, is affecting the local communities. As the city increases the number of developments and built projects, the boundary of the centre expands, and with it so does the wave of urban regeneration and gentrification. Historic public and private boundaries within the complex urban tissue are tested revealing subtle cultural nuance, lying within the cities urban fabric. Questions on the preservation of existing communal spaces as well as their quality remains. Projects in this chapter ask questions such as, how can the city expanding while still retaining collective spaces for the local community?

Public amenities map

介绍

上海正在迅速发展，在为国家经济带来利益的同时，也影响着当地社区。随着城市发展和建设项目数量的增加，中心的边界不断扩大，城市更新和高级化的浪潮也随之扩大。对复杂的城市组织内的历史性公共和私人边界进行了测试，揭示出城市城市结构中的细微文化差异。有关保留现有公共空间及其质量的问题仍然存在。城市如何在扩大规模的同时仍保留当地社区的集体空间？

Casestudyand design locations

HISTORIC IDENTITY

历史身份

Confucian Cemetery

Gate Gate Gate Gate Market

Moat

Gate

Gate Gate Temple Confucian Mansion

Gate

Confucian Temple Gate Qufu City Wall Lu State Wall Gate

Above: Map of QUFU Left: Temple Shanghai (TU Delft student, 2019)

Urban identity

YINGZAO FASHI

In such a big country as China, who wanted to establish one identity,

new kind of city and buildings affected the architects and city planners.

it is important to create an internal communicative system for building

Li Jie who was commissioned to document the changes only took

and architecture. Therefor they introduced a building manua: the

only 8% of the old drawings and established a new inherited system.

Yingzo Fashi. The first version was established in the Qin dynasty,

In this system he also added a carpentry measurement system and

around 221 B.C. This manual contained:

descriptions to the old drawing codes: the cai-fen. Another change during this period was the idea to give labourers wages.

- Dimensions of roads and vehicles - Systems of weights and measures

The new system and Li’s book were a great success. The building

- monetary forms + written characters.

manual would be revised and added over the years. However, the major changes came with the development of new technologies. Due

The manual can be seen as a court enforced building code; a collective

to new approaches, ideas and interests, the manual seemed forgotten.

creation. The real evidence and remnant of this code is the Yinghan

However, in the beginning of the 20th century it made a big rival.

Ling - the National Building Law, established in the Tang dysnasty.

(Shiqiao, L. 2003)

These standards were transformed in laws for the whole state in 1103 C.E.: The Yingzo Fahsi. The book consists out of 34 chapters which contain Basic Data, Regulations, Labout Work, Materials, and Drawings. There was always a going forth and back between localities of the empires and the central governemt, making the practitioners highly context-dependent. (Guo, Q., 1998). During the period of approximately 2000 years of the building manual, a lot changed over time. To give an example, around 1000 AD the shift of dynasty was linked with the change in the social fabric. The new Song capital, Bianliang became the first commercial capital this

Right: Inner structural arrangements of palace-type buildings (Guo, Q. 2014) Left: Chinese carpenter (“kknews”. 2019)

256

城市身份

英灶发

在像中国这样的大国，想要树立一个身份，重要的是建立一个

本书由34章组成，其中包含基本数据，法规，Labout工程，材

用于建筑和建筑的内部交流系统。为此，他们介绍了一种建筑

料和工程图。帝国各地与中央政府之间总是有来回回的关系，这

手册：英佐法事。第一版于公元前221年左右的秦朝建立。本手

使得从业者高度依赖于上下文。（Guo，Q.，1998）。

册包含：在大约2000年的建筑手册中，随着时间的流逝，发生了很多变 -道路和车辆的尺寸

化。举个例子，大约在公元1000年，王朝的转变与社会结构的

-度量衡系统

变化有关。新的宋都城边梁市成为第一个商业城，这种新型的城

-货币形式+文字。

市和建筑影响了建筑师和城市规划者。受委托记录变更的李杰仅用了8％的旧图纸并建立了一个新的继承体系。在此系统中，他

该手册可以看作是法院强制执行的建筑法规；集体创造。该法典

还为旧的图纸代码cai-fen添加了木工测量系统和说明。在此期

的真正证据和残余是在唐朝制定的《英汉法》-《国家建筑法》。

间的另一个变化是给工人工资的想法。新系统和李的书取得了

公元1103年，这些标准在整个州的法律中发生了变化：英佐·法

巨大的成功。多年来，将修订并增加建筑手册。但是，重大变化

西（Yingzo Fahsi）。

来自新技术的发展。由于采用了新的方法，想法和兴趣，该手册似乎被遗忘了。但是，在20世纪初，它成为了一个巨大的竞争对手。（石桥，L.2003）

257

Urban identity

TEMPLES

To look at the product related to the building manual we have some clear examples when we look at the temples. The main religion of China is Buddhism, but also Taoism, folklore and Confucianism play an important role in daily life of Chinese.** Most cities (and even small villages) are arranged around temples. Also Shanghai has three major temples. In china the building manual pointed out how a building should be build. The findings of a hardcopy from an old manual from 1145 which established a new interest in the old Chinese architecture. In 1919 a Longhua Temple (Ho, Denise, 2017)

new edition was made and China established the Institute for Research

Temple construction (Guo, Q. 2014)

into Chinese Architecture (Zhongguo Yingzao Xueshe). The new/ recovered edition of the handbook (1925) catalysed the interest for Chinese architecture worldwide. However, it seems that the proud of this national style and knowledge the actual buildings constructed with this knowledge is minimal. The lack of practice coincide with the loss of the craftsman. In villages the old wooden houses are to expensive to renovate, so people leave them behind and move to the concrete apartment blocks.

Jing’an Temple (Wiki commons, 2020)

Symbolic panels (Guo, Q. 2014)

Temple of god drawing (Danison, 2006)

Palace framework (Guo, Q. 2014)

258

城市身份

庙宇

CHINESE BUDDISM

185-250 M

Protestants 60-80 M

Muslims 21-23 M

Falun Gong 11 M

Catholics 12 M

Tibetan Buddists 6-8 M

Religious demography in China (M = Million)

为了查看与建筑手册相关的产品，我们在查看太阳穴时有一些清晰的示例。中国的主要宗教是佛教，但道教，民俗学和儒教在中国人的日常生活中也起着重要作用。**大多数城市（甚至是小村庄）都分布在寺庙周围。上海也有三座主要的寺庙。在中国，建筑手册指出了如何建造建筑物。从1145年的一本旧手册中获得了一份硬拷贝的发现，该手册引起了对中国旧建 Top left to bottom right The Roof: Venice Bienale 2014 (Van Parys, Cedric. 2014.) The Oriental Crown: 2010 Shanghai Pavillion (TU Delft Student) Pavillion: Atelier Bow wow (Inhabitate, 2016) Pavillion, Landscaped park (TU Delft Student)

筑的新兴趣。 1919年，中国出版了新版本的书，中国成立了中国建筑研究所（中国建筑学会）。该手册的新版（已恢复）（1925年）激起了全球对中国建筑的兴趣。但是，似乎以这种民族风格和知识为荣，用这种知识建造的实际建筑物却很少。缺乏实践与工匠的流失相吻合。在乡村中，旧木房的装修成本很高，因此人们将其遗弃并搬到混凝土公寓楼

259

Urban identity

LIVING

Feng-shui litteraly means ‘wind and water’ and used in China as

emperor

traditional way of building to harmonise people with their environment. The way of building enhanced the prosperity over the inhabitants. The story goes that father sky carries the rain and water (shui) and is moved by the wind (feng), this water fertilises mother earth: Qi. (Xu, P.

officers

1998). The main arrangement and orientation is all to emphasise the relation with the positive energy Q (literally meaning: “vitality” or “living energy”/”energy flux”). It can also be related to the Yin and Yang. The

common people

void would not exist without the mass and also the other way round. This shows the importance of the balance. Yin: female, mass, earth, hills and walls, the dark, dead and the still.

grandfather

Yang: male, void, the light, the living, the moving.

fathers & uncles

brothers women & servants

Pyramid of the traditional Chinese family

活的 Fire

5 Soil

(wood)

风水在字面上意为“风与水”，在中国被用作传统的建筑方式，以使人们与环境和谐相处。建筑的方式增强了居民的繁荣。故事流传着父亲的天空载着雨水（水）并被风（风）移动，这水肥沃

W (gold/metal)

了大地：齐。（Xu，P.1998）。主要的安排和方向都是为了强调与正能量Q的关系（字面含义：“活力”或“生命能量” /“ 能量通量”）。它也可能与阴阳有关。没有质量就没有空虚，反之亦然。这表明了平衡的重要性。

(Water)

阴：女性，群众，大地，山丘和墙壁，黑暗，死亡和寂静。杨：男性，虚无，光明，活着，动人。

Nine Chamber Diagram

260

城市身份

Feng-shui model of an ideal site for a house Perception of land form

Feng-shui model formed the structure of Beijing courtyyard

1. NATURE

perception of heaven and earth, regarding orientations and positions

‘I Chi’ ‘Luc Book’ ‘Eight Diagram’ Ancient Chinese cosmology

2. SOCIETY & PEOPLE

The Beijing courtyard dwelling 6

An ideal model for arranging Qi

The place linking heaven and earth

Height

Depth

Hierarchical system in society and family

Steps

Depth of yard, height of building, numbers of steps symbolize the hierachical system within the family

Eliminating the outsider, an eclosing system in society and the faily severed central control

The courtyard, an enclosing space, opens to the center. It symbolizes central control of the family.

Symbolic system in measurement and decoration, such as sculpture and colors. Other concerns about the prosperity of the family Symbolic system in landscape design such ast the use of plants.

(Xu 1998)

261

Urban identity

FROM THE COURTYARD TO THE CITY From the courtyard to the city urban lay-out were physically and Northern Hall

socially formed by Feng-shui. The Beijing courtyard is the most common in China. This courtyard (Yang) is surrounded by buildings (Yin) with each different functions. These two balance with each

Third courtyard

other, but also symbolise the family’s harmony and calls for prosperity and joy. The entrance is (ultimately) positioned in the Southeast Corridor

Ear room

corner. From this direction the Qi can flow easily in the house. You will walk against the screen ‘spirit’. This wall has the hanging flower gate, symbolising ‘the facing mountain’. Going through the gate you will enter the inner courtyard. Opposite you will find the major room, facing south. Two wings around the courtyard form an U shape which symbolises the ‘tiger and dragon hills’. On the North side is the kitchen located, to prevent the smell of cooking going through the whole house. The toilet is located in one of the corners closely located to the street, or even outside of the courtyard. (Zhang, 2018)

West residency

Inner Courtyard

East residency

Also the city lay out is usually based on a Yin and Yang principle. An ideal city in the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) was based on the 9 square principle. This means that in a city the southern parts (Yang) belonged to the imperial courts, while the northern parts (Yin) were less favourable and were places were markets were placed. Unfortunately there is no city in China which exactly matches the ideal form. However, taking the old city centre and the map of Qufu (the

Spirit screen

city coming the closest to the ideal), there are just little differences. (Zhang, 2018). See below for the comparison.

First courtyard

The Feng shui principle emphasises the process-based experience of Reverse facing rooms

Main gate

a holistic whole. It encourages an understanding of the natural land (scape) which contains the cultural interactions.

Traditional courtyard

262

城市身份

来自法院去城市

从庭院到城市，城市布局是由风水形成的。北京四合院是中国最常见的。这个庭院（Yang）被具有

Confucian Cemetery

不同功能的建筑物（Yin）包围。两者之间保持平

Gate

衡，但也象征着家庭的和谐与繁荣与欢乐的呼唤。

Gate

入口（最终）位于东南角。从这个方向，齐气可以

Gate

很容易地在房屋中流动。您将在“精神”屏幕上行走。这堵墙的花门悬挂着，象征着“面临的山脉”

Gate Market

Moat

。穿过大门，您将进入内部庭院。在对面，您会发

Gate

现面向南的主要房间。庭院周围的两个翅膀形成U 形，象征着“老虎和龙山”。厨房的北侧是为了防

Gate Gate

止烹饪的气味穿过整个房子。厕

Temple Confucian Mansion

所位于靠近街道的角落之一，甚至在庭院外面。（

Gate

Confucian Temple

张，2018）

Gate Qufu City Wall Lu State Wall

同样，城市布局通常基于阴阳原理。清朝（1644-

Gate

1911）的理想城市基于9平方原则。这意味着在一个城市中，南部（Yang）属于皇室，而北部（Yin）则较不受欢迎，而地方是市场。不幸的是，中国没有哪个城市能完全符合理想的状态。但是，以旧城区中心和曲阜市（离理想城市最近的城市）地图为例，两者之间几乎没有区别。（张，2018）。参见下面的比较。风水原则强调整体的基于过程的经验。它鼓励人们理解包含文化互动的自然土地（景观）。

Top: Map of QUFU Bottom: Traditional courtyard (Howard Choy. 2015)

263

CONTEMPORARY ARCHITECTURE

当代城市身份

Left: Shikumen (TU Delft Student, 2019) Right: House price map High Low

Urban identity

INTERNATIONAL ARCHITECTURE

After losing the opium war in 1843, lots of changes started. The British and other Western power started concessions with their own industries and financial institutions. They brought foreign investments, new ideas and technology. Besides, they influenced urban planning and architecture style (Chen, 2007). The Concessions developed rapidly. Therefore there was a big need to accommodate people and businesses. The concessions were only accessible for foreigners, the Chinese were not allowed. From 1870 onwards, the Chinese were allowed to come in. The concessions resulted in lots of foreign influences. Also the architecture style was influenced by foreign architects and planners. Especially the bund was highly influenced by western influences. Lots of buildings are designed in Renaissance or neo classicical style. The Bund in the International Settlement went through three successive waves of renewal. Most buildings were torn down and resurrected two to three times.

266

城市身份

国际建筑

在1843年鸦片战争失败后，许多变化开始了。英国和其他西方强国开始对自己的行业和金融机构作出让步。他们带来了外国投资，新思想和新技术。此外，它们影响了城市规划和建筑风格（Chen，2007）。特许经营发展迅速。因此，非常需要容纳人员和企业。优惠仅对外国人开放，中国人不允许。从1870年起，中国人被允许进来。这些让步产生了很多外国影响。同样，建筑风格也受到外国建筑师和规划师的影响。特别是外滩受西方影响很大。许多建筑以文艺复兴时期或新古典主义风格设计。国际结算中的外滩经历了三连串的复兴。大多数建筑物被拆除并复活了两到三遍。

(Left to right) Bank of communications Russo Chiinese bank The palace hotel Simon Fieldhouse (The Story of the Bund, 2020)

267

Urban identity

HAI PAI CULTURE

“The Ocean absorbs the flows of hundreds of rivers” This quotation is a description of the Hai Pai culture as it characterises the culture of Shanghai pretty well. The metaphor implies that Shanghai has an open attitude for all kind of cultures. There is a place form high class to folk cultures. The name Hai pai (meaning Shanghai style) is coined by an artist from Beijing and derived from a painting. The painters living in Shanghai, who earned a living by selling these paintings, were quite willing to follow the market influences to make more profit. The Hai pai culture is seen as the ‘rebellious’ and a ‘bold’ statement and innovation. The open-mind attitude is now seen as a culture and people start to see the value of this. The citizens feel attached to their ‘new’ culture. In the early 20th century it witnessed the birth of department stores beside other new ways of shopping and commerce in Shanghai. This was not only an expression to Western shopping culture, but give an idea of new ideas and trends in the west. The Nanjing road is the almost 3.5 km long commercial core. A new way of shopping together with the invention of the trolley transformed the road in two years time (1918-1920) to China’s shopping Mecca. It would become the birthplace for Shanghai’s modern commercialism, consisting out of more than 300 shops. (Wu, 2003) During that time, also architecture was changing. The influences form the modernisation and the commercialism started a new mindset: reproduction. They saw this happening in America a lot and found it

Republican era advertisement for Indanthren cloth (Hongyu, Chen, 2019)

an productive way of creating fast a lot of houses.This had a great influence on the architecture schools.(Gandelsonas, 2002).

268

城市身份

海派文化

“海洋吸收了数百条河流” 这句话是对海派文化的描述，因为它很好地刻画了上海的文化。隐喻意味着上海对各种文化持开放态度。有一个地方形成了民间文化的高级阶层。 Hai pai（意为上海风格）的名称由北京的一位艺术家创造，并源于一幅画。居住在上海的画家通过出售这些画作为生，他们很愿意跟随市场影响以获取更多利润。海派文化被视为“叛逆” 和“大胆”的表述和创新。现在，开放的态度被视为一种文化，人们开始看到其价值。市民对他们的“新”文化感到依恋。在20世纪初，它见证了百货商店的诞生以及上海其他新的购物和商业方式。这不仅是西方购物文化的一种表达，而且给西方带来了新的观念和趋势的想法。南京路是近3.5公里长的商业核心。一种新的购物方式以及手推车的发明，在两年时间（1918年至 1920年）中将道路变成了中国的购物麦加。它将成为上海现代商业主义的发源地，拥有300多家商店。（吴，2003）在此期间，架构也在发生变化。现代化的影响和商业主义开始了一种新的思维方式：再生产。他们看到这种情况在美国发生了很多，并发现这是快速建造大量房屋的一种有效方式，这对建筑学校产生了很大的影响（Gandelsonas，2002）。

Nanjing Road (TU Delft student, 2019)

269

Urban identity

THE BIRTH OF THE SHIKUMEN

British and French developers were happy to develop the shikumen to earn lots of money on the Chinese refugees. The developments in the settlement areas were required to build in Western style. But these styles were too costly to build in large amounts. Therefore, the developers commissioned local contractors. This resulted in western exterior look with Chinese details and Chinese interior floor plans (Chen, 2017). Therefore, you can argue that the shikumen architecture symbolises the modern Chinese Real estate industry because of its standardised construction, market targeted design and commercial operation (Zhong & Chen, 2016). The shikumen houses, which first meant for one family, were now used for multiple families. In 1982, the municipal government of Shanghai adapted a policy to renovateMetro oldStation shikumen areas. However, this resulted in 1930 + a demolition of 5.13 millions square meters of Shikumen 1925 - 1930

(Zhong & Chen, 2017). 1920 - 1925

Location and construction date of Shikumen housing

1915 - 1920

Metro 1930+ Pre 1930 Pre 1915

1910 - 1915 1900 - 1910 No date 0

Shikumen front facade (Qinggong, X. & Wenlei, X. 2016)

270

500 m

1000m

1500 m

城市身份

石库门的诞生

英国和法国开发商很高兴开发出石库门，从而为中国难民赚取很多钱。居住区的发展需要以西方风格建造。但是这些样式太昂贵，无法大量建造。因

Middle room

此，开发商委托当地承包商。这产生了带有中国细节和中国室内平面图的西方外观（Chen，2017）。因此，您可以说石库门建筑象征着现代中国房地产业，因为它具有标准化的结构，针对市场的设计和商业运作（Zhong＆Chen，2016）。石库门房屋最初是为一个家庭使用的，现在已用于多个家庭。 1982年，上海市政府制定了一项对旧石库门地区进行整修的政策。然而，这导致拆除了

Reception room

Front room Front room

Front room

Courtyard

513万平方米的石库门（Zhong＆Chen，2017) Ground and first floor plan of a typical Shikumen

Shikumen back facade (Qinggong, X. & Wenlei, X. 2016)

271

Middle room

Front room

Urban identity

Commercial activities take place at the boundaries of the Shikumen area. This can be seen as the total public part of the Shikumen typology. However, also some informal commercial activities took place inside the Shikumen. These informal commercial activities were characterised by personal care. To enter the Shikumen area, you should enter a gate. This gate was closed at night. Often, there were multiple gates, but they closed at different times. For this reason, only for people who new the Shikumen well, was able to use the Shikumen as a shortcut (Bracken, 2013). After the gate there was often a public toilet. Where people could dispose their human waste. The residences were accessed by lanes, the main lane is around 4 m wide and is running perpendicular to the access street. The alleyways were home to a variety of communal activities, from work to play, and the chief factor in their flexibility of use was the hierarchical system of ‘graduated privacy’ that was obtained as one moved from the public street to the private.

Public to private in the Shikumen

272

城市身份

商业活动在石库门地区的边界进行。这可以看作是 Shikumen类型学的全部公开部分。但是，在石库门内也发生了一些非正式的商业活动。这些非正式的商业活动以个人护理为特征。要进入石库门地区，您应该输入一扇大门。大门在晚上关闭。通常，有多个大门，但它们在不同的时间关闭。因此，仅对人对Shikumen进行了很好的改进的人，能够使用Shikumen作为快捷方式（Bracken，2013年）。门后经常有一个公共厕所。人们可以将其人类废物处理的地方。住宅区由车道进入，主车道宽约4 m，并垂直于通道。从工作到娱乐，这些小巷都是各种各样的公共活动的场所，其灵活使用的主要因素是“有等级的隐私”的分级系统，该系统是从公共街道转移到私人街道时获得的。

Exterior of Shikumen (TU Delft Student, 2019)

273

Urban identity

RAPID URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Looking to the consequences of the city growth, a clear result is the old smaller city villages losing significance and urban qualities. In many examples they are increasingly surrounded in-between tall new buildings, that changes the urban fabric of their surrounds. Thereafter rendering the existing low-rise and old structure often radically less relevant in the city hierarchy. The clear contrasts show the massive growth the city has been through. To this day, urban villages are rapidly lost making way for new dense high-rise. This loss of historical identity is the result of many factors, importantly among them the growing economy and the constant housing demand. Mediating between old and new in a city that is pressured immensely by the population growth has been of great historical importance to Shanghai and remains a key concern for the future. By tracing the expansion over time, and the pressures Shanghai receives today and presumably in the future, there is perhaps a very real challenge of overlapping peaceably old and new housing, while securing quality public spaces in the process.

Architectural development timeline

1976 Mao Zedong’s death

Population

1978 Chinese economic reform

1842

1949 Founding of the People’s republic of China

1912 Republic was established in China

Treaty of Nanjing

Mao Zedong

Deng Xiaoping

1991

2004

2012

Jiang Zemin

Hu Jintao

Xi Jinping

CONCESSIONS IN SHANGHAI 1840

First Opium War

1845

1850

Taiping Rebellion

1855

1860

1865

1870

1875

1880

1885

1890

1895

First SinoJapanese War

Second Opium War

QING DYNASTY

1900

1905

1910

1915

1920

1925

1930

1935

1940

1945

Second SinoJapanese War

Xinhai Revolution

1950

Early economic development

REPUBLIC OF CHINA

Work-Unit compound

274

1960

1965

Economic recovery

1970

1975

1980

Culture Revolution

1985

1990

1995

2000

Economic Reform

2005

2010

2015

2020

2025

2030

Economic development

PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA 11%

Lilong Housing

1955

20%

18%

23%

High-Rise community

44%

51%

70%

Urbanization level

城市身份

快速的城市发展

纵观城市发展的后果，显而易见的结果是旧的较小的城市村庄失

Native village

去了意义和城市品质。在许多示例中，它们越来越多地被包围在高大的新建筑之间，这改变了其周围的城市结构。此后，使现有的低层和旧结构在城市层次结构中通常根本不重要。明显的对比表明该城市已经实现了巨大的增长。时至今日，城市村庄迅速消失，为新的密集高层建筑腾出空间。这种历史身份

Early stage urban village

的丧失是许多因素造成的，重要的是其中的经济增长和持续的住房需求。在人口增长压力巨大的城市中，新旧之间的调解对上海具有重要的历史意义，并且仍然是未来的主要关注点。通过追踪随着时间的增长，以及上海现在以及未来可能承受的压力，在确保

Growing urban village

优质公共空间的同时，和平地叠合新旧住房也许是一个非常现实的挑战。

Mature urban village

Redeveloped area

images: Chuan Song

275

Urban identity

1870

OLD SKIKUMEN LILONG

HOUSING Type 1

The Lilong were the first gated communities introduced

NEW SKIKUMEN LILONG

in Shanghai. The variation of the Lilong housing Type 2

prototypes emerged as a consequence of economic, social, historical and urban contexts. If comparing the NEW TYPE LILONG

Type 1

Old & New Shikumen, Lilong were mostly groundrelated with a traditional courtyard pattern.

Type 2

In the International concession Lilongs were developed. During this concession, there came a lot of industry Type 2

Type 1

and new inhabitants to the today’s city center of Shanghai and the city needed more housing in a short

GARDEN LILONG

time period. That was the start of the development Type 3

of the different Lilong-styles (image 19).101 The most

Type 4

parts of housing were developed in areas between the APARTMENT LILONG

International Settlement and the French concession. The Lilongs developed from the old gated communities

Type 1

towards Garden lilongs for the richer people and appartment lilongs for a higher density (5-7 levels high)

Type 1

Type 2

Type 3

1949

Architecture Shikumen lilong

276

城市身份

7 3

3 7

住房

力龙是上海最早引入的封闭式社区。利隆房屋原型 3 5 5 的变化是经济，社会，历史和城市环境的结果。如 4 4 果将旧石库门与新石库门进行比较，力隆在很大程

54 4

度上与传统庭院模式有关。 7

7 6

2 2 3 在国际特许经营中，开发了利隆。在此特许权期 4 4

间，如今的上海市中心吸引了许多行业和新居民， 1 1 而且该市在短时间内需要更多住房。这就是不同的 3 3 3 33 33 33 23 33 32 3

利隆风格的发展的开始（图19）。101住房的大部

New Lilong: Type 1

分是在国际住区和法国租界之间的地区开发的。利隆族人从古老的封闭式社区发展成为富人区的花园 1 1 利隆族和密度较高的公寓利隆族（高5-7级）

4 8

3 3

5 4

2 7

3 5 4 3

37 6

1 3

9 7

1 1

4 Old Shikumen Lilong: Type 1

7 Garden Lilong

5 8 2

3 7

7 3

1 New Shikumen Lilong: Type 2

3 3

3 2

4 Apartment Lilong: Type 1

277

9 7 6

Urban identity

GATED COMMUNITIES

The old gated communities, like the Lilongs were succesfull for more than 100 years in the history of Shanghai. The low-densed community found it’s succes by the community feelings created by the small private spaces and the open spaces, like the semi-private sidelanes in front of their houses were people came together to cook, wash or other activities. As the demand for housing grows within Shanghai, local municipalities, Housing cooperatives and developers look to new urban development models. Xintandi is an examples of renovated lilong areas in Shanghai. Xintiandi is completely renovated, and partly rebuilt. This former lilong now functions as a very successful shopping and dining area, along side gated communities, and a public park. The power of Xintandi is created by the preservation of Shanghai’s Lilong architecture with its Shikumen stone gate facades. The open structure of this project made many connections from the inside of this shopping area to the outside, with the street. This created an area with commercial activities inside the project, were people can see and feel an community like the old Lilongs, but also an area with commercial activities at the streetside, for example terraces and shops. The Xintiandi with its shopping street inside and outside the site, creates an interactive and attractive environment to visit and to stay. It is not an island in the city, but connects itself with the surrounding.

Top: Historic lilongs (Image source) Bottom: Xintandi (Image source)

278

城市身份

像利隆家族这样的古老的封闭式社区在上海历史上已经成功了一百多年。低密度社区发现了小型私人空间和开放空间所产生的社区感觉的成功，就像房屋前的半私人围栏是人们聚在一起做饭，洗衣服或其他活动一样。随着上海对住房需求的增长，当地市政当局，住房合作社和开发商都在寻求新的城市发展模式。新滩地就是上海黎龙区装修后的一个例子。新天地经过全面翻新，部分翻新。以前的利隆现在沿两侧的封闭社区和公园成为非常成功的购物和用餐区。新滩地的力量是通过保留上海利隆建筑及其石库门石门立面而创造的。该项目的开放式结构使该购物区的内部与外部以及街道之间建立了许多联系。这在项目内部创建了一个带有商业活动的区域，人们

Xinatandi Model (SOM, 2016)

可以看到并感觉到像旧利隆家族一样的社区，同时也可以在街上进行商业活动的区域，例如露台和商店。新天地及其站点内外的购物街为参观和住宿创造了一个互动且有吸引力的环境。它不是城市中的一个岛屿，而是与周围环境保持联系。

279

BOUNDARIES AND BOARDERS IN PUBLIC SPACE

边界和寄宿生在公共场所

Above: Urban blocks Left: Lilongs (TU Delft, Student 2019)

Urban identity

PHYSICAL BOUNDARIES AND PSYCHOLOGICAL BOARDERS Our approach begins with researching an individuals route around the

private) and they might discourage the passage of people. This can

city, and gradually expands to the types of destinations around the city

be exemplified with the allays in the shikumen residential blocks

as well as on the type of boundaries users go through to reach them.

in Shanghai. They are gated communities however they are not

Our aim is to test their level of permeability,

enclosed; therefore, outsiders can enter but these entrances function

as we believe that there is a direct link between boundaries and

as psychological barriers that indicate the semi-public character of

the way people move in the urban environment and distinguish the

the alleyways. We would like to focus on the individual psychological

different behaviour that they can evoke.

definition of space, starting with the intimate space, moving to the personal and social space, leading to the public space. Finding the

Physical boundaries:

spatial translation of this psychological boundaries can be interesting in

Spatial elements visible in the landscape as physical structures such

understanding people’s behaviour in the city.

as fences, gates and walls but also as changes of the city’s spatial continuity such as the building style, signage, vegetation, program (from residential to commercial area). We would like to address those boundaries in our research starting from the immediate boundary of the nucleus of the residence and moving outwards to boundary with the immediate community, the residential block, and then to the rest of the city. Psychological boarders: Even though physical boundaries are not always strict, as gates can remain open throughout the day, their mere existence claims the transition from a space to another (public-private, semi-public-

City

ial space Soc

ntial Bl side oc Re

lic space Pub

mmunity Co

rsonal space Pe

ilding Bu

Int

ate spa im

Wall

0.45m

Street

1.2m

Road

3.6m

7.6m

282

城市身份

我们的方法从研究整个城市的个人路线开始，然后逐渐扩展到城市周围的目的地类型以及用户到达目的地的边界类型。我们的目的是测试其渗透性水平，因为我们相信界限与人们在城市环境中的移动方式之间有着直接的联系，并区分出他们可以唤起的不同行为。物理界限：在景观中可见的空间元素是物理结构，例如栅栏，大门和墙壁，还可以是城市空间连续性的变化，例如建筑风格，标牌，植被，程序（从住宅到商业区域）。我们希望在研究中解决这些边界问题，即从住宅核心的直接边界开始，再向外扩展至与直接社区，住宅街区的边界，然后再到城市的其余部分。心理界限：尽管物理边界并不总是严格的，因为大门可以全天开放，但它们的存在要求从一个空间过渡到另一个空间（公共-私人，半公共-私人），并且可能会阻碍人们的通行。这可以通过上海石库门住宅楼中的小巷来举例说明。它们是封闭式社区，但没有封闭。因此，局外人可以进入，但这些入口的作用是心理障碍表明小巷的半公共性质。我们想关注个人对空间的心理定义，从私密空间开始，转移到个人和社会空间，再到公共空间。找到这种心理边界的空间转换，对于理解人们在城市中的行为可能会很有趣。

Above: Urban blocks Left: Lilongs (TU Delft, Student 2019)

283

Urban identity

As stated above, roads can function as boundaries within the city. Furthermore their level of permeability can be defined by the amount of traffic, the number of car lanes and therefore the overall width of the street. In this specificarea roads of different levels of permeability can be traced. The ones with high permeability are indicated with a darker tone whereas the less permeable ones with lighter tones. Section A In section A we can see that the street is wide enough to prevent people from occupying it for other activities. Commercial and social activities are mostly limited to the area of the arcade on the right side where people tend to place chairs and sit outside of their shops. Section B The road of section B is narrower and the pavement of the commercial ground level of the left side is occupied bypeople engaging in social or commercial activities. In a way, it can be considered as a transitory space as it has reduced traffic, an element which enables pedestrians to move relatively freely in the street.

Streets as boundaries Section A

284

城市身份

街道作为边界

如上所述，道路可以作为城市的边界。此外，它们的渗透性水平可以通过交通量，车道数量以及街道的整体宽度来定义。在此特定区域中，可以跟踪不同渗透率的道路。渗透性较高的那些以较暗的色调表示，而渗透性较低的那些以较浅的色调表示。 A节在A节中，我们可以看到这条街足够宽，可以防止人们将其占用进行其他活动。商业和社交活动大多限于右侧拱廊的区域，人们倾向于将椅子放在商店外面。 B区 B区的道路较窄，左侧的商业地面铺平了从事社交或商业活动的人员。从某种意义上说，它可以被认为是一个短暂的空间，因为它减少了交通，使行人在街上可以相对自由地活动。

285

Urban identity

Section C1 Section C1 as section B, highlights a narrow street in which the pavement of the commercial ground level of the rightside is occupied by people engaging in social or commercial activities. It can also be considered as a transitory space as it has reduced traffic and therefore pedestrians are able to move relatively freely in the street. Section D The road of section D is a wide six lane street, with planters and wide pavements on both sides. These elements attribute to the reduced permeability of the road, as people are only able to cross through the crossings for their safety.

Streets as boundaries Section C

286

城市身份

C1节 C1部分作为B部分，突出显示了一条狭窄的街道，右侧的商业地面铺平了从事社交或商业活动的人的道路。由于它减少了交通，因此也可以被视为临时空间，因此行人能够在街上相对自由地移动。 D区 D区的道路是一条宽阔的六车道街道，两侧都有花槽和宽阔的人行道。这些因素归因于道路通透性的降低，因为人们只能为了安全而穿越十字路口。

Streets as boundaries Section D

287

Urban identity

BUILDINGS AS BOUNDARIES

In some cases, buildings can also be considered as boundaries for other buildings. When taking the traditional lilong housing as a starting point, one may notice the fact that the buildings are surrounded from all directions by other buildings. The northern and eastern sides are completely closed from the street whereas the western and southern sides are permeable with the existence of gated pathways from the facades. The gates are open during the day and therefore the inside alleys of the lilong can be considered as semi public areas. However, the fact that gates do exist can psychologically prevent passers by from entering (psychological boundaries) Section C2 Entrance passage from the street to the lilong semi public area Section E The northern and eastern part of the block is completely closed. Therefore the lilong housing units have no connection to the equivalent streets.

Streets as boundaries Section C

288

城市身份

建筑物作为边界

在某些情况下，建筑物也可以视为其他建筑物的边界。在这个领域可以看到这样的例子。更具体地说，当以传统的利隆房屋为起点时，人们可能会注意到一个事实，即这些建筑物从各个方向都被其他建筑物所包围。北侧和东侧与街道完全封闭，而西侧和南侧由于门控通道的存在而具有渗透性从外墙。大门在白天开放，因此里隆的内部小巷可被视为半公共区域。但是，确实存在大门的事实可以在心理上阻止过客进入（心理边界） C2节从街道到利隆半公共区域的入口通道 E节街区的北部和东部完全封闭。因此，利隆房屋单位与等效街道没有任何联系

Streets as boundaries Section D

289

Urban identity

Yong’an Fang The spatial arrangement of the lilong traditional housing creates a linear grid like in-between space that inevitably defines people’s spatial movement. This semi-public space is used by the residents for socializing. The movement of people through space can be also either static, as people tend to occupy the space in font of their residence. The traditional community environment of the Lilong neighborhood is a remnant of the old living lifestyles of the city of Shanghai. The lanes of the immediate exterior of the residences, are spaces of socializing between the residents but also spaces for washing and cleaning. Wait Tan Soho Conversely in the Soho development the spatial arrangement of the semi-public spaces, being open to the street from all sides allow the free entrance and movement of the people in various directions, with only restriction being the prohibited to walk Yong’an Fang

on green areas. The Soho housing, (Small Office, Home Office), is a hybrid typology of modern residences and office spaces. Usually the lower levels are occupied by the office and commercial sectors white the residences are located in the top levels. This is also the case with this specific area. The semi-public space around the buildings can be used by passers-by as it is open from all directions.

Wait Tan Soho

290

城市身份

力隆传统房屋的空间布置在空间之间形成了线性网格，不可避免

相反，在Soho开发中，半公共空间的空间布局从四面八方向街

地定义了人们的空间运动。居民使用这种半公共空间进行社交。

道开放，允许人们自由进入和向各个方向移动，只有在绿色区域

人们在空间中的移动也可以是静态的，因为人们倾向于以其住所

内行走才被限制。

的字体占据空间。 Soho住房（小型办公室，家庭办公室）是现代住宅和办公空间 long龙街区的传统社区环境是上海古老的生活生活方式的残余。

的混合类型。通常较低的楼层由办公室和商业区占据，而住宅位

住宅紧邻外部的车道既是居民之间的社交空间，又是洗涤和清

于顶层。此特定区域也是如此。建筑物周围的半公共空间可以从

洁空间。

四面八方开放，供路人使用。

等待谭秀镐

The traditional community environment of the Lilong neighborhood is a remnant of the old living lifestyles of the city of Shanghai. The lanes of the immediate exterior of the residences, are spaces of socializing between the residents but also spaces for washing and cleaning.

Yong’an Fang

The traditional community environment of the Lilong The Soho housing, (Small Office, is neighborhoodHome is a remnant of Office), the old living lifestyles of the city of Shanghai. The lanes of the immediate of the residences, are spaces ofoffice socializing a hybrid typology of modern exterior residences and between the residents but also spaces for washing and cleaning. spaces. Usually the lower levels are occupied by the office and commercial sectors white the residences are located in the top levels. This is also the case with this specific area. The semi-public space around the buildings can be used by passers-by as it is open from all directions.

Wait Tan Soho

291 The traditional community environment of the Lilong

The Soho housing, (Small Office, Home Office), is

PEOPLE AND PLACES

人与地方

Above: Occupying the pavement Left: Shanghai street scape (TU Delft, Student 2019)

Urban identity

OCCUPYING THE PAVEMENT

People occupy public spaces daily, creating street cultures. People

Vehicles

who could be anyone and everyone, work and socialise on the streets, blurring the edges between the pavement and traffic lane. Neighbours

Activities: Using vehicles as urban furniture to socialize, to cool down,

run into each other and chat by the side of the road, kids play on

to spend time out of the house

the pavement, lovers sit out and enjoy afternoon tea, runners take

Places: Throughout the city, busy streets especially on the curbs.

advantage of tree-shaded avenues, shoppers peer into shop windows,

While this happens in many different areas throughout the city, it

street artists immerse themselves in their performance... Street

seems to occur most frequently on streets which are quite busy

belongs to the people.

with pedestrians. This may be either related to the supervision of the streets or to the fact that it is a more pleasant environment.\

In Shanghai and other cities in China, chairs are always found in the streets of the old town, the historic neighbourhoods and the alleys inside Longtang. The chair is not limited to being “sit”, but carries a rich

Home Furnishings

urban function. The chair is a social space. The residential conditions in the old town have not been improved, the space is crowded, the

Activities: Using furniture as the extension of living space

facilities are old, and it is not convenient to live. So, people moved

Places: Mostly in Lilong, people bring chairs and furniture outside of

their own chairs to the outside, and several chairs became a “common

their homes, occupying semi-private spaces right on their front step or

living room”. Besides, the chair also could be a commercial place.

in narrow alleys between homes. These spaces become extensions of

Sometimes, the chair is a kind of spontaneous rest space in the city. It

their living rooms, increasing the often small square footage of homes.

complements the urban furnitures in the city.

Shanghai Streets (Jian, Yi. 2018)

294

城市身份

占用路面

人们每天占用公共空间，创造街头文化。可能是任何人和所有人的人，在大街上工作和社交，模糊了人行道和行车道之间的边缘。邻居们相遇，在路边聊天，孩子们在人行道上嬉戏，恋人坐在外面，享受下午茶，跑步者利用绿荫成荫的大道，购物者凝视着橱窗，街头艺术家沉迷于表演...街属于人民。在上海和中国其他城市，老镇的街道，历史悠久的街区和龙塘内的小巷总是可以找到椅子。椅子不仅限于“坐下”，还具有丰富的城市功能。椅子是一个社交空间。老城区的居住条件没有得到改善，空间拥挤，设施陈旧，居住不便。因此，人们将自己的椅子移到外面，几把椅子变成了“公共客厅”。此外，椅子也可以是商业场所。有时，椅子是城市中自发的休息空间。它补充了城市中的城市家具。

车辆 Vehicles

活动：使用车辆作为城市家具进行社交，放松身心，花时间在屋外地点：整个城市中，繁忙的街道，尤其是路边。尽管这种情况发生在整个城市的许多不同地区，但似乎最经常发生在行人繁忙的街道上。这可能与对街道的监督有关，也可能与环境更加舒适有关。

家居摆设活动：使用家具作为居住空间的延伸地点：通常在利隆，人们将椅子和家具带到家中，在他们的前台阶或房屋之间狭窄的小巷中占据半私人空间。这些空间成为其起居室的延伸，从而增加了通常很小的房屋面积

Home furnishings

295

Urban identity

Planters Activities: Using planters as seating in public spaces Places: The presence of planters suggests that the spaces where this occurs are well maintained and designed with intention of being appealing, however perhaps not providing sufficient seating. Planters serve as benches for eating, chatting, playing games.

Planters

296

城市身份

播种机活动：在公共场所使用花坛作为座位位置：种植园主的存在表明，发生这种情况的空间得到了很好的维护和设计，目的是吸引人，但是可

RESIDENTS

TOURISTS

ON SHIFT

Youth

Chinese

Public Workers

The Elderly

Foreigners

Street Vendors

能无法提供足够的座位。播种机充当吃饭，聊天，玩游戏的长凳。

Morning After dinner

Street furniture NEEDS REFERENCE)

297

Almost whole day

Early Morning Late night

Urban identity

FOOD CULTURE

Chinese people believe “民以食为天“ (Hunger breeds discontentment). Buying ingredients become the most important thing in daily life. In early morning, people will go to the natural markets, bargaining with the vendors and greeting their friends. Street food is an essential part of urban culture. The greatest cities all have street food. Shanghai’s importance as a model for twenty-first century urbanism rests not only on its high-speed trains and super-tall skyscrapers, but also, just as vitally, on its street food, street markets and street life. In its rich variety Shanghai’s street food is a true testament to the hybrid culture of this migrant metropolis. Today in cities across the world a street food renaissance is taking place. However, in Shanghai, an attitude prevails that equates urban development with “cleaning up the streets” — including getting rid of street food vendors. The snacks that are sold from the small shops and mobile stands—dumplings steamed in wooden baskets, nighttime barbeques, carts selling stir-fried noodles—are seen to belong to a past that must be overcome. Yet, while elsewhere a street food movement is growing, Shanghai’s street food is under threat.4

Top Image: Street Food (KK News, 2016) Bottom Image: Vegetable market (Soho.com 2015)

298

城市身份

食品文化

中国人相信“民以食为天”（饥饿滋生不满）。购买食材已成为日常生活中最重要的事情。清晨，人

RESIDENTS Youth

TOURISTS Chinese

ON SHIFT Public Workers

们将前往自然市场，与供应商讨价还价并向朋友致

The Elderly

Foreigners

Street Vendors

意。街头食品是城市文化的重要组成部分。最伟大的城市都有街头小吃。上海作为二十一世纪城市化典范的重要性不仅在于其高速列车和超高层摩天大楼，而且同样重要地在于其街头食品，街头市场和街头生活。上海街头小吃以其丰富的品种真正证明了这个移民大都市的混合文化。今天，在世界各地的城市中，街头食品正在复兴。

Morning lunch time

但是，在上海，一种流行的态度将城市发展等同于“清理街道”，包括摆脱街头食品摊贩。在小商店和移动摊位上出售的小吃-用木制篮子蒸的饺子，夜间烧烤，出售炒面的手推车-被视为必须克服的过去。然而，尽管街头食品运动在其他地方不断发展，但上海的街头食品正受到威胁。4

Dumpling stall (TU Delft student, 2019)

299

Almost whole day

Early Morning Late night

Urban identity

EATING IN SHANGHAI

Ready to go Activities: Buying food to eat on the go, chatting while waiting Places: Food carts and street food stalls are present in various locations around the city, providing a quick way to eat in busy streets. They also tend to be present on the edges of parks. These food stalls provide an opportunity for brief interactions between different people. Meals Activities: Eating out with friends or family Places: Restaurants, while occurring at differnet places around the city, are most commonly found within complexes, with an acess from the interior. People may then regroup to eat either in a food court or in a restaurant amongst the many within the eating area. This provides a centralized way of bringing people toegther for meals. Meals

Ingredients Activities: Buying fresh ingredients to cook with Places: While there exist supermarkets in Shanghai, many people still buy their fresh produce, meats and fish at markets. These create an opportunity for them to develop relationships with vendors and with other shopers. Such market typically exist within defined perimeters, either indoor or outdoor.

Ingredients

300

城市身份

在上海用餐

准备好出发活动：在旅途中购买食物，等待时聊天地点：城市周围的各个地方都有小吃车和街头小吃摊，为在繁忙的街道上吃饭提供了一种快捷方式。它们也倾向于出现在公园的边缘。这些小吃摊为不同人之间的短暂互动提供了机会。膳食活动：与朋友或家人外出吃饭地点：餐厅，虽然遍布城市的不同网点，但最常见于建筑物内部，内部也有进出。然后人们可以在饮食区域内的许多人中聚在一起在美食广场或饭店用餐。这提供了一种使人们聚餐的集中

Ingredients

方式。配料活动：购买新鲜食材烹饪地点：虽然上海有超市，但仍有许多人在市场上购买新鲜的农产品，肉和鱼。这些为他们提供了与供应商和其他购物者发展关系的机会。这样的市场通常存在于室内或室外的限定范围内。

Streetscape

301

Urban identity

PHYSICAL ACTIVITY

Three decades of rapid economic development in China have not only benefited millions of Chinese by improving their living standards but have also dramatically increased the number of people who are part of the country’s ageing population. The elderly do physical activities everywhere, which makes them to become the major dominating the public space to do exercises.5 In fact, in a country where space comes at a premium, this passion has become a flashpoint on several fronts. Amongst dancers there is the fight for the dance floor. Getting the top spot means getting the most dancers. Any piece of land is fair game - downstairs in an apartment block or even the entrance to the town library. Although some people may think it creates “public nuisance”, over 70% shanghainese still supported square dancing. Running Activities: Running, jogging, walking for exercise

Running

Places: Dedicated raceways are arranged by city planning in various locations, but are typical found along the riverfront, isolated from the busy traffic of the streets. They are lined with boardwalks where leisurely strolling is possible. Tai Chi and square dancing Activities: Assembling, dancing, following choreography Places: These activities do not require much in terms of particular resources; they are free to take place anywhere where an urban void is present, a space which is paved and large enough for a group of people to assemble and move together.

302

城市身份

体力活动

中国经济快速发展的三十年，不仅通过改善其生活水平使数以百万计的中国人受益，而且大大增加了该国人口老龄化的一部分。老年人到处都是体育活动，这使他们成为主导公共场所锻炼的主要力量。5 实际上，在一个空间充裕的国家，这种激情已成为多个方面的闪点。舞者中有争夺舞池的人。获得头把交椅意味着要获得最多的舞者。任何一块土地都是公平的游戏-楼下的公寓楼，甚至是镇图书馆的入口。尽管有些人可能认为这会造成“公害”，但仍有超过70％的上海人支持广场舞。跑步活动：跑步，慢跑，散步运动地点：城市规划在各个位置安排了专用跑道，但典型的沿河沿线发现，与繁忙的街道隔离。他们两旁都是木板路，可以悠闲漫步。太极和广场舞活动：集合，跳舞，编舞地点：就特定资源而言，这些活动并不需要太多；他们可以自由地在存在城市空地的任何地方进行活动，该空地铺有足够大的空间，以便一群人聚集在一起并一起移动。

Tai Chi

303

Urban identity

RESIDENTS

TOURISTS

ON SHIFT

Youth

Chinese

Public Workers

The Elderly

Foreigners

Street Vendors

Exercising Activities: Working out Places: Small assemblies of installations for exercising are present in predominantly residential areas. They consist of simple machines which are destined to give facilitate healthy behaviours among residents. Occupants usually use them in groups, taking the opportunity to socialize. It is one of the few clearly

Morning After dinner

Exersizing

304

common spaces of many neighborhoods.

城市身份

锻炼活动：锻炼场所：主要在居民区中存在用于锻炼的小型装置组件。它们由简单的机器组成，旨在促进居民的健康行为。乘员通常会成群使用，借此机会进行社交。它是许多街区中为数不多的明显共有的空间之一

Streetscape

305

Urban identity

REINTERPRETING THE PUBLIC REALM

This investigation approaches the topic from the ‘bottom-up’, developing an understanding of public space and its cultural value through a study of its functional use. The public realm is reinterpreted by giving the public places definitions which are descriptive of their uses. The definition of ‘transitionary space’ and ‘urban voids’ have been made by looking at the activities and items that give the public spaces form, and can be used to understand the different kind of public spaces that are represented in the city. A transitionary space is formed by elements like urban voids and the curb. It is a space which serves to carry different forms of traffic, but in which activities unrelated to movement have also developed. The urban voids can be empty during the days but are being used for square-dancing in the afternoon and evenings, whereas curbs are occupied by people on vehicles standing and chatting. The sidewalk

Vehicles

becomes an extension of the shop, occupied by the furniture that is being put on the street by the people.

Urban furniture 0

306

城市身份

重新诠释公共领域

这项调查从“自下而上”着手，通过研究公共空间的功能用途来发展对公共空间及其文化价值的理解。通过提供描述公共场所用途的定义来重新解释公共领域。 “过渡空间”和“城市空域”的定义是通过查看构成公共空间形式的活动和物品而做出的，可用于理解城市中代表的不同类型的公共空间。过渡空间是由城市空域和路边石等元素形成的。该空间可承载各种形式的交通，但其中也开展了与运动无关的活动。城市的空旷处在白天可能是空的，但在下午和晚上被用于广场跳舞，而路边则被人们站立和聊天的车辆所占据。人行道成为商店的延伸，被人们放在街上的家具所占据。

Planters

Tai Chi

307

REFLECTION

Shanghai has a rich culture, combining global trends with historic traditions. Promoting huge urbanisation, historic neighbourhoods are under threat of redevelopment and residents are fighting to retain their communal spaces. New developments are creating boundaries for public, communal and private spaces. Utilising buildings and streets to create thresholds within the city. Can the new developments also promote better public space for existing neighbourhoods? Students address the boundaries between, public, communal and private within a range of scales. From designing new communal centers which address the historic city context, to incorporating contemporary infrastructure within existing facades and streetscape.

反思

上海拥有丰富的文化，将全球趋势与历史传统相结合。推动巨大的城市化进程，历史悠久的社区正面临重建的威胁，居民们正在为保留自己的公共空间而斗争。新的发展为公共，公共和私人空间创造了边界。利用建筑物和街道在城市中创建门槛。新的发展是否还可以为现有社区带来更好的公共空间？学生可以在一定范围内解决公共，公共和私人之间的界限。从设计新的社区中心以应对历史悠久的城市环境，到将现代基础设施纳入现有的外墙和街道景观中。

Urban identity

COMMUNITY

Shanghai is a complex, multi-layered city. However, under the present circumstances of rapid urban development, significant layers of its urban fabric are lost, leading to the disintegration of traditional communities. This project reflects an effort of re-vitalizing a broken community and maintaining the local atmosphere socially as well as architecturally. Focusing on materials, circulation, sightlines and boundaries, the building is defined as an activity centre, which attracts different user groups with an ultimate aim to integrate the community to the vibrant life of Shanghai. The area of focus is located near the river, in Hongkou, one of the oldest districts of Shanghai. In a larger scope, in this whole area a great amount of Lilong houses have been demolished in the past ten years. More specifically, the site of the project was fully comprised of Lilong houses many of which were demolished in the past year by the government with the intention of widening the pavement of the busy Tiantong Road. By Shaobin Deng and Paraskevi Vryza

310

城市身份

社区服务

上海是一个复杂的多层城市。然而，在当前城市快速发展的情况下，其城市结构的重要层次丧失了，导致传统社区瓦解。该项目反映了重新振兴破碎的社区并在社会和建筑上保持当地氛围的努力。该建筑以材料，流通，视线和边界为重点，被定义为一个活动中心，吸引了不同的用户群体，最终目的是将社区融入上海的活力生活。重点区域位于上海最古老的地区之一的虹口河附近。在过去十年中，在较大范围内，整个利隆房屋已被拆除。更具体地说，该项目的场地完全由利隆的房屋组成，其中许多房屋是在去年被政府拆除的，目的是拓宽繁忙的天通路的人行道。

311

Urban identity

312

城市身份

The eradication of this important part of Shanghainese identity is

当地人对消灭上海人身份的这一重要部分持消极态度。因此，维

received quite negatively from the locals. Therefore maintaining and

护和展示旧生活方式的某些元素对于该项目的开发至关重要。

showcasing certain elements of the old way of life is crucial in the 活动中心包括体育中心，博物馆和休闲风景区。该发展的新边界

development of this project.

是根据利隆房屋的前网格定义的。 The activity centre includes a sports centre, a museum and a recreational landscape area. The new boundaries of the development are defined by

提案的所有部分均以这样一种方式设计：将当地居民与游客和当

following the former grid of the Lilong houses.

地工人聚集在一起，并通过在同一地点混合住房，娱乐和商业用途来鼓励他们互动。通过这些步骤，该项目希望重新建立失去的

All parts of the proposal are designed is such a way so as to bring

社区意识，同时也使当地社区能够承受上海不断发展的景观所带

together the local residents with the tourists and local workers and to

来的变化。

encourage their interaction through mixing housing, recreational and commercial uses on the same site. Through these steps the project aspires to re-establish the lost sense of community, but also to make the local communities capable of withstanding the changes brought about by the constantly developing landscape of Shanghai.

313

Urban identity

314

城市身份

315

Urban identity

THE GATE: REVIVING THE SHIKUMEN IN SHANGHAI

RESIDENTIAL MEETING PLACE

SPORT AREA PLAYAREA

SPACE!

RESIDENTIAL

GALLERY

316

城市身份

大门：复兴上海的石库门 The project is situated within the context of Shanghai where the old rapidly is replaced by the new. The demand for housing is exallerating every year with the result of demolishing old, one story high buildings to replace them with either high rise - concrete 40 story high apartment towers - or with shopping malls - covered public spaces to consume and hang out with friends or colleguaes. Where the aperment blocks are pretty generic, the shopping malls try to attract the attention by their collaged facade, their airconditioned indoors and their shiny glass shop windows. And although one can get the glimpse of references to the past, the vision is future directed and seems to leave both the city and its inhabitants without a sense of the treasures they capture. By Willie Vogel and Saskia Geerts

该项目位于上海的背景下，旧建筑迅速被新建筑取代。住房的需求每年都在激增，其结果是拆除了旧的一层楼高的建筑，以高楼取代– 40层高的混凝土高层公寓楼–或购物中心–覆盖了公共空间供人们消费或与朋友或朋友闲逛瓜拉瓜。在这些小孔非常普通的地方，大型购物中心试图通过其拼贴的外墙，室内空调和闪亮的玻璃橱窗吸引人们的注意力。尽管可以瞥见过去的事物，但愿景是面向未来的，似乎使这座城市及其居民都对所捕获的宝藏一无所知。

317

Urban identity

One of these treasures we investigated in our research are the Shikumen. These two story high gated neighborhoods are exchanged for money generating functions. In the models you can see the city layout in which you can distinguish the Shikumen as the lined patches with often a wall around them. After entering the gate, we felt like outsiders. The tiny streets were used as kitchen, washing places and sometimes as outdoor living rooms. The shared toilet is situated next to the gates (installed by the government not that long ago). The laundry is hung between the houses, low enough for us to bend our head and understand our position as outsider. After this experience we wanted to see if it is possible to both keep the character of the Shikumen and meet the needs and policies of the city government. Thereby we tried to keep the feeling of a gated communities, but reduce the strictness and allow higher densities.

+ 75 m

RESIDENTIAL MEETING PLACE

TEAHOUSE

PLAYAREA LIBRARY COFFEE PLACE

CO-WOKRING/ CRAFTPLACE + 30 m

BIKE PARKING

+ 24 m

+ 18 m

+ 12 m

318

城市身份

我们在研究中调查的这些宝藏之一是石库门。这两个楼层的高门社区被换成赚钱的功能。在模型中，您可以看到城市布局，在其中您可以将石库门区分为带衬砌的小块，周围通常有墙。进入大门后，我们觉得自己像局外人。狭窄的街道被用作厨房，洗手间，有时还用作室外客厅。共用卫生间位于大门旁边（不久前由政府安装）。洗衣间挂在房屋之间，足够低，我们可以弯曲头，了解我们作为局外人的地位。经过这次经验，我们想看看是否既可以保留石库门的特色，又可以满足市政府的需求和政策。因此，我们试图保持封闭式社区的感觉，但降低了严格性并允许更高的密度

Gates

Semi public space

Semi private residential

Gate Fence

Treshold

319

Urban identity

WATER CORRIDOR

The project carves into the existing streets of Shanghai, regenerating public space, and merging with infrastructure both formal and informal. With over 50% of water bodies in Shanghai heavily polluted and the old drainage system in the historic centre of the city, the project finds 7

its home. Aiming to build upon and work with existing communities

to create a more healthy environment for the wider population of

Shanghai.

MA P OF DRA I NA G E S Y S TEM S H A NG H A I

3 Seperate drainage

Utilising the image and energy of water create engaging public Combinedto drainage

spaces centred around implementing circular water systems in the city. The project address’ all scales in the city, from small neighbourhood LEG END laneways, too large agglomerations of infrastructures and the megacities

Node Based LandmarkonPath Edge District built urban environment. the systems and methods needed to Minor generate a sponge city, the project strives to captures, reuse and clean Major

all forms of water. From acid rain generated by pollution to grey water collected in the home, the project taps into existing polluted water WAT E R C O R R I D O R A N D U R B A N A N A LY SI S

sources and builds upon the current drainage systems. 0

0.15

By Holly Dale

0.3

0.7km

Rain

Building

Pollution

Neighbourhood waster water

该项目深入上海的现有街道，重塑公共空间，并与正式和非正式 Rain

Mains tap water

Building Building Rain

Household sweage

Rain

Building Rain

的基础设施合并。由于上海超过50％的水体受到严重污染，并 Building

Building

Rain

Pollution Pollution

且老城区的排水系统位于该城市的历史中心，因此该项目找到了 Building

Building

Additional Additional pipework pipework required Additional required pipework required Pollution

Pollution

Pollution Household grey Household grey water water

Wildlife Additional Wildlife Wildlife connections pipework Household grey connections connections required water Wildlife Household grey connections Reduce urban water Reduce urban Pollution Reduce urban Reduce Neighbourhood heat island Reduce Neighbourhood heat island Reduce Neighbourhood heat island CO2 in the waster water effect through CO2 in the waster water effect through CO2 in the air effect Reduce urban waster water Pollution through evaporation Additional air Additional Reduce Neighbourhood Wildlife evaporation air Wildlife heat island evaporation pipework Household grey pipework grey CO2Household in the waster water connections connections effect through required water required water airWildlife Additional Range of evaporation Sewage and Range of Place Rangeplanting of Place Bioswale grey andPlacemaking in Mains tap water HouseholdMainsHousehold Grey waterpipework connections planting and tapBioswale water (passive) planting Household Grey water and storm drains Hunagpu RiverBioswale Mains tap water making in Household Grey water required Reduce urban water Reduce urban naturalmaking in sweage (passive) natural the city sweage Range (passive) heat island Reduce Reduce naturaloffilters Neighbourhood the city Neighbourhood sweage Place heat island the city combined Bioswale filters planting and Mains tap water CO2 in the Grey water CO2 in the filters waster wasterHousehold water water effect through making in urban effect through Reduce (passive) natural air sweage air Reduce the city evaporation Neighbourhood evaporation heat island filters CO2 in down the Slow waster water effect through Slow down Slow down air attenuation of evaporation Storm water attenuation Range of attenuation of Range of of flow Storm Place Placewater water Storm water Channel planting and water flow planting and Household Slow Grey water Mains tap water Bioswale Grey water Household waterdown flow Bioswale Channel making in making in (reduce flood (passive) (passive) natural Channel (reduce flood natural sweage sweage Rangeflood of of (reduce the city attenuation Storm water the city risk) Place filters Bioswale risk) filters water planting and Mains tap water risk)flow Household Grey water Channel making in (reduce flood Underground(passive) natural sweage Underground the city Underground risk) infrastructure filters infrastructure Slow down infrastructure Slow down required required of Underground attenuation of attenuation Storm water required Storm water water flow Drinking water infrastructure water flow Slow down Channel Channel Drinking water Reserve water Drinking water required (reduce flood processing (reduce flood Reserve water attenuationprocessing ofHunagpu River Reserve water Hunagpu River Storm water basin processing Hunagpu River risk) basin (mechanical) risk) water flow basin (mechanical) Channel Drinking water (mechanical) Reserve water (reduce flood River Nishi processing Underground processing Hunagpu Underground basin risk) infrastructure (mechanical) plant infrastructure required required Underground Sewage and Sewage and Sewagestorm and drains infrastructure Drinking water storm drains Drinking water storm drains required Reserve water Reserve water combined combined processing Hunagpu River processing Hunagpu River Sewage and combined basin basin (mechanical) (mechanical) Drinking water storm drains Reserve water combined processing Hunagpu River basin (mechanical) Nishi processing Nishi processing Nishi processing plant plant Sewage and Sewage and plant storm drains Nishi processing storm drains combined plantand combined Sewage storm drains combined

家。旨在建立现有社区并与之合作，为更广泛的上海人口创造更健康的环境。 Mains tap water

利用水的图像和能量创建引人入胜的公共空间，以在城市中实施循环水系统为中心。该项目针对的是城市中的所有规模，从小的 Legend

邻里巷道，太大的基础设施集聚到大型城市建设的城市环境。基 Nishi processing plant

Nishi processing plant

Drinking water 于生成海绵城市所需的系统和方法，该项目致力于捕获，再利用 Grey water New infrastructure

Nishi processing plant

Environmental intervention

Polluted water infrastructure intervention 和清洁所有形式的水。从污染产生的酸雨到住宅中收集的灰水， Water

AT M O SP H E R E S I N T H E C I T Y

320

Social

C U RRENT WATER C Y C LE I N S H A NG H A I OLD C I TY 该项目均利用现有的污染水源，并以当前的排水系统为基础

城市身份

水廊

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Urban identity

Applying three scales of system, the first being storm water attenuation,usingtextures and material to create an identity and positive image to water recycling embedded in local neighbourhoods. The second grounds itself in small dense neighbourhood communities, creating a system based around the informal qualities of the street. Using existing neighbourhood identities, the project recreates the incremental structures attached to current facades, whilst incorporating greenery and a bioswale water system to a large neighbourhood drainage basin. The final scale prioritises mass audiences and larger water retention, placed over large infrastructure sections within the poly-centric city the aim is to inspire and educate the wider population of Shanghai. Through each scale the project aims to prioritise circular water infrastructure, whilst creating engaging public space at different scales of the city;

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城市身份

应用三个系统的尺度，第一个尺度是雨水衰减，使用纹理和材料为嵌入本地社区的水循环利用创造一个形象和正面形象。第二个因素将自己置于小而密集的社区中，从而基于街道的非正式特质创建了一个系统。该项目使用现有的邻里身份重新创建与当前立面相连的增量结构，同时将绿化和生物交换水系统纳入大型邻里流域。最终规模的优先考虑对象是广大观众和更大的保水量，它们被放置在这座多中心城市内的大型基础设施区域，目的是激发和教育上海更多的人口。通过各个规模，该项目旨在优先考虑循环水基础设施，同时在城市的不同规模上创建引人入胜的公共空间；

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