Abacus Magazine - vol. 3 - issue. 2 2017

A B Am C U S agazine SUMMER 2017 VOL. 3 ISSUE 2

E d i t o r s : M e g Wa l k e r Illustrators: Liam Andrew & Janet Dawson

LETTER FROM THE EDITOR Although the construction process of this edition has been long, it has been worth it. This edition represents the work of both first-time and veteran contributors who have made this edition varied and interesting. I hope that this enthusiasm continues throughout 2017 and I thank the many authors within these pages. This year we have started the process of establishing the editorial board. Hopefully, this will both push the magazine further and establish the ABACUS blog; I look forward to how this comes to fruition.

Of all the articles, I would especially like to thank Ian Crellin for creating such a well thought out, respectful, and interesting tribute to the late Emeritus Professor John Mulvaney. Crellin highlights Mulvaney’s thoughts relating to the environment of today’s Universities and provides an insightful reflection into Mulvaney’s influence on his students and the students today.

I would especially like to thank Liam and Janet for all their time and effort in providing the exceptional illustrations in this issue. I believe that their work enhances each piece associated with it and without them the magazine would not be unique.

Lastly, I would like to apologise about the editions late release. I believe that this extra time has allowed us to create something that further establishes the standard that we now expect from the magazine.

Looking to the future, I hope that the magazine continues to represent the student body and that it provides an interesting read for those within and outside the university.

L I AM ANDR EW: F r ee lan c e I l l u s t r at or L i a m A n d re w i s a g r a p h i c d e s i g n e r a n d illustrator from Manila, Philippines. He g r a d u a t e d w i t h h o n o r s f r o m t h e U n i ve r s i t y o f t h e P h i l i p p i n e s , C o l l e ge o f F i n e A r t s w i t h a B a c h e l o r ' s D e g re e i n Vi s u a l C o m m u n i c a t i o n . H e i s a l ove r o f t y p o g r a p h y, c i n e m a , b u f f a l o w i n g s , a n d o f c o u r s e, a rc h a e o l o g y. Yo u c a n c h e c k o u t h i s w o r k o n i n s t a g r a m a n d f e e l f re e t o d r o p h i m a m e s s a ge ! www.instagram.com/mr_twrecks

2017 COMMITTEE President - Grace Miller Vice President - Gelnn van der Kolk Secretary - Elise Jakeman Treasurer - Lauren Nicole Prossor Publication Officer - Steph Van Berkel First Year Representative - CJ Hayden Post-Graduate Representative - Ben Gleeson General Representatives - Alex Wuff

I m a g e : ‘ M e g ’ - L i a m A n d re w

SUMMER 2017 | 1

CONTENTS F ie ld Schools , Opinions & Experiences 3 | A T R I BU T E TO - Emeritus P r o f e s s o r Jo h n M u l v a n ey (1926-2016)

10 | A COMMUNIC AT I O N Tips on making a m i n i - b ow a n d a r r ow out of bamboo

5 | ARCH3018 R i b c h e s t e r Ro m a n Fo r t , L a n c a s h i re, UK, Fieldschool

12 | BIAN3027 - C a n y o u re a l l y b e ‘just friends’ with t h e o p p o s i t e s ex ?

8 | BIAN U n i ve r s i t y o f We s t e r n Au s t r a l i a n Ve n i c e F i e l d S c h o o l

14 | ARCH/ C U LT U R A L H E R I TAG E A rc h a e o l o g y i s Ru b b i s h ! . . . a n d w e should all star t paying more attention to it.

E ssays 19| ANTH2123 D e ep E a t i n g : N o t e s o n t h e Ru s s i a n Po t a t o 22| ANTH1003 Th e M ove m e n t o f Tr a n s n a t i o n a l Domestic Labour Migrants 27 | BIAN3113 Th e re m a i n s f r o m Liang Bau: species, p a t h o l o g y, & c o n t r ove r s y

31| BIAN3021 Ta r s i e r s i n Tr o u b l e : Vy i n g f o r a S p o t i n t h e To p 2 5 M o s t E n d a n ge re d Primates

15 | A REFLECTION Honours Life 1 7 | C U LT U R A L H E R I TA G E Heritage Under Threat, is a MOOC useful in Archaeology Par t 1 18 | EXECUTIVE Meet the 2017 ABACUS Executive

39| ARCH2050 Th e I n d i a n i z a t i o n of Southeast Asia 44| ARCH2005 Leading Ladies: Gender Dispaarity i n A rc h a e o l o g y a n d Film 50| ARTH2098 Aboriginal and To r re s S t r a i t Islander Ar t SUMMER 2017 | 2

A T R I BU T E TO Emeritus Professor Jo h n M u l v a n ey ( 1 9 2 6 - 2 0 1 6 )

By Ian Crellin

In September 2016, we sadly lost one of the giants of Australian archaeology with the passing of Emeritus Professor John Mulvaney.

His contributions to the early scholarship of Australian archaeology and to the development of the heritage profession sit beside his work in the establishment of undergraduate teaching of archaeology at the ANU in the 1960s. He left the ANU in 1985 but did not cease to be a regular participant in professional life in Canberra, retaining an active interest in archaeological and heritage affairs up to his last years. He was always willing to present a guest lecture to undergraduate students and to advise and encourage students in their endeavours. I had the pleasure of speaking with him on a number of occasions during his last years and always found him to be an engaging and perceptive commentator on the topics under discussion.

I m a g e : ‘ E m e r i t u s P ro f e s s o r J o h n M u l v a n e y ’ - J D

and he was appointed to teach Ancient History at Melbourne University. At the time, there were no professional archaeologists working in Australia, other than several museum curators and some ‘gentleman scholars’. He was however fortunately encouraged to look for field sites of potential archaeological interest which he then investigated in his vacations, without funding or support from his employer. His excavation of Fromm’s Landing on the Murray River in South Australia in the mid-1950s was one of the first such investigations of an indigenous occupation site which set the pattern for his later work.

‘ . . . [ i ] re m e m b e r h i m a s a w i s e a n d e n g a g i n g t e a c h e r w h o b e l i eve d t h a t While he was still t h e reve a l e d re c o rd w a s t h e p r i m a r y at Melbourne University, m e a n s o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e p a s t . ’ the Australian National

history at Melbourne University after service in the RAAF during WW2.

Having visited some Roman sites in Britain during his war service, he subsequently completed John Mulvaney an MA on the history of was born in country Victo- Roman Britain.

His ria in 1926 and studied enthusiasm for Roman

archaeology whetted, he obtained a scholarship to Cambridge where he pursued this interest further.

On his return to Australia, there were no teaching opportunities in the field of archaeology

University was being established in Canberra as a research-focused institution. A friend from Cambridge days, Jack Golson, was appointed to the School of Pacific Studies at ANU. At that stage, there were no undergraduate studies at ANU. This came later with the estabSUMMER 2017 | 3

lishment of the School of General Studies which was to have a rather tense relationship over the years with the original Institute of Advanced Studies. History was one of the early disciplines to be taught at the School of General Studies. John Mulvaney was recruited to the ANU History Department where he was to teach Pre-History subjects. In 1957 at Melbourne University, Mulvaney had previously taught the first course at an Australian university on pre-European Australian and Pacific history. It should be noted that Jack Golson was also teaching Pacific pre-history at Auckland NZ at this time.

was developing isotope remains unearthed by means of understanding archaeologists. He held the past. The arrival of dating technologies. strong views which chal- New Archaeology had an Mulvaney’s inter- lenged the priorities of impact on the Department some students est in Australian indige- some other participants. with nous studies saw him take He argued that humanity describing a sense of the post of acting Director sometimes collectively ‘Young Turks’ and ‘the of the newly formed Aus- owned aspects of the past Old Guard’ in the Departtralian Institute of Aborig- and of the archaeological ment. While students of the day studied Binford, inal Studies. He continued record.

Mulvaney had little time his links with this organisation after a permanent Those students for theorists, continuing to Director was appointed, who completed under- focus on documenting the and with other indigenous graduate studies in Mul- Australian archaeological organisations and individ- vaney’s time, generally record which he saw as too uals. He was also strongly remember him as a wise incomplete to support involved as an advisor to and engaging teacher who detailed theorising. He Governments on heritage believed that the revealed remained focused on excavating more sites and matters and in subsequent record was the primary years, was Chair of the ACT Heritage Committee.

His views on heritage ‘ To ge t h e r w i t h Ja c k G o l s o n , h e ex t e n d e d t h e t i m i n g o f i n d i ge n o u s matters were to bring him into conflict with others as o c c u p a t i o n i n Au s t r a l i a b a c k m a ny he sometimes questioned t h o u s a n d s o f y e a r s b e f o re w h a t w a s p rev i o u s l y b e l i eve d . ’ In 1973, the disci- the rights of current plines of Pre-History and peoples to claim a direct History split and the links link to archaeological between Anthropology and Pre-History were strengthened. In its early days, Pre-History was housed in the old wooden huts on Childers Street and later in the Haydon Allen Building. The AD Hope Building was opened in 1974. Mulvaney believed in the close connection between anthropology and archaeology. He was influential in the establishment of a strong Biological Anthropology presence under Colin Groves and its links to archaeology teaching.

During his time, linkages were also made with both Linguistics and the School I m a g e : ‘ E m e r i t u s P ro f e s s o r J o h n M u l v a n e y ’ - J D of Earth Sciences which SUMMER 2017 | 4

FIELD SCHOOL gathering facts about the archaeological record.

Together with Jack ‘ I s p e c i f i c a l l y n o t e d h i s re g re t t h a t this collegiality between students Golson, he extended the a n d s t a f f h a d d i s a p p e a re d f r o m timing of indigenous t o d a y ’s s t u d e n t l i f e. ’ occupation in Australia back many thousands of years before what was him in early 2016, I Those wishing to proceed previously believed. specifically noted his to Honours, were required regret that this collegiality to complete at least six The Department at between students and staff weeks of approved field that time was remembered had disappeared from work before their acceptance into the program. by many as a happy and today’s student life. collegiate place. Students Mulvaney was remembered being Students in his welcome in the tea room time were expected to active in the broader fields in the Haydon Allen participate in field work as of scholarship organising Building where they had part of their undergraduate major meetings and publiclose contact with staff experience. Expeditions cations. In 1974, he was members over lunch and were mounted to places involved in the organisalively morning and after- including the South Coast tion of a large internationnoon tea discussions. In of NSW and Lake Mungo al meeting which saw my last conversations with to provide this experience. world-leading figures visit

Australia to speak. After this meeting, he hosted Lewis Binford for a trip to Lake Mungo guiding him around the sites of the important discoveries there. In his later years, Mulvaney was Honorary Secretary of the Australian Academy of the Humanities.

Those of us who have studied archaeology at ANU owe a debt to this leader who set the direction of the School and who personally contributed so much to Australian archaeology. I and many others who knew him are saddened by his passing.

ARCH3018 R i b c h e s t e r Ro m a n Fo r t , L a n c a s h i re, U K , F i e l d S c h o o l

By Nicholas Baker and Elise Jakeman

The village of Ribchester lies along the River Ribble, nestled within the Ribble Valley, just a few hours north of Manchester, Lancashire.

The village is unique due to its descent from a particularly large Roman Vicus and associated Veteranorum– both of which had been established alongside the auxiliary fort Bremetenacum, constructed in c.72-73AD.

The village and fort site became famous in the 18th century with the discovery of a large hoard that included the renowned Ribchester Helmet, in addition to other key finds in neighbouring areas.

1980s and 1990s. In 2015, aiming to build on the success of these later excavations, an archaeological project – dubbed Ribchester Revisited – began excavations in the

Rectory garden as part of a five-year project to explore the Roman fort.

The Ribchester Revisited project seeks to understand the evolving use and occupation of the fort’s

‘ Th e R i b c h e s t e r Rev i s i t e d p r o j e c t

The majority of s e e k s t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e evo l v i n g u s e a n d o c c u p a t i o n o f t h e f o r t ’s excavations at the site, however, did not take i n t e r i o r s p a c e, a s w e l l a s i t s c h a n g i n g re l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e ex t e r n a l place until the late 19th Vi c u s . ’ and early 20th centuries, and then again in the SUMMER 2017 | 5

FIELD SCHOOL interior space, as well as its changing relationship with the external Vicus. To do this, a 30m by 10m trench was opened inside the north wall of the fort, where the barracks and the northern guardhouse are believed to have been located. The current landscape sees the site nestled between the Rectory, museum, village hall, and St Wilfrid’s church and associated cemetery. In addition to the excavations and archival investigations, community outreach forms an integral part of the project. The site itself is listed as a “Monument At Risk” by Historic England, largely due to neglect. As such, the project provides an invaluable opportunity to encourage the public to engage with their heritage through site tours, volunteering opportunities, school visits, and the project’s partnerships with the annual Roman Festival and local Roman museum.

Conducted by Dr Duncan Sayer and Dr James (Jim) Morris of the University of Central Lancashire (UCLan), the project also hosts American students through the Institute for Field Research (IFR), and last year (2016; the project’s second season), nine ANU students were lucky enough to be invited to join the team, under the supervision of our own Dr Ash Lenton.

The field school commenced with five days in Preston, the home of UCLan. Nicknamed “Depreston” by locals, it is a student city that sees a mass exodus come summer holidays, so it was near deserted at the

time of our arrival. However, we weren’t given time to notice: our first two days were full of back-to-back lectures focused on orienting us to the site and the broader region; as well as workshops to familiarise ourselves with the types of

finds we were likely to have, processing procedures for small and bulk finds, and surveying and recording techniques. A third day took us into Wales on an excursion to view excavations taking place at a Neolithic chambered tomb on Anglesey,

I m a g e : ‘ T h e Tr e n c h e s , R i b c h e s t e r ’ - J D SUMMER 2017 | 6

EXPERIENCES Bryn Celli Ddu, and an afternoon to run around Conwy Castle, Conwy, “like ten year olds”, as Ash put it.

By this point, the north Lancashire definition of “summer” was not something that the Aussies could get their heads around – temperatures rarely rose above 17°C or 18°C and rain was a constant feature. Jokingly, a routine was established where, at the cry of “sun!”, those within earshot would strip off layers of raincoats and jumpers whilst sprinting towards the nearest sunny patch.

We were laughed at by both the British and the Americans – but we laughed at them for their definition of “BBQ weather”, which included both light rain and temperatures below 23°C. From the very first day, we all bonded through our love of archaeology, our comparisons of cultural differences, and general nerdy interests; by the end of the field school we had formed a slightly eclectic family.

Following our stint in Preston, we convoyed out to Ribchester and set up camp in the garden behind the Rectory – a stone’s throw over the fence from the trench and the reconstructed foundations of the granaries.

Tents were set up beneath the trees and hay was laid

over the common track ways in order to stave off the mud for as long as possible (for clarification, it takes exactly three weeks of constant trampling for mud to become deep enough to sink into and not escape from). The village hall became the project’s designated war room: the building was used as an office, for

make sandwiches and tea for the team, as well as to keep the village hall and campsite presentable.

The 30 metre trench was split into three sections, each with its own student supervisor and team. These teams were tasked with recording and investigating each individual feature within the

I m a g e : ‘ A v i e w o f R i b c h e s t e r f ro m t h e t o p o f t h e c h u rc h t o w e r ’ - E l i s e J a k e m a n

‘ w e a l l b o n d e d t h r o u g h o u r l ove o f a rc h a e o l o g y, o u r c o m p a r i s o n s o f c u l t u r a l d i f f e re n c e s , a n d ge n e r a l n e rdy i n t e re s t . ’ storing records and small finds, meals, finds processing, lectures, a common area throughout the dig, and the venue for weekly pub trivia and a Roman beer brewing competition (the results of which possibly explain why the Romans are more generally viewed as wine drinkers). All of our dinners were made by the beautiful Janice and co., who also ran the most amazing sandwich shop.

The rest of the time we fended for ourselves: working on a roster to

sections as they arose. The site was roughly broken into: the southern section focusing on what was likely to be the barracks, the central section investigating the intervallum road, and the northern section held the fort wall itself, with an extension looking for an outer ditch system. The archaeology of Ribchester is incredibly complex: not only has the site been occupied since before the Roman conquest (experiencing construction, deconstruction and burning, repair,

digging and refilling with each phase of occupation), but it also bears the evidence of past excavations. Thomas May’s 1906-1908 excavation took place in the northern section of our trench, which meant that we had to spend a lot of effort locating, planning, and re-excavating the Victorian trenches. Suffice it to say, there is a lot going on (resulting in frequent head scratching and um-ing and ah-ing), but the complexity provides an invaluable learning experience. In addition to the excavation, we also conducted environmental sampling, flotation, and survey work, specifically magnetometry, in an attempt to find the settlement cemetery.

From 8:30am to 6:00pm, Tuesday through to Sunday for four weeks, we excavated.

Rain notwithstanding – even torrential rain at that, as work was not called off until we were well and truly swimming. Work was broken up with lectures on the Roman military, faunal remains, archaeobotany, and Roman pottery. We were also treated with a field excursion to Housesteads Roman fort on Hadrian’s Wall: after a theatrical guided tour of the fort from Matt Symonds (Current Archaeology), we hiked for four hours along the wall itself, enjoying SUMMER 2017 | 7

EXPERIENCES the dramatic landscape time was spent playing rounders and card games, and rich archaeology. exploring the local area, Whilst there were and generally enjoying the some tough moments experience. We all develduring the excavation, the oped amazing friendships, vast majority of it was bonding through our love laughter and smiles: free of archaeology and shared

nerdy-ness. A lot of us are still in contact, with constant messaging and Skype calls. We can all honestly say that it was one of the most amazing, life-changing experiences: we learnt so much about

the site, made some unbreakable international bonds, and are all so keen to return in 2017!

BIAN U n i ve r s i t y o f We s t e r n Au s t r a l i a Ve n i c e F i e l d S c h o o l B y M e g Wa l k e r & N i c k B a k e r

In September 2016, after a couple of days gallivanting around Venice, getting lost in its incredible labyrinth, struggling to survive on pasta washed down with Italian wine and the occasional spritz, we finally wound up at the Fondamente Nove vaporetto (water bus). Here, we met the crew for the University of Western Australia (UWA) Bioarchaeology Field School, to be held on the Island of Lazzaretto Nuovo and lead by Ambika Flavel and Daniel Franklin. After a vaporetto ride through the lagoon, past island after island, we pulled up to a rickety dock looking at buildings and a large wall made from white stone and terracotta tiled rooves. This is the island of Lazaretto Nuovo, which has played an important role in the history of Venice.

Lazzaretto Nuovo, around 3km NE of Venice, was one of two Islands in Venice, the other being Lazzaretto Vecchio, which formed the world’s first

institutionalized quarantine system. This system arose from Venice’s unique position as a trade hub connecting east and west in conjunction with

the threat of the plague, which wreaked havoc in the city, ultimately killing one third of the cities inhabitants.

Lazzaretto Vecchio was used as a

I m a g e : E x c a v a t i o n a t L a z z a re t t o N u o v o - J D SUMMER 2017 | 8

EXPERIENCES hospital and cemetery for Venetian citizens struck with the plague, while Lazzaretto Nuovo was a quarantine port for incoming ships, and used for overflow from the hospital on Vecchio. Once docked at the island, all goods were removed and stored in the Teson, the ships were fumigated with burning herbs, mostly rosemary, as were the goods stored in the Teson which were also then left to air in the large building with open sides. Specific markings and ‘graffiti’ were left by the sailors and merchants and some of these can still be seen on the walls today (Figure. 2).

The sailors themselves were also quarantined on the island, in a series of rooms around the outskirts.

Following Napoleons conquest of Venice in 1797, the island was used as a military

‘ Th i s s y s t e m a r o s e f r o m Ve n i c e ’s u n i q u e position as a trade hub connecting east a n d w e s t i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h t h e t h re a t of the plague ... ultimately killing one t h i rd o f t h e c i t i e s i n h a b i t a n t s . ’

base and weapons cache.

During this period the walls of the Teson were enclosed and gunpowder stores and a light rail were installed. Today, the island is restored and given in concession to the Ekos Club who guarantee the preservation, protection, and promotion of the island’s history. Part of this restoration process is the current development of a museum solely dedicated to the history of Venice on the Island of Lazaretto Vecchio.

2016 was the second excavation season undertaken here by the UWA, with the goal of uncovering the remains interred in a mass grave,

reported to contain the victims of the black plague (14-16th century).

Previous excavations had been undertaken in an adjacent section of the cemetery but had been abruptly abandoned and no known records remain.

The group was separated into teams of three who worked together in both excavation (which took place in the mornings to try and beat the heat) and postexcavation analysis (which was undertaken in the afternoons). This allowed us to be involved in every aspect from excavating skeletons, mapping and recording, lifting bones, cleaning them, and producing biological profiles. A considerable

number of unassociated bone fragments were also found throughout the trench which provided a great opportunity to practice identifying fragmentary remains.

To be able to excavate and think about the site with the UWA team was an incredible experience that lead all to develop my excavation and analysis skills. All the members of the team were there to learn and help others, which, as a student in my final undergraduate year, allowed me to talk to others and learn from people from a post-graduate level. The site directors also provided us with invaluable information regarding not just their work and knowledge, but provided an insight into their lives and where they came from; giving us hope (and in some cases anxiety) for the future. This excavation was an experience that all students within the fields of Archaeology and Biological Anthropology should have. One that introduces you to a broader range of people within the field and outside your university, and one that provides you with new experiences and knowledge. Lastly, this excavation couldn’t have happened without the support of Gerolamo Fazzini, the ARCHEOCLUB OF ITALY, Ugo, and the team from UWA.

M a r k i n g s a n d ‘ g r a f f i t i ’ i n t h e Te s o n - © 2 0 1 7 N a v i g a m u s SUMMER 2017 | 9

EXPERIENCES A C O M M U N I C AT I O N T i p s o n m a k i n g a m i n i - b ow a n d a r r ow o u t o f b a m b o o

By Dante Manipon Illustrated by Luisa Narciso

There are softer ones that bend easily, and there are harder ones that are stronger but are more likely to snap. I have tried combining strips of both. In my experiments, I used whatever bamboo was available to me at the time.

Some foraged from the wild but most were purchased from gardening shops.

As long as the bamboo can bend without breaking, it can be used to make a bow. In my experiences with experimental archaeology, I have tried making life-sized bows made from bamboo.

Although they seem powerful relative to the arrow’s mass, I have yet to make a bamboo bow that exceeded 15 pounds of draw weight. This cannot compete with modern or traditional bows which may start off with a draw weight of 18 to 30 pounds or more.

for the manufacture of small hand-held bows. For their size, they are surprisingly fun to use and startlingly strong. I have used these bows in homemade experiments to understand the limits and potentials of bamboo at a small scale. So far the penetrability of bamboo arrows shot from bamboo bows has impressed me.

Understanding the physics of smaller processes has given much insight on the possibilities that can occur on a larger scale.

Fresh bamboo is ideal because it bends well, and it can be slightly hardened over flame. I manufacture these bows at home, so I use common materials found from stationary, garden, hardware, and grocery stores.

The only raw material that may vary in availability is the bamboo itself.

Bamboo skewers or barbeque sticks made of bamboo are typically accessible, and I have found that it is possible to make a little bow by tying or taping six skewers together.

Once the bamboo skewers or strips are tied together, they can be bent together, forming a single stave for the bow. A sufficiently sturdy type of string must be tied from both ends while the stave is being bent. I use nylon.

It’s important to find a balance when making

I have tried using The versatility of different types of bamboo bamboo, however, allows for making mini bows.

SUMMER 2017 | 10

OPINIONS trying to make a ‘real’ bow that can take down prey. I have come to realize that making bamboo bows that can compare with other traditional bows is possible but takes just as much effort (see Bhutanese bamboo bows). I am all about the instant results.

There are other things a mini-bow can take down.

these bows: if the bow is too strong, the string will break. If the string is too strong, the bow will break.

The arrows are themselves bamboo skewers, cut to suit the draw-length of the bow.

Arrows can be shot at great speeds without any fletches but I prefer to fletch them for flight stability. Sometimes I weight the tip of my arrow for long distance shots.

about making homemade mini bows; most of them are pretty. I make mine on the go to be as functional and as cheap as possible.

I use tape, not glue. I want to be able to assemble and disassemble each component so that each piece can potentially be re-used, maintained, or repurposed. It is meant to be an endless but transient system as flexible as bamboo itself. It has allowed me to gain experiSo there you have it. A ence and knowledge over mini bow and set of the years without investarrows can be made ing too much. entirely out of bamboo skewers, some string, tape, and scissors. No power-tools required. A pinch-draw is best with such small bows. These bows have a lot of snap, and the bamboo skewer is light, sharp and fast.

Well, that’s not completely true. There were a couple of years when I was totally obsessed and immersed. I could spend entire days just making arrows. But that’s just me. After spending all that time to learn what I have learned, I am now writing to tell you that the system is actually really easy and replicable in a short amount of time.

A mini-bow can tear down assumptions. It is extremely portable and can be a good companion, answering questions about what is possible and what is not. It can help you take down notes in planning for a real experiment on a grander scale. In a group setting, it is great for games—rather than hunting actual game. It is a lot of fun but it may or may not be completely legal, depending on where you are and under what circumstance you are in.

I gave up on So what good is making ‘real’ bows made from ‘real’ wood using making a mini-bow? Is ‘real’ tools. There was a this some kind of joke? A time when I was fixated on child’s toy? Well, yes, and no. I have seen kids from

This is probably one of the laziest, most expedient ways to make a mini bow. There are Youtube videos out there SUMMER 2017 | 11

OPINIONS all walks of life play with have had a knack for it too. these ‘toys’ with remark- In every case, whether kid or adult, a bull’s eye is able skill and accuracy. always celebrated with That’s why In most cases, delight. children can pick the bow mini-bows are awesome. up and start shooting You can practice with quickly and naturally. In them almost anywhere. many other cases, adults

Almost. They are pointed me in front of a still quite dangerous for crowd, bouncing off even younger children, and a cardboard target. even for adults. They can take out an eye and even damage property. Yet bamboo arrows behave in a fickle manner. Sometimes they have disap-

BIAN3027 C a n y o u re a l l y b e ‘ j u s t f r i e n d s ’ w i t h t h e o p p o s i t e s ex ?

By Erin Brinkley & Grace Miller

From the primatological perspective, it really depends on your species.

As we hope you would agree, relationships are much more complex than sex - especially when considering different species with different ecologies and social groupings.

in a behavioural context is all about reciprocal altruism or helping out non-relatives in the hope they will help you out someday. Of course, non-human primates take the idea

rates of aggressive and submissive behaviours. In other words, non- human primates are nice to, and don’t pressure their friends.

‘ . . . n o n - h u m a n p r i m a t e s t a ke t h e This article will i d e a ‘ y o u s c r a t c h my b a c k - I ’l l look at a few opposite-sex s c r a t c h y o u r s ‘ q u i t e l i t e r a l l y, a n d friendships in non-human primates. In particular, g r o o m i n g i s i n f a c t o n e o f t h e b e s t i n d i c a t o r s o f f r i e n d s h i p. ’ we’ll look at the costs and benefits of such relationships and the impacts they ‘you scratch my back - I’ll We have to be have on sexual success. scratch yours’ quite literal- careful, however, not to ly, and grooming is in fact romanticise opposite sex First let’s define one of the best indicators friendships as purely ‘friendship’. Turning to of friendship. According unselfish relationships. our trusty oxford dictio- to Barbra Smuts (1985) We must take into considnary a friend is someone and her study of Olive eration that in an evoluyou have a mutual social baboons (Papio anubis), tionary context, friendbond with, someone you non-human primate ships only make sense if like (who isn’t family), friendships are also the benefits outweigh the and someone who isn’t a coupled with high rates of costs. Literally, friendsexual partner. Friendship spatial proximity and low ships should only form if

they are friends with ‘benefits’. Thus, the main theory as to why certain primates form friendships really comes down to the same evolutionary motive which underlies all primate relationships - to increase individual fitness.

W h a t a re t h e a dv a n t a ge s o f h av i n g “ f r i e n d s with benefits”?

For non-human primates, the female benefits are easy to understand.

This is because in most non-human primate species, females are the primary caregivers of their offspring and having male friends relieves the stress of motherhood. Males can protect, groom, feed, and SUMMER 2017 | 12

OPINIONS carry young. Therefore, With so many male friends increase the potential benefits, why fitness of both the infant don’t all non-human and the mother. primates form friendships? Well that’s because In males, the bene- it comes with costs, fits are harder to under- namely sharing resources stand because they are not (food, water, space), pourdirectly increasing their ing time and energy into own fitness.

Males maintaining the relation‘friends’ don’t exclusively ship (grooming), as well mate with their female as risking injury to protect ‘friends’ and so they aren’t a friend’s infant and/or necessarily helping raise increasing fitness of a their own offspring. friend’s infant at a disadTherefore the motives vantage to your own. behind why males might befriend females are more When do the speculative. They could be benefits to impress her or others outweigh the with his parenting skills costs? (in the hope of getting lucky next mating season), Example A. In a protect offspring that study done by Paul et al. might be his, use his (1996) on Barbary friend’s infant as a ‘baby macaques (Macaca shield’ (we’ll come back sylvanus), it was deterto this), climb the social mined that the primary hierarchy, or increase his motive for friendships in grooming opportunities males was agonistic buff(Ngyuen et al. 2009). ering. Males showed no

preference for making friends with females who had had their offspring or those they wanted for future mating opportunities. Instead males cozied up with female friends and their infants, hoping that if another male attacked, the offender would have face the mother’s wrath as well. As such, friendships in Barbary macaques are more like political moves... with baby shields to keep aggressive males at bay (I told you we’d get back to this).

Example B. Moscovice, et al (2010) researched wild Chacma baboons (Papio ursinus) with high rates of male-induced infanticide (the leading cause of death for infants in the study).

Infanticide usually happens when an alpha male is overthrown and the new alpha wants all the females to himself, without having them taking

‘Friend’ and ‘Friendship’ in Oxford dictionary, 2015, Oxford University press, retrieved 11/01/17 from <http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/online> Moscovice, L. R., Di Fiore, A., Crockford, C., Kitchen, D. M., Wittig, R., Seyfarth, R. M., & Cheney, D. L. (2010). Hedging their bets? Male and female chacma baboons form friendships based on likelihood of paternity. Animal Behaviour, 79(5), 1007-1015.

Nguyen, N., Van Horn, R. C., Alberts, S. C., & Altmann, J.

care of another male’s offspring. This is a problem for females as chacma baboon males are sexually dimorphic, they are just too big and strong to fend off. Therefore, as a coping mechanism for all the unpredictable fluctuations of alpha males, females turned to opposite sex friendships. These friendships were with subordinate males and involved a little bit of monkey business to blur the paternity lines, but proved to be the main factor contributing to infant survival during alpha turnover. Therefore, females got some protection and males got laid.

Win, win.

So, can you really be ‘just friends’ with the opposite sex? Well that’s up to you. None of our business really. But if you’re a non-human primate, you’ll just have to weigh the costs and benefits.

(2009). “Friendships” between new mothers and adult males: adaptive benefits and determinants in wild baboons (Papio cynocephalus).

Behavioral ecology and sociobiology, 63(9), 1331-1344.

Paul, A., Kuester, J., & Arnemann, J. (1996). The sociobiology of male–infant interactions in Barbary macaques, Macaca sylvanus. Animal Behaviour, 51(1), 155-170.

Smuts, B. B. (1985). Sex and friendship in baboons. Transaction Publishers.

SUMMER 2017 | 13

OPINIONS A R C H / C U LT U R A L H E R I TAG E A rc h a e o l o g y i s Ru b b i s h ! . . . a n d w e s h o u l d a l l s t a r t p a y i n g m o re attention to it.

By Melandri Vlok

In my very first archaeology course at university my tutor dumped a black garbage bag full of useless rubbish-like empty cartons and boxes on the laboratory table and told us to figure out the story of the person the rubbish belonged to. I was disinterested. This was not what I signed up for. Give me shiny whole artefacts. I want to see the real stuff.

At the time I didn’t understand the point. It was a lesson. You see archaeology is just rubbish. What we dig out of the dirt was left behind by past people.

They left it, and they forgot about it. Let me be clear, I’m not talking about places of importance such as a physical site or intangible heritage attached to physical remains. Sometimes there are fragments of memory left in the form of oral histories which then suggests that it never really lost its significance even though that signifi-

cance is fluid and may have even changed over time. Instead I am talking about the physical cultural materials that have been left in the ground for the soil to bury. Ironically the very act of digging it up is what makes it no longer rubbish, and what was no longer important in a past society, becomes important now.

and kudos to you, you should enter all the lotteries in existence), archaeology does have its place in the world. Archaeological research needs to continue.

can we honestly believe that what we perceive as right or true should go untested? Why do we not see archaeology as a critical reflection on our present selves in the same way that theology or philosophy is seen?’. Archaeology has so much potential to teach us about ourselves. This includes how our society developed and how our biology has adapted to our environ-

My response to these questions are always ‘How can we as human beings continue forward if we cannot ever truly acknowledge the people ‘What is the point that we once were? How of archaeology?” or ‘what is the point of your ‘ Yo u s e e a rc h a e o l o g y i s j u s t r u b research?’ or even ‘I don’t bish. What we dig out of the dir t see how that is going to w a s l e f t b e h i n d by p a s t p e o p l e. Th ey change the world.’ are a l e f t i t , a n d t h ey f o rgo t a b o u t i t . ’ number of phrases I have heard before at dinner parties. Frankly I prefer the people who say ‘that is so cool!’, but alas, the former responses are quite often the most common.

Even though I acknowledge that archaeological research won’t cure cancer (unless you have remarkably discovered some sort of buried forgotten cure used by an ancient civilisation, then I apologise Image: Melandri Vlok SUMMER 2017 |14

EXPERIENCES mental surrounds. Archaeology can help us understand different ways that people have responded when faced with similar situations, and the consequences of such a response whether positive or negative. It allows us to question assumptions of ourselves as people of the present which is essentially based on a focal lens view of the world established and honed by our physical and cultural place in the world. This includes most of all our own personal egotistical assumptions that we know far better now. The fragments of discarded materi-

al that we uncover from the ground have the ability to provide the missing puzzle pieces of the human past that were once lost. It allows us to learn from those who walked this earth before us, and reconnects us with a cumulative experience of human life on this planet.

Archaeology’s importance therefore lies in its relevance today.

both the difficulties and beauty of life; ultimately the information we find about these people have a deeper importance. Every time one of these stories are told, the narrative of human kind and its direction in time becomes displaced, tested and rewritten. The understanding of who we are as humans becomes challenged, and hopefully challenges the assump-

tions of what it means to be human, something I believe we all take pride in thinking we know. So while archaeology is essentially rubbish, it provides us with the tools to consider the decisions we make, or the truths we believe, and the world would be better if we all paid more attention to what archaeology really had to say about us.

Although my ‘ [ Ru b b i s h ] a l l ow s u s t o q u e s t i o n personal joy lies in playing a role in uncovering a s s u m p t i o n s o f o u r s e l ve s a s p e o p l e the stories of people who o f t h e p re s e n t w h i c h i s e s s e n t i a l l y based on a focal lens view of the have since faded in history, who shared the same w o r l d e s t a b l i s h e d a n d h o n e d by o u r physical and cultural place in the joy, the same sadness,

world.’

A REFLECTION Honours Life

By Emily Miller

This time last year (December) I was using my Christmas small talk to tell my family that I was going to do my honours year, and that my focus would be on Arnhem Land rock art. I had no idea what I was in for at that point.

I m a g e : ‘ C ro c o d i l e Wa r n i n g S i g n , East Aligator River ’ - Emily Miller

I had spent some time over the summer reading, as well as going through the photo database that I would use for my project, which turned

out to be a very wise decision. First semester meant that I had masters coursework to do as well as researching for my thesis.

Meetings with my supervisor kept me on track with my project work, and the due dates for the rest of the assignments spoke for themselves.

After working solidly through semester one my supervisor invited me to go to Darwin for two weeks in June to help SUMMER 2017 | 15

EXPERIENCES with research in the NT archives and the collections at the museum. I had never been to Darwin before so I jumped at the chance to go somewhere new, and to be involved in the work. Darwin was an experience in itself, completely different weather to Canberra, amazing local markets with great food, and intriguing museum collections. On my first day there I found out that my application for a scholarship from the museum had been accepted, and I would be back in Darwin two more times in the year, lucky I liked it there!

The best experience I had on that first trip was going out to the town of Gunbalanya (in Arnhem Land) and then climbing Injalak Hill to photograph some rock art with my supervisor. The landscape of Arnhem Land is uniquely beautiful and the

rock art is a testament to ‘ [ Ru b b i s h ] a l l ow s u s t o q u e s t i o n the long Indigenous histoa s s u m p t i o n s o f o u r s e l ve s a s p e o p l e ry of the land.

o f t h e p re s e n t w h i c h i s e s s e n t i a l l y based on a focal lens view of the After this trip I had w o r l d e s t a b l i s h e d a n d h o n e d by o u r two weeks back in Melphysical and cultural place in the bourne and Canberra world.’ before I went back for another two weeks in Darwin at the museum. All the while working on my thesis and emailing my supervisor who had just gone overseas.

Semester two was far more focussed on thesis writing, the weekly workshop with the other honours students was a great time to chat about issues we were having and help each other find solutions. Writing the thesis was hard work, I was worried that my writing style would not be up to the standard expected for honours. Because of this I spent quite a bit of my time starting and restarting paragraphs in an attempt to make things perfect. In

well as New Zealand who spoke at the conference, as well as the researchers.

The conference was fun and interesting, and I met many of the archaeologists In the end I whose work I have read submitted my thesis on over my university degree. time, and two days later I This year has been flew back to Darwin for another month at the busy, challenging, and I museum. Which was full have developed a love for coffee that I never knew of learning experiences.

At the start of December, I was possible. More than also attended my first Aus- all this it has been a year tralian Archaeological of opportunities.

Association Conference. For anyone about to start The conference was honours, just keep your hosted by the Darkinjung head up and if you get the Land Council in Terrigal. chance to do something There was a large number new, go for it! of Traditional Owners from Indigenous groups all across the country, as the end I had to stop doing that and just write, rather like this article which I have been playing with for two months now.

Image: ‘Mindil Beach Sunset, Darwin’ - Emily Miller SUMMER 2017 | 16

EXPERIENCES C U LT U R A L H E R I TAG E H e r i t a ge U n d e r t h re a t , i s a M O O C u s e f u l i n A rc h a e o l o g y Pa r t 1

By Lauren Prossor

The other day I was reading my Facebook feed and I saw a post from the Maritime Heritage website for a MOOC on Heritage Under Threat.

My first thought was … “isn’t all heritage under threat, though to differing degrees…” My curiosity was piqued. In the world environment at the moment we see many news stories on the destruction of priceless heritage. Then, within Australia, we see mining companies in legal battles with Aboriginal groups holding Native Title on land. The scale of Heritage Under Threat to me is unimportant. All heritage has intrinsic value to who we are now. It is our ties to land and where came from. So I downloaded Coursera.

‘ . . . w e s e e m a ny n e w s s t o r i e s o n t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f p r i c e l e s s h e r i t a ge. . . mining companies in legal battles with Aboriginal groups holding N a t i ve T i t l e Th e s c a l e o f h e r i t a ge t o m e i s u n i m p o r t a n t . A l l h e r i t a ge h a s i n t r i n s i c v a l u e t o w h o w e a re n ow. ’

assessment available. The moderators and course convenors certainly don’t want to be grading thousands of 2000 word essays! It would take a huge amount of person hours to do this. Quizzes would be the most appropriate form of assessment for MOOCs. I looked at how to pass the course upon enrolling in Heritage Under Threat. This was the same thing I would do as soon as I received the course guide for coursework I completed during my undergraduate and This is my first Masters.

MOOC and as I downMy expectations loaded the app I wondered how assessment of the of the course assessment course would work. The methods were fulfilled nature of the Massive weekly quizzes of five Open Online Course questions. It is a six week constrains the types of course. To complete the

course I have to pass these quizzes. It should be reasonably easy to pass the course if I’m engaged with the material each week. If I wish to complete the course with honours, I can complete a series (12) of honours assignments. They sound really interesting and are constructed for contemplation of my own personal heritage and how I construct my interpretation of my heritage. These assignment are locked until the appropriate week of the course, I can only make judgements based on the names of the assignments. These are to be completed weekly through the course. There are deadlines for all assessments so I will need to keep on top of things.

There is no physical classroom nor class mates. This will be a very different experience of learning. There is a forum, the virtual classroom.

Many people are already engaging in discussions and answering questions posed by the moderators.

I’m hopeful this method of delivering a course will fit in with everything else I’m doing at the moment.

This might actually be a really convenient way of learning. I can take the classroom with me wherever I am.

This MOOC available from Universiteit Leiden on Coursera. It is taught by Dr. Sada Mire of the Faculty of Archaeology, LDE Centre for Global Heritage and Development. If you wish, you can purchase a A$63 completion certificate from Coursera. After I complete the course, I will update you all with my experience of and thoughts on the course.

SUMMER 2017 | 17

EXECUTIVE ‘Hi I’m Grace, this year I am your ABACUS president. I am currently in my honours year, Biological anthropology studying primates. I am interested in monkey business, behaviorally and anatomically. I am excited to help students find inspiration in their studies and future research. I am also fascinated by evolved human behaviors and human-animal relationships.’

‘Hey, I am Elise your Secretary. I am currently in my fourth year of a double degree studying Archaeology and Biological Anthropology. I really, really (like really) love rocks, particularly the ones that make up Iron Age hillforts in Wales. But I also love bones too. So anything that combines rocks and bones and I’m a happy archaeologist.’

‘Hello! I’m Steph the Publication Officer. I am a first year M. Arch Sci student. Since starting at ANU I‘ve been seduced by the world of paleoecology and Quaternary studies. I also have a background in writing, and hope to smooch my science and my art together - I’m passionate about science communication that‘s equitable, inclusive, and delightful to read!’

‘Hi I’m CJ the ABACUS first year Rep. I am a first year science student who has been allured to primatology by those big monkey eyes. Also keen on physics and general science things.

I’m secretly hoping by doing well at my studies I will be noticed by Stephen Fry.’

‘Hi I’m Glenn the ABACUS Vice Pres. I am a first year Masters of Archaeological Science student.

My focus is to connect the ANU student group with the wider archaeological community and to find opportunities to establish affordable, local archaeological experiences.’

‘Hi I’m Lauren the ABACUS Treasurer. I am in my second year of my PhD focussing on geoarchaeological investigations of a Natufian site, Wadi Hammeh 27, Jordan. I am involved in the Geoarchaeology Research Group at the ANU and enjoy attending the ANU film group movie nights‘’

‘Hello! I’m Ben the Post-Grad Rep. I am interested in Human Self-domestication, Biological Anthropology and am currently in my first year of my PhD. I am keen to help connect the student body and boost research success across the School of Arch and Anth. I am mainly interested in how we became such a cooperative and sociable species given how badly behaved human males are -- statistically speaking!’

‘Hey I’m Alex, your Gen. Rep. I am a second year double degree - BA Science/Arts student mainly interested in Biological Anthropology. When I used to live in the Middle East my family and I were fortunate enough to visit a lot of archaeological sites and I fell in love with the profession. I even got briefly trapped in a pyramid once!’

SUMMER 2017 | 18

ANTHROPOLOGY ANTH2132 D e ep E a t i n g : N o t e s o n t h e Ru s s i a n Po t a t o

By Emily Colonna

Symbols and their associated cultural practices are central to the creation and maintenance of cultural identity. Symbols are vehicles for meaning and can make complex ideas and beliefs comprehensible to the self and communicable to others (Ortner 1973). The central role of symbols is highlighted in Geertz’s (1972) famous interpretation of the Balinese cockfight. The cock acts as a symbol and cultural touchstone. Cockfights reflect and are positive agents in the creation of Balinese social order, masculinity, and status. Through the cockfight the Balinese teach, learn and discuss what it is to be Balinese. In Russia, the symbol which plays this central role is the potato. The potato is a symbol of Russian identity, but its role and significance goes beyond symbolising existing ideas and beliefs. It is surrounded by culturally constructed ways of being, which allow Russians to construct, embody and pass on this identity. Historically potatoes have been an important source of food for survival, however as the economic necessity of the potato diminishes it retains its central position in Russian culture due to its symbolic importance.

The potato provides an avenue for Russians to engage with and

I m a g e : ‘ P o t a t o ’ - S a m G re e n

“ Th e p ot a to i s a s y m b o l o f R u s s i a n i d e n t i t y , b u t i t s ro l e a n d s i g n i fi c a n ce g o e s b eyo n d s y m b o l i s i n g ex i s t i n g i d e a s a n d beliefs.” perform a shared historical identity. The performance of this identity also allows for the continuation and transmission of Russian values. The potato also performs an important role in the creation and maintenance of current communities both local and national.

Like the cockfight to the Balinese, the potato is central to Russian life and culture. It provides a way of being Russian in a rapidly changing social, political and economic environment. Through the symbol

of the potato, Russians are able to craft, express and transmit Russian identity.

The potato undoubtedly holds an important position is Russia, but the continued importance of the potato is due to its symbolic role, rather than its material or economic significance.

Potato pervades Russian life and discourse. During her ethnographic studies in Russia, anthropologist Nancy Ries (2009) continually SUMMER 2017 | 19

ANTHROPOLOGY encountered stories about potatoes.

Russians expressed their love for potatoes, and emphasised the importance and centrality of the food to their lives. This significance is often explained with reference to Russian experience in the Second World War. During the war rural people were not given rations but were expected to survive on what they could grow.

Russians soon learned that, with little other dietary input, humans can survive indefinitely on potato (Reis 2009, p.184). Potato’s dietary importance was again enforced in post-socialist Russia.

Between 1985 and 1991 Russia underwent a series of massive reforms in which the Soviet Union was abolished and the country opened up to the global market.

The welfare system ceased and there was a drastic increase in the price of food and other goods.

People were unable to feed themselves on their wages and pensions (Ohan 2008). During this time of poverty and economic instability Russians again had to rely on potatoes as a key form of subsistence (Caldwell 2011). Today, the Russian economy and standards of living have much improved and people no longer have to rely on potatoes to survive. Despite the fact that potatoes no longer hold to dominate position in Russian subsistence, they are still treated and spoken of in a similar way.

Many Russians still grow their own potatoes, and most Russians stockpile potatoes to ‘survive the winter’. Potatoes still symbolically hold the title of the feeder of the people and the source of survival (Reis 2009). This continued place of the potato is not due to its physical and material importance in the diet of Russians. It is the potatoes symbolic role that keeps

it so central in the Russian mind.

The historical significance of the potato, although no longer a reality, provides an avenue for Russians to engage with and perform a shared historical identity. Food is closely tied with memory and can be a powerful tool in the creation and maintenance of an ethnic identity (Holtzman 2006). The memories associated with the potato are ones of war and economic crisis. During these times, skilled use of personal gardens and the arduous labour of the family enabled people to survive. Due to its central position in these historical experiences, the potato has become a touchstone for the strategies that families and communities employed (Caldwell 2011). These strategies now have historical and cultural meaning in that they are linked with the Russian ability to survive in times of poverty and starvation. The potatoes symbolic import therefore extends to representing Russian resilience, which has become a highly valued aspect of Russian identity (Ohan 2008). Partaking in the highly fetishized and celebrated processes around potatoes can be a way of bringing back memories of the harder times and of discussing the virtues of those who

lived through them. The continuation of potato practice allows present families and communities a way of embodying the historical reality of starvation and of performing the highly valued skills associated with the characteristic and historical resilience of their people.

The potato takes this historical identity and associated values and brings them into current families experience and lives. Jon Holtzman speaks of food’s ‘uncanny ability to tie the minutiae of everyday experience to broader cultural patterns’ (Holtzman 2006, p.373). The potato provides that link from historical processes and broader concept to the everyday. Potato practices enable physical engagement with the ideas of survival, poverty and resilience, to make sense of them and to bring them into current daily life. This embodiment leads the potato to simultaneously represent past struggles and current family values and experience. The potatoes grown and stored by families are a monument to family labour, to their experience and connection with key episodes of Russian history and to the skills they share with the past and present Russians (Reis

“ Th e p o t a t o e s s y m b o l i c i m p o r t t h e re f o re ex t e n d s t o rep re s e n t i n g Ru s s i a n re s i l i e n c e. . . a w a y o f b r i n g i n g b a c k m e m o r i e s o f t h e h a rd e r t i m e s a n d o f discussing the vir tues of those who l i ve d t h r o u g h t h e m . ”

SUMMER 2017 | 20

ANTHROPOLOGY 2009, p.200). The practices and discourse surrounding potatoes have become a culturally important act. Like the Balinese Cockfight, these practices can be seen as a Russian reading of Russian experience; a story they tell themselves about themselves (Geertz 1972, p.26). Potato practices allow Russians to engage in shared

p.186). During the war people made use of all the scraps of food they could get, wasting any food was seen as immoral. The science of frugality is still seen in households today, displayed and performed in the stockpiling of food for the winter and of stringent potato peeling practice. On the surface, this practice may just

“During the war people made use of all the s c r a p s o f f o o d t h ey c o u l d ge t , w a s t i n g a ny f o o d w a s s e e n a s i m m o r a l . Th e s c i e n c e o f f r u g a l i t y i s s t i l l s e e n i n h o u s e h o l d s t o d a y. . . ( a n d ) a re s e e n i n f a m i l i e s f v a r y i n g economic status not only those who cannot a f f o rd f o o d w a s t e ” experience, make sense of it, participate in it and continue it through potatoes.

The potato provides a vehicle for the construction and transmission of Russian values.

Like the cockfight, potato practices ‘are not merely reflections of a pre- existing sensibility analogically represented; they are positive agents in the creation and maintenance of such a sensibility’ (Geertz 1972, p.28). The potato does not just display essential Russian qualities and values, but was vital in their creation and is vital in their perpetuation (Caldwell 2011).

Russian beliefs about morality display this role of the potato.

During times of war and economic hardship, Russians developed certain ideas about morality linked to food waste. Given that the potato was the main source of food in these times, discussion about this morality is usually discussed in relation to the potato. Reis calls this form of Russian morality, the ‘science of frugality’ (Reis 2009,

of family potato narratives. The emotions and memories tied up with the symbol of the potato allow it to act as a place for teaching. Most families have stories about their relatives during the war about eating and frugality. Reis argues that these stories have ‘sticking power’ and ‘make the smallest waste and not just an occasion for guilt— although it is also that—but nearly a physical–moral impossibility’(Reis 2009, p. 195). Linked concepts of history, emotion and culinary practices are embedded through the telling and re-telling of these stories. Again, the potato is seen as symbolising a way of being Russian which continues despite

“ Fo o d a n d l a b o u r a re c i rc u l a t e d a r o u n d t h e c o m m u n i t y, t y i n g t h e m c l o s e r t o ge t h e r a n d c re a t i n g a s h a re d s e n c e o f i d e n t i t y b a s e d o n t h e p o t a t o . . . t h e p o t a t o l i n k s Ru s s i a n s with their nation.”

seem to reflect habit of historically poor people. But in fact, this practice embodies a system of belief that is at the centre of Russian identity. These practices are seen in families of varying economic status not only those who cannot afford food waste (Reis 2009). Meticulous peeling of vegetables and storing tonnes of food for the winter is a performance of Russian morality; a morality which was created around historical use of the potatoes, and which is continued through modern potato practice.

As well as being continually performed through potato practice, the Russian science of frugality is transmitted in the form

changing environments.

The potato and the practices involved in growing and processing them are important in the creation and maintenance of current local and national communities. On a familial and community level the potato creates networks of exchange and mutual support. Growing potatoes is hard work. It was seen in Reis’ (2009) study that friends and family from the city would come and help the rural communities with the tilling, planting, weeding, guarding, or harvesting in return for a few sack of potatoes. Food and labour are circulated around the community, tying them closer together and creating a shared sense of identity SUMMER 2017 | 21

ANTHROPOLOGY based on the potato. On a more ideological level, the potato links Russians with their nation. As already discussed, the potato symbolises some key aspects of the collective Russian identity such as resilience. There is also a level of national pride that centres on their ability ‘to make something from nothing’ and this comes up frequently through discussion of potatoes.

Potato practice also creates actual and imagined links with the Russian landscape. In her ethnography Dacha Idylls: Living organically in Russia’s Countryside, Melissa Caldwell (2011) discovered that nature is an essential part of Russian life. She says that there is a great appreciation of nature and even a spiritual connection to the land amongst Russians. The connections forged between the people and the physical landscape result in an appreciation for foods grown in their land and a height-

ened sense of the meaningfulness of labour on the land. Russian discourse about labour, tradition and healthfulness reveal a deep sense of geographic nationalism.

There is a belief that Russian foods are superior in taste, quality and healthfulness (Caldwell 2002, p.295). The landscapes and the food that comes from it are symbolic of Russian sociability and spirituality (Caldwell 2011). In growing their own potatoes Russians are engaging with the land which to them is tied up with ideas of national heritage and ideology.

Once again the potato and its practices allow engagement with aspects of Russian identity, and in this case inform a sense of nationalism and link to land and nation.

The potato for Russian people is a symbol of Russianness, but its role and significance goes beyond symbolising existing ideas and beliefs. It is surrounded by culturally constructed ways of being. Through engagement with

the potato and potato practices such as growing, harvesting, peeling, storing and eating, Russian people create ideas of Russian-ness, understand them and teach them to the younger generations. Potato practices allow them to embody their identity and act it out. Through potatoes Russian people make sense of the world around them. Due to this vast symbolic importance, the utility of potato growing is only of minor significance. Potatoes are no longer the main food source in the changing Russian world and potatoes are not always grown privately. This does not negate its symbolic potency. The potato maintains its position in Russia because it is a way of connecting the people, giving them identity and having continuity in a rapidly changing social, political and economic world. Potatoes and potato practices create and allow the expression of Russian identity.

“ Th e p o t a t o m a i n t a i n s i t s p o s i t i o n i n Ru s s i a because it is a way of connecting the p e o p l e, g i v i n g t h e m i d e n t i t y a n d h av i n g continuity in a rapidly changing social, political and economic world.”

Caldwell, M. L. 2011. Dacha Idylls: Living organically in Russia’s Countryside, University of California press, Berkeley Caldwell, M. L. 2002. ‘The Taste of Nationalism: Food Politics in Postsocialist Moscow’, Ethnos. Anthropol., 67(3): 295-319.

Geertz, C. 1972. ‘Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight’, Daedalus, 101(1): 1-37.

Holtzman, J. D. 2006. ‘Food and Memory’, A. Rev. Anthropol.

35: 361-378.

Reis, N. 2009. ‘Potato Ontology: Surviving post-socialism in Russia’, Cult. Anthropol. 24(2): 1548-60.

Ohan, C. 2008. ‘From Hope to Escape: Post-Soviet Russian Memory and Identity’, Hist. Anthropol. Chur, 19: 61-75.

Ortner, S. B. 1973. ‘On key Symbols’, Am. Anthropol., 75(5): 1338-1346.

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ANTHROPOLOGY ANTH1003 Th e M ove m e n t o f Tr a n s n a t i o n a l Domestic Labour Migrants

By Caitlin Setnicar

“ Th e s e Wo m e d a re l a b o u re r s w h o p e r f o r m t a s k s t h a t w o u l d o t h e r w i s e b e d o n e by w o m e n w h o a re n ow p a r t o f t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l w o r k f o rc e d u e t o w o m e n ex p e r i e n c i n g h i g h e r l eve l s o f e m p l oy m e n t a n d t h e m o d e r n i s a t i o n o f e m e rg i n g e c o n o m i e s ” The phenomenon of women from poor Asian countries migrating to less-poor countries, typically also in Asia, to work as domestic labourers (maids) is an extremely prolific stream of transnational labour migration.

The sending countries are most often the Philippines, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, and Myanmar, and the major receiving countries include Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore, as well as some Middle Eastern countries. These women are labourers who perform tasks that would otherwise be done by women who are now part of the professional workforce due to women experiencing higher levels of employment and the modernisation of emerging economies. This work, which includes the maintenance of the home, the rearing of children, the care of the elderly, and any other kind of feminised domestic work, is crucial to the maintenance of the productive labour force and can be defined as ‘reproductive labour’ (Parrenas

2000, 562). Focusing mostly on maids originating in the Philippines and migrating to Singapore and Hong Kong, this essay will attempt to explain the determinates of who becomes a domestic labour migrant, the proliferation of the domestic labour market, the experience of women who take this journey, and the inherent gendered and ethnicized inequality of the transnational domestic labour market.

Fa c t o r s contributing to the need for migration The factors that determine which women become migrant domestic workers are economic, cultural, gendered, and ethnicized, as different values are assigned to different forms of labour and different labourers. However, the factors are more complex than simply being the most downtrodden people are the people who must migrate. Although labour

migration is undertaken by the poor in order to accumulate wealth that cannot be sought be the same means in their country of origin, it takes a certain amount of wealth to migrate in the first place. Women will typically go through an employment agency that ensures legal status as a migrant worker, and procures work placements.

This process costs around USD$5000, and in addition there are other costs involved such as air travel (Parrenas 2000, 573-574).

This means that the women who can migrate will actually be middle-income earners in comparison to others who cannot muster the same resources. This is consistent with segmented labour market theory, which states that migrants are generally people who have a high enough income to migrate, but a low enough income to have the need to migrate. Segmented labour market theory also claims that the greatest determinate of migration is actually the ‘pull’ factors: the need for labour that cannot be met locally because the low social status of certain jobs fails to appeal to locals. In these circumstances, migrant labour must be brought in to fill the vacuum of low-status but highly important jobs. Migrants are willing to do these jobs because they do not have the same need to SUMMER 2017 | 23

ANTHROPOLOGY have a job with a high social status in their host country, but the money that they can earn will improve their social status in their sending country (Leontaridi 1998, 79). This is all very applicable to the motivations and determinates of transnational domestic labour migration, where most earnings are remitted back to workers’ families, and the relative wealth that can be accumulated from working overseas is enough to afford such luxuries as their own maid back home, although these kinds of earnings seem to come from migrants in Western Europe (Parrenas 2000, 566).

Parrenas recognized an extra dimension to the pull factors that lead to women migrate to do domestic work. There is a hierarchy where reproductive labour responsibilities are transferred from the most privileged women to the least privileged women. A wealthy woman who has been able to have a professional career must hire someone to do the domestic labour that traditionally would have been her responsibility. The woman who is hired is a mother who has migrated from a poor, far-away country, and as she is no longer present at home, she must get someone to do the domestic labour that she would be obliged to do if she were still at home. The person who is tasked with this labour, whether it be a maid hired with the money earned from her employer while being a maid overseas or a family member, falls at the bottom of the hierarchy.

There are significant difficulties involved for the woman in the middle of the transfer of reproductive labour, as she sees her social status simultaneously rise and fall.

Rise, because her comparative

income in her sending country has risen, and fall because she has gone from being a professional worker to being a maid, a distressing social step-down. In order to combat the loneliness and sadness of this process, some migrants have formed deterritorialized national communities where the improvements in comparative social standing in the sending country can be celebrated (parrenas 2000, 574). This will be discussed further below.

Th e ex p e r i e n c e o f transnational migrant domestic w o r ke r s i n t h e h o s t society When women migrate to less-poor Asian countries, they face harsh conditions and treatment in their host country, including a lack of structural support, a lack of rights when it comes to days off, surveillance, and control of movement during free time.

These conditions are a result of the nature of reproductive labour, cultural attitudes towards migrants, gendered issues, and

government policy. In Singapore, maids have few legal rights when it comes to days off, and if they do have a day off employers may restrict activities to those deemed acceptable such as going to church or taking dressmaking classes, or be restricted from leaving her employer’s home. Furthermore, if a maid is permitted to go out on her day off, she will have a strict curfew (Yeoh & Huang 1997, 588-589). Employers will use psychological tactics to convince maids that it is best not to go out on days off, such as explaining that it is very expensive to take the train and eat out in the city, and showing maids news reports of sexual assaults to frighten them (Yeoh & Huang 1997, 590). The greatest fear that Singaporean employers have is threats to their maids’ morality and purity. It seems as though employers develop a strong fictive kin relationship with maids based on paternalism, where the maid is treated like a child that must be protected from the harsh reality of the city in her best interests. However, in Singapore the strict surveillance of domestic workers is actually

“Employers will use psychological tactics to convince maids that it is best not to go out on days off” I m a g e : ‘ h o n g w ro n g . c o m ’ SUMMER 2017 | 24

ANTHROPOLOGY as their private space, spending time with friends, doing hair and makeup which is forbidden in their employers’ home, and Skyping with family back home. This is also a way of forming a deterritorialized national community where newfound capital that cannot typically be enjoyed in the host country can be enjoyed with those who understand the realities of the simultaneous rise and fall in social standing, which is one of the social difficulties of being situated in the middle of the transfer of reproductive labour, as mentioned before.

These massive congregations are unpopular with locals.

Image: ‘Migrant domestic workers meeting on Sunday at Statue Square in Central, Hong Kong’ - McyJerry

largely a result of government policy. Employers are held responsible for the actions of their maids by paying a large security bond to the government. If a maid breaks the law or falls pregnant, the employer loses that bond. So there is a strong financial incentive to limit the freedoms of maids, and this, more than any kind of fictive kinship, is what leads to the harsh surveillance and control of maids by their employers (Yeoh & Huang 1997, 590).

Another case is in Hong Kong. Constable’s research on Filipino maids and sexuality showed that the ambiguous status that Filipino maids hold in the household (they are often more educated than their employers), and their femininity, is threatening to female employers due to the potential of the maid seducing the male head of the household, or even taking the place of the mother. Much of the control of uniform, presentation, and move-

ment of maids was done in order to render them into non-sexual, androgynous subjects (Constable 1997, 539). While the financial incentive is not as clear as in the case of Singapore, the incentive to tightly control the lives of maids is strong in Hong Kong and is based on suspicions of their femininity and sexuality.

Under these conditions of surveillance and control, maids still manage to subtly challenge their subjugation and express their identities. On Sundays, certain areas in the city centres of Hong Kong and Singapore fill with maids who are on their day off, and who congregate en masse, setting up living-room-like picnic areas in urban zones and conducting their private time in the public space. Because their home is in fact their place of employment, and they are under constant scrutiny there, it is not a place where they can enjoy their leisure.

Instead, maids use the public space

Throughout history, public city spaces have been areas where power is contested and expressed.

This is particularly evident when looking at gender, as public cosmopolitan spaces have been gendered masculine, and private suburban spaces (in this case the employer’s home) as feminine.

Not only do the maid congregations challenge the gendered nature of the space, they also disrupt the separation of private and public life by doing ‘private’ things in the open. There are also racialized and nationalised concerns, as large city spaces are being ‘invaded’ by foreigners, who then go against the norm of what is culturally acceptable. Despite giving such a crucial service to the countries, maids are viewed with disdain by many locals because of the feeling that locals are being made into minorities by the invasion of foreign maids (Yeoh & Huang 1997, 593). The backlash from locals is certainly not enough to end the maid congregations, as the cause of the congregations is the devaluation of the maids, which leads to surveillance and SUMMER 2017 | 25

ANTHROPOLOGY control, that then leads to the need for the congregations in the first place. To oppose the maid congregations because of negative attitudes towards the maids becomes a vicious circle.

Inequalities that a re i n h e re n t i n transnational domestic labour migration Transnational domestic labour migration automatically entails structural and social inequalities, as the domestic labour market is segmented by dominant and non-dominant genders, ethnicities, and classes (Mills 2003, 42).

The inequality that is present in domestic labour migration is multi-layered. Women work feminized jobs in the reproductive labour sector because this is the work that there is a cultural precedent for women to do. They are segmented by ethnicity, and when employers hire domestic workers, they are discussed in highly ethnicized terms, such as weighing the pros and cons of certain ethnicities of maids. Mills explains that the cause of the feminisation of transnational labour migration is the simultaneous devaluation and desirability of female labour.

Female labour is devalued as secondary or complementary to male labour largely out of usefulness to cutting costs, but they are also valued for the delicateness of their work and their habits. There is a mass trend of keeping dominated people (whether they be dominated in terms of gender, ethnicity, or class) in the lowest rungs of the labour hierarchy in order to have high outputs with low labour costs. Certain kinds of

labour, for instance the labour of young unmarried women, becomes favoured not only because of low costs but also because of the perceived aptitude that they have in certain roles (Mills 2003, 43-44). Female migrant domestic workers fall in the intersection of workers who are dominated in gender, ethnicity, and class.

Domestic work, being reproductive labour, is heavily gendered as feminine work. Migrant workers are also at both structurally and culturally disadvantaged in their host society. Structurally, places like Hong Kong and Singapore have policies designed to guarantee the subjugation of migrant workers, such as the employerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s security bond paid to the government in Singapore. Migrant domestic workers are denied any form of belonging in the host societies, with other policies making it clear that these migrants will never settle in the host country. This is typical of most countries when faced with waves of migration, as the demarcation of self/other can become ambiguous or porous through migration (Eriksen 2007, 94-95).

To summarize, the reason

â&#x20AC;&#x153; Fe m a l e m i g r a n t d o m e s t i c wo r ke r s fall in the i n te r s e c t i o n o f wo r ke r s w h o a re d o m i n a te d i n g e n d e r , et h n i c i t y , and class.â&#x20AC;? for the proliferation of migrant domestic workers is that reproductive labour is absolutely crucial to the sustainability and maintenance of the professional productive labour force, but because of the gendered and ethnicized nature of the work, it is devalued enough that locals of wealthy countries will not take these jobs, leading to the necessity of bringing in migrant labour, and as the labour is feminized, the labourers are also feminized. Furthermore, the devaluation of domestic labour and distrust of foreigners by the state and people of the host countries creates a hostile environment for migrant domestic workers.

Despite these challenges, migrant domestic workers do find subtle ways of contesting hostile conditions, and the inherent inequalities that are present in their migration.

Constable, N. 1997. Sexuality and Discipline among Filipina Domestic Workers in Hong Kong. American Ethnologist 24 (3): 539-58.

Eriksen, T. H. 2007. Movement. In Globalization: The Key Concepts. Oxford, New York, Berg. 15-32.

Leontaridi, M. 1998. Segmented Labour Markets: Theory and evidence. Journal of Economic Surveys, 12 (1): 103-9.

Mills, M. B. 2003. Gender and Inequality in the Global Labor Force. Annual Review of Anthropology, 32 (1): 41-62.

Parrenas, R. S. 2000. Migrant Filipina Domestic Workers and the International Division of Reproductive Labor. Gender and Society, 14 (4): 560-80.

Yeoh, B. S. A., & Huang, S. 1998. Negotiating public space: Strategies and styles of migrant female domestic workers in Singapore.

Urban Studies, 35 (3): 583-602.

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BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY BIAN3113 Th e re m a i n s f r o m L i a n g B a u : s p e c i e s , p a t h o l o g y, & c o n t r ov e r s y B y Br i a n n a Mu i r

Since the discovery of new and surprisingly small hominin remains in Indonesia in 2003, great debate has raged in the archaeological and paleoanthropological community.

The remains, which have a range of morphological features both known and unique, were found with tools and faunal remains within a cave system on the island of Flores (Fig. 1).

With the remains matching no other known hominin, the discoverers declared that the remains represented an entirely new species; Homo floresiensis (Brown et al., 2004). However, not all agreed with this hypothesis.

Some (Henneberg and Thorne 2004; Henneberg et al. 2014; Obendorf, Oxnard and Kefford, 2008) have argued that the remains represent a small group of pathological individuals belonging to the species Homo sapiens, with disorders such as microcephaly, Down syndrome, or myxoedematous endemic cretinism. However, all hypotheses arguing for a pathologi-

F i g u re . 1 : C a r l B e n t o Š A u s t r a l i a n M u s e u m ( h t t p s : / / a u s t r a l i a n m u s e u m . n e t . a u / h o m o - f l o re s i e n s i s )

â&#x20AC;&#x153; Th e re m a i n s , w h i c h h ave a r a n ge o f m o r p h o l o g i c a l f e a t u re s b o t h k n ow n a n d u n i q u e, w e re f o u n d w i t h t o o l s a n d f a u n a l re m a i n s w h i t h i n a c ave s y s t e m o n t h e i s l a n d o f Fl o re s . â&#x20AC;? cal explanation for the distinct morphology have been refuted, and the remains cannot be conclusively linked to any other hominin species.

This evidence strongly supports the hypothesis that the Liang Bua remains represent a new

species of hominin, H. floresiensis (Fig. 1).

The holotype for H. floresiensis, designated LB1, was discovered in 2003, within a cave known as Liang Bua on the Indonesian island of Flores (Morwood et al., 2005). The

remains were unusual and striking; they belonged to a hominin, but one which was incredibly small, with an estimated height of 106cm and an endocranial volume of between 380 and 410 cubic centimetres (Argue et al., 2006). In addition, the remains had a range of morphological features with mixed affinities; their height and endocranial volume was similar to Australopithecines, dentition similar to H. sapiens (Brown et al., 2004), and wrist bones more primitive in morphology than H. neandethalensis and H. sapiens (Orr et al., 2013). In 2004, further specimens were found. Morwood et al.

(2005) states that among these finds were arm bones belonging to LB1, a second mandible of an adult individual, and a radius and tibia of a child, bring the total of know individuals up to nine.

Further evidence of occupation within the cave included lithic cores, anvils, and faunal skeletal remains with cut marks and charring, indicating that this hominin utilised fire (Morwood et al., SUMMER 2017 | 27

BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 2005). Initially, LB1 was dated to 18,000 BP, with surrounding deposits dating from 95,000 to 12,000 BP; these are surprisingly modern dates, indicating that homo floresiensis likely had contact with early humans (Sutikna et al., 2016). However, new evidence gathered from repeated dating analyses suggest that the homo floresiensis remains are between 100,000-60,000 years old, and that stone tools found in the assemblage are from between 190,000-50,000 BP (Sutikna et al., 2016). Although it is still possible that H. floreF i g u re . 2 : C a n d i d a t e s f o r t h e a n c e s t r y o f H o m o f l o re s i e n s i s (Gomez-Robles, A. 2016) siensis had contact with modern humans, this cannot be confirmed without the including arguments that the esis is contested. Argue et al. Brown et al.’s (2004) earlier discovery of a chronologi- Flores remains belong to (2006) compared the LB1 claim that H. floresiensis is cally younger individual.

Homo sapiens with micro- skull with skulls of Homo descended from H. erectus. cephaly, Down’s Syndrome, sapiens with microcephaly, In a later study, Argue et al.

With this informa- or Myxoedematous endemic along with skulls of other (2009) used cladistic analytion, Brown et al. (2004) cretinism (Figure. 3). How- hominins such as H. habilis sis in regards to H. floresienreported the discovery, and ever, further analyses of the and H. erectus, to determine sis, determining that H. declared the finds to belong Liang Bua remains do not if LB1 had the condition. floresiensis is a new species, to a new species: H. flore- support any of these hypoth- Morphometric and morpho- and that it most likely siensis. They hypothesised eses, some studies even logical analyses were used, branched off after either that H. floresiensis was outright refuting them. and their analysis concluded Homo rudolfensis or Homo descended from Homo that LB1 was outside the habilis. Although some have erectus (Fig. 2), and that Microcephaly (Fig. range of a H. sapiens with hypothesised that the Liang long-term isolation on the 3) is a disorder where the microcephaly, and thus Bua remains are H. sapiens island of Flores led to brain of an individual has unlikely to be a pathological with microcephaly, followendemic dwarfing, thus substantial reduction in individual. Furthermore, the ing analyses refute this leading to their small size. growth, therefore it has been results of their post-cranial claim, supporting the arguHowever, the naming of H. suggested that the Liang Bua measurements also indicated ment that the remains reprefloresiensis as a new homi- finds may represent an that LB1 is morphologically sent an entirely new species nin species proved to be a individual with the condi- closer to Australopithicus of hominin. controversial move. Many tion. This disorder some- garhi than to H. erectus. have argued that the times manifests with other With this result, they contest Another hypothesis short-statured remains were physical abnormalities as not of a new and separate well (Argue et al., 2006). “ Th ey ( B r ow n e t a l . 2 0 0 4 ) h y p o t h e species, but rather a homo Henneberg and Thorne s i s e d t h a t H . f l o re s i e n s i s w a s d e sapiens with a pathological (2004) have suggested that s c e n d e d f r o m H o m o e re c t u s ( F i g. condition (Argue et al., LB1 represents an individual 2), and that long-term isolation on 2009). Multiple hypotheses with microcephaly, based on t h e i s l a n d o f Fl o re s l e d t o e n d e m i c against the new species measurements taken of the dwarfing, thus leading to their status have been suggested, skull. However, this hypoths m a l l s i z e. ” SUMMER 2017 | 28

BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY for the Liang Bua remains is that they belong to a H. sapiens with Down syndrome. Down Syndrome is a genetic condition caused by a trisomy in chromosome 21, with over 100 known clinical symptoms (Baab et al., 2016). Henneberg et al.

(2014) hypothesised that LB1 (and by extension the other individuals from Liang Bua) are individuals with this disorder. They state that they observed multiple indicators for Down syndrome in LB1, including facial asymmetry, brachycephaly, a reduction in brain size, and small or missing sinuses (Henneberg et al., 2014). They also mention that there are “at least 50 syndromes express diminutive brain size and short stature, defining attributes of LB1” (Henneberg et al., 2014:11968) and thus the Liang Bua remains could represent individuals with any one of these pathologies.

This evidence, they argue, supports the hypothesis that LB1 is a H. sapiens with Down syndrome, or some other pathological abnormality. Not all agree with this hypothesis, however. In

“Multiple hypotheses against the new s p e c i e s s t a t u s h ave b e e n s u g ge s t e d , i n c l u d i n g a rg u m e n t s t h a t t h e Fl o re s re m a i n s b e l o n g t o H o m o s a p i e n s w i t h m i c r o c ep h a l y, D ow n’s s y d n r o m e, o r M y xo e d e m a t o u s e n d e m i c c re t i n i s m . ” a later study, Baab et al.

(2016) state that most markers for the disorder are formed from soft tissue, and thus would not be preserved and cannot be analysed.

Furthermore, a full diagnosis requires a karyotype test, which cannot be conducted on the subfossil remains.

They also mention that Down syndrome “is a highly heterogeneous condition and although skeletal features are noted…there is no single, diagnostic skeletal phenotype present in all individuals with DS that distinguishes these individuals from the rest of the population” (Baab et al,. 2016:3).

They did however reassess the Liang Bua finds with morphometric analysis, comparing LB1 with H. sapiens individuals with Down syndrome. With their study, they found that there was little evidence that LB1 was a H. sapiens with Down syndrome, and that the

remains were likely of a unique species (Baab et al., 2016). This further supports the hypothesis that the Liang Bua remains represent a new species.

In addition to microcephaly and Down syndrome, some have hypothesised that the Liang Bua remains represent an H. sapiens individuals with Myxoedematous endemic cretinism (Fig. 3), who lived in a population of majorly unaffected H. sapiens. Myxoedematous endemic cretinism is a disorder caused when an individual is born without a functioning thyroid; this can result in short stature and reduced brain size (Obendorf et al., 2008). Obendorf et al.

(2008) compared cranial measurements of LB1 and LB6 with a range of H. sapiens, including individuals with cretinism, and microcephalics, along with a

number of fossil hominins, to see if the hypothesis was possible. They concluded that the results support their hypothesis, since LB1 has multiple features that match the profile for cretinism, such as their short stature, and the morphology of their wrists. They do mention, however, that this does not prove LB1 to be a cretin, but rather does not disprove their hypothesis (Obendorf et al. 2008). Brown (2012), meanwhile, refutes these claims entirely. In an article written as a response to Obendorf, Oxnard and Kefford’s findings, the skeletal and dental morphology of LB1 and LB6 was compared to indicators of cretinism. The research could find no evidence of cretinism in LB1 or LB6.

Furthermore, Brown (2012) also found several factual errors within Obendorf et al., ((2008) article; one major example being reduced brain size as an indicator for Myxoedematous endemic cretinism. According to Brown (2012) reduced brain size is not an indicator for cretinism, and those with the condition often have average

F i g u re . 3 : T h e L B 1 c r a n i u m ( c e n t e r ) , m o d e r n h u m a n w i t h M y x o e d e m a t o u s e n d e m i c c re t i n i s m ( l e f t ) , a n d a m o d e r n h u m a n s h o w i n g m i c ro c e p h a l y ( r i g h t ) . A l l p h o t o g r a p h s w e re s c a l e d t o t h e s a m e m a x i m u m c r a n i a l l e n g t h t o e m p h a s i z e s h a p e d i f f e re n c e s a m o n g t h e m . © 2 0 1 2 N a t u re E d u c a t i o n P h o t o : K .

B a a b a n d P. B ro w n .

SUMMER 2017 | 29

BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY sized brains, which does not support the hypothesis that the Liang Bua remains represent a H. sapiens with Myxoedematous endemic cretinism. With these results, it seems unlikely that the Liang Bua remains represent individuals with cretinism.

The hominin remains found at Liang Bua cave in Flores, Indonesia, were a significant find. The remains belonged to an individual approximately 106cm tall, with an endocranial volume of less than 410 cubic centimetres.

The remains also had a unique mixture of morphological features, with affinities to Australopithecines

and H. sapiens, and stone tools and bones with charring and cut marks seem to indicate that the hominins had use of fire. The most current dates for the remains are between 100,000-60,000 BP. With this evidence, the remains were named as a new species, H. floresiensis.

However, there have been multiple arguments for the hypothesis that the remains, rather than representing a new species, are H. sapiens with a pathological condition. Microcephaly was hypothesised, however morphometric and cladistics analyses did not support the hypothesis. Down syndrome

Argue, D., Donlon, D., Groves, C. and Wright, R. 2006.

Homo floresiensis: Microcephalic, pygmoid, Australopithecus, or Homo?. J. Hum. Evol., 51(4), pp.360-374.

Argue, D., Morwood, M., Sutikna, T., Jatmiko, and Saptomo, E. 2009. Homo floresiensis: a cladistic analysis. J. Hum. Evol., 57(5), pp.623-639.

Baab, K., Brown, P., Falk, D., Richtsmeier, J., Hildebolt, C., Smith, K. and Jungers, W. 2016. A Critical Evaluation of the Down Syndrome Diagnosis for LB1, Type Specimen of Homo floresiensis.

PLoS ONE, 11(6), pp.1-32.

Brown, P. 2012. LB1 and LB6 Homo floresiensis are not modern human (Homo sapiens) cretins. J. Hum. Evol., 62(2), pp.201-224.

Brown, P., Sutikna, T., Morwood, M., Soejono, R., Jatmiko, Wayhu Saptomo, E. and Rokus Awe Due, 2004. A new small-bodied

was another hypothesis, although the argument is not supported by morphometric analysis, and the disorder cannot be accurately diagnosed with other soft tissue analysis or a karyotype test.

Myxoedematous endemic cretinism was also suggested using morphometric analy-

sis; however, these findings were disputed, and several inaccuracies within the article were identified. With this evidence, it is clear that the hominin remains found at Liang Bua represent a new species, Homo floresiensis.

F i g u re . 4 : C a r l B e n t o Š A u s t r a l i a n M u s e u m ( h t t p s : / / a u s t r a l i a n m u s e u m . n e t . a u / h o m o - f l o re s i e n s i s )

hominin from the Late Pleistocene of Flores, Indonesia. Nature, 431, pp.1055-1061.

Gomez-Robles, A. 2016.

The Dawn of Homo floresiensis.

Nature, 543: 188-189 Henneberg, M. and Thorne, A. 2004. Flores human may be a pathological homo sapiens. Before Farming, 4, pp.2-4.

Henneberg, M., Eckhardt, R., Chavanaves, S. and Hsu, K. 2014.

Evolved developmental homeostasis disturbed in LB1 from Flores, Indonesia, denotes Down syndrome and not diagnostic traits of the invalid species Homo floresiensis.

PNAS, 111(33), pp.11967-11972.

Morwood, M., Brown, P., Jatmiko, Sutikna, T., Wahyu Saptomo, E., Westaway, K., Awe Due, R., Roberts, R., Maeda, T., Wasisto, S. and Djubiantono, T. 2005. Further evidence for small-bodied hominins from the Late Pleistocene of Flores, Indonesia.

Nature, 437(7061),

pp.1012-1017.

Obendorf, P., Oxnard, C. and Kefford, B. 2008. Are the small human-like fossils found on Flores human endemic cretins?. Proc. R. Soc. [Biol], 275(1640), pp.1287-1296.

Orr, C., Tocheri, M., Burnett, S., Awe, R., Saptomo, E., Sutikna, T., Jatmiko, Wasisto, S., Morwood, M. and Jungers, W. 2013.

New wrist bones of Homo floresiensis from Liang Bua (Flores, Indonesia). J. Hum. Evol., 64(2), pp.109-129.

Sutikna, T., Tocheri, M., Morwood, M., Saptomo, E., Jatmiko, Awe, R., Wasisto, S., Westaway, K., Aubert, M., Li, B., Zhao, J., Storey, M., Alloway, B., Morley, M., Meijer, H., van den Bergh, G., GrĂźn, R., Dosseto, A., Brumm, A., Jungers, W. and Roberts, R. 2016.

Revised stratigraphy and chronology for Homo floresiensis at Liang Bua in Indonesia. Nature, 532(7599), pp.366-369.

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BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY BIAN3021 Ta r s i e r s i n Tr o u b l e : Vy i n g f o r a S p o t i n t h e To p 2 5 M o s t E n d a n ge re d P r i m a t e s

By Erin Brinkley

F ro m l e f t t o r i g h t : Ta r s i u s p u m i l u s a n d t h e d u b i o u s C a r i l t o s u b s p e cies Carlito syrichta syrichta, Calrito syrichta carbonarius, Carlito syrichta fraterculus (Nash, 2014; Nash, 2015)

The world has reached a desperate time from a conservation perspective (Ceballos et al. 2015). In response to the biodiversity crisis, the IUCN (International Union for Conservation of Nature) puts forward an exclusive list of “The World’s 25 Most Endangered Primates” (Schwitzer et al.

2015). However, with over 300 or “nearly half of all the

world’s primates… threatened” (Mittermeier et al.

2009), many arguably deserve a place on the list.

With so many species vying for a spot on the IUCN’s “top 25”, the difficult task of selecting those most in need provides the basis for an interesting analysis of why some species make the cut while others are axed. This essay provides one such

“...the difficuilt task of selecting those most in n e e d p rov i d e s t h e b a s i s fo r a n i n te re s t i n g a n a l y s i s of why some species m a ke t h e c u t w h i l e ot h e r s a re a xe d . ” SUMMER 2017 | 31

BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY “It is a species-specific system of t h re a t c a t e go r i z a t i o n b a s e d o n ex t i n c t i o n r i s k , w h e reby s p e c i e s can be labelled from least conc e r n t o c r i t i c a l l y e n d a n ge re d , o r eve n ex t i n c t . ” analysis. It compares the pygmy tarsier (Tarsius pumilus) and the Philippine tarsier (Carlito syrichta) and examines the reasons why the former was removed and the latter added to the top 25 in 2014.

(Vié et al. 2008: 1). It is a species-specific system of threat categorization based on extinction risk, whereby species can be labelled from least concern to critically endangered, or even extinct (Neri-Arboleda, 2010).

The essay begins with an outline of the ecology and conservation status of each species. This is followed by a discussion of the importance and benefits a place in the top 25 provides for species conservation. A critical examination of the evidence supports the placement of C. syrichta over T. pumilus, but a broader comparison of primate species suggests tarsiers are perhaps the most illogical candidates to be listed. This leads to the conclusion the top 25 is not purely about which species are known to be most critical. Instead, the top 25 appears to be as much about sharing resources across a broad range of primates to ensure no threatened species is totally neglected over time.

To complement the vast Red List database, since the year 2000 the IUCN has put forward a targeted list of “the 25 primate species considered to be among the most endangered worldwide and the most in need of conservation measures” (Schwitzer et al. 2015: 1).

This list is the product of the biennial congress of the International Primatological Society (IPS), whereby experts debate and decide which species deserve placement. The latest 2014-2016 list was drawn up at the XXV Congress in Hanoi, and puts forward a scattering of primates from Africa, Madagascar, Asia and the Neotropics (IUCN, 2016; Schwitzer et al. 2015).

Background “The IUCN Red List of Threatened Species… is a clarion call to action in the drive to tackle the extinction crisis, providing essential information on the state of, and trends in, wild species”

One such group are the tarsiers. Tarsiers are the “small, nocturnal, totally carnivorous, large bug-eyed, long-ankled, scaly-tailed primates” (Wright et al.

2003: 50) of the world. With several species confined to regions of Southeast Asia, they are the oddities of the primate order, possessing a bizarre combination of primitive, derived and unique traits. However, only three species have ever made the “list”. Tarsius tumpara or the Siau Island tarsier made three successive iterations from 2006 to 2010, before being dropped (Mittermeier et al. 2007, Mittermeier et al.

2009, Mittermeier et al.

2012). T. pumilus was added in 2012, but was soon removed and replaced by C. syrichta in the 2014 iteration (Schwitzer et al. 2014; Schwitzer et al. 2015).

The latter two species are the basis for the discussion in this essay, with their taxonomic and environmental characteristics, as well as their conservation status, including current threats, outlined below.

Th e S p e c i e s

the mountainous core of central Sulawesi, Indonesia (Musser and Dagosto, 1987).

Current evidence places it at only three high-altitude localities, namely Mt. Rano Rano, Mt. Rantemario and Mt. Rore Katimbu. The latter site contains the only observed living populations, with an extremely limited distribution between 2000 to 2300 metres above sea level (msl) within the Lore Lindu National Park (LLNP) (Grow, 2013; Grow et al.

2013).

Known as “one of the world's most mysterious primates” (Shekelle, 2008: 12), T. pumilus eluded tarsier biologists for almost a century after its discovery in 1917 (Shekelle, 2008). With only three specimens collected up until the year 2000, it was speculated to be extinct until 2008 when the first animal was seen in the wild (Grow and Gursky-Doyen, 2012; Maryanto and Yani, 2004).

Since this time only a select few studies have actually obtained behavioural and ecological data on extant pygmy tarsiers, with a total of 26 individuals reported (Grow and Gursky-Doyen, 2010; Grow et al. 2013; Grow, 2013). As such, our understanding of this rare primate is extremely limited, contributing to its classifica-

The reject: T. pumilus Some species, such as the Cat Ba and Delacour’s T. pumilus or the langur (Trachypithecus pygmy tarsier is endemic to poliocephalus and Trachypithecus delacouri respectively), have consistently “ H ow eve r, w e d o k n ow placed in the top 25. However, the majority fluctuate, t h a t T. p u m i l u s i s a shuffled on and off the list as d i s t i n c t i ve s p e c i e s . ” new data and priorities are uncovered.

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BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY tion as data deficient under In terms of the the IUCN scheme (Shekelle species’ current threats, the and Salim, 2008). presence of the only known populations within a “proHowever, we do tected” National Park is know that “T. pumilus is a deceptive. LLNP was estabdistinctive species” (Musser lished in 1993, but it has a and Dagosto, 1987). It history of illegal logging in possesses a suite of morpho- the 1970s, and it is well logical, behavioural and known locals continue habitat characteristics which small-scale exploitation of set it apart from its the area for resources such as lowland-equivalents (Grow bamboo, rattan and agriculet al. 2013). tural plots (Grow and Not only is T. pumilus about half the size of other tarsiers, but it has a range of high-altitude adaptations pertaining to its unique mossy cloud forest habitat (Musser and Dagosto, 1987; Shekelle, 2008).

This habitat it only found at elevations greater than 1900m within LLNP (Grow and Gursky-Doyen, 2010).

T. pumilus are high canopy dwellers and display no scent marking behaviours or duet calls, helping this species to remain “extremely cryptic and difficult to locate” (Grow and Gursky-Doyen, 2010 and 2012). It is also found at rather low densities, with Grow et al. (2013) estimating just 0.92 individuals per hectare.

Interestingly, T. pumilus does show a preference for low-level disturbance and anthropogenic forest edges. This was evident by its clumped distribution along an old illegal logging road within LLNP, where its main prey items (certain insects) are found to be larger and more abundant (Grow et al. 2013).

Although our current understanding suggests T. pumilis may benefit from increased edge effects from low-level human disturbance (Grow et al. 2013), a study of Tarsius dianae (the low-altitude tarsier in LLNP) suggests there is a disturbance threshold (Merker et al. 2005). T. dianae are found to benefit similarly from lightly disturbed forest patches, but

“ W i t h n o ge n e f l ow b e t w e e n s p e c u l a t e d , ge o g r a p h i c a l l y i s o lated populations, an inability to disperse to adjacent peaks, and no escape route from human encroachment ... the s p e c i e s ( T. p u m i l u s c o u l d b e i n s e r i o u s t r o u b l e. ” Gursky-Doyen, 2010; Merker et al. 2005). Luckily, these practices have had a limited impact so far, especially at the relatively inaccessible higher altitudes where pygmy tarsiers reside (Shekelle and Salim, 2008).

However, human encroachment into high-altitude forest is a legitimate threat, well documented in Sulawesi’s densely populated south (Shekelle and Salim, 2008).

Villages surrounding LLNP are currently undergoing massive population growth (Grow and Gursky-Doyen, 2012), and there is already evidence the elevation below which pristine forest is non-existent is on the rise, increasing by 200m (from 750 to 950msl) from 1998 to 2001 alone (Merker et al.

2004).

in cases of significant human disturbance (e.g. plantations) their living conditions deteriorate rapidly (Merker et al.

2005). Increasing edge effects and clearing not only subject tarsiers to more noise and pollutants, but they remove invaluable plant supports for locomotion, and eliminate potential sleeping sites (Merker et al. 2005; Grow et al. 2013). Reduced vegetation density also increases their visibility and accessibility to predation (e.g. by raptors or humans), which is already an established threat to the animals (Grow et al. 2013; Grow and Gursky-Doyen, 2010).

These myriad of threats are compounded by T. pumilus’ limited and fragmentary distribution

across a few mountain tops (if populations still even exist outside LLNP) (Grow and Gursky-Doyen, 2012; Shekelle and Salim, 2008).

Only 20% LLNP is above 1500msl, and pygmy tarsiers are only observed above 2000msl, further constraining their available habitat (Grow and Gursky-Doyen, 2010 and 2012).

With no gene flow between speculated, geographically isolated populations, an inability to disperse to adjacent peaks, and no escape route from human encroachment (the species theoretically has an altitudinal threshold above and below which they cannot persist) – the species could be in serious trouble. However, our understanding of T. pumilus’ biology and ecology is still very limited. We have no way to predict extinction risk, let alone define population dynamics or estimate how many are left in the wild (Shekelle and Salim, 2008). This is an ongoing concern from a conservation perspective.

The substitute: C. syrichta C. syrichta or the Philippine tarsier is less mysterious than its pygmy relative. As another island endemic, it has a large metapopulation scattered across the Philippine archipelago, making it both locally common and one of the most widely distributed species of the region (Shekelle and Arboleda, 2008; Shekelle et al. 2014; Wright, 2003).

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BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY Nevertheless, its cryptic nocturnal, arboreal nature makes it difficult to define taxonomically, let alone accurately predict remaining numbers (Shekelle et al.

2014; Wright, 2003).

The species shows a strong preference for low-altitude habitat (<750msl) and young secondary growth forest (Gursky et al. 2011; Jachowski, 2005; Shekelle and Arboleda, 2008). However, it also occurs in primary forest, and is even recorded in areas close to human habitation and in agricultural plots (Dagosto et al. 2001).

Nevertheless, there in a negative correlation between C. syrichta density and the level of disturbance (Shekelle and Arboleda, 2008).

status from endangered, to lower risk/conservation dependent, to its recent listing as near threatened.

This latest status follows a report suggesting the species had declined by roughly 30% over the last three generations (Gursky et al. 2011; Shekelle et al. 2014). Genetic evidence from Brown et al. (2014) will likely trigger further re-classification in the future, as species and subspecies status is properly defined. Until then, we have no idea which lineages are most at risk.

What we do know is the predation and infant mortaliPhilippine tarsier is facing ty within wild populations multiple intrinsic and extrin- (Neri-Arboleda, 2010). sic threats.

Aspects of C. syrichFeral cats, monitor ta biology (nocturnal and lizards and humans are dietary specializations) known predators, which take inhibit captive breeding advantage of C. syrichta programs. Captive breeding being more vulnerable is not currently a viable during daylight hours, and its option for fostering wild activity and sleeping sites populations because it has being closer to ground level been widely unsuccessful in (around 2m) (Neri-Arboleda, the past due to high mortality 2010; Řeháková-Petrů et al. rates (Neri-Arboleda, 2010; 2012). Its behaviours, such Jachowski, 2005; Wright, as infant parking and early 2003). These factors also juvenile dispersal, also make non-regulated captive completely contribute to high rates of conditions

“ Th i s t a xo n o m i c u n c e r t a i n t y h a s c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e s p e c i e s ( C. s y r i c h t a ) s h i f t i n g I U C N s t a t u s f r o m e n d a n ge re d , t o l ow e r r i s k / c o n s e r v a t i o n d ep e n d e n t , t o i t s re c e n t l i s t i n g a s n e a r t h re a t e n e d . ”

Unlike T. pumilus, there is enough research into C. syrichta to fuel taxonomic debate and fluctuations in its conservation status. Three “dubious” (Brown et al.

2014) subspecies (Carlito syrichta syrichta, Calrito syrichta carbonarius, Carlito syrichta fraterculus) are currently assigned to particular islands within the archipelago. However, recent genetic evidence reveals three distinct lineages (Bohol-Samar-Leyte, Dinagat-Caraga and Mindanao-Zamboanga) which confound current classification and historical biogeographic models (Brown et al.

2014; Shekelle et al. 2014).

This taxonomic uncertainty has contributed to the species shifting IUCN

I m a g e : Ta r s i e r , G r a c e M i l l e r SUMMER 2017 | 34

BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY unsuitable.

Nevertheless, there is a strong demand for these animals. Not only are they heavily harvested for food, but the Philippine tarsiers are promoted as mascots for the ecotourism industry. Their flagship status has seemingly created only negative attention so far, with reports of animals being kept in adverse roadside attractions, salvaged from illegal dealers, and bursting onto the pet trade (Brown et al.

2014; Shekelle and Arboleda, 2008; Shekelle et al.

2014). This is particularly concerning considering Neri-Arboleda (2010: 1200) found “a slight increase in adult mortality renders the [wild] population very unstable”, whether due to natural factors or anthropogenic-removal. However, there are examples of semi-captive environments benefitting the species, such as the Philippine Tarsier and Wildlife Sanctuary on Bohol, where tarsiers can roam freely in and out of a predator-fenced area (Jachowski, 2005).

One of the biggest threats facing Philippine tarsiers is extreme forest loss. While C. syrichta numbers may initially benefit from an increase in secondary growth forest (albeit at the expense of primary forest), further disturbance eliminates suitable habitat (Dagosto et al. 2001; Gursky et al. 2011; Jachowski, 2005). “Major causes of forest destruction in the Philippines are forest fire, logging, and slash-and-burn agriculture” (Neri-Arboleda, 2010: 1197). Huge population and industry expansion has contributed to statistics that suggest only 7% of Philippine forests remain intact, with particular islands devoid of primary forest altogether (Gursky et al.

2011; Panela, 2014). This places the country within “the top ten most threatened forest hotspots in the world”

(Panela, 2014). Even though the government enforced a logging ban in 2011, this has not curbed illegal deforestation (Gursky et al. 2011; Panela, 2014).

Rates of deforestation, coupled with geographic and oceanic factors, rank the Philippines as the country predicted to be most affected by climate change (Kreft et al. 2014). Rising sea surface temperatures and declining natural barriers will increase the archipelago’s susceptibility to more severe tropical storms. There is already good evidence this is happening more often, with 50% of the country’s most devastating typhoons occurring since 2006 (EcoWatch, 2016).

Increasing typhoon intensity and frequency increases the probability of

wiping out precious C. syrichta habitat (Shekelle et al. 2014). This does not bode well for extinction risk assessments, particularly in light of genetic data further subdividing the species and its respective distribution (Brown et al. 2014). A rudimentary population viability assessment by Neri-Arboleda (2010) determined C. syrichta is fairly resilient to habitat loss and fragmentation.

However, inputting a single “environmental catastrophe” (e.g. a forest fire) in critical habitat increases C. syrichta’s probability of extinction from less than 5% to over 70% within the next 100 years.

Although the authors’ conclusions suffer from limited data on life history and morality variables, they do suggest environmental catastrophes, such as typhoons, are a realistic threat to species survival in the long run.

“ . . . b e i n g l i s t e d i s a p ow e r f u l tool from a conser vation p e r s p e c t i ve. ”

Image: © Vitaly Titov & Maria Sidelnikova,Shutterstock SUMMER 2017 | 35

BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY Discussion To be, or not to be, in the top 25 To understand what’s at stake, a place within “The World’s 25 Most Endangered Primates” (Schwitzer et al. 2015) comes with huge benefits for species conservation.

The first point to note here is “there is only one thing in the world worse than being talked about, and that is not being talked about” (Wilde, 1891).

Putting otherwise obscure species in the limelight helps generate public awareness which, in turn, helps generate public, political and research support.

More specifically, IUCN listings are increasingly being used to guide conservation efforts, focus global conservation resources, and prioritize investment among species (Rodrigues et al. 2006). They are also used to make informed decisions regarding legislation on threatened species protection, as well as to develop biodiversity action plans and generate funding for much-needed research (Vié et al. 2008). Therefore, being listed is a powerful tool from a conservation perspective (Vié et al. 2008).

As mentioned previously, there are a significant number of primates vying for a spot on the list which could benefit from this attention both species of tarsier

aimed at providing taxonomic clarity to properly assess “ B u t p e r h a p s a m o re p e r t i n e n t conservation targets, before q u e s t i o n i s d i d T. p u m i l u s re c e i ve any new natural disasters enough time in the limelight risk the elimination of any b e f o re b e i n g d r o p p e d ? ” emerging species (Brown et al. 2014; Shekelle et al. a greater 2014). included (Mittermeier et al. population, geographic distribution and 2009). is much better understood Threat immediacy T. pumilus VS. C. syrichta than T. pumilus. The Philip- is, therefore, the one defining pine tarsier also has dedicat- feature which convincingly In light of the direct ed conservation reserves and sways the “placement” argubenefits the list provides for is proven to persist in more ment. The pygmy tarsier has a species, which tarsier is degraded low-altitude habi- eluded humans and persisted most deserving of a place in tats. These are all valid for a good part of a century, the top 25? To answer this reasons why it may not and their habitat (albeit not question, we need to critical- deserve placement over T. pristine) currently occurs ly examine the chronology pumilus, which by contrast is outside the range of extenand reasons behind the extremely cryptic, highly sive human influence. Their specialized and currently isolation strongly contrasts decisions. known only from a single the situation of the PhilipIn the case of T. locality in Sulawesi. pine tarsier which is facing pumilus, the logic seems to decidedly more numerous However, since the and imminent threats on both be that prior to 2012 this species was so poorly under- 2012 decision, there have the environmental and stood we had little idea about been major developments on anthropological front (e.g. its basic ecological variables, the C. syrichta front. Brown extreme deforestation, huntlet alone its threat status. et al.’s (2014) genetic ing, pet trade, etc.).

Since its listing a number of evidence suggests C. syrichstudies, including those by ta may contain multiple, Given the weight of Grow (2013) and Grow et al. misrepresented species, and evidence, this essay supports (2013), have (marginally) this has thrown a spanner in the placement of C. syrichta improved our knowledge the “classification” works. In over T. pumilus, and thereand understanding of this addition, in 2013, “super-ty- fore it is my view the IPS mysterious species – demon- phoon Haiyan swept directly made the correct decision strating a place on the list over critical tarsier habitats” regarding their 2014-2016 can produce the desired (Shekelle et al. 2014), and listing. suggests the effect. But perhaps a more evidence pertinent question is did T. typhoon threat will only Tarsiers: part of a grander pumilus receive enough time worsen with continued scheme in the limelight before being climate change (EcoWatch, 2016; Kreft et al. 2014). The dropped?

Setting tarsiers At face value, C. subsequent listing of C. against the broader context syrichta has a larger meta- syrichta in 2014 is therefore of the top 25 highlights some interesting points.

“...the list of the top 25 “most e n d a n ge re d p r i m a t e s ” i s n o t p u re l y a b o u t w h i c h s p e c i e s a re k n ow n t o b e t h e m o s t c r i t i c a l . ”

Of all the species on or removed from the list in 2014, the tarsiers are perhaps the least obvious candidates.

For example, the Hainan and SUMMER 2017 | 36

BIOLOGICAL ANTHROPOLOGY Cao Vit gibbon (Nomascus hainanus and Nomascus nasutus respectively) are facing huge genetic diversity crises, down to less than 50 mature individuals in the wild, and populations of Preuss’s and Bioko red colobus (Piliocolobus preussi and Piliocolobus pennantii pennantii respectively) are rapidly declining due to rampant hunting (Schwitzer et al. 2014; Schwitzer et al.

2015).

Meanwhile, T. pumilus and C. syrichta are currently listed as data deficient and near threatened respectively, with neither species close to being re-classified as critically endangered or even endangered. Of course, this may be resolved with further study (Brown et al. 2014), but it highlights the list of the top 25 “most endangered primates” is not purely about which species are known to be the most critical.

vested interests) debate the final cut, the ‘back-room’ negotiations and compromises necessary to arrive at a top 25 must be considerable (IUCN, 2016; Vié et al.

2008). Therefore, any changes to the list do not necessarily imply an improvement in the given species’ status, but instead are an indication of a redirection in conservation and research priorities across the wide range of candidates and stakeholders involved (Schwitzer et al. 2015).

So placement on or off the top 25 is more about shuffling species to: 1.acknowledge “closely related species enduring equally bleak prospects [of survival]” (Schwitzer et al. 2015: 1); 2. draw attention from the public and governments around the world to the ongoing biodiversity crisis; and 3. focus the attention of conservationists toward the various species-specific Given the benefits of challenges that must be faced being on the list, the number in the coming years (IUCN, of primates vying for a spot, 2016). and the fact that species-specific experts (with varied By consistently Brown, RM et al. 2014.

Conservation genetics of the Philippine tarsier: cryptic genetic variation restructures conservation priorities for an island archipelago primate.

PLoS ONE 9(8): e104340 Ceballos, G et al. 2015, Accelerated modern human–induced species losses: Entering the sixth mass extinction. Sci. Adv. 1 (5): 2375-2548 Dagosto, M et al. 2001.

Positional Behavior and Social Organization of the Philippine

“The World’s 25 Most Endangered Primates” is a powerful tool from a conservation perspective and provides the basis for an interesting analysis regarding which species make the cut, and which ones are axed.

T. pumilus and C. syrichta are such a pairing. Although both tarsiers are in trouble, this essay supports the decision to replace the pygmy with the Philippine tarsier – simply because the latter is facing more imminent threats to its survival.

However, the tarsiers are not in nearly as much trouble as some of the other primates on the list, suggesting the list is as much about sharing resources across a broad range of primates to ensure no threatened species is neglected over time, and making sure all global stakeConclusion holders remain engaged in addressing the conservation The biennial list of crisis.

reporting a representative sample of threatened primates across the various biogeographic realms (i.e.

Africa, Asia, Madagascar and the Neotropics (Schwitzer et al. 2014; Schwitzer et al. 2015)), the top 25 suggests a balanced approach to conservation across species geographically. Removing highly threatened species in favour of more obscure ones indicates a spread of attention and resources through time.

Ultimately, this suggests the IPS is not putting all its eggs in one basket. The list is strategically designed to keep all the key stakeholders engaged, to recognize the broader, ongoing conservation issue, and to keep the plight of all species at risk ‘alive’.

“ Th e l i s t i s s t r a te g i c a l l y d e s i g n e d to ke e p a l l t h e s t a ke h o l d e r s e n g a g e d , to re co g n i ze t h e b ro a d e r , o n g o i n g co n s e r v a t i o n i s s u e , a n d to ke e p t h e p l i g h t o f a l l s p e c i e s a t r i s k ‘ a l i ve ’ . ”

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Grow, N 2013. Altitudinal distribution and ranging patterns of pygmy tarsiers (Tarsius pumilus). In: Grow, NB et al. (eds) High Altitude Primates, pp.43–59. Springer, New York.

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2009. Primates in Peril: The World’s 25 Most Endangered Primates 2008–2010, Primate Conserv., 24: 1–57 Musser, G. G. and Dagosto, M. 1987. The identity of Tarsius pumilus: a pygmy species endemic to the montane mossy forests of central Sulawesi. Am. Mus. 2867:1-53 Nash, SD 2014, Pgymy tarsier[image]. In: Schwitzer et al. (eds.) 2014. Primates in Peril: The World’s 25 Most Endangered Primates 2012–2014 [PDF]. IUCN SSC Primate Specialist Group (PSG), International Primatological Society (IPS), Conservation International (CI), and Bristol Zoological Society, Arlington, VA. Nash, SD 2015, Carlito syrichta subspecies [image]. In: Schwitzer, C et al. (eds.) 2015.

Primates in Peril: The World’s 25 Most Endangered Primates 2014-2016 [PDF]. IUCN SSC Primate Specialist Group (PSG), International Primatological Society (IPS), Conservation International (CI), and Bristol Zoological Society, Arlington, VA Neri-Arboleda, I 2010.

Strengths and Weaknesses of a Population Viability Analysis for Philippine Tarsiers (Tarsius syrichta), Int. J. Primatol. (2010) 31:1192–1207 Panela, S 2014. The Phillipines: where ‘mega diversity’ meets mega deforestation. https://news.mongabay.com/2014/07/the-philippines-where-megadiversity-meets-mega-deforestation/ Řeháková-Petrů, M et al.

2012. Predation on a wild Philippine tarsier (Tarsius syrichta), Acta.

Ethologica., 15 (2):217-220 Rodrigues, SL et al. 2006.

The value of the IUCN Red List for conservation, Trends Ecol. Evolut.

21(2): 71-76 Schwitzer, C et al. (eds.)

2014. Primates in Peril: The World’s 25 Most Endangered Primates 2012–2014 [PDF]. IUCN SSC Primate Specialist Group (PSG), International Primatological Society (IPS), Conservation International (CI), and Bristol Zoological Society, Arlington, VA. Schwitzer, C et al. (eds.)

2015. Primates in Peril: The World’s 25 Most Endangered Primates 2014-2016 [PDF]. IUCN SSC Primate Specialist Group (PSG), International Primatological Society (IPS), Conservation International (CI), and Bristol Zoological Society, Arlington, VA. Shekelle, M et al. (2014) Philippine Tarsier. In: Schwitzer, C et al. (eds.) 2015. Primates in Peril: The World’s 25 Most Endangered Primates 2014-2016 [PDF]. IUCN SSC Primate Specialist Group (PSG), International Primatological Society (IPS), Conservation International (CI), and Bristol Zoological Society, Arlington, VA: 43-44.

Shekelle, M 2008. The history and mystery of the mountain tarsier, Tarsius pumilus. Primate Conserv. (23): 121–124 Shekelle, M and Arboleda, I 2008. Tarsius syrichta, <http://www.iucnredlist.org/details/full/21492/0> Shekelle, M and Salim, A 2008. Tarsius pumilus. <http://www.iucnredlist.org/details/21490/0> Vié, JC et al. 2008. The IUCN Red List: a key conservation tool [PDF]. In: Vié, JC et al. (eds).

The 2008 Review of The IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. IUCN Gland, Switzerland.

Wilde, O 1891. The Picture of Dorian Gray Wright, PC et al. 2003.

Tarsiers: Past, Present, and Future.

Rutgers University Press, New Jersey SUMMER 2017 | 38

ARCHAEOLOGY ARCH2050 Th e I n d i a n i z a t i o n o f S o u t h e a s t Asia

By Emily Nutman

The first use of the term “Indianization” has been attributed to the famous French archaeologist George Coedès and his seminal work “The Indianized States of Southeast Asia”, in which he described the “propagation” of Indian cultural influence into the region (Lukas, 2003: 85). According to Harrison (1954) this process broadly included the introduction

of a “culture based upon the art of writing… Sanskrit language and literature, the cults of Brahmanism and Buddhism, Hindu mythology, and distinctive artistic styles and techniques” which in turn influenced the laws, social hierarchies and administrative styles of early Southeast Asian polities (Figure.

1). The academic community has long debated whether or not this

“...the undeniable influence of Indian c u l t u re o n S o u t h e a s t A s i a n w r i t i n g , gove r n m e n t , re l i g i o n a n d a r t s h o u l d n o t b e s u r p r i s i n g , eve n i f e l e m e n t s o f i t re m a i n c o n t r ove r s i a l . ”

F i g u re 1 : T h e s p re a d o f I n d i a n c u l t u re t h ro u g h o u t S o u t h E a s t A s i a , H. Lukas & A. Lukas

accurately illustrates the nature and extent of Indian influence. Its effect on the development of Southeast Asian societies and the means by which Indianization would have occurred have also been contentious issues.

Contact between settlements in Southeast Asia and the Indian Subcontinent has a long history. Jewellery sourced from India has been found at Thai sites as old as the last centuries BC (Bellina, 2003: 286), indicating the presence of truly ancient trade routes. As such, the undeniable influence of Indian culture on Southeast Asian writing, government, religion and art should not be surprising, even if elements of it remain controversial. Many viewpoints have been put forward describing the processes by which this occurred, but it is often been attributed to the “roles of Brahman priests, Kșatriya adventurers, or Vaisya traders” (Lansing 1983: 409) and as such almost all opinions on the subject can be broadly divided into three corresponding categories.

The earliest argument was the Kșatriya or “warrior” theory, which advocated for the large scale militaristic conquest of most of Southeast Asia by Indian colonists (Figure. 2) (Mabbett 1977: 144).

SUMMER 2017 | 39

ARCHAEOLOGY The argument is that displaced peoples from India migrated to areas such as such as Myanmar, Cambodia, Thailand and the Malay Archipelago due to political upheaval in their homeland, and eventually established themselves as the ruling class of these Southeast Asian societies (Patra 2004: 157). While it may be an interesting hypothesis, this theory is often problematic as it has strong links to the “Greater India” movement with two of its major supporters, Majumdar and Mookerji, being advocates for India as a civilising influence on the surrounding regions (Lukas 2003: 83). This leaves it wide open to accusations of “Indo-centrism” and bias, not to

mention the fact that there is little to “no real evidence” for any mass migration from India to Southeast Asia actually occurring (Mabbett 1977: 144). As such, the Kșatriya hypothesis has been almost entirely dismissed in favour of the more plausible Vaisya trader and Brahman priest options.

The highly influential ideas put forward by Coedès tended to combine these latter two views. He suggested a peaceful but “one sided” relationship between the two regions, with fully developed Indian models of administration and cultural institutions being “transplanted” into Southeast Asian societies (Lukas 2003: 86).

F i g u re 1 : R a j p u t k ș a t r i y a h a n d c o l o u re d e n g r a v i n g , F re d e r i c S h o b e r l , 1 8 2 0

“Coedès par ticular model of combined Brahman a n d Va i s y a I n d i a n i z a t i o n h a s a l s o b e e n h e av i l y c r i t i c i s e d , p a r t l y d u e t o t h e f a c t t h a t i t s u g ge s t s a c o m p l e t e l y o n e - s i d e d exc h a n ge a n d i m p l i e s that Southeast Asian societies had little to no a ge n c y o f t h e i r ow n . ”

Central to this process was commerce, religion and writing.

Coedès (1968: 23) argued that trade and economic benefit motivated Vaisya merchant interest in the region, while the “missionary spirit” and “lack of racial prejudice” that characterised early Buddhist cults allowed for Buddhist cultural diffusion among the diverse populations of Southeast Asia. He went on to suggest that, after the first wave of mercantile and Buddhist activity, a more conscious effort by Indian polities to influence the Southeast Asian region may have occurred in the form of Hindu Brahman immigrants, who brought Sanskrit and Indian political institutions and systems with them (Coedès 1968: 15) and caused the “imposition” of Indian culture on the native peoples of Southeast Asia (Bayard 1980: 89).

Although more probable than the kșatriya hypothesis, Coedès particular model of combined Brahman and Vaisya Indianization has also been heavily criticised, partly due to the fact that it suggests a completely one-sided exchange and implies that Southeast Asian societies had little to no agency of their own. Bellina (2003: 289-293) has examined agate and carnelian beads recovered from archaeological assemblages in India and central Thailand and noted the changing patterns of craftsmanship over time that suggests local Southeast Asian elite may have been sponsoring foreign craftsmen and influencing their designs. She believes that this indicative of a cross-cultural exchange in which Southeast Asian polities were far from passive but able to pick and choose what aspects of Indian culture they wished to adopt (2003: 293). SimiSUMMER 2017 | 40

ARCHAEOLOGY larly, by suggesting that Southeast Asian societies were less sophisticated and had less agency, Coedès has been accused of unconsciously projecting the so called “civilising mission” of his French colonial heritage onto the relationship between India and Southeast Asia (Manguin 2011: 278), and thus further damaging the credibility of his theories.

In contrast to this, van Leur is notable for not “seeing Southeast Asia as a mere blank page” for foreign influence (Mabbett 1977: 144). Instead, Van Leur argued that indigenous cultures were active and important in the formation of these “Indianized” states and that it was largely local initiative that lead to the adoption of Indian cultural and political institutions (Bayard 1980: 108). He, like Bellina, advocated against the indiscriminate adoption of Indian culture, suggesting that the local populations only took interest in that which complimented their aims and their pre-existing way of life, and therefore that this process was not symptomatic of one culture overtaking another but part of the continuous evolution of an “independent Southeast Asian history” (Lukas 2003: 87).

Van Leur’s theory ties in with the Brahmanization hypothesis (Lukas 2003: 87) (Figure. 3), as he argued that Hindu religious figures immigrated to the region under the patronage of Southeast Asian elites and brought with them foreign philosophies that suited pre-existing power structures (Bellina 2003: 295).

Similarly, Lansing (1983: 410) has also pointed out Van Leur’s hypothesis, unlike many others, focuses on the “movement of people” and not “ideas”. It should also be noted that the “dis-

“ . . . ( o t h e r s ) s u g ge s t t h a t t h e l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n s o n l y t o o k i n t e re s t i n t h a t w h i c h c o m p l i m e n t e d t h e i r a i m s a n d t h e i r p re - ex i s t i n g w a y o f l i f e, . . . p a r t o f t h e c o n t i n u o u s evo l u t i o n o f a n “ i n d ep e n dent Southeast Asian history” similar” nature of Indianized artefacts across the region is more likely to suggest the selective adoption of various Hindu and Buddhist ideas by the locals, rather than their conversion by “one or more sects of Indians” (Lansing 1983: 410).

Rather Lansing (1983: 412) argues that the “flowering” of mathematics and science in India resulted in a fascination with cosmology and the divine order of the universe. In time, Indian rulers exploited this and often wove themselves into the cosmological order though complex astrological symbolism, portraying themselves as semi-divine, celestial beings in order to

validate their authority (Gombrich 1975: 111). Therefore, it is likely that the local elites encouraged the adoption of Indian learning and ideas so they could exploit said systems and further strengthen pre-existing power structures and the semi-god like status of the social elite (Lansing 1983: 413).

The fact that a vast majority of Indian influence is confined to institutions of state and religion also supports Van Leur’s hypothesis. Much of the language associated with Sanskrit Indian influence is political terminology such as official ranks and honorifics (Ali

F i g u re 3 : S h r i A d i S h a n k a r a c h a r y a , B r a h m i n C a s t e SUMMER 2017 | 41

ARCHAEOLOGY 2011: 284), and as such the regular usage of these words would have been restricted to a small, politically active segment of society.

Indeed, Pollock (citied in Ali 2011: 283) believed that a “bi-lingual” culture probably arose in most Southeast Asian polities, with Sanskrit being used for official purposes while native languages retained their everyday, pedestrian usage. In this scenario, Indianization and the class based “linguistic division” it created (Ali 2011: 284) would have helped to re-enforce the social hierarchies that had laid down by the elites and assisted them in controlling their growing population. As such the vast influence of Sanskrit within these states cannot be underestimated, and neither can the agency of governing elite in adopting it.

However, the Brahmanization model is also not without its criticisms. Bayard (1980: 107) believes that, like the ideas put forth by Coedès, it is far too simple to properly account for the full process of Indianization, while Bronkhorst (2011: 270) is of the opinion that all variants of the Brahmanization hypothesis

“ I n d i a n i n f l u e n c e w a s a d o p t e d d i f f e re n t i a l l y . . . t h e m o re vo l a t i l e “ M a r i t i m e ” s t a t e s ( 2 0 0 3 : 4 ) , w i t h i n l a n d re g i o n s ex p e r i e n c i n g g re a t e r Indianization due to a lesser variety of cultural influences, as opposed to coastal polities and t h e i r ex p o s u re t o a n e n o r m o u s a r r a y o f d i f f e re n t c u l t u re s . . . ” over-stress the links between Sanskrit culture and Hinduism, while marginalising or ignoring any potential Buddhist influence on the region. In fact, it has been noted that some states were predominately Hinyana Buddhist, even if they had Brahman officials present at court ceremonies (Ali 2011: 267), so it’s unlikely that these Brahmans had huge amounts of direct religious or political power. As such, the importance of the Brahmans as active political figures has perhaps been overstated, at the expense of considering the influence of other cultural factors.

Similarly, many of these models imply that Indianization was the only form of cultural influence that most of Southeast Asia was exposed to. The so called “Mediterranean analogy” seeks to correct this. Drawing inspiration from Braudel’s famous work “La

Méditerranée”, this theory analogises the oversimplification of the Mediterranean as a mere meeting ground for more powerful Eastern and Western civilisations to the prevailing attitudes towards Indianization in Southeast Asia.

Sutherland (2003: 3) argues that the resemblance is obvious due to Southeast Asia’s similar role as a major centre of international maritime trade, and also because – like the Mediterranean – its cultural boundaries are often wrongly defined by its geography (2003: 2).

She argues that this has led to widespread misunderstanding about the extent and distribution of Indianization, as some areas such as Vietnam were far more “East Asian” or Sinicized, with Indian influence having relatively little cultural impact (2003: 4). Similarly, she suggests that Indian influence was adopted differentially between the enduring kingdoms of the Main-

F i g u re 4 : D i e n g Te m p l e s , J a v a SUMMER 2017 | 42

ARCHAEOLOGY land and the more volatile “Maritime” states (2003: 4), with inland regions experiencing greater Indianization due to a lesser variety of cultural influences, as opposed to coastal polities and their exposure to an enormous array of different cultures through long-distance maritime trade. As such, the complexity of Southeast Asia has arguably been overlooked in favour of defining the region by how it relates to major powers like India, despite the fact it was viewed as important and diverse cultural centre in its own right.

The Dieng Temples (Figure. 4) on the island of Java may also support this theory. According to Romain (2011: 300) the architecture “incorporates an amalgamation of architectural motifs found across South India at this time with local stylistic elements”. This “challenges the traditional model… used to explain Indian cultural diffusion in Southeast Asia” as it suggests a degree of Ali, D., 2011. The Early Inscriptions of Indonesia and the Problem of the Sanskrit Cosmopolis. Early Interactions between South and Southeast Asia: Reflections on Cross-Cultural Exchange.

Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studie.: 277-97 Bayard, D., 1980. The roots of Indochinese civilisation: recent developments in the prehistory of Southeast Asia. PAC AFF, 53(1): 89-114.

Bellina, B., 2003. Beads, social change and interaction between India and South-east Asia.

Antiquity, 77(296): 285-297.

Bronkhorst, J., 2010. The spread of Sanskrit. From Turfan to Ajanta. Festschrift for Dieter Schlingloff on the Occasion of his Eightieth Birthday. 117-139.

“cultural convergence” and possibly a two-way exchange of ideas and artistic techniques (Romain 2011: 300-301). By studying ancient architecture across both Java and Southeast Asia as a whole, Romain has deduced that some Indian architectural forms were far more popular than others, and that preferences changed over time and according to region (2011: 301).

Similarly, by dating the localities she also hypothesised that Southeast Asian preferences may have in turn influenced the popularity of architectural styles in India, as more unusual styles that became popular in Southeast Asia later became more mainstream in India (2011: 301). This once again suggests that Indianization was not a simple one-way process, but rather a mutual exchange of culture and ideas that took place over time, with Southeast Asia being an active and important source of cultural influence.

Clearly, Indianization in Coedes, G., 1968. The Indianized States of South-East Asia. University of Hawaii Press.

Gombrich, R.F. 1975.

Ancient Indian Cosmology (pp.

110-142). George Allen et Unwin.

Harrison, B., 1954.

South-east Asia: a short history.

Macmillan & Company.

Lansing, J.S., 1983. The “Indianization” of Bali. J of Southeast Asian Stud., 14(02): 409-421.

Lukas, H., 2003. Theories of Indianization Exemplified by Selected Case Studies. Proceedings of Papers. "Sanskrit in Southeast Asia: The Harmonizing Factor of Cultures". 82-107 Mabbett, I.W., 1977. The ‘Indianization’ of Southeast Asia: Reflections on the historical sources. J of Southeast Asian Stud.,

Southeast Asia was a complex process. The heavy influence of Sanskrit and Indian religious and political culture does favour the Brahmanization hypothesis, and in particular Van Leur’s distinctive take on it, however the points raised by Romain and Sutherland cannot be discounted. Therefore, it seems most likely that Brahman priests were the primary vehicle for the diffusion of Indian culture into Southeast Asia, but that this was a multifaceted and by no means one-way cultural exchange between the two regions. The agency of individual Southeast Asian polities was also an important, if often unacknowledged, element of this relationship as they played an enormous role in promoting the Indianization of their region. As such, the impact and extent of Indianization was very much controlled by the local elite and was far from the only factor in the development of Southeast Asian societies.

8(02):143-161.

Manguin, P.Y., Mani, A. and Wade, G. eds., 2011. Early interactions between South and Southeast Asia: reflections on cross-cultural exchange (Vol. 2).

Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

Patra, B. 2004. Kalinga in South East Asia. Orissa Reference Annual 2004. 156-162.

Romain, J., 2011. Indian architecture in the ‘Sanskrit cosmopolis’: The temples of the Dieng plateau. In. P. Y. Manguin, A. Mani, and G. wad (e.d) Early Interactions between South and Southeast Asia: Reflections on Cross-Cultural Exchange (Vol. 2): 299-305 Sutherland, H., 2003.

Southeast Asian history and the Mediterranean analogy. J of Southeast Asian Stud., 34(1): 1-20.

SUMMER 2017 | 43

ARCHAEOLOGY ARCH2005 Leading Ladies: Gender Disparit y i n A rc h a e o l o g y a n d F i l m

By Brianna Muir

Despite women being involved in the archaeological profession since its early days, there have been and still continue to be disparities in treatment and representation between genders in the discipline, including in mass media depicting archaeologists.

Research indicates a history of and continuing gender disparities against women in the discipline, especially in regards to successful grant applications, grant funding, fellowships, and pay. More positively, the discipline is moving towards gender parity, especially in Australia (Bowman and Ulm 2009; Ulm 2013). However, this is not reflected in mass media depictions of archaeology or archaeologists.

Archaeology is still stereotyped as a masculine discipline; films like the Indiana Jones series help solidify and perpetuate it. Furthermore, films in particular still utilise sexist tropes and conventions, even when the protagonist of the film is a woman. Lara Croft from the Tomb Raider franchise is represented to be an action hero just like Indiana Jones, but is sexualised in the process. Queen of the Desert supposedly tells the story of Gertrude Bell, but focusses more on her romances with men than on her achievements in archaeology and other fields. Despite the fact that the discipline of archaeology is

â&#x20AC;&#x153; Th e D e s p i te t h e f a c t t h a t t h e d i s c i p l i n e o f a rc h a e o l o g y i s m ov i n g tow a rd s g e n d e r p a r i t y , a rc h a e o l o g y ďŹ l m s d o n ot a cc u r a te l y re p re s e n t t h i s , a n d co n t i n u e to d e p i c t wo m e n i n a rc h a e o l o g y a s ex te n s i o n s o f t h e m e n a ro u n d t h e m . â&#x20AC;? moving towards gender parity, archaeology films do not accurately represent this, and continue to depict women in archaeology as extensions of the men around them.

This in turn influences how people perceive the discipline of archaeology, reinforcing the now-outdated notion that archaeology is a masculine discipline.

Joan Gero was one of the first to bring the gender disparities in the archaeology discipline to light, with analyses which connected gender equity issues, and the sexual division of roles within archaeology; that is, that fieldwork was a masculine discipline, while analysis and other laboratory roles were stereotyped as feminine roles (Moser 2007). Thus, since fieldwork was valued so highly by the discipline, the discipline as a whole became masculine and male dominated (Gero 1994). In one of her

studies, she reviewed submitted dissertation and grant applications, finding indication of a clear male bias. Between 1978 and 1979, women were only behind 58 out of 165 dissertations submitted. Of those submitted by women, only 32.8% of them featured primary data collection (Gero 1994). In terms of grants, data from 1967-1979 indicated that men received on average $40,403, while women only received on average $28,861 (Gero 1994). Furthermore, men were more likely to get grants over all, while women who applied for fieldwork grants were less likely to receive them than women who applied for non-fieldwork grants (Gero 1994). Gero linked this treatment of women in the field to an overvaluing of fieldwork in the discipline as a whole, which she critiques in her work. This critique of fieldwork and gender was not well received at the time; Gero SUMMER 2017 | 44

mentions that ‘the paper on women archaeologists and fieldwork took five years to be published, being rejected twice by American Antiquity and finally accepted only after I omitted my critique of fieldwork as the high-prestige activity of our discipline’ (Gero 2009:25).

Although most of Gero’s information is now outdated, her work it still nevertheless important for understanding the history of gender dynamics within the archaeological discipline.

More recently, Bowman and Ulm (2009) conducted a study similar to Gero’s, analysing Australian Research Council (ARC) grants and fellowship recipients awarded to those in the Archaeology and Prehistory discipline between the years of 2001 and 2008. Their analysis found that of the successful applicants, 71.1% of them were male, and 28.9% were female (Bowman and Ulm 2009).

Furthermore, they found a close link between the ratios of men and women on the judging panel, and successful grant applications. In years where there were more men on the panel, women were less likely to receive a grant. The only year where women were more successful than men was in 2004, where there were more women on the panel than men (Bowman and Ulm 2009). In terms of fellowships, women are also being underrepresented.

Despite women making up the majority of researchers, they received only 37.5% of the fellowships (Bowman and Ulm 2009). On the topic of fellowships, Bowman and Ulm state that: The disparity along gender lines in this early-career funding category means that women are disadvantaged early on in their academic

“A l t h o u g h t h e d i s c i p l i n e o f a rc h a e o l o g y i n Au s t r a l i a i s c l o s e t o p a r i t y i n t e r m s o f ge n d e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n , t h e re i s s t i l l d i s p a r i t y i n t e r m s o f e m p l oy m e n t i n h i g h e r p a i d p o s i t i o n s a n d s a l a r y. ”

lives. The cumulative effects of such gender discrimination contribute to the glass ceiling phenomenon with fewer women progressing to more

This highlights the consequences gender disparity has on those directly affected by it; the effects of being denied funding are long lasting and detrimental to women trying to start their career in research. On the positive side, the study found no differences in the amount of funding given to recipients, with both male and female recipients receiving nearly the same amount (Bowman and Ulm 2009). The results from Bowman and Ulm’s study indicate that there are continuing gender disparities when it comes to grant funding, with a clear bias towards men. The correlation between the gender of ARC panel members and the gender of successful applications is particularly telling, as it indicates an institutional problem of discrimination within Australian archaeology, and the discipline as a whole.

However, when compared to Gero’s earlier work, there is clear improvement; the divide between genders in the discipline slowly lessening.

The most current snapshot of Australian archaeology and archaeologists comes from a study conducted by Ulm et al. (2013), and it indicates that the disparity between men and women in archaeology is becoming less. To

create a profile of Australian archaeology, Ulm et al. surveyed Australian archaeologists in 2005 and 2010 to form the basis of a longitudinal study. Both surveys had a large response base, and thus can be considered an accurate representation of the archaeology discipline in Australia. Their results indicated ‘a continuation of the trend towards increasing participation of women noted in previous studies’ (2013:35), with 53% of the respondents identifying as female (Ulm et al. 2013). In terms of participation and representation as a whole, women are doing better than men. This also places Australian archaeologists ahead of other countries, with women only making up 36% and 41% of archaeologists in the US and UK respectively (Ulm et al. 2013). In terms of employment, men are the slight majority in with those who hold university positions (Men: 55%, Women: 45%), while women are the slight majority in the private sector (Women: 54.9%, Men: 45.1%) (Ulm et al. 2013). Despite this positive increase in representation, other results still indicate some gender disparities. Male archaeologists still hold the majority of higher-paid positions, and women still earn on average $14,321 less than their male counterparts (Ulm et al. 2013). This could be a result of the disparity women face with grant and fellowship applications, which hinders the beginnings of their careers and later makes it harder to advance.

Although the discipline of archaeSUMMER 2017 | 45

F i g u re 1 : A rc h a e o l o g y d i s c i p l i n e i n c o m p a r i s o n t o t h e S c h o o l o f A rc h a e o l o g y a n d A n t h ro p o l o g y

F i g u re 2 : A rc h a e o l o g y d i s c i p l i n e i n c o m p a r i s o n t o I n d u s t r y a n d the Australian National University Average

â&#x20AC;&#x153; Th i s p u t s t h e a rc h a e o l o g y d i s c i p l i n e o f t h e S o A A a t A N U b e h i n d n o t o n l y t h e Au s t r a l i a n U n i ve r s i t y ave r a ge a n d t h e a rc h a e o l o g y d i s c i p l i n e ave r a ge, b u t a l s o b e h i n d t h e i n d u s t r y l ow A N U ave r a ge ( F i g u re 2 ) . â&#x20AC;? ology in Australia is close to parity in terms of gender participation, there is still disparity in terms of employment in higher paid positions and salary.

As noted above, the study indicated a slight disparity between genders when it came to employment at universities in the archaeol-

ogy discipline. In response to this, the author of the essay compared data from Universities Australia in regards to academic employment in universities by gender, and data gathered from the ANU School of Archaeology and Anthropology (SoAA) to see if the university met discipline and Australian university

averages for employment by gender. A study by Universities Australia (2015) indicated that on average, 44.4% of academics employed by Australian universities are female-identifying. This is close to the archaeology discipline average, in which 45% of those employed by universities are female (Ulm et al. 2013). This indicates that the archaeology discipline within Australia is slightly above the sector average for employment by gender. For the analysis of ANU, the author used the SoAA website to gain a list of academic staff members, within the whole school (which is comprised of the disciplines of archaeology, anthropology, biological anthropology, development studies, and heritage and museum studies; fields closely related to the archaeology discipline), and the archaeology discipline specifically.

The academics were then recorded by gender; internet searches were used if the gender of the individual was not made clear by the academic profile. For reference, the ANU is ranked third lowest for the representation of female academic staff in 2014, with only 37.5% of those employed identifying as female (Universities Australia 2015). The results of the authorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s analysis indicated that that 51.8% (n = 15) of academic staff within the SoAA as a whole were female, and 48.2% (n=14) are male. This puts the school above both the Australian University and ANU average.

However, the analysis of the archaeology discipline alone indicated that only 22.3% (n=2) of the academics are female, with 77.7% (n=7) being male (Figure 1). This puts the archaeology discipline of the SoAA at ANU behind not only the Australian University average and the archaeology discipline average, but also behind the indusSUMMER 2017 | 46

ARCHAEOLOGY try low ANU average (Figure 2).

The results indicate that the ANU does not meet Australian University averages, or archaeology discipline averages; if they did, then just under half of the employed academic staff should have been female, a lot more than the current 22.3%. These results demonstrate the potential for disparity within institutions, and that gender disparity can vary between universities and workplaces, sometimes dramatically. This all being said, the ANU is on an upward trend for female academic employment (Universities Australia, 2015), so this disparity will hopefully be addressed in the near future.

While the archaeology discipline overall is moving towards equity, this is not reflected by the films and media that depict archaeologists and archaeology.

The depiction of the discipline of archaeology is important, as viewers form their perceptions, opinions, and ideas about the field based upon what they see in the media, be it through news broadcasts, video games, or film. So, when the majority of archaeologists are shown to be men (specifically, white, able-bodied, and heterosexual), it reinforces the idea of archaeology as a ‘masculine’ discipline, which in turn continues to perpetuate gender disparities.

This can be seen with the Indiana Jones film franchise, perhaps the most iconic and well-known depiction of a fictional archaeologist to date. Indiana is depicted as the stereotypical ‘hairy-chested’ archaeologist, a depiction that is very exclusive, potentially alienating those who do not fit the exact persona, which includes women (Holtorf 2008). Given that up to 90% of the American public have seen at least one of the Indiana

F i g u re 3 : L a r a C ro f t , To m b R a i d e r © P a r a m o u n t P i c t u re s 2 0 0 1

F i g u re 4 : L a r a C ro f t , To m b R a i d e r © P a r a m o u n t P i c t u re s 2 0 0 1

Jones films (Holtorf 2008), the stereotypical ‘hairy-chested’ male archaeologist has become the dominate image people associate ‘archaeologist’ with.

Even films where the protagonist is a female archaeologist continue to perpetuate harmful stereotypes when it comes to gender equity within the discipline.

One such example is the Lara Croft: Tomb Raider franchise. In the films, the protagonist, Lara, is depicted exactly like Indiana Jones, but female. She travels to exotic locations, looking for magic artefacts to loot, gets into fights to

retrieve them, and ultimately saves the world. The single biggest difference between Lara and Indiana is that Lara is overtly and unnecessarily sexualised in her films. Despite Lara displaying the traits of a ‘masculine’ field archaeologist and being ‘one of the boys’ (Zarmati 1995), Lara is still defined by her gender, and the film stereotypes that come along with it. This becomes clear when viewing the film Lara Croft: Tomb Raider (2001). One example of this sexualisation is her clothing; she changes throughout the film, but her outfits always have tank tops or shorts, and are skin-tight (figure 3), SUMMER 2017 | 47

ARCHAEOLOGY “ I f f o r n o o t h e r re a s o n , then Lara Croft is a go o d rep re s e n t a t i o n o f w o m e n i n a rc h a e o l o g y, simply because she ex i s t s i n m a i n s t re a m c u l t u re a s a w o m a n i n a rc h a e o l o g y. ”

mental stereotypes in its depiction of a woman.

Another film which features a female archaeologist as the protagonist but which continues to perpetuate harmful stereotypes is Werner Herzog’s Queen of the Desert (2016). Queen of the Desert a stark contrast to Indiana Jones’ is based on the life of Gertrude attire. The use of camera angles Bell, a pioneering archaeologist also reinforce the male-gaze known for her work in the Middle element of Lara; there are frequent East in the early twentieth century 2010).

Oxford camera shots designed to cater to (Asher-Greve educated, Bell travelled around the male audiences, with various shots that linger on her chest or backside. Middle East and found a passion Scenes that have no relevance to for it, writing several travel books the plot, such as the shower scene (figure 4), are also added to further “ To h ave t h e l i f e o f a n sexualise the character. accomplished woman However, there are some parts of Lara’s her depiction which are noteworthy for being a good representation of women in archaeology. Lara is shown to be skilled and knowledgeable in her field; she is also confident, under her own agency, and always seems to be in control of the situation. Furthermore, Frederick notes that ‘opinions continue to diverge on whether Lara is a vision of female liberation or one of exploitation’ (2007: 72) but argues that ‘Lara’s prominence within the gaming and archaeology arenas, both perceived and represented as masculine spaces, is in of itself transgressive…in the TR [Tomb Raider] films Lara is not the only woman left standing, she is the only woman. And in the context of archaeological cinema this alone makes her unique’ (2007: 68). If for no other reason, then Lara Croft is a good representation of women in archaeology, simply because she exists in mainstream culture as a woman in archaeology. The Tomb Raider series is an example of an archaeology film which uses detri-

such as Ger trude Bell re d u c e d t o s o l i t t l e i s dishear tening, and problematic at its c o re. ”

about it, some of them still reprinted today (Asher-Greve 2010). Her intimate knowledge of the area and its politics led to her being made a valuable source, and she was employed by the Intelligence Bureau of Arabia, eventually becoming the Chief Political Officer (Fagan 2004). Following the war, Bell became the Director of Antiquities in Iraq, founding the Iraq Museum and obtaining artefacts for it. In terms of archaeology, her work at Birbinkilise and Ukhaidir were particularly valuable (Fagan 2004). Queen of the Desert, however, depicts little of these achievements. Instead, the film focusses far more on her interactions with men, ‘leaning more on romance than one might suppose to capture such an independent spirit as Gertrude Lowthian Bell’ (Debruge 2015:139). The film puts a large emphasis on her romances

with Henry Cadogan and Charles Doughty-Wylie, but also on her interactions with T.E. Lawrence.

To have the life of an accomplished woman such as Gertrude Bell reduced to so little is disheartening, and problematic at its core. Both Lara Croft and Gertrude Bell are examples of women archaeologists in film where they are subject to outdated and sexist film conventions and stereotypes, despite the fact that overall the discipline is moving toward gender parity Although there is a history of gender disparities in the archaeology discipline, the discipline is on the trend forward to equity. Joan Gero was a pioneer in this field of gender equity research in archaeology, with her studies in the 1980’s showing a clear bias towards males in the discipline, particularly in regards to grant applications for women trying to work in the field, and the amount of funding women received. More recent analyses of Australian archaeology indicate that there are still significant gender disparities for women applying for grants and fellowships, although women and men now receive the same amount of funding. A large scale study of Australian archaeologists found that Australia is almost at gender parity in terms of representation, with more women than men now in the profession. However, there is still gender disparity in terms of pay, with women receiving significantly less than their male counter-

“A s a w h o l e, t h e d i s c i p l i n e i s m ov i n g t ow a rd s ge n d e r p a r i t y, a l t h o u g h t h i s i s n o t re f l e c t e d i n m a s s m e d i a d ep i c t i o n s a rc h a e o l o g y o r a rc h a e o l o g i s t s . ” SUMMER 2017 | 48

ARCHAEOLOGY “ I f fi l m s w a n t to re fl e c t t h e t r u e n a t u re o f a rc h a e o l o g y to d a y , t h ey m u s t m ove fo r w a rd b eyo n d t h e s e t ro p e s a n d co n ve n t i o n s a n d p re s e n t wo m e n w h o a re c h a r a c te r s i n and of t h e m s e l ve s , n ot just shells that a re m a d e fo r men or ex te n s i o n s o f men.”

parts. Further research indicated that the archaeology discipline at the Australian National University fell behind both discipline and university averages, demonstrating that gender representation can vary across institutions. As a whole, the discipline is moving towards gender parity, although this is not reflected in mass media depictions archaeology or archaeologists. The discipline still has clear masculine stereotypes present within its films, with popular films like the Indiana Jones series continuing to solidify and perpetuate them. These tropes and conventions are still used even when the protagonist of the film is female, as can be seen with the films Lara Croft: Tomb Raider and Queen of the Desert. In her films, Lara Croft is depicted as a female version of Indiana Jones, but is also sexualised in the process. However, the depiction of Lara does have redeeming factors in her skilled

and knowledgeable nature and confident attitude, along with the fact that she is an existing female archaeologist in mainstream culture. Queen of the Desert depicts the story of Gertrude Bell, a renowned and pioneering female archaeologists, but reduces her story and achievements down to focus on her romances with men.

As can be seen, archaeology films do not accurately represent the discipline of archaeology as it exists, which changes how viewers perceive the discipline of archaeology, reinforcing the idea that archaeology is for men only. If films want to reflect the true nature of archaeology today, they must move forward beyond these tropes and conventions and present women who are characters in and of themselves, not just shells that are made for men or extensions of men.

2014 Selected Inter-Institutional Gender Equity Statistics.

2015. Universities Australia, Available from https://www.universitiesaustralia.edu.au/uni-participation-quality/Equity-and-Participatio n/Women-in-universities/Selected-I nter-Institutional#.WBrH8mp97IU. ANU School of Archaeology and Anthropology. 2016. Staff. [last accessed 3 Nov. 2016]. Available from http://archanth.anu.edu.au/people/staffs.

Asher-Greve, J. M. 2010.

Gertrude L. Bell. In Cohen, G. M. and Joukowsky, M. S. (eds.), Breaking Ground: Pioneering Women Archaeologists. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor.

142-197.

Bowman, J. K. and Ulm, S. 2009. Grants, Gender and Glass Ceilings? An Analysis of

ARC-Funded Archaeology Projects.

Aust. Archaeol. 68: 31-36.

Debruge, P. 2015. Film Review: Queen of the Desert.

Variety: 139.

Fagan, B. M. 2004. Bell, Gertrude. In Fagan, B. M. (ed.) The Oxford Companion to Archaeology.

Frederick, U. 2007. Past, Present, Future: Finding Treasure in the Lives of Lara Croft. In Andris, S. and Frederick, U. (eds.), Women Willing to Fight: The Fighting Woman in Film, Cambridge Scholars, Newcastle. 55-77.

Gero, J. M. 1994. Excavation Bias and the Woman at Home Ideology. Archaeological papers of the AAA 5(1): 37-42.

Gero, J. M. 2009. Squeaks from the Underground: Archaeology

by Gender. Voices 9(1): 25-27.

Holtorf, C. 2008. Real

archaeology and ‘Indiana Jones and the Kingdom of the Crystal Skull’. J Eur. Archaeol., 29: 25-7.

Lara Croft: Tomb Raider.

2001. [film] Paramount Pictures: Simon West.

Moser, S. 2007. On Disciplinary Culture: Archaeology as Fieldwork and Its Gendered Associations. JAMT 14(3): 235-263.

Queen of the Desert. 2015. [film] Benaroya Pictures: Werner Herzog.

Ulm, S. Mate, G. Dalley, C. and Nichols, S. A Working Profile: The changing face of professional archaeology in Australia. Aust.

Archaeol. 76: 34-43.

Zarmati, L. 1995. Popular archaeology and the archaeologist as hero. In Balme, J. and Beck, W. (eds.), Gendered Archaeology, ANH Publications, Canberra. 43-7.

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C U LT U R A L H E R I TA G E

ARTH2098 A b o r i g i n a l a n d To r re s S t r a i t Islander Ar t

By Eleanor Lawless

Th e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e A b o r i g i n a l m e m o r i a l a n d a n a n a l y s i s o f i t s c u r re n t p o s i t i o n i n t h e f oy e r o f t h e N a t i o n a l G a l l e r y o f Au s t r a l i a . D o s e i t a d e q u a t e l y re f l e c t i t s s t a t u s ?

The Aboriginal Memorial at the National Gallery of Australia (NGA) (Fig. 1) is highly significant to Australia, as it is a pinnacle work marking a great shift in the country’s art history, society and culture. This is because, according to Australian Art Historian, Terry Smith (2001), the work “symbolises the racial reconciliation so strongly desired by many Australians.”. This should make the Memorial a quintessential work of public art with an iconic place in Australian visual culture. As a result, the Memorial should act as a confirming embodiment of broad cultural acceptance and change surrounding Indigenous issues. However, this has not been realised, and the memorials status is not accurately reflected as a result of the nature of the display of the work at the NGA. This essay will explore the reasons why this has not been achieved and suggest possible ways of accomplishing the desired outcome through better methods of display and interpretation.

The Aboriginal Memorial was created at a time when Aboriginal art was experiencing a surge of interest both nationally and internationally due to the legacy of Papunya and a tourist boom (Mundine, 2001). Thus,

the memorials unveiling at the Bicentenary celebrations was an opportunity to expose the painful colonial past and the creative achievement of Aboriginal art practices separate from white expectations (Mundine, 2001). The instillation was supported and commissioned by the NGA after Djon Mundine approached the Director James Mollison in early 1988 (Benjamin, 1998).

The Aboriginal Memorial is created from two hundred hollow log coffins ranging in height from one to three metres. They are placed in grey gravel stones and arranged to weave themselves around a central path mirroring the shape of the Glyde river (French, 2002). The hollow log motif arises from the Arnhem Land bone coffin ceremony in which the remains of a deceased person are placed in a hollow log with the wood decorated with clan designs depicting stories of the dreaming and the land its self. The patterns and motifs depicted on the wooden poles have distinct meanings for the clan groups. This practice is as relevant today as in the past and is thus an enduring ceremonial practice (Mundine, 2001). The instillation creates a haunting silent effect through the different painting styles

“ . . . t h e wo r k “ s y m bolises the racial re co n c i l i a t i o n s o s t ro n g l y d e s i re d by m a n y Australians.” “...the Memorial should act as co n fi r m i n g embodiment of a b ro a d c u l t u r a l a cce pt a n ce a n d c h a n g e s u r ro u n d ing Indegenous issues” . . . a n o p p o r t u n i t y to ex p o s e t h e p a i n f u l co l o n i a l p a s t a n d t h e c re a t i ve a c h i eve m e n t o f Aboriginal art p r a c t i ce s s e p a r a te f ro m w h i te ex p e c t a t i o n s . ” SUMMER 2017 | 50

C U LT U R A L H E R I TA G E of the clans arranged in groupings in earth colours of ochre, red, brown, yellow and black. There are many animal shapes, patterns and lines echoed throughout the stunning and poignant work. The distinct styles and motifs throughout the work show the designs of nine different clan groups from Arnhem Land. They are rendered with great movement demonstrating skill in artistic design expressed through the rhythms and forms of, for example, depictions of snakes, tortoises and water lily leaves on the poles of the Wulaki Balmbi people, the morning star totem of the Malarra/Wolkpuy-Murrungun people and banded poles of the Liya-gawumirr-Manyarrngu people (Mundine, 2001). The designs exhibit a mastery of line and colour demonstrating the unique artistic practice of Aboriginal people that requires acknowledgement and celebration.

The Aboriginal Memorial has two purposes. Firstly, to demonstrate the great talent, achievement, uniqueness and creativity of Aboriginal art.

This purpose shows that Government run national institutions set up in the European style white cube do appreciate and value Aboriginal art. The installation was demonstrated by the NGA commissioning and installing this large work in the gallery. According to Wally Caruana, Aboriginal art is the last tradition of art to be appreciated by the world, (Caruana, 2012) thus the memorial aims to change this practice. Secondly, the Memorial acknowledges the painful and violent colonial past and in doing so, commemorates all the Aboriginal people who died in the frontier wars, and who have suffered since, as a result of colonisation in 1788. Thus, a memorial to the original Australians who died

defending their country is created.

This is especially poignant considering there was no memorial site anywhere else in Australia (Mundine, 2001). As a result, the work brings the massacres known as Australia’s “secret history” forth into the public sphere to be acknowledged, remembered and meditated on (Mundine, 2001). In doing so, the work acts less as a symbol of reconciliation and more as a celebration of the survival of culture. Therefore, the Aboriginal Memorial is a testimony to the survival of Aboriginal culture by demonstrating it through their unique and beautiful art practices.

To achieve the purposes of the Memorial, the work requires an instillation where it will obtain the prominent positioning and views it deserves in order to adequately reflect its status. This involves demonstrating

Figure 1: The Aboriginal Memorial, NGA © snippetsandsnaps, Wordpress.

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C U LT U R A L H E R I TA G E the creative achievement of Aboriginal art, acknowledging and paying homage to the violent colonial past, and to demonstrate a European style institution, such as the NGA, values Aboriginal art. As of 2010 the Memorial was given a permanent home in a domed area with large windows and low lighting. According to Melinda Hinkson, an anthropologist at the Australian National University (2011, p. 17), “they are positioned, quiet appropriately, at the foundations of the institution.”. While this is the aim of the gallery, to demonstrate the embrace of Aboriginal art by an institution ingrained in European tradition, it is not entirely achieved.

Unfortunately, the display of the Memorial does not allow the work to obtain the iconic status it deserves.

This is due to a number of negative issues surrounding the display and location of the work. For example, the Memorial is situated behind the welcome foyer at the front entrance of the gallery which means that visitors cannot see the work clearly when they

patterns depicted on the log coffins, and create a harsh environment. The overall effect is of tokenism, without effectively demonstrating the great creative ability of Aboriginal art.

A different overarching mood would be created if visitors had to walk through or directly past the Memorial to enter the gallery. This would require the foyer desk to be relocated and the Memorial installed directly after the entrance doors.

Currently there is an absence of contextualising material to explain the memorial’s significance, especially surrounding issues of colonial violence (Clifford, 1989). If the Memorial was to be relocated to a symbolically prominent position in the gallery it would be important for visitors to understand the context of the work in order to engage with it.

Due to the current lack of supporting material and no exploration of the work being a critique of post-colonialism and a response to terrible violence and oppression, a limited

pretation which presents many narratives and a postcolonial critique and explanation of Aboriginal oppression (Smith, 2002). In doing so, as visitors engage with the work at the beginning of entering the gallery, an overall theme of contemplation and respect would be created for the duration of their visit.

“ . . . a d i f f e re n t o u t c o m e w o u l d b e a c h i eve d i f I n d i ge n o u s p e o p l e w e re a l l ow e d t o d i s p l a y a n d i n t e r p re t t h e i r ow n w o r k . . . p e o p e d e c i d i n g , ove r s h a d ow i n g a n d p l a c i n g t h e i r i d e a s a n d a s s u m p t i o n s o n t o i n d e ge n o u s c u l t u r a l displays in galleries and museums ”

In addition, the Aboriginal Memorial could effectively be displayed along side prominent works in the gallery’s collection to adequately reflect its status. If the work was displayed with iconic works, such as Jackson Pollock’s Blue Poles of 1952, a dialogue between the two works could be created. This could help the Memorial to cement its place within the wider Australian consciousness.

The mirroring of the vertical pole shapes in the two works would create a visually pleasing effect while bringing forth discussion on differing global artistic expression. This would assist in elevating the Memorial to a renowned and celebrated place in the art historical cannon both nationally and internationally, thus reflecting its intended status. The Memorial is a work of art that deserves to be on the same level of artistic fame as Blue Poles, due to it marking a watershed in Australian history by symbolising racial reconciliation (Hinkson, 2011).

This has however not been achieved due to the poor instillation of the work.

arrive. They are thus inclined to walk past it and straight up the escalators into the main section of the gallery. In addition, the Memorial is located close to the bathrooms and gift shop further marking it as separate from the gallery and its collection. The industrial grey stones and paved area, which the work is situated in, are unsympathetic to the colours and

A new and different way of displaying art, separate from the white cube Eurocentric tradition, is required. This is because the institution of the art gallery is firmly at the centre of colonial power and history.

Therefore a different outcome would be achieved if Indigenous people were allowed to display and interpret their own work. Commonly it is still white people deciding, overshadowing and placing their ideas and

emotional response is created in viewers. It is sometimes valuable to view art without supporting material and appreciate it for its aesthetic value, however as this is a politically charged work it requires supporting documents and information in order to achieve the desired effect of acting as a testimony to the survival of culture. The work requires an inter-

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C U LT U R A L H E R I TA G E assumptions onto Indigenous cultural displays in galleries and museums (Clifford, 1989). Aboriginal people could do the curating or provide the information for the Memorial to create a framing of ideas in order to approach work. This would open up viewer’s ways of understanding to accept that other culture’s traditional visual culture is valid. For example, the Memorial could be installed outside in the NGA gardens and allowed to deteriorate to show these practices are still authentic and important today. The current instillation of the work appears to be a safe choice showing that the gallery is not willing to engage with the connotations it presents of painful history (Hinkson, 2011). A distance between the cultures is encouraged through the current positioning of the work, thus the relationship between the Memorial and the weight of colonial history needs to be re-explored in order to stimulate thinking (Clifford, 1989).

To follow on from concerns surrounding the display of the Aboriginal Memorial, an interrogation of dominant interpretive binaries in gallery display requires undertaking (Gilchrist, 2013). Art galleries have traditionally privileged European forms of artistic expression. Thus there is a need to critically reflect upon how Indigenous collections are displayed and interpreted. Consequently, an overhaul of the traditional system may be achieved. This could involve accepting Indigenous curatorial practices, potentially moving beyond the confinements and walls of the institution (Caruana, 2012). Such as installing the Memorial outside in the NGA grounds. As a result of giving Indigenous cultures agency over the display and interpretation of their art, they would gain empowerment.

An exhibition in which these

methods of display and interpretation worked effectively was Encounters, held at the National Museum of Australia over the Summer months of 2016 (Sprague, 2016). It is a positive example of engaging Indigenous

unique artistic achievement of Indigenous culture, or if it aids in perpetuating ideas of otherness.

The significance of the Memorial would change if it was

“ Th e c u r re n t i n s t i l l a t i o n o f t h e w o r k appears to be a safe choice ... the re l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e M e m o r i a l and the weight of colonial history n e e d s t o b e c o m e m o re t a n g i b l e i n o rd e r t o s t i m u l a t e t h i n k i n g ” communities with display and interpretation of Indigenous objects. This process may be emulated in the case of the Aboriginal Memorial with individual and community’s thoughts taken into consideration. The Memorial could be displayed with interviews, direct quotes and supporting material from Indigenous people themselves.

The NGA needs to take the approach of adopting better methods of interpreting Indigenous works and displaying information. This could be achieved through providing artist voices, direct quotes and examples of the ways individuals live with the consequences of colonial history. For example, if all Australian art was displayed together, rather than separated into “Indigenous Art” and “Australian Art” (or art in the European tradition), it would give rise to thinking about colonisation and create discourses through the juxtaposition and contrast of works of art (Hinkson, 2011). This would require an overhaul of how all the Aboriginal art is displayed in the gallery, not just the Memorial. The current method of displaying Indigenous art separately is confusing as to whether or not it is intended to celebrate and honour the

displayed at a different cultural institution. It would be beneficial to have an Aboriginal memorial at the Australian War Memorial as there is no reference to the frontier wars or violence against Indigenous people in any capacity (Clifford, 1989). However, the Aboriginal Memorial should be displayed at the NGA as Aboriginal art should be recognised for its artistic beauty and achievement not as ethnographic material. Aboriginal art is worthy to be classified as fine art and have a place in the white cube institution. This is tied up with early Twentieth Century anthropological views of Aboriginal people and categorising of their cultural material into ethnographic material rather than fine art. At this time, there was a view that it was a disappearing culture undergoing fatal changes and that this was the assumed process of human cultural development being linear and non-repeatable. However, cultures are constantly influenced and developing being not static but adapting and there is never a pure incarnation (Clifford, 1989). Due to historical arguments, the Memorial should be displayed in a gallery space. Existing in the collection of the NGA adequately reflects the Memorial’s status as fine art.

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C U LT U R A L H E R I TA G E In conclusion, the current position of the Aboriginal Memorial inside the foyer of the NGA does not adequately reflect its status as a quintessential work of Australian art.

It is a significant work because it marks a great shift in Australia’s art history, society, and culture through symbolising racial reconciliation (Burn, 1988). It also acts as a testimony to the survival of Aboriginal culture and pays homage to Aboriginal people who suffered as a result of colonisation. In order to reflect the Memorial’s status certain steps need to be taken in terms of displaying and interpreting the work. This includes such methods as relocating the work within the gallery, requiring visitors to engage with the work on entry, displaying the work alongside iconic pieces from the gallery’s collection, and exhibiting the work in a more

sympathetic display without harsh industrial grey stones. Additionally, embracing Aboriginal curatorial practices and overhauling traditional gallery methods may suggest that the Memorial could be relocated outside to the NGA grounds. Lastly, more supporting material is required in association with the Memorial in order to understand the work. This may mean a greater involvement from community groups and providing direct quotes. This is a complex and multifaceted area in which the Memorial could be displayed in multiple ways; however, these methods would assist in elevating the Memorial to a renowned and celebrated place in the art historical cannon both nationally and internationally and thus it would adequately reflect its status.

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