Dna issue 13 (sunday, 02 08 mar, 2014)

C M YK

Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

Dedicated to the legacy of the late Hameed Nizami

Arif Nizami Editor

Aziz-ud-Din Ahmad

Agha Akbar

Asher John

Joint Editor

Associate Editor

Chief News Editor

Lahore – Ph: 042-36375963-5 Fax: 042-32535230 Karachi – Ph: 021-35381208-9 Fax: 021-35381208 Islamabad – Ph: 051-2287273 Fax: 051-2818125 Web: www.pakistantoday.com.pk Email: editorial@pakistantoday.com.pk

Altaf Hussain’s course T

What prompts his call for the coup?

RUTh be told, the MQM was the first political party to warn of Taliban penetration of urban centres, especially Karachi, long before the security establishment worried itself with such ideas.

And right through the war, its support for military forces has been second to none in the political arena. Its doubts about the talks along with the PPP, in recent days, have also betrayed a more realistic understanding of the insurgency, and its dangers, than parties grounded in Punjab and KPK. But Altaf hussain’s call for military takeover, implying the country is more important than democracy, is self-defeating and puts the proverbial cart before the horse for a number of reasons. one, the first and foremost requirement of a successful national counterinsurgency (CoIN) strategy is national unity, and how an army coup splits popular opinion should not be lost on a party proudly claiming representation among a growing percentage of the population.

Two, the army is already

stretched. It is balancing between the traditional threat across the eastern border, the FATA insurgency, Afghan border issues and intelligence penetration, and out-of-control sectarianism and turf wars in major cities. Inviting it to take over and run the country at the same time is, in fact, asking the army to lose focus on the fight and lose to the militants. Three, while there is no denying that the army is the country’s best hope in this existential fight, it should not be forgotten that it was long years of unchecked army rule that created this situation in the first place.

The strategic depth doctrines and proxy wars that have long symbolised the military’s way of working will be repeated, and more overtly than before. And four, while there have been, on occasion, signs of strain between the N-League and the military, it is for good reason that the army has kept mum about them, and decided not to challenge the PM’s assertion that the two “are definitely on the same page”.

Again, truth be told, what Altaf hussain said seems to

matter, and imply, less than when and where he said it, making it easier to understand why he might have said it. It is no secret that it is becoming difficult for the party to sustain his position as-is in London. And with the interior ministry now facilitating British inquiries that have been known to make him, and the party, very uncomfortable, coupled with findings that he might have offered allegiance to British authorities ahead of his citizenship debate, it might explain why he is more eager than before to gain the military’s favour. And the stronger the military, the more secure his position. If it is, indeed, such intrigues that prompt such calls, then the party, especially its efficient coordination committee, must be the first to squeeze a more rational explanation out of him. True, democracy will do little good if the country is allowed to go waste. But critics are reminded that, from this point on, the country itself will become impossible to salvage if representative government is not strengthened. g

A hot potato called census

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More than just counting people

he Pakistan Bureau of Statistics has told a Senate Committee the census can be held anytime between September 2014 and March 2015. Realistically speaking there is little possibility of the exercise taking place anytime soon. The last national population count was conducted in 1998. To carry out the constitutional obligation of holding the decennial exercise, the next census should have been conducted in 2008.

The PPP government tried to hold it in 2011 but the exercise had to be abandoned in midstream after the household census results were challenged in Sindh. The same year India conducted the census and the results were accepted without challenge.

A major purpose of the census is to prioritise socio-economic development in the country. In Pakistan the exercise has an added political significance because of the complexities of the country’s ethnic, multilingual and cultural composition. In Sindh each one of the three major communities, Sindhis, the Urdu speaking population and the Pushtuns suspects the census would be manipulated to keep it underrepresented. The same situation exists in Punjab vis-à-vis the Punjabi and Seraiki communities. In KP the hazaras compete with the Pushtuns in allocation of resources. In Balochistan the Baloch

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and Pushtun sections of population are fearful of being undercounted.

The census cannot be put on the backburner indefinitely. The planning commission has to know the exact number of people living in various provinces for a just distribution of resources. The election Commission needs to know the correct demographic situation to redress the complaints of gerrymandering. Unless demographic realities are truly reflected in the number of constituencies this could raise questions about the transparency of the general election.

This poses a challenge for the PML-N government. The keenness to hold an early census indicated that Sharif was not sufficiently aware of the ethnic, cultural and linguistic complexities of the country. In India which faces similar issues the census could be conducted peacefully because of the presence of strong constitutional guarantees and institutional protection of the political, economic and cultural rights of people belonging to various groups. Does Sharif have the ability to fully comprehend the complex issues and make adequate and acceptable safeguards to holding the census?

Unless this is done and a credible demographic count conducted the results of the next election in 2018 would remain suspect. g

On the Taliban war in Afghanistan, and Karzai Priorities and politics of payback

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oNSIDeRINg that the principal Taliban war, in Afghanistan, will turn a new leaf after the US drawdown, the fate of the American-Afghan Bilateral Security Arrangement (BSA) should logically revolve around one underlying issue – the ability of the Afghan National Army (ANA) to contain the insurgency on its own. But then there is also Mr Karzai’s politics to deal with, constantly elaborated in the doubts and reservations of his sidekick/mouth piece Ahmad Faizi, about the insincerity and duplicity of all major parties to the war. All except Kabul, of course.

Interestingly, Karzai-Faizi frustrations are a rare point of USPakistan convergence with regard to the greater war effort. Just last summer they branded Pakistan, especially its intelligence service, a bigger Afghan enemy than the Taliban. The politics seemed to play on rivalries, and aimed at uniting bickering factions against a new enemy, one that could not possibly tap rural tribal grievances to recruit fighters. Their concerns about the porous border, too, were exposed when it emerged Afghanistan’s security service had housed Mulla Fazlullah and the like ever since they fled the ’09 Swat operation.

And for all their accusations about Pakistan’s good Taliban, their patronage of the TTP, and spreading the war inside Pakistan, are clear to Islamabad and Washington alike.

But the BSA politics is different, more so because Karzai will have no

whiteLies

Apollo

say in the time it is meant to manage. The constitution bars him from a third term as president, and he will leave government some months before the Americans – zero option or otherwise – leave the country. And granted, there is some truth in his anger; the Americans have allowed themselves far too many excesses in this ugly war, and insulted Afghan pride and sensitivities far too many times to be easily forgiven or forgotten. But other than that it is trademark Karzai. First he called on the Loya Jirga to decide, and then rejected its go-ahead. Then the Americans were outraged that he was secretly talking to the Taliban. Perhaps it, too, was payback for the Americans talking to the bad guys without telling him the previous year.

Anyhow the exercise soon broke down, and now Kabul has no understanding with the Taliban, and no understanding with the Americans. And since the former have made no secret of their designs on the capital, it would seem logical that Afghanistan would require some number of American troops, however small, to train and assist local forces. At least that is what the Loya Jirga seems to have concluded.

This is also the American position, or Washington would not have moved its cut-off date for the BSA ahead a couple of times. however, if Karzai will have its way, an illtrained national army faces a strengthening insurgency, and his farewell gifts will be a more potent intelligence service (acting abroad) and a collapsing military at home. g

For feedback, comments, suggestions and, most importantly, tips, contact us at whitelies@pakistantoday.com.pk

A fabulous affair, the Lahore literary festival, which concluded recently.

A bit of an embarrassment one of the days, though. Apparently, one of the organisers did not recognise Fehmida Riaz and did not, initially let her proceed to the stage.

Well, she is only the country’s most famous poetess, so it is understandable, really, that an organiser at a lit-fest didn’t recognise her. g

********** The parliament lodges are a den of prostitution and liquor, says MNA Jamshed Dasti. Well, few would disagree with that statement. But one of the debauchees even had the temerity to place a bottle at the top of his door.

What was worse, the bottle was empty!

Well, not quite empty. It was interesting to see footage of him showing the bottle to a policeman and journalist and seeing the latter smelling the contents and nodding knowing nods of their heads. g

C MYK

Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

War games and warped priorities Only leadership with a vision can pull us out of the mire ArIf NIzAmI The writer is Editor, Pakistan Today.

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HE abortive talks with the TTP (Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan) have served a useful purpose by bringing into sharp focus the wide chasm between the raison d’être for Pakistan and realities on the ground. It is quite clear now that the Taliban will not settle on anything less than their peculiar brand of unadulterated Sharia.

The religious lobby spuriously claims that the 1973 constitution already envisages an Islamic system.

Hence the demand of the TTP to implement the Sharia can be met within the ambit of the constitution.

Luckily the Taliban do not buy this argument. Their ultimate prize is Pakistan in the name of their own brand of Sharia. It is not at all surprising therefore that they refuse even to pay lip service to the 1973 constitution.

The duplicity and chicanery of our political and military elite has landed us into an ideological cul-de-sac.

Jinnah’s speech to the Constituent Assembly on August 11, 1947 calling for a virtual secular Pakistan was submerged long ago into the cacophony of the same reactionaries who had opposed the creation of Pakistan in the name of religion.

Jinnah’s earlier speeches calling for an Islamic system for the country were used to negate his pluralistic message. Self-styled researches bend

over backwards in their writings to support champions of obscurantism within our fold.

Ironically some of those who cry themselves hoarse that Pakistan was created to be ‘a laboratory of Islam’ also claim to be champions of democracy. During the Zia era with support from a large swath of the media they were successful in their bid to introduce separate electorates for the minorities.

Realistically the kind of system envisaged in the name of Islam excludes equal rights for women and minorities. nor does it promote civil liberties, freedom of speech and open debate. Hence in this sense the so-called Islamic system is anathema to democracy that promotes tolerance and equal rights for all citizens, irrespective of their race creed or sect.

‘The rot has spread for so long and so wide that the military alone cannot stem it’ In order to perpetuate themselves power hungry generals and politicians deliberately created this obfuscation. now the chickens have come home to roost, and the barbarians are literally knocking at the gate.

Things gave come to such a pass that a country created for the Muslims of the subcontinent instead of serving as a beacon of enlightenment for Muslims of the world has become a bastion of terrorism and Al Qaeda brand of jihad.

Interior minister Chaudhry nisar Ali Khan, the self-styled apologist of the Taliban spuriously claims that it all started after 9/11. He conveniently overlooks the fact that it all actually

Editor’s mail Send your letters to: Letters to Editor, Pakistan Today, 4-Shaarey Fatima Jinnah, Lahore, Pakistan. Fax: +92-42-32535230 E-mail: letters@pakistantoday.com.pk Letters should be addressed to Pakistan Today exclusively

The Occupied Kashmir EvEn after six and a half decades of creation of Pakistan, Kashmir continues to be a bone of contention between to arch rivals – India and Pakistan. The entire world, including the Un and India, recogonises the fact that Kashmir is a disputed territory. The fact of the matter is that not only the improvement in bilateral relations between India and Pakistan but also political and economic stability in the region greatly depends on the resolution of the Kashmir issue.

Plebiscite is the only and perhaps the best way to resolve this long-pending problem.

Pakistan has been urging India, the United nations and the world powers matter to bring an end to this grave problem; a problem that has played and continues to play a damaging role in deteriorarting India-Pakistan bilateral

‘Can the policy to support jihadists across our eastern and western borders and fighting them within Pakistan be sustainable any longer? Of course no paradigm shift is possible without a change of heart within the military leadership.’ began with the US-Saudi sponsored jihad in Afghanistan at the end of 1979. Pakistan under Zia became a willing tool in the clandestine war against the invading Soviet forces.

The Chaudhry and the Sharifs started their political career around that time under the tutelage of the dictator who claimed to be protector of the country’s ‘ideological frontiers’.

Maybe nawaz Sharif has moved on but nisar it seems is still frozen in time.

Duplicity in the name of jihad has virtually landed us in the soup we find ourselves in. The badlands that the Pakistan Air force is now bombarding have been safe haven for jihad – in Kashmir, in China, in Chechnya – you name it.

In the process certain areas of Punjab, Karachi, Balochistan and KP have become sanctuaries for groups waging war on the Pakistani state. So much so that in parts of Karachi the only writ that effectively runs now is that of the Taliban.

Ironically it is the military that after being a consistent victim of the Taliban wrath in recent weeks has launched action against the TTP. The government notwithstanding the enthusiasts for talks with the Taliban within its ranks had no option but to go along.

The rot has spread on such a wide scale and for so long that the military alone cannot stem it. In any case its flawed doctrine is part of the problem rather than the solution.

The security policy launched with much fanfare does not even scratch the surface of the malaise afflicting our body politic. Is the ruling party willing

relations and causing instability in the region.

Pakistan sincerely desires to see lasting peace in the region. In 1998 too, Prime Minister Mian Muhammad nawaz Sharif took initiatives to resolve the issue of Kashmir through bilateral negotiations. He is once again making sincere efforts to bring India to the negotiating table and resolve the Kashmir issue bilaterally.

Unambiguously, establishment of peace in the region and improvement in bilateral relations between India and Pakistan largely depend on peaceful resolution of the Kashmir dispute.

M FAZAL ELAHI Islamabad

If I don’t like a book IS India going to put its liberal values and freedom to speech aside? Sadly yes, as is evident from the power extremist groups are gaining day by day. A group of leading Indian and international academics have criticised Penguin-India’s decision to make an out-ofcourt agreement with a group that has vehemently opposed a book by Wendy Doniger, ‘The Hindus: An Alternative History’. Instead of fighting the case in courts to come to some logical conclusion, it decided to recall and destroy all the unsold copies of Wendy’s book.

India is fast changing in an already changed world around it. India’s most famous

to undergo a metamorphosis of its policies ingrained for decades at the expense of its conservative vote bank?

Similarly can the policy to support jihadists across our eastern and western borders and fighting them within Pakistan be sustainable any longer? Of course no paradigm shift is possible without a change of heart within the military leadership.

Exigencies of political correctness demand that the political and military leadership should be on the same page. But only far reaching reforms in strategic thinking and foreign policy will test the waters.

How much space the military is willing to cede to the civilian leadership is however a point of conjecture.

It is up to the political leadership to bring the military on board on embarking on a detente with India without hindrances. The Jihadi groups who serve as the cat paw of the establishment need to be defanged.

But admittedly this is a tall order.

Foreign minister Sartaj Aziz has clarified that Pakistan is not about to arm Syrian rebels at the behest of Saudi Arabia. But what stops Islamabad from reaching out to its neighbour Iran with whom relations have reached a nadir under the Sharif government?

The US forces are in the process of withdrawing from Afghanistan.

This is going to have far reaching strategic implications for Pakistan.

Islamabad needs to come out of the patron-client relationship with Washington.

Pakistan has the highest growth

artist of present times — Maqbool Fida Hussain was forced to flee the country by religious extremists; he died abroad. not only Hindus but other religious groups also keep trying to stop or threaten this very essential freedom of speech by violent means. Sadly it’s not only India but its neighbours are also moving towards medieval times. It’s time for academics, intellectuals, artists to join hands to keep extremist groups at defensive, not on offensive. Historian Ramchandra Guha has put the extremists issue in perspective by declaring: “The answer to a book one doesn’t like is another book, not a ban, or legal action, or physical intimidation”. Let’s see when religious extremist groups will come forward with a pen and a paper, not a gun or a sword.

MASOOD KHAN Jubail, Saudi Arabia

Attack on Iranian consulate PESHAWAR, the frontier city, is also the oldest city of the region. The city was on the Silk Route and expanded with time. The first instance of “zero” digit used in mathematics was discovered in Peshawar and the city has been the centre for Buddhist, Hindu and Muslim religions during time. The city was located at present day Charsadda, and with time expanded to its current location.

But Peshawar now is stagnant. It cannot

rate in producing missiles and babies, but at the same time has one of the lowest economic growth rates. Our outlays on health and education as percentage of the GDP are dismal.

Hence it is no surprise that Pakistan is a breeding ground for home-grown terrorism. This continuing recipe for disaster needs to be changed.

Instead of daydreaming about building motorways and bullet trains, money should be spent on the social sector. Our number one priority should be health and education rather than continuing to punch above our weight.

Madrassa culture nurtured over the years cannot be eliminated

‘Pakistan has the highest growth rate in producing missiles and babies, but at the same time has one of the lowest economic growth rates. Our outlays on health and education as percentage of the GDP are dismal.’ overnight. Only consistent economic growth and big time spending on the social sector can change things.

But unfortunately the state lacks not only the resources but also the political will to embark on such a course. The political elite, parliament and provincial assemblies jealously guard their warped priorities.

The social sector hardly figures amongst them. As for the boys, they want their toys to continue to play their war games.

Of course leadership with a vision can pull it off. But whether nawaz Sharif has the attributes or the will is still open to debate. g

grow. It is not allowed to grow because of Peshawar International Airport (now called Bacha Khan International Airport, after the AnP renamed everything including the province). Constructed in 1927, Peshawar International Airport is small, with a car parking for four vehicles only. The airport is also one of the world’s most unique airports as it has an active Railway track running across its runaway.

Peshawar city expanded over the past decades but this expansion was not well planned. The city development has surrounded the airport, with only two roads running across the city, the entire city’s traffic drives around the Peshawar Airport on congested roads. Traffic has become a major problem in Peshawar, with patients expiring in ambulances stuck in traffic but the city planners are not allowed to construct any raised highway due to the airport and are restricted with the expansion because of the airport.

A new airport was planned for Peshawar in the Musharraf era, but the PPP government scrapped the plan and diverted funds to the Benazir Islamabad Airport.

To help the city of Peshawar grow, the PTI government has to construct a new airport that has rapid rail/bus transport, parking space and cargo facility. The current airport should be decommissioned and the land used to create new transport links and commercial area only.

SHAHRYAR KHAN BASEER Peshawar www.pakistantoday.com.pk 03

C M YK

Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

O’ People

Time to call a spade a shovel?

Humayun GauHar

The writer is a political analyst.

He can be reached at: humayun.gauhar786@gmail.com.

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nd God said: “O’ people, you argue about what little you know. What will you argue about what you don’t know?”

The impatient ask for solutions, not just identifying problems: “no laments please, give us a quick fix.”

Sorry, there is no magic wand. Your destiny is in your hands and you have to make it. Else stop bellyaching and start thinking of what you have done wrong to contribute to your multifaceted malaise. At the very least, you may have contributed by voting for the wrong guy or chasing shadows and alien nostrums. Time for the writer to call a spade a shovel.

What ought to be and what is are two different things. We have to first deal with reality (what is) and then try and translate what ought to be (wishes) into reality. I know of two possible solutions. There is no guarantee that either will work because how well a system does depends on those who craft it and those who practice it. The best of systems can be messed-up by the inadequate. When we Muslims have made a mess of God’s system, the chances of any man-made system are dim. Look at all the 57 Muslim majority countries and judge them by their human condition, the only meaningful measure. They all fail.

Why do we create states except to improve the human condition starting from the poorest? We have to get our heads screwed on right instead of living in our glorious past, a lot of it mythical and legendary, else we have no future.

God screwed our heads on right with his divine messages, but clerics of dizzying denominations unscrewed our heads and then screwed them back on wrong to get their business of peddling religion going. The ruler-cleric-judge combine hijacked faith, made churches and religions with myriad self-serving interpretations of god’s word and became its self-appointed custodians. Cleric-screwed people lapped up clerical nonsense dumbly. Those amongst us who became black and brown clones of their white colonisers were reprogrammed and mentally colonised and lapped up the colonisers’ political philosophies, ideologies, nostrums and humdrum too: confusion worse compounded.

The intellectual wherewithal to sift the relevant in alien systems from

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the irrelevant was missing.

There are two solutions: revolution and evolution.

Revolution requires first a catalyst; second, an agent of change; third designers of the new order.

The catalyst is people rising in protest against deprivation and tyranny, venting their frustrations and taking control of their destinies by enabling the agent of change, which has historically almost always been the military or a revolutionary army. The system natural to animals, including man, has been rule of the fittest, the strongest, the last man standing – and after Islam and democracy, rule by the best.

Our duty is to make rule by the best possible. Unlike those militaries that like to prolong their rule, the successful have first stabilised the situation, established security, enabled men of wisdom like America’s founding fathers to write a constitution, got the economy going and then withdrawn. The three big modern democracies – British, American and French – were preceded by war or civil war, an army general enabling change and then bowing out, to wit, Lt General Oliver Cromwell, Major General George Washington and General Charles de Gaulle. As agents of change militaries cannot craft the new order or become longterm rulers, else we are looking at another disaster. In tandem, the military’s first and foremost task is to establish security and then start economic development. Security comes first, economic development second, for without security there can be no investment. Hand-inhand is the task to enable the making of a new constitution that will find legitimacy in an honest referendum, in practice and by delivery. If it stops delivering, even a constitution that was once legitimate loses legitimacy.

The designers of a new basic law or constitution can neither be the catalyst nor the agent of change.

They have to be men and women of wisdom – philosophers, those with a sense and understanding of history, jurists, academics and

None of our three branches of government is delivering – the parliament-legislature is paralysed, the executive is confused and the judiciary politicised. All are rived by mediocrity

ideologues. Such people are best equipped to craft a new, relevant and workable constitution and with it new pro-people legal, political and economic systems. Pakistan’s constitution has to dispense properly representative democracy based on the divine dictum, “Choose from amongst yourselves and choose from amongst the best.”

‘Choose’ implies democracy. How to ensure that only the best stand for leadership is a tremendous challenge. Find such people if you can, both the framers of the constitution and the best who offer themselves for leadership. Start the search now and good luck.

Time is ripe for revolution – “the objective conditions on the ground are right” is the hackneyed saying. none of our three branches of government is delivering – the parliament-legislature is paralysed, the executive is confused and the judiciary politicised. All are rived by mediocrity. Police is on the run.

Bureaucrats without constitutional protection have been reduced to personal servants of rulers. People are getting poorer. Education is spreading illiteracy. Healthcare is in the hands of quacks. Terrorism, criminality and lawlessness are rife.

Governments are the largest mafias. Why go on?

Revolution requires leadership that can set the blood of slaves afire, pull down the citadels of the great, let the little sparrow engage the mighty falcon, burn every bushel and ear of grain that doesn’t feed the farmer. Iqbal has told you so. Revolution requires great faith, great effort, great commitment and

great sacrifice because our enemies are humongous fiends. Revolution requires upturning the status quo and replacing it with a better one that leads to a continuous and significant improvement in the human condition.

That cannot be done without returning to our original social contract given by our founder Mohammad Ali Jinnah on August 11, 1947 in his speech to Pakistan’s first Constituent Assembly and making a constitution based on it by making it the preamble. Pakistan has to be an ‘Islamic Welfare State’.

It cannot take cover behind repugnancy clauses but clearly spell out the duties of an Islamic Welfare State, especially implementation of the rights and duties of god’s creation and the nature of its leadership. A new constitution based on Jinnah’s social contract requires balance in society, justice and equity in all walks of life, political and economic systems that deliver and lead to an equitable distribution of wealth. The godgiven rights of humankind have to be assiduously guarded. The state’s and the citizen’s rights, duties and obligations towards one another have to be clearly spelled out. I cannot write in one article what an Islamic Welfare State ought to be. It will require a book. But I can leave you with this thought: the constitution of an Islamic Welfare State has to be continuously revolutionary, meaning it has to be dynamic to adjust to changing conditions. That is Ijtehad, one of the key pillars of Islam. If thought, culture, systems, laws and social relationships are frozen they soon ossify, the state falls behind and becomes backward.

At a time when the need is to save our state, letting societal evolution take its course is the apathetic option. We are too fragile to withstand the buffets of evolution. Evolution within this constitution and its systems will lead to terrible mutation. The monster has to be killed now.

I was a great proponent of the evolutionary option after we had yet

another shot at ‘democracy’ in 2008, but now we are in such a friable state that action is the imperative. Evolution certainly causes movement because change is constant, but whether that movement is progressive or regressive is moot. Our situation is so bad that mutation, not evolution, will remain our lot. We mutated when we lost East Pakistan. Why, we have mutated the British parliamentary system and the British India Act, 1935. So far our evolutionary trend has been backward and mutant, though the complacent, the apathetic and wishful thinkers comfort themselves with hackneyed clichés that stick in the gullet, like, “It’s darkest before dawn”. I prefer “calm before the storm”.

The British colonisation of India was a super storm: that is what happens to an apathetic people who become agents of the enemy to settle their own petty rivalries and then become the coloniser’s stooges to gain favours. So apathetic are we still, so much like the EnglishIndians that Macaulay helped engineer, that we remain mentally colonised. Europe did it by separating the cleric from statecraft followed by education, letting a hundred thoughts contend, a hundred flowers bloom, while we remained mired in cuisine, poetry, dance, music, architecture and gardening for expression. no bad thing, but there is more to life, like education, inquiry and research.

Oh, and not to forget the mullah who has become a massive sore on statecraft.

I digress, which is what happens when the mind is on ‘roam’.

Evolution is long and painful.

People die, states vanish. The land and the people on it remain of course, but they take on different geographic forms, not always for the better. So take your pick between revolution and evolution and tell the naysayers that revolution is a part of evolution too. during our evolution we lost half the country, we have been ruled under four illegitimate constitutions, our industrial sector was destroyed, feudalism stagnated agriculture while the population exploded.

To save Pakistan and thereby yourselves, you the people have to act as catalysts to enable revolution.

Without the people’s support all you get are military coups because soldiers are sworn to save their countries before their constitutions.

Coups eventually take us back to square one as we have seen. Thus, too, you the people have to support every protest movement for change regardless of whether or not you like its leaders, from the so far small efforts of Atiya Khan in Karachi, to the MQM to Tahir ul Qadiri. Then and only then will we the people be able to bring permanent revolution, security and economic and human advancement. g

C MYK

Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

Confusion or collusion?

The political will remains woefully missing

CANDID CORNER

Raoof Hasan The writer is a political analyst and the Executive Director of the Regional Peace Institute. He can be reached at: raoofhasan@hotmail.com.

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ike everything else that the incumbent government has set out to do in its current controversial stint in power, the policy to fight the cancer of terrorism and militancy in the country is riddled with more confusion than clarity. This is clearly symptomatic of the duality of approach that the government has followed in matters requiring both seriousness of purpose and approach. in the process, the immediacy of the scourge has been completely lost as the government continues to vacillate between the possibilities of dialogue and military action, or both.

The dialogue that was initiated a good few months after the holding of the All Parties Conference (APC) was followed by a vicious upsurge of violence in the country targeting the military and the security personnel as well as civilians. This elicited a sharp response from across the country calling upon the government to stop engaging the militants in fruitless negotiations and launch the much-delayed military operation to eliminate them. The government, showing heartless insensitivity to the increasing list of casualties, waited for the inhuman severance of heads of security personnel in custody by the Taliban, before allowing some precision strikes on the militant strongholds in the FATA region.

But the mantra of dialogue has not been shelved and there are repeated calls to the militants to announce a ceasefire for the process of negotiations to commence again.

May be this is being used by the government as a political ploy to keep everyone on board and reduce the prospect of dissensions to the minimum regarding the forthcoming operation. But, there is a catch here: the call is only for the militants to announce a ceasefire, not lay down their arms, as a precondition to the recommencement of negotiations. This, i believe, is counterproductive.

The key question is whether keeping the option of negotiations with the militants open would serve any constructive purpose other than trying to keep the religious and the neo-religious parties on board with the government? While this may well be the only positive of this short-sighted policy, the negatives are numerous and gruesome. First and foremost, it would reflect adversely on the government’s resolve, if there is one at all, to combat militancy without compromise. it would make the militant leaders think that the government, or some quarters therein, are still interested in a negotiated settlement and the threat of an operation is only a ploy to push them to the negotiations table. it would, consequently, be construed as a weakness of the government which would be fully exploited by those who are not interested in a permanent settlement of the deadly militancy in the country.

The choice given by the government to the militants should have been clear: if they lay down their arms and surrender before

the writ of the state by accepting its constitution and all that emanates from it, there would be negotiations. But, if they don’t do so, they will have to face the full might of a military operation. This offer should also have been time-bound after which the prospect of negotiations should have been shelved completely.

This has not been the case. instead, the government has shown both immaturity of purpose and lack of political will to tackle the scourge that is posing existential challenges to the country. keeping of option of talks open with the militants is like conveying a message of co-existence with their regressive and degenerate mindset – a prospect that springs from the inherent weakness of the incumbent leadership when it comes to dealing with militancy. This may have a lot to do with numerous skeletons hidden away in their closets regarding support extended to some elements within the broad framework of militant groups operating in the country, particularly in the province of Punjab. The visible lack of clarity and purpose are indications of not only an alarming level of confusion, but even complicity with some gangs of militants.

The proposed Security Policy carries forward these and other ambiguities. While speaking in the national assembly, the interior minister claimed that there had been a basic ‘policy shift’ reflected in the draft Security Policy, the contents of which were not revealed to the legislators. This socalled ‘policy shift’ relates only to ‘targeting

‘The choice given by the government to the militants should have been clear: if they lay down their arms and surrender before the writ of the state by accepting its constitution and all that emanates from it, there would be negotiations. But, if they don’t do so, they will have to face the full might of a military operation.

This offer should also have been time-bound after which the prospect of negotiations should have been shelved completely.’ the source of terrorism in response to acts of militant violence anywhere in the country’.

Based on information that has been made available so far, that reduces the proposed Security Policy into a reactive mechanism that would become operational only when acts of terrorism are committed somewhere in the country, but there is nothing in it that proposes to take on the scourge of terrorism head on with intent to eliminating it and its nurseries completely. This is evident from the plethora of options that are being continually discussed in the country as part of the proposed anti-terror policy: the dialogue process alone leading to some deal with the militants, targeted strikes in response to militant attacks, suspension of the dialogue option and undertaking a fullfledged operation to eliminate the scourge of militancy, dialogue and the military operation undertaken together and so many more permutations and combinations. it is like offering a platter of options to the militants and asking them to take their pick for the government to do its bit. it reflects an alarming level of reluctance to deal with a scourge that has inflicted indescribable

‘The government also remains unclear on the fate of the peace talks. There have been statements from numerous government functionaries including members of its negotiations committee that the peace talks cannot be pursued unless terror attacks cease. Others from the government’s side have opined that the path of negotiations has been aborted altogether. There has also been a demand from the government that the militants should announce a ceasefire for the dialogue process to reconvene. This only adds to the mammoth confusion that is already there.’ damage on the country and its people. No wonder the leader of the opposition accused the government for having created more confusion than clarity.

The PPP rule was symptomatic of its gross unwillingness to own up an army operation to eliminate terrorism.

Consequently, acts of violence continued to flourish. The current government, publicly willing and eager to eliminate terrorism from the country, is dithering in the formulation of a clear-cut policy regarding how to do so. This is evident from the precious time that has already been lost as a consequence of a lack of consensus within the government echelons regarding the matter as well as the political and the military hierarchies not being on the same page with regard to the broad contours of an anti-terror policy. While the military appears eager to launch an operation, the political leadership, because of an inherent weakness of purpose and other allied factors, is unable to make up its mind.

Leading up to the US drawdown in Afghanistan, this uncertainty is making the scourge more daunting and the launching of any future military operation even more challenging.

Comprising the secret, the strategic and the operational parts, the proposed Security Policy remains an enigma. its draft was not even shown to all the cabinet members and they were asked to wait. This is contrary to the announcement made earlier that its contents would be revealed in the national assembly. The only factor that has come forth is the operationalising of the National Counter-Terrorism Authority (NeCTA) and the setting up of a Joint intelligence Directorate to coordinate effectively among the multiple spy agencies of the country.

What all this would lead to and how remains unknown.

The government also remains unclear on the fate of the peace talks. There have been

statements from numerous government functionaries including members of its negotiations committee that the peace talks cannot be pursued unless terror attacks cease. Others from the government’s side have opined that the path of negotiations has been aborted altogether. There has also been a demand from the government that the militants should announce a ceasefire for the dialogue process to reconvene. This only adds to the mammoth confusion that is already there.

Like i have always said, the fight against terrorism is a battle between two mindsets.

The terrorist mindset believes in imposing its regressive and obscurantist writ by employing violent means encompassing imposition of draconian punishments and mauling of human dignity and respect. The democratic mindset, in principle, believes in the supremacy of the constitution and the rule of law as envisioned therein. The conflict course is there for all to see except those who have continually propounded the option of negotiations as a means to compromising with the cancer.

The negotiations and the dialogue mantra together will not deliver the desired results. it would only embolden the terrorists further and they would exploit the government’s weakness to their advantage regarding failure to formulate a clear and crisp policy. Then there is no guarantee either that a deal with one or some of the militant groups would end the scourge of militancy completely as there would be other factions within the larger militant

‘Like I have always said, the fight against terrorism is a battle between two mindsets. The terrorist mindset believes in imposing its regressive and obscurantist writ by employing violent means encompassing imposition of draconian punishments and mauling of human dignity and respect. The democratic mindset, in principle, believes in the supremacy of the constitution and the rule of law as envisioned therein.

The conflict course is there for all to see except those who have continually propounded the option of negotiations as a means to compromising with the cancer.’

network which would continue the battle of imposing their degenerate writ.

The desire to keep the contents of the proposed security policy under the wraps is also incomprehensible. What is it that the government continues to mull over and is not able to make up its mind about even after almost eight months’ of its coming into power with an avowed proclamation to end the spate of violence in the country? is it confusion, complicity, or a bit of both?

Whatever it may be, it is at the cost to the national interest that continues to bleed as the government procrastinates inordinately on the proclamation of a clear policy to combat the scourge of militancy. each day lost is a bonanza to the militants and their evil intentions to block out all prospects of Pakistan taking the arduous steps to reclaiming its enlightened, egalitarian and progressive ethos. g www.pakistantoday.com.pk

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cover story: between talks and action

No game-changer in NW strike The more things change, the more they stay the same?

Shahab Jafry The writer is a Lahore-based journalist and can be reached at jafry.shahab@gmail.com Recent surgical strikes in and around North Waziristan (NW) have caused small groups to flee the agency, but as scared civilians brave the weather and head for Bannu and DI Khan, larger numbers, from the TTP, are going the other way – across the border into Afghanistan.

The strikes followed the TTP’s beheading of 23 FC soldiers held by its Mohmand chapter. And with talks frozen, and militants refusing unconditional ceasefire, they seemed to back rumours of a wider NW operation as spring sets in. The political leadership, too, is now frustrated with the Taliban’s tactics, and a full-scale operation is increasingly seen as inevitable.

Yet a successful all-out operation will require participation of players far beyond the military, some of which are not only outside the government’s influence, but in some cases also opposed to its interests.

Thinning out As much as these curtain-raiser strikes might signify the trend of things to come, the cross-border trek typifies the first of Taliban’s likely responses.

“Simply bomb them and they will thin out across the border”, said a COIN official on condition of anonymity.

“By now both Pakistani and American governments know that (Afghanistan’s National Directorate of Security) NDS facilitates TTP sanctuaries across the border.

They, and the Indians, also fund and arm the TTP. Without securing the border the operation will have limited effect, and there will be blowback in other parts”.

And to secure that border, Islamabad will have to put up a

very serious case with Kabul, where President Karzai’s politics often portrays Pakistan as a bigger villain than the Taliban. So far neither the government nor the media has given much thought to the TTP’s external linkages, even as that arrangement is sure to dilute the operation.

The situation is made more serious because military action is expected to trigger reprisal attacks in major urban centres. The PM made some headway with Mr Karzai recently in Turkey, but nothing to the point of educating the international community, or even Pakistanis, about the Afghan hand in TTP’s campaign for sharia.

There is also much confusion about the government’s, especially intelligence agencies’, current position with the Haqqanis. The Americans have been pushing for an operation against the Network for years, even implying ‘harbouring’ sanctions for Islamabad after officially branding it an international terrorist organisation in September ’12.

And recently sections of the American and local press have been hinting that a comprehensive sweep of NA might also include the Haqqanis. The latter mentioned the Network had fallen out with the government after the Nov2 Hakeemullah drone strike. The government had, it said, assured the Haqqanis that Hakeemullah would not be targeted when he consulted with the shura on negotiations, and they

There is also much confusion about the government’s, especially intelligence agencies’, current position with the Haqqanis. The Americans have been pushing for an operation against the Network for years, even implying ‘harbouring’ sanctions for Islamabad after officially branding it an international terrorist organisation in September ’12 subsequently assured his safety in Danday Darpa Khel.

The drone strike, reportedly, led to a split, which culminated in killing of Naseeruddin Haqqani in Islamabad on Nov10. Naseeruddin was the son of Jalaluddin Haqqani, the group’s powerful patron, former Afghan Taliban government official, and a long time ISI ally.

The reporting implied Pakistani intelligence’s puppeteering was responsible for both assassinations, and the Haqqanis vowed revenge and sided with the TTP. But COIN officials contacted by Pakistan Today refuted such findings.

“There is no truth in the claim that the Haqqanis have turned”,

they said, adding that “it is much more likely that Naseeruddin was taken out by the NDS”.

“Last week’s killing of TTP top gun Asmatullah Bhitani (which the same section of the press blamed on another TTP faction) was also most likely orchestrated by the Afghans”. Bhitani was pronegotiations, and killing him removes a prominent voice for peace in militant circles.

The more things change Older hands at the great game, especially those familiar with the long partnership with the Haqqanis, also dismiss these claims.

“The Washington Post story and the others are just propagating a false narrative”, said Gen (r) Hameed Gul, ISI chief when Haqqanis and friends were hailed as heroes in Pakistan and America, and part of the Difa e Pakistan council. “There is no question of military action against the Haqqanis”.

The Network has been an essential component of military strategy throughout the insurgency. It formed an influential bulwark against the TTP, helped control TTP’s shia genocide in Kurram Agency in ’11, and provided security guarantees that opened the Thall-Parachinar road after four years. Besides, confronting it not only meant increasing the TTP’s base of resistance, but also alienating deobandi circles across the country.

“Considering pros and cons, it is just too late in the day to ditch the Haqqanis”, said Saifullah Mahsud, executive director at the fata research centre, an Islamabad based think tank focusing on the insurgency.

But with talks failing, terrorism increasing, TTP able to flee across the border in case of air strikes, and cross-border intelligence agencies confounding alliances built over years, what direction is government strategy likely to take in the immediate future?

“I don’t see a comprehensive operation coming anytime soon to be honest”, added Mr Mahsud. “It seems such strikes will be the trend. Whenever they hit, we hit back. The intensity might increase but any further escalation while the

Taliban can disperse easily seems unlikely”.

The religious and political right, where Gen (r) Gul is prominent, sees things differently. The talks continue, they say, and the airraids were important “punitive strikes” meant to punish rebel groups within the TTP that are working to sabotage the peace process.

But COIN circles paint a slightly different picture. No doubt military action is inevitable, according to them, but it will have to be intel-intensive.

“Military strikes will be important, but again, they will have limited impact. A comprehensive approach will take more time, and require old fashioned penetration of militant groups (roughly 40), meaning talking to some, influencing others, and punishing the few that continue fighting”, they said.

With talks failing, terrorism increasing, TTP able to flee across the border in case of air strikes, and cross-border intelligence agencies confounding alliances built over years, what direction is government strategy likely to take in the immediate future?

This would be an extension of the same good Taliban, bad Taliban debate so ridiculed in the foreign, especially American, media. In keeping with classical COIN doctrine, only when militant groups are pitted against each other – with pro-peace factions backed by the government – will foreign supported elements be isolated, exposed, and dealt with.

In the meantime, both talks and action are likely to continue, with the threat level steadily enhanced.

“There will be no gamechanger, at least in the near term”, Mr Mahsud said. “For now, the more things change, the more they stay the same”. g

Striking back at the tormentors all reports indicate disarray within TTP ranks

‘A boots on the ground military operation, however, has to be undertaken and it is this realisation that is prompting arm chair strategists to speculate on the forces, directions and actions. The guaranteed success of such an operation is absolutely vital.’

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T

He recent air strikes in North Waziristan and the most recent cabinet meeting have more or less endorsed a regime of retaliatory and

even pre-emptive strikes on the TTP. The Federal Cabinet has also clearly stated a precondition for talks— complete end to all violent activity by the TTP. Given the fact that all the factions in FATA may not be under TTP control and the rumors of divisions within the TTP this pre-condition may not be possible even if the TTP agrees to it. The dialogue option, never a starter, is all but scuttled and the muffled sound of war drums can be heard. Public opinion that was being manipulated by ‘pro-Taliban’ factions

is now supportive of a decisive military operation to end or at least side line the insurgency in FATA and political resolve is slowly manifesting itself. This resolve is a given for the orchestration of state power in pursuit of a clearly stated political objective.

It is the military’s job to translate the political directive into military strategy.

Hopefully these aspects will be discussed, debated and approved in a meeting of the much heralded Cabinet Committee on National Security (CCNS). The fact that the

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The Afghan-India nexus Why do afghans look at Pakistan with suspicion and distrust?

aziz-ud-diN ahmad The writer is a political analyst and a former academic.

T

He right wing groups in Pakistan look at Afghan-India relations as a conspiracy against the country. They maintain that the nexus has enabled India to set up a string of consulates in Afghan towns bordering Pakistan from where Indian agents infiltrate into Balochistan and other trouble spots. The religious parties blame Indian agents for the ongoing deadly terrorist attacks. Till recently these parties would downplay claims of ownership of suicide bombings by the TTP, sometime raising doubts about the identity of their spokesmen while holding the RAW responsible for every major act of terrorism.

Karzai is often portrayed by them as an Indian proxy. The extremist fringe has no answer as to how to reduce the Afghan hostility or balance the Indian influence in Afghanistan.

Some belonging to the lot conclude that the jihadi outfits are the only answer.

In order to understand the nature of Afghan-India friendship and to ensure that it does not harm Pakistan it is necessary to put the issue in the perspective of the whole gamut of Pak-Afghan-India relations.

Afghanistan sees Pakistan as a source of threat to its integrity. Kabul therefore seeks support from India, a country more powerful than Pakistan and less likely to threaten it as unlike Pakistan it shares no border with it.

Pakistan and India have a number of unresolved disputes which have led them to fight two major wars and a bloody armed conflict in Kargil. India is willing to provide economic and military support to Afghanistan. Being aware of the potential of trade and economic relations with Pakistan New Delhi hesitates to go beyond a certain limit to provide military equipment to Afghanistan. even this is seen by the extremist fringe in Pakistan as a security threat.

The three countries have a lot to lose by letting mutual bitterness proliferate. They have a lot to gain if they remove their differences and cooperate with each other.

political leadership and the military are on the same page is a definite plus.

A recent statement by former COAS Gen (Retd) Ashfaq Kayani went largely unnoticed. While clarifying the statement attributed to him about a 40 per cent success probability of a military operation in North Waziristan, the general stated that what he had actually said was that a successful military operation would lead to a 40 per cent reduction in terrorist activity in the country. He added that it was important to address the issue of militancy, lawlessness and ethnic/sectarian divides in tandem with the military operation.

In this context the 100-page three-part national security policy formulated by the government is important and will hopefully

Why do Afghans look at Pakistan with suspicion and distrust?

First, there are disputes that the two countries have inherited from a past characterised by wars, invasions and counter invasions. Second, there are major irritants of a more recent origin. If the later are properly addressed, the issues left by history can be dealt with through mutual accommodation over time.

Problems left by history include territories lost by Afghanistan to Ranjit Singh and British India and subsequently inherited by Pakistan.

These include the dispute over the Durand Line which has divided the Pushtun tribes.

Neither the Afghan government nor the Taliban are willing to accept the Durand Line. even the TTP has said that it does not accept the national borders imposed by the West. .

Much more important however are the more recent irritants.

These are of two types. First, the support provided by the ISI and Pakistan military to a number of militant groups since 1980. The militant groups were meant to foist on the

‘The participation of so many countries would ensure that no single power controls Afghanistan’s policies or uses it as its proxy in the region. This is good for Afghanistan and for the entire region.’ neighbouring country a government of Islamabad’s choice.

The second irritant is the attitude of successive Pakistani governments which have treated Afghanistan as their backyard. The Pakistan Army also continues to nurture the goal of seeking strategic depth on the other side of the border.

Both the complaints are mostly genuine.

No country is likely to be considered friendly if it allows militant groups to use its territory to launch cross border attacks on its neighbor and inflict injuries on its troops and civilians.

And if the groups are nourished with the express purpose of using them as proxies to subjugate the neighbor or dictate to it this is bound to be considered an act of war The Taliban, described by Gen (Retd) Nasirullah Babar as ‘my children’, and launched by the Pakistani establishment are

address the issue of internal security and capacity building for implementation of the policy. This policy too must be laid before the CCNS so that structures are evolved for intelligence and operational coordination at all levels as provincial governments will have major implementation responsibility.

The air strikes being carried out are effective. All reports indicate disarray within TTP ranks. A boots on the ground military operation, however, has to be undertaken and it is this realization that is prompting arm chair strategists to speculate on the forces, directions and actions. The guaranteed success of such an operation is absolutely vital. For this reason a joint political-military-foreign policy preparatory maneuver is

‘It is in Pakistan’s benefit to initiate the long delayed military operation in North Waziristan.

The operation would build confidence in Afghanistan and encourage it to reciprocate by a similar action against the TTP elements inside its territory.’

one example. The others include Haqqani network which continues to play havoc inside Afghanistan. Then there are foreign militants in FATA, particularly in North Waziristan affiliated with Al Qaeda, who launch attacks inside Afghanistan. For years Kabul demanded military action against the elements hostile to it before it started looking for agents among the Pakistani Taliban and providing it funds and shelter.

It is in Pakistan’s benefit to initiate the long delayed military operation in North Waziristan. The operation would build confidence in Afghanistan and encourage it to reciprocate by a similar action against the TTP elements inside its territory like Mullah Fazlullah and Omar Khalid Khorasani.

The army has played with the idea of strategic depth for decades. If stronger countries were allowed to seek strategic depth in neighbouring lands, the smaller states like Afghanistan are bound to feel threatened.

Anyone coming to power in Afghanistan irrespective of whether he is a warlord, a Taliban, or an elected leader would seek the help of a powerful country in the region to balance Pakistan in case those ruling Islamabad fail to respect Afghanistan’s sovereignty, treat it as a fifth province of the country or adopt a patronising attitude towards the smaller neighbour.

How far will India go to fulfill the Afghan demands?

‘Kabul seeks support from India, a country more powerful than Pakistan and less likely to threaten it as unlike Pakistan it shares no border with it.’

important. This must ensure the support, or failing that then at least the non-interference of the US, the Afghan Government, Iran, India and the Middle eastern countries that fund different entities. This maneuver must bring the US presence in Afghanistan and the Afghan government forces in support of the Pakistan military by taking mutually coordinated steps on the Afghan side of the Afghan-Pak border. Iran’s cooperation and support is especially important. The military operation itself will involve stopping and interdicting all inter and intra-agency movement in FATA, into Afghanistan and into mainland Pakistan as multiple directions are used to clear areas and establish the writ of the

Afghan President Hamid Karzai was in India in May last year in the hope of securing heavy weapons to beef up his security forces after the international troops pull out in 2014.

During the visit Afghan officials wanted tanks and heavy artillery to boost land-based firepower and helicopters and jets to bolster air capabilities. But India stopped short of sending lethal weapons on account of Pakistan’s sensitivities.

India eyes expansion of trade with Pakistan as well as seeking access to the Central Asian republics through land route. It has meanwhile also tried to develop an alternate route through the Iranian port of Chahbhar. In case Pakistan and India can agree on non-discriminatory market access and start implementing the agreement on greater trade through land route it will open the way for lessening the hostilities between India and Pakistan. Pakistan, India and Afghanistan will all benefit from the opportunities created by peace and friendship.

‘The three countries have a lot to lose by letting mutual bitterness proliferate. They have a lot to gain if they remove their differences and cooperate with each other.’

Better understanding between India and Pakistan would put new life in SAARC while it would also enable Pakistan, India and Afghanistan to benefit from Central Asia’s resources of gas and power, from opportunities of trade made possible by better road and rail network and travel facilities. The confidence generated would weaken the extremist forces in the neighbouring countries and strengthen and expand the peace lobbies. This would create a vested interest on both sides for peace which would help resolve the long standing disputes between India and Pakistan through talks.

Kabul needs the support of not only the US or India but the entire region and beyond, including Pakistan, China, Russia, Iran and Turkey to build its economy and society. The participation of so many countries would ensure that no single power controls Afghanistan’s policies or uses it as its proxy in the region. This is good for Afghanistan and for the entire region. g

‘Thorough preparations will signal intent and capacity and may even bring about a result ahead of an actual use of force in an operation.’ government. The care of IDPs (Internally Displaced People) and the follow-up civil administration to control and rehabilitate the cleared areas will have to part of the overall plan.

Right now we are seeing sporadic and seemingly isolated incidents of sabotage, subversion, crime and urban violence as part of the overall terrorist activity. The danger is that once the operation gets underway these incidents may

be leveraged into several daily events to weaken the resolve of the state. Dissidents and criminals with their own narrow agendas may try to take advantage of the situation and even external sponsors may upgrade their support. This must not be allowed to happen and for this an internal security plan should be implemented before, during and after the military operation. Thorough preparations will signal intent and capacity and may even bring about a result ahead of an actual use of force in an operation.

Spearhead Analyses are collaborative efforts and not attributable to a single individual.

Website: www.spearheadresearch.org. g www.pakistantoday.com.pk

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Books

LLF 2014 MesMerises Lahorites

Despite some sHortcomings, tHe FestivaL was a massive success Khawaja Manzar aMin

o

F all the lofty goals of the LLF 2014 set out in their official programme there was quite aptly a marked emphasis on the relevant words, arts, poetry and prose, music, painting, filmmaking, architecture and Lahore’s significant connection with and influence in promoting culture.

Politics and the political framework no doubt had a mention in the ‘manifesto’ because much classic and dissident art has been built around historical and political events such as the Partition and our various martial Laws. Then there is also an almost ‘fine print’ casual mention that the said programme was ‘tentative and subject to change at LLF’s discretion’. as far as the first ideal was concerned, one dismayingly found that somehow sub-continental politics reared its ugly head in some of the discussions, whether of political or purely artistic nature, if the latter phrase is not an oxymoron in the modern (albeit deeply divided) epoch. But in programmes such as ‘India, Cultural Conundrum’ and ‘War on Culture’ the debate sometimes degenerated to the level of another India versus Pakistan slanging match, and the usual suspects, our progressive-elitist liberals sometimes outdid themselves in self-criticism

and singing others’ praises, no doubt much to the amusement of our guests from across the eastern border sitting next to them.

On occasions, the proceedings seemed like a combination of Paki-bashing (please excuse the term) and aman ki asha carried to a cliché-ridden extreme on the part of our own stalwarts. Dripping sarcasm and snide remarks seemed to come naturally to them while commenting on our no doubt chaotic state of affairs or affairs of state. The LLF should primarily remain what it was intended to be: an event of global overtones dwelling only on literary and aesthetic matters, without regional politics butting in. as for the ‘small print’ clause, one can only say, you never said (or printed) a truer word. On the concluding day of the LLF most of the famous names were conspicuous by their absence, greatly disappointing the vast Sunday crowds thronging the alhamra halls.

What exactly was the reason for this absenteeism, one can only surmise, but this, and the delay in getting started with a hurriedly assembled makeshift panel, also upset the schedule of all the subsequent programmes of the last day. among the star attractions missing were Hameed Haroon, Jugnu mohsin and Salman rashid, among others. reportedly the first named was out of the country despite which his name was included in the programme list.

He had been a big hit during the inaugural LLF2013. The schedule was also hurriedly and haphazardly made out as the timing of the most interesting programmes clashed, leaving the audience with a difficult choice of which of the two to omit.

Zahid Hussain

Navid Shahzad

‘The LLF should primarily remain what it was intended to be: an event of global overtones dwelling only on literary and aesthetic matters, without regional politics butting in.’

For instance, on Day 1, ‘The Suitable Duo’ with Vikram Seth and ‘Lahore, Literature and Longing’ with aitzaz ahsan and Pran Neville were both scheduled for 2.30 to 3.30, while on Day 2 ‘An Equal Music: a writer and his Other arts’ again with Vikram Seth and the mouth-watering ‘Zia mohyeddin recites mushtaq Yusafi’ were similarly scheduled for 11.15 to 12.15 leaving the potential viewers torn and undecided till the last.

The schedule of future LLF’s must redress this crucial aspect of the vastly successful Lahori festival which has made waves around the literary world. The selection of the invitees should also be widened and diversified to include many more famous literary and artistic names from the Western hemisphere, instead of concentrating solely on our region. But despite all these shortcomings, LLF 2014 was

overall a hugely successful affair, and kept the Lahorites, or a certain section of them (mostly the fashionable set) engrossed in its events on all the three days. They kept on coming back for more and that should be most heartening for the organizers and the sponsors, with the latter surely growing in numbers with each event. among the most delightful programmes one was privileged to watch were, ‘Zehra Apa aur Zia Mohyeddin ke Saath, ‘Zia mohyddin recites mushtaq Yusafi’ ‘Citizen Cowasji’, ‘Lahore, Literature and Longing’, and the hilarious ‘The making of Political Satire’ (there goes that P word again!) which will remain long in happy memory. a friend with a keen sense of appreciation said, ‘an equal music: a writer and his other arts’, Vikram Seth in conversation with asim

a passion For writing interview: aamer Hussein

LLF brings Literary activity to a Fascinating city

a

amer Hussein is a Karachi born writer who moved to London in 1970. Hussein is Professorial Writing Fellow at the University of Southampton, a Senior research Fellow at the Institute of english Studies, and is currently a professorial research associate at the Centre for the Study of Pakistan.

His first collection, Mirror to the Sun, appeared in 1993, to be followed by three other collections, The Blue Direction (1999), Turquoise (2002) and Insomnia (2007), and a volume of selected stories, Cactus Town (2002).

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He has also published a novella, Another Gulmohar Tree (2009) and a novel, The Cloud Messenger (2011). His stories have been translated into many languages, including arabic and Japanese. He is now working on new short stories in english and in Urdu.

His recent fiction has been published in Granta, Moth, Moving Worlds, and the New Statesman, and in the Penguin US anthology xoOrpheus. In 2012, he contributed four original stories and an essay in Urdu to the Karachi journal Dunyazad. He has also collaborated in the translation of his novels into Italian.

In 2004, he was elected a Fellow of the royal Society of Literature. He is a Senior editor (arts) of Critical Muslim, and a Contributing editor at Asymptote. He has served as a judge for the Commonwealth Prize, Impac, the Independent Foreign Fiction Prize, and the V.S. Pritchett Prize.

We spoke to the writer in an exclusive interview at the Lahore Literary Festival 2014. excerpts: Q: How does it feel to be a part of one of the biggest festivals in Pakistan?

Aamer Hussein

A: Great!

Q: Do you think Lahore Literary Festival has anything to contribute to the literary world? a: Lahore has a rich history and is one of the world’s most fascinating cities. It has also been a centre of

Fareed was exceptional. another too obvious observation in LLF 2014 was that the LLF has outgrown its present, no doubt beautiful and central premises, and in some of the more popular (read big names) programmes, many people were left dejected as the doors were closed even before one could get from one hall to the other. This was experienced even in Hall 1, the biggest auditorium, which could not accommodate the vast, overflowing crowd during the discussion on ‘India, Cultural Conundrum’ on the third day, while Hall 3 and Baithak are too small in any case.

The organizers should be thinking really big next time, perhaps the eXPO building has become a more logical site, though situated in a far off and busy locality, as compared to the alhamra Complex on the mall.

But when all is said and done, we should be appreciative, if not proud, that we still possess competent and committed people who are able to organize and manage such a high profile event even in the midst of our present troubles and gloom. g

literary culture for a long time and it’s inevitable that writers from all over the country and the world should want to converge here to meet their readers and each other.

Q: As a writer where do you think Pakistan’s youth stand right now with regard to their understanding of, and interest in literature? a: I’ve found my young readers who correspond with me from all over the country, but particularly for Punjab, to be enthusiastic, passionate and intelligent. I think there’s a growing literary culture in Pakistan, including smaller cities.

Q: How do you think Lahore Literary Festival can help ignite citizens’ passion for literature?

A: By bringing writers and books to readers in a congenial and welcoming space. g

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Lahore’s Books

February fest Future events should also include due representation of urdu, the national language

Khaled Ahmed and Fehmida Riaz Ria

Farazeen aMjad

i

N especially tough times such as these, even a little cultural diversion is a real boon as it makes people forget the harsh realities of their daily lives for a little while. Distraction is always welcome even more when it’s a pleasant one and harmless one.

Previously Lahore had its kite flying festival of Basant which was banned after people were killed or seriously injured by the string used in the pastime. The vacuum has now to an extent (as the masses are not involved) been filled by the Lahore Literary Festival (LLF)), which is now in its second hugely successful year.

The people attending the star-

Muneeza Shamsie and Manju Kapur

studded event with its many popular literary personalities were provided a much-needed diversion from the almost routine horrors of suicide bombings, sectarian killings and targeted attacks. One should therefore be grateful even for such small mercies in these grim times.

The Lahore Literary Festival 2014 did the trick. Once again this year, it entertained large audiences in with its entertaining and lively programmes.

To my mind, however, the dearth of equal representation of Urdu and Punjabi literature in the course of the LLF 2014 was a grave disappointment. an event of an international scale was expected to have representations of languages other than english, more specifically the languages of the city in which the Festival was being held at, that is, Urdu and Punjabi. That would also have ensured a much wider interest.

Undoubtedly the efforts of the organisers are well appreciated in stirring up dialogues involving Urdu literature and poetry, yet these were

not enough to match the focus on english literature and global politics (that too in english of course). This Festival was a platform to bring together globally known writers and journalists and while english is certainly the core medium of communication, this could have been a chance to bring to light Urdu literature in front of international audiences. Local authors in the vernacular languages ought to have been given a greater chance to make an appearance and portray the roles they are playing in the field of literature.

The event appeared to be catering to a specific class of Lahorites who have had the fortunate chance of attending posh schools and can read and converse in english fairly well and the Festival emerged as more of an ‘english Literary Festival’. While a command over english language is nothing to eschew, however, this event could have offered the audience a chance to get introduced to and acquainted with writings in languages, especially Urdu and

interview: k anis aHmeD

guest From bangLaDesH ‘great priviLege’, says writer From DHaka

World in My Hands, has been released only last month by Vintage (random House India). In this brief chat, he talks about his experience at the Lahore Literary Festival 2014.

anis ahmed is a Bangladeshi writer based in Dhaka. He is a co-founder of Bengal Lights, Bangladesh’s most prominent new english literary journal. His first book of short stories, Good Night, Mr. Kissinger, was published in November 2012. His first novel, The

excerpts: Q: How does it feel to be sharing the stage with so many other renowned writers and speakers?

A: a great privilege. I’ve had the chance to meet or be on panel with some of them by now in Hay Dhaka or at Jaipur – mohammed Hanif,

k

Nadeem aslam and others. meeting one’s favourite writers and in some cases even making friends with them, what could be better?

Q: What inspired you to come to Pakistan for the festival?

A: my father was a student in Lahore in the 1960s. I grew up hearing fond stories of that city. That’s one of my main reasons for wanting to come to Lahore. Besides, I had heard great things about this particular festival.

Q: Besides your sessions, what was it that you were particularly looking forward to

Vikram Seth and Mobeen Ansari. Photos by taPu Javeri

‘Local authors in the local language ought to have been given a greater chance to make appearances and portray the roles they are playing in the field of literature.’

Punjabi, which they have been neglecting.

One of the reasons for a greater tilt towards english might have been because the Board of Governors and advisory Committee of the LLF comprised of not one patron of Urdu literature or journalism. english writing authors, journalists and even social activists formed the backbone of the entire event. They may not have personal biases towards vernacular languages, but the discrimination was evident during

at the Lahore Literary Festival?

A: Well, I was really keen to learn about the newest Pakistani writers, such as Bilal Tanweer and Saba Imtiaz. I was also keen to learn more about Pakistani cultural icons like amrita Sher-Gill. I’m happy with the experiences. I’ve gleaned a lot about the culture from my interactions with the audience too.

Q: What is that one thing that you experienced in your interactions with the audience, particularly the younger lot?

A: a curiosity about Bangladesh. and great enthusiasm for literature!

Q: What in a nutshell was Lahore Literary Festival for you?

A: a chance to learn more about Pakistan’s progressive side – political and cultural, and its current robustness and challenges. g

the course of the event.

Furthermore, only eminent english authors and film-makers from across the border actively participated in all three days of the Festival. This year the LLF Committee could have done something new by inviting Urdu and Punjabi authors and poets from India to take part in the Festival and not just limiting it to english writing personalities. This would have widened the scope of the Festival, and given Urdu more chance to flourish among the audience. at the end of the day, this is not a power struggle between english and Urdu/Punjabi. a language cannot be deemed more worthy solely on the basis of its readership, but at the same time, the importance of english as a global language cannot be ignored. Still, somewhere along the way it is hoped that such international festivals would also provide a chance to educate the new generations, including myself, on the beauty and importance of their vernacular languages, especially the national language, Urdu. g

K Anis Ahmed

www.pakistantoday.com.pk

09

C M YK

IntervIew: Vikram Seth

Seth and Suitability

talking to Vikram Seth, who was in Lahore recently for the city’s Literary Festival by umar aziz Khan

i

read about a creative writing exercise once, where students had to write the next five chapters of a favourite book of theirs. If they were really immersed in the universe of the book, it would be possible to add to it.

Another lifetime ago, when I thought I would one day write a novel - and therefore, felt I needed to do these exercises – I would have taken a crack at it. But it would have been difficult for me to continue Lord of the Flies, say.

Its principal event and its aftermath, so to speak, had happened; what to add to it? It would have been similarly difficult to continue A Hundred Years of Solitude. But one wouldn’t be able to say the same of continuing A Suitable Boy. Sure, a boy, towards the end, has been identified and engaged with, but despite the resolution of the title, the novel seemed to be going on. When it ended, it only seemed that the lens has merely moved away for a bit.

Had I tried the exercise, I would have failed, of course. Not because the story couldn’t be continued but because one wouldn’t be able to come close – even by for-one’s-ownconsumption standards - to Vikram Seth’s facility with words or his insight. Producing the seemingly simple prose that we glided through in the book is more difficult than it seemed. The way the laws of physics seem to suspend themselves for certain gifted athletes, Seth also makes writing like that look easy.

Well, easy or not, he has decided not to write the next five chapters or even the next twenty ones. He doesn’t want to pick up where he left at all. A Suitable Girl is going to be a “jump sequel”; not 1952 anymore, but the present day. Lata is about eighty years old now. Her mother, the indomitable Mrs Rupa Mehra, one can only assume, has passed away. We know nothing about the rest of the characters, but we want to find out. So does he, he says.

He doesn’t already know? I mean, he is the writer, after all.

“Well, there is a shaping intelligence, obviously. It’s not as

10 www.pakistantoday.com.pk

if they (the characters) can go in any direction. There is a certain amount of shaping, but it can’t be shaped beyond the point where it is no longer believable.”

Seth places a high premium on believability. It is this standard that can move things beyond a writer’s immediate control, the way the pool of words that a poet might use is sometimes limited for reasons of rhyme and meter.

“Sometimes you think you’re going in a particular direction or conclusion. But by the time you write the chapter, so much may have happened that that initial conclusion might have become implausible, given the characters.”

Being meticulous about the whole similitude business can also entail a lot of research, which he does, quite diligently.

“The first thing is believability. Say I’m writing a story set in San Fransisco. If I think it’s false to its origins – ok, maybe it’s praised everywhere in the world – but if it does not ring true to someone who lives there… ” he says, gesturing a dismissal.

If one is writing a novel set around a string quartet, he says, “If a musician looks at the book and starts laughing and says ‘My God, he’s playing in the wrong string!’, that’s like doctors watching medical soaps and screaming ‘My God, he should have been dead by now!’”

He did a lot of research on the India of the ‘50s for ASB. How does one do research, really, on the present era?

“Well, living life is kind of a research. Maybe you yourself are going to be one of my characters.

Maybe, there is a photographer who says please brush your hair before I take your photograph,” he says, alluding to the rather funny scene with my photographer from about fifteen minutes ago. “You do research only for specialist information. What is happening in politics, say, or Bollywood.”

His manager in Pakistan, a former journalist himself, asks whether he’s ever been on the flipside of an interview, the journalist’s side. “No, I haven’t, thank God,” he says, laughing.

“Though actually, I’ve been on the journalists’ side with regards to research. Maybe it wasn’t going to

be research that I would print, but research that I would incorporate.

So I did ask probing question. For example, I’m going to ask him (gesturing to me) about Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and how he came down here and what his childhood was like. He doesn’t realise that he’s doing only half the interview.”

i

T is because Seth makes writing seem so easy, many people, specially youngsters, decide they want to start writing after reading his work. Upon realising that it is perhaps tougher than anything they have attempted thus far in life, they go back to writers like him to ask for advice. All those clichés one reads in writers’ interviews about advice for young writers are half parts a

“The first thing is believability. Say I’m writing a story set in San Fransisco. If I think it’s false to its origins – ok, maybe it’s praised everywhere in the world – but if it does not ring true to someone who lives there…” he says, gesturing a dismissal. lack of imagination on the interviewers’ part and half part market requirement.

So, what is his advice to young writers?

“Well, the first would be, don’t write anything under compulsion.

Follow your own enthusiasms.

Plenty of people would say that The Golden Gate is a ridiculous enterprise. Three hundred pages of poetry. Who would buy it? Who would read it? Who would publish it? Similarly, with A Suitable Boy, this fat bothha of a book.” He says, “You only have one life. You may as well be true to what you want to do.”

“But this is advice for life in general,” he adds. “not just to writers in particular.”

Splendid, but it won’t do for the writers looking for pointers.

And he says he doesn’t stick to a

daily regimen either. Perhaps, an oblique entry into the process should be attempted: the clichéd question about inspirations.

“Inspirations,” he repeats.

“Well, there are certain writers who inspire me. There are certain situations that inspire me. And then, you can say life itself is pretty interesting.”

“Let’s take the writers. I can point specifically to a few of them.

One is Pushkin. Even though I cannot read a word of Russian, it is because of a fantastic translation of Pushkin, I am sitting in this room with you.

Because if it wasn’t for Pushkin, I wouldn’t have written The Golden Gate. I wouldn’t have known I was capable of writing a novel. The other, I could say, would be Wang Wei, the Chinese poet, who inspired me enough to learn the Chinese language and, therefore, changed my life in different ways.”

“The other thing,” he continues, “is what causes you to write a particular book. That could be a bit of conversation, like outside a bus, you hear two women talking and the mother says, ‘You, too, are going to marry someone who I’ve chosen.’ So that could be the seed of an entire banyan tree. Then you might have a visual inspiration. Of someone who might be looking into the water of the serpentine and that leading you to start An Equal Music. The book is about music, but the inspiration is a completely silent picture of someone staring at the surface of the water.”

“And the third thing is not a literary inspiration or something causing you to write but just the feeling that this is something you want to do at a particular point, whether it is to start sculpting something or to write a poem.

And that is just fed by life, really.

Not by other people’s lives, like the woman talking to another woman on a bus or a man staring at the water but your own life.”

As far as writing is concerned, Seth has quips that it might be too late for this life but for the next, “choose your parents well.”

“In my case, they were very generous when I came back from California. They let me stay in their house and scribble away, not earning anything, not

contributing anything to the family coffers. Many parents would say, you’ve got two degrees, one from Oxford, one from Stanford, what are you doing?”

“a

spongy marsh of curly deltas…” is how he once described his abandoned economics thesis at Stanford. The actual title was Seven Chinese Villages: An Economic And Demographic Portrait.

The only regret he seems to have about not completing his doctorate is that the cooperation of those poor Chinese villagers who took time out from their labour to let him interview them would have been in vain. His research has since been used (even if without crediting him for it) so he is a little less guilty on that front.

This was an answer to a question that was intended to be about the guilt of a good Hindu boy who left “proper” studies. But the guilt he felt in the situation was about the impoverished farmers’ time. In a way, it is this answer that tells us something more important about the author than any other would have. Seth, by his very nature, is what you would call - and forgive what would seem to be the words of a gushing fan - a good person.

Polished prose, and a deft use of language can take a writer only so far. An eye on the bigger picture of the plot can take you further still, but not really further.

Once these two have been acquired, the quantum leap that takes a really good book to one that touches lives the way his have, is the intrinsic nature of the writer himself. How sensitive he or she is. Negative capability cannot be truly exercised without empathy, and empathy cannot come without a regard for others and a sensitivity to their experiences.

How’s that for advice for being a better writer? Be a better person?

Vikram Seth’s upcoming book, A Suitable Girl, comes out “in a year or two.” For comments and feedback, write to palarayum@hotmail.com g

C M YK

Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

Photo by: Syed Murtaza Ali www.pakistantoday.com.pk 11

C M YK

Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

The high cost of Afghan uncertainty Ali imrAn

The writer is a Washingtonbased journalist.

A

fghanistan is yet again on the edge of uncertainty and its future fragile as ever.

President Barack Obama has ordered contingency planning for pullout of all american forces by the end of the year after months of frustrations over delay in conclusion of bilateral security agreement. in Central and south asia, nervous neighbours have stepped up diplomatic efforts – though disparately - to deal with the post-2014 afghan situation amidst an echoing sense of déjà vu.

Voicing Beijing’s concerns over possible afghanistan collapse, Chinese foreign Minister Wang Yi visited Kabul last week and prescribed a broad-based political reconciliation as the way forward. finance Minister ishaq Dar visited Kabul over the weekend and committed $ 500 million for development of the strife-stricken country. india and iran have also been engaging Kabul. new Delhi has indicated shifting gear from its soft power aid for afghanistan to hard power involvement with military supplies. tehran has pledged its support for Kabul but also warned the afghans against signing the Bsa with Washington. nearly 13 years after the 9/11-sparked war, the stakes for Central and south asia with regard to regional integration through afghanistan are far higher. a troubled afghanistan will blunt the potential for multibillion dollars trade, energy and economic interconnectedness through projects like taPi gas line and Casa-1000 electricity transmission projects. Pakistan’s exports to afghanistan, which have grown to 2.3 billion annually, could also be at stake.

More vexingly, the afghan instability will send terrorism jitters across the regions, provoking external interference. the return of afghan civil war will test a whole lot of bilateral relations in the region and might draw the edgy countries into a proxy-led or even direct broader conflict. the killing of two-dozen Pakistani fC soldiers on the afghan territory harbouring tehreek-e-taliban Pakistan operatives points to the ruthless implications the ungoverned afghanistan poses to the region.

Meanwhile, the afghan poppy cultivation, which expanded by 50 percent last year, is soaring still higher this year – a windfall for the taliban insurgency, Un and U.s. reports say. the economic growth has slumped steeply from double digit to 3.1 per cent in the current year, according to the World Bank. in Washington, Capitol hill has halved annual U.s. assistance for the

12 www.pakistantoday.com.pk

country that has in the past decade helped afghans take some important basic steps towards socio-economic uplift like education, health and media development. and the Un says civilian casualties in the landlocked country have risen by 17 per cent, and the number of women and children killed has reached in 2013 is the biggest in last five years.

Of the multiple transitions, afghanistan was expected to have ahead of endgame the afghan-led political reconciliation between the taliban and Kabul remains out of sight, giving rise to fears of endless infighting. the murky skies over afghanistan have raised a string of uneasy questions that overshadow some hopeful signs like improving U.s.Pakistan ties, recent conclusion of agreements on Us-backed Casa1000 electricity project and a simmering down in Pakistan-india tensions. so what is in store for Pakistan, the country that has suffered so much loss of life and economy from extension of the afghan conflict? national security and foreign affairs advisor sartaj aziz, during PakistanU.s. strategic Dialogue in Washington last month, cautioned against another abandonment of afghanistan as was done after the end of soviet occupation in 1990s. he pointed out fallout for Pakistan when the world, after jointly financing and training the afghan Mujahideen, walked away, leaving Pakistan to face an unprecedented influx of drugs, weapons and refugees.

Pakistan would also not want new Delhi to have a clout-wielding presence on its western border, as it believes india has been stoking unrest in Balochistan, where gwadar Port promises to provide China much shorter 2000 km access to the gulf oil than the long 12000 km sea detour the supplies currently navigate from the Middle East to Chinese ports. islamabad is attempting to curb the ttP insurgency and militant bombings through both dialogue and targeted military actions. any escalation in fighting between the afghan taliban and Kabul or northern communities in afghanistan would only exacerbate the situation along Pakistan-afghanistan border.

Pakistan will also have to tread a fine diplomatic line in its relations with saudi arabia and iran vis-à-vis afghanistan in light of the past differences. Regionally, turkey has also ramped up its efforts with Pakistan and afghanistan on finding a peaceful way out of the imbroglio. in Washington, the Obama administration faces perplexing prospects over Bsa impasse with afghan President hamid Karzai, who has to step down constitutionally and hand over power to the new afghan government emerging from the april 5 election.

While directing contingency planning for full withdrawal, President Obama made it clear to Karzai in a telephonic call that the longer the Bsa is not signed the smaller the U.s. mission will likely be after 2014. at the same time, the White house has hinted that a “limited post-2014 mission focused on training, advising, and assisting afghan forces and going

after the remnants of core al Qaeda could be in the interests of the United states and afghanistan,” provided the Bsa is signed and the U.s. has a “willing and committed partner in the afghan government.” internationally, after years of gross simplification of analysis on the afghan situation, things are becoming clearer that dynamics and reasons for the ultimate result of the conflict vary as diversely as interests of the nations involved, and the ground realities of the afghan battlefield. these include geo-strategic calculations of regional countries including iran, india and Central asian states, and imperatives of policy decisions and indecisions in Washington and other European capitals.

Even the upcoming april 5 poll – though a hopeful proposition in some respects - is also raising questions: Will the election process proceed relatively fairly and peacefully? Will it throw up an ethnically representative government? Will the future setup deliver in the face of long-running divisions between the Pashtuns on one hand and Uzbeks, tajiks and the hazara communities on the other? the developing situation has elicited a range of moves, some provocative, from the regional countries. iran and india, that along with Russia backed the group of northern communities called northern alliance in the fight against Pakistanrecognized afghan taliban in the 1990s, are expanding their bilateral relations. Eager to gain access to Central asia through teheran’s deep sea Chabahar port bypassing Pakistan, new Delhi has pledged to invest $ 100 million in the project. south asian nuclear powers Pakistan and india have made some progress on advancing bilateral trade but have made no headway on longstanding disputes including Kashmir. the future afghan situation would also be a key factor in squaring Pakistanindia equation.

China and Russia, in the meantime, have held trilateral talks with both islamabad and new Delhi on post2014 afghan situation. But will these two consultation processes be followed up with good-faith actions and help stabilize afghanistan, would be a big test of their mutual confidence, if the U.s. and natO allies leave afghanistan. after Washington’s introduction of the concept of new silk Road, Beijing has intensified its own efforts to materialize a silk trade region through Pakistan and afghanistan.

Yet, there are some unambiguous signs that might stir up troubles. for instance, Russia and india are reportedly working on an understanding that would enable india to fulfill Kabul’s military wish list, making afghanistan more reliant on Moscow and new Delhi. how will the U.s and China react to such developments is unclear at the moment, as is the question if the regional countries would coordinate their efforts to avert afghanistan’s fall and resurgence of old enmities.

Meanwhile, the accumulating fog of ambiguities and post-2014 uncertainty threatens to prolong privation of the afghan people and instability of the region. g

The

3

E

mistakes of Congress

VERY good drama needs a few sub-plots whirling through the mainframe. the most captivating within our current political theatre is surely the joust that P Chidambaram has begun with narendra Modi. On surface level, it is not much more than a claim for primacy between a politician who inherited wealth, English and harvard as a birthright, and the outsider who learnt life’s lessons in a teashop.

But no story-within-a-story is worth the price of admission if it is limited to the obvious.

We can never be sure what transpires within the recesses of the mind, let alone the heart. But one wonders if Chidambaram is also signalling, with his jibes and jabs, to his own party that he would have done a far better job than Rahul gandhi if he had been made Congress candidate for prime minister. if Chidambaram does believe this, he is right. he, and indeed at least three other Congress leaders, would have ensured that Congress did not fade away mid-journey.

Others have internalized the angst of legitimate ambition denied; Chidambaram has gone vocal. nothing is more compelling evidence than his extraordinary statement that he is “not unhappy” at Jayalalithaa’s desire to release Rajiv gandhi’s assassins. Chidambaram was among those for whom Rajiv’s tragic death was a personal, in addition to being a national, loss. he has suddenly put some distance from emotional bonds with the ruling nehrugandhi family. there were at least three occasions on which Congress could have signalled that the family was only part of the Congress rather than the whole of it. the first was the Presidential election of 2012. if Dr Manmohan singh had been shifted upstairs to Rashtrapati Bhavan and Pranab Mukherjee made PM, Congress would have been in play in the general election of 2014. Mukherjee was the opponent that BJP feared most. he had experience, articulation, party commitment and would have been able to retain as well as bring in allies. the second person on BJP’s worry list was Meira Kumar. she would have energized the traditional Congress base by restoring its lost links with the Dalit voter. her pedigree is classy and classic; her father Jagjivan Ram, a veteran of the freedom movement, and defence minister during the Bangladesh war, always believed that he was best suited to become PM. Both Congress and Opposition denied him this office.

Meira Kumar has history in her profile. her personal temperament would also have been a major asset, for she is

ouT of Turn

mJ AkbAr

The writer is a leading Indian journalist and author. He is the Editor-in-Chief of The Sunday Guardian. He has also served as Editorial Director of India Today. accommodating rather than confrontational; any personal attack on her would have boomeranged. no one in Congress dared mention her name.

Congress had a final opportunity after December’s assembly election results, when it had become obvious even to diehard loyalists that Rahul gandhi was the weakest link in the Congress leadership chain. With sheila Dikshit having lost Delhi, Meira Kumar and Chidambaram were the only credible claimants still standing. But Mrs sonia gandhi put the fate of Congress in the trust of genes instead of ability.

Congress is consequently facing not one but two potential calamities. its leaders, like England’s King Canute, sit on the shore and order the Modi wave to recede; and the waters remain disobedient. the second is an internal earthquake within the party as a generation gloomily contemplates what will be, in effect, its last election. this is, broadly, the age-group of Mrs sonia gandhi, plus or minus a few years on either side. Even if a few of them return to the house, they will not return to power.

Rahul gandhi will reshape Congress in his own style. this is as it should be. he has already begun to blood a fresh set of people in his own age bandwidth for the tough years ahead. Digvijay singh might want to believe that he will continue as mentor, but soon enough it is Digvijay’s son who will step out and step up. the same could be said of Chidambaram’s son, of course, but a son’s future is scant consolation for a father whose political hormones are still in search of ambition’s destination. age is relative. What options do Congress leaders who were young in 2013 but will become old in 2014 have? a split will be both predictable and desultory. the sensible choice is to fade into the sunset, but it is the rare politician who is tired enough to retire. But as they stare at the perhaps empty years ahead, they might reflect on a couplet by the great Persian philosopher-poet hafez: Boast not of knowledge, for at the time of death/aristotle and beggar walk side by side. g

C M YK

Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

Greek tragedy Look what you have done David

Satire

PTA to ban cricket in Pakistan ‘the sport promotes homosexuality’

Luavut Zahid

KKS The writer is a socio-political critic. He can be reached at kkshahid@hotmail.com.

A

h David. My dear, dear David.

Look what you have done! It has always been pretty clear that you were the wrong man for the job, but you have been in a hurry to prove everyone right. Those shoes were pretty big to fill all along, but no one thought you would be walking barefooted in Old Trafford.

Granted you have been pretty poor all season, but that Greek expedition was a glimmer of hope. A conquest or two in europe and one might have seen an inkling of buoyancy. You however, managed to outdo the Greek tragedy – and managed to pull it off in Athens of all places.

David, your Greek tragedy encompasses everything that defines the quintessence of most tragedies – fear, pain, pessimism – and multiplied it by a million. For you see, when the final roll of the dice, becomes the final nail in the coffin, all without an iota of a struggle, tragedy becomes too small a word.

So what exactly is your secret? how do you make a group of champions seem like a bunch of clueless circus clowns who just aren’t very funny? The same people who this time last year were storming towards glory, are looking disinterested in even bothering to show up.

It is almost as if they’d rather be anywhere but there. It’s almost as if they’d rather do anything but that. And more crucially, it’s almost as if they’d rather you be anywhere but there. They’d rather you do anything but that.

So what next David? There was always the “it cannot get any worse”

argument. But you prove every one wrong every time. What are you planning on serving up when the Greeks come to eng-er-land? What is on the menu? humdrum sticks, sizzling surrender or death by choke-a-late?

Once dinner is cooked, served and eaten according to the script you will have to do what you have not been able to do for eight months: conjure inspiration out of somewhere. You will nevertheless end up doing what you have been doing repeatedly throughout the season: outdo self-created mediocrity.

David, my dear David, your Greek tragedy was comical for everyone not directly involved. Those moments in Athens would always be remembered as the ones that sanctioned the fall of the red empire. A fall, most did predict in June. A suicidal nosedive they did not.

‘A conquest or two in Europe and one might have seen an inkling of buoyancy. You however, managed to outdo the Greek tragedy – and managed to pull it off in Athens of all places.’

The worrying thing however is that there is a mere £200 million worth treasure chest up for grabs in exactly three months time, and there is more than a fair chance that it would be you who would be managing its weight. It is just that no amount of money can buy inspiration or determination. Leadership does not have a price tag.

One fears the reverberations of your Greek tragedy might leave a lasting hole – a hole that cannot be plugged by £200 million.

David you have not only tarnished the legacy of your predecessor, you are actually the biggest blemish on his resume. For, he plucked you out of your forest of mediocrities. he trusted a Lilliput with a herculean task. he earmarked the man who would eradicate his empire. he sowed the seeds of this Greek tragedy.

Look what you’ve done David. Look what you’ve done Fergie. g

The writer is a journalist based in Lahore.

Her writings focus on current affairs and crisis response. She can be reached at luavut@gmail.com, she tweets @luavut

t

he PTA is all set to take cricket commentary off the internet.

Pakistanis had only just begun feeling hopeful that YouTube would be back subsequent to news that removal of the rabblerousing YouTube video ‘Innocence of Muslims’ had been ordered by the US courts. The PTA, however, is heavily invested in ensuring that no inappropriate content remains online. explaining PTA’s decision to take cricket offline a PTA official said, “You have all these weird innuendos and we weren’t sure at first but we know now that the commentaries are absolutely sexual!” The organisation further went on record with several pieces of commentary from the recent Asia Cup match between Pakistan and Afghanistan.

The PTA official quotes some incriminating examples from the evidence box, “There was a part where the commentary read, ‘Afghanistan are motoring here. Touch too full, touch too straight and put away rather handsomely through the gap wide of mid-on’. Who exactly do they think they’re fooling? Touch too full?

What absurd language to use in front of the entire nation!”

With obvious discomfort the official continued with another line of commentary, “‘Anwar Ali to Mohammad Shahzad, 2 runs, fullish on middle, Shahzad evades three men on the leg side field to pick up a couple. Too well timed for short midwicket.’ Do they really think that the PTA isn’t noticing the reference to a group sexual activity between several men? One of them is even a couple!” The PTA is going on record as stating that cricket commentary is indeed a Yahoodi Sazish and is trying to brainwash people into accepting homosexuality.

“If this isn’t a homosexual reference then I don’t know what is!” the official exclaimed before further quoting the following few excerpts from the evidence: ‘Umar Gul to Noor Ali Zadran, no run, a bit too excited there as they search for a single after the length ball is hit to mid-on.’ –eSPN Cricinfo.

‘Junaid Khan to Mohammad Shahzad, not too much footwork from Shahzad, seems to survive on hand-eye coordination.’ –eSPN Cricinfo.

‘Umar Gul to Noor Ali Zadran, FOUR, oh, he’s excellent off that back foot! Stood up tall to get on top of the bounce and thumps it away.’ – eSPN Cricinfo.

‘Junaid Khan to Noor Ali Zadran, no run, tapped to point again as he finishes the stroke with a whip of his wrists. Junaid persists back of a length and outside off’ –eSPN Cricinfo.

“I used to enjoy cricket before, but all of this is like being forced to read 50 Shades of Grey a thousand times. This is the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, we will not let our teams play games with such disgusting language as the commentary!” the official said. PTA is also rumoured to be in talks with PeMRA and looking to get the commentary bleeped out when it is being aired on TV. There is a very high likelihood that the current commentary will be replaced with background music created especially for the game. Some people are also discussing the possibility of running Islamic messages in the background to diminish the homosexual content in cricket.

Cricket is just the beginning “Fahashi hai ji… it’s everywhere!” explained the PTA official. If the PTA is successful then it will also be getting rid of football from not just the internet but also on TV. “We have noticed that footballers make women go wild and crazy, Astaghfirullah, and we are trying to ensure that we keep the sharam and haya in our women intact,” he explained. The PTA seems to be troubled by the number of women who regularly not only watch football matches but also closely follow the sport. While it would appear that most of these women have a healthy interest in the game, the PTA has other ideas. “Look, we all know that women know nothing about sports… really, it’s not for girls.

Then what are these girls looking at? The men!

The footballers! They mask their behoodgi by saying it is for the game! Well, we are on to them!” asserted the PTA official.

The PTA has taken it upon it itself to help protect Pakistanis from the dangerous content online. “It’s like any good parental control app, we’re just trying to protect everyone,” explained the PTA official. Over the course of the last few years the PTA has banned a whole host of things. People have noticed that several harmful pages touting the rights of illegal minorities such as Ahmedis and LGBT have disappeared completely because of the PTA’s efforts. It has gone as far as blocking even webcomics that it feels may force people out of their comfort zone to push them to thinking about things that will only complicate their lives further. Pushing people to consider the rights of others before their own identity and beliefs is the one step to destroying any nation’s people. PTA is going to ensure that that doesn’t happen. Of course some foreign agents (most likely backed by the CIA) have repeatedly maligned the organisation calling it tyrannical and asking for greater transparency.

At the time of writing this piece the PTA was looking into other sports that should be banned indefinitely in Pakistan. The Sochi Olympics dealt them many a sleepless night. Contrary to popular belief YouTube will not be unblocked because there are many other videos that can harm the young and fragile minds of Muslims in the country. The PTA has always taken care of the interests of the people of Pakistan and it will continue to do so. g www.pakistantoday.com.pk 13

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C M YK

Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

saTIRe

TELLING IT LIKE IT ALMOST NEVER IS

Pakistan, India matchup vindicates Two-Nation Theory: Ramiz Raja Dhaka sPorTs CorresPondenT

I

NDO-PAK historians have deliberated over the veracity of the Two-Nation Theory that became Pakistan’s founding ideology. Some claim that the division was unnecessary and that Pakistanis and Indians are basically the same people, while others claim that the two are inherently antagonistic to one another.

However, we may finally have found the conclusive proof for the veracity of TwoNation Theory, according to renowned cricket expert Ramiz Raja.

In an exclusive interview with Khabaristan Today, where he previews today’s Asia Cup match between Pakistan and India Ramiz shared his views on the Two-Nation Theory.

“I think all you need to do is look at the cricket teams of the two nations and how

Winner of today’s match to get Kashmir: United Nations

khabaristan.today@gmail.com

they have performed over the years to prove that the Two-Nation Theory was always correct,” Ramiz said adding that, “it is a genuine symmetric divide.”

Ramiz suggested that there has been a lot of undue criticism on the Radcliffe line and said that Cyril Radcliffe clearly knew what he was doing. “It was an ideological hotchpotch.

Dividing the Indian Subcontinent into Muslim and Hindu zones was impossible. So Radcliffe did the next best thing,” he said.

“Instead of dividing in along ideological or communal lines, Radcliffe divided the subcontinent along cricketing lines. All the batsmen went to India, while Pakistan got most of the bowlers. Among the bowlers spinners were slightly more evenly distributed, while Pakistan got all the pacers. Radcliffe was a cricketing genius.

And we only realised that half a century late,” Ramiz added.

Pakistan’s former captain then went on to highlight how fluctuating cricketing performances also add credence to the Two-Nation Theory.

“Whenever Pakistan has dominated cricket, India has been pretty average, and when India rises to the top, Pakistan are relatively mediocre. Just take the example of the previous couple of decades. Nineties belonged to Pakistan, while the naughties belonged to India.

The ongoing decade has been more even, but Sunday’s match will be one of the decisive encounters,” Ramiz added. g

Umar Akmal’s arrest warrants issued for wasting talent Lahore TraffiC CorresPondenT

Model Town Courts Judicial Magistrate on Thursday issued the arrest warrant of cricketer Umar Akmal for not appearing before the court in a case registered against him for wasting his talent so conspicuously.

The court has summoned Akmal throughout his career but he has never bothered to follow court orders. The court had earlier ordered law enforcing authorities to arrest him and produce him before the court but then he scored that impressive century against Afghanistan, which followed a gallant knock against Sri Lanka as well.

It is pertinent to mention that Akmal is has been

14 www.pakistantoday.com.pk

regularly accused of throwing his wicket away in the past. According to police earlier in his cricketing career, Umar was arrested over speeding during matches and warned for feigning injuries when his brother is dropped.

“If Umar Akmal can play knocks like the ones he has played in the Asia Cup so far, with such stunning stroke play, his irresponsible batting in the past and how he has wasted his talent is indeed criminal,” the Model Town Courts Magistrate said.

“We will definitely arrest him when he is back from Bangladesh, unless he continues batting like this and wins us the Asia Cup,” he added.

The police has submitted challan against Akmal and have charged him with breaking the law through his imprudent batting. g

NeW York Un CorresPondenT

United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has signed the resolution declaring that the winner in the Asia Cup encounter between Pakistan and India would settle a half a century old issue of Kashmir, Khabaristan Today has

learnt. UN has passed the resolution keeping in mind the gravity of the matchup and the urgent need to solve the Kashmir issue.

Sub-clauses of the resolution include favourable outcome in Siachen, Wullar Barrage and Sir Creek issues in case of a victory by a Net Run Rate of greater than 1.25.

“Winner of the IndiaPakistan match in Dhaka would get Kashmir,” the UN Secretary General said, adding that, “If the winning team outscores the opponent in the batting powerplay, it would also decide the fate of Veena Malik, Adnan Sami, Shoaib Malik, Atif Aslam and Sania Mirza.” g

Taliban deny Ch Nisar’s cricket offer, propose football match North WaziristaN TTP CorresPondenT

Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) chief Mullah Fazlullah has rejected Chaudhry Nisar Ali’s offer of playing a cricket match saying that his squad prefers football. “We appreciate Nisar’s invitation, but we are truly football fanatics. I mean people have always knows us as fanatics, but few know the

prefix attached to it,” Fazlullah said.

The TTP chief said that the only reason his team decapitated those 23 FC soldiers during peace talks was because his squad had run out of footballs to practice and there was a crucial derby over the weekend against hometown rivals. “We had no other option. We needed to practice before the big game, and human heads are the only brand of football that we use during the match,” Fazlullah said.

He further thanked Nisar’s offer and showcased willingness to play out a football match whenever asked, “Maybe we could settle our negotiations over the game of football someday. One condition though: we’ll bring the balls,” Fazlullah said.

“That’s why we don’t play cricket. It is truly impossible to play cricket with a decapitated head,” he concluded. g

C M YK

Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

inTernaTionaL

Beijing wants answers for Pakistan’s security questions if Pakistan can’t show progress on Beijing’s security concerns, economic cooperation will stall

C

Shannon Tiezzi Diplomat

hina and Pakistan issued a joint statement Wednesday after Pakistani President Mamnoon hussain’s meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing. as expected, there was a heavy focus on the economic aspect of China-Pakistan relations, especially on the development of the ChinaPakistan Economic Corridor. Early reports of pending deals to construct the Gwadar international airport and to upgrade the Karakorum highway between Pakistan and China were confirmed with the official signing of a memorandum of understanding (MoU), according to China Daily. however, the official statements after the visit also revealed a growing concern within China about Pakistan’s ability to safeguard Chinese interests. Buried within the joint statement, China expressed its appreciation for “Pakistan’s commitment to ensuring the safety and security of Chinese citizens and investments in Pakistan.” Though it is couched in reassuring diplomatic speak, the inclusion of this sentence actually reveals the depth of China’s concern over the security of its people and investments. China would only ask for such a commitment if it believed “safety and security” were not a given. The question of security has thwarted China-Pakistan economic cooperation before—as the Wall Street Journal reported, in 2011 a Chinese mining firm cancelled a $19 billion deal in southern Pakistan out of security concern.

There have been several instances of Chinese citizens being kidnapped or even killed in Pakistan over the last decade. Balochistan province, the site of Gwadar port, is especially known as a hotbed of insurgent activity.

China’s concerns are broader than the safety and security of its citizens within Pakistan, however. With violence in Xinjiang province becoming more common, Beijing is increasingly worried about the role of organised terror groups, especially the East Turkistan islamic Movement (ETiM) in planning attacks. ETiM organisers are believed to receive training and supplies in Pakistan, making counterterrorism an important aspect of Beijing’s relationship with islamabad. as proof, China made sure that the formal joint statement included Pakistan’s recognition of ETiM as a terrorist organisation. according to Chinese-language report from CRi (reposted

by Phoenix news), hussain told reporters that Xinjiang’s stability and prosperity has important implications for Pakistan’s stability and prosperity. For the Chinese government, the reverse scenario is perhaps more concerning—stability (or lack thereof) in Pakistan could have a direct effect on security within China, especially in Xinjiang province. in the joint statement, Pakistan

also reiterated its commitment “to support China’s efforts in combating the three evils of terrorism, extremism and separatism.” The million-dollar (or $20 billion) question is whether islamabad is truly able to provide the level of security Beijing demands. according to CRi’s article, hussain had three goals in coming to China: to sign new economic agreements, to push for speedy implementation of already agreed upon economic projects, and to cooperate with China’s government on the “healthy and rapid development” of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. To summarise, hussain’s top three priorities were the economy, the economy, and the economy. in general, hussain’s attitude during the visit reflected the growing imbalance between China and Pakistan—China is the benevolent patron, while Pakistan brings lists of requests. as an example, hussain was especially hoping to secure Chinese cooperation to revamp Pakistan’s beleaguered energy sector.

“The people of Pakistan will be grateful to [the] Chinese people and government for their help in energy sector,” hussain reportedly said before leaving for Beijing. he didn’t leave empty-handed—in the joint statement, China promised Pakistan “its full support in helping the latter address its energy deficit.” Beijing promised to “encourage and support” investment in Pakistan’s energy sector by both state-owned enterprises and private companies. Should security concerns derail this cooperation, it would be disastrous for islamabad, but of only marginal concern for Beijing. China has made clear the terms of increased economic cooperation—a better security environment within Pakistan.

Beijing’s tantalising offers of investment, coupled with its traditional political support, will incentivise islamabad to take these demands seriously. as ahmad Rashid Malik, a senior fellow at the institute of Strategic Studies islamabad, wrote for China’s Global Times, “if Pakistan overcame its security problems, China could increase its investments … The proposed CPEC [China-Pakistan Economic Corridor] could attract huge investment from China, but Pakistan needs to make the institutional arrangements to back this up.” it’s a big test for hussain’s government. Should security concerns worsen, China has other economic routes to the west in the works—the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is only one part of a greater regional strategy. But from islamabad’s perspective, there’s no easy replacement for the massive amounts of investment involved should the project fall through.

Shannon Tiezzi is an Associate Editor at The Diplomat. Her main focus is on China, and she writes on China’s foreign relations, domestic politics, and economy. Shannon previously served as a research associate at the USChina Policy Foundation, where she hosted the weekly television show China Forum. g

Why the Durand Line matters It is time for Kabul to accept the legality of the border

A

arWin rahi Diplomat

FGhan officials have at times accused Pakistan of being less than honest in pushing the afghan Taliban for talks with Kabul. Before making such statements, those same officials should also try to understand Pakistan’s deep concerns about afghanistan’s stance on their common border. at present, afghanistan does not officially recognise the international border with Pakistan. instead, it has territorial claims on areas stretching from the afghan-Pakistan border to the indus River, all told comprising nearly 60 percent of Pakistani territory.

This border dispute has its roots in the nineteenth century, when Pakistan was part of india and india was a British colony. The British imposed the 2640 km borderline on the amir of afghanistan in 1893 in a bid to strengthen the former’s control over the northern parts of india. The agreement was signed between Sir Mortimer Durand, the indian Foreign Secretary at the time, and amir abdur Rahman Khan in Kabul. The line is thus known as the Durand Line, and runs through Pashtun territory. according to the Durand Line agreement, afghanistan relinquished a few districts, including Swat, Chitral and Chageh, although it gained other areas, nuristan and asmar, for instance, which it had historically not controlled. The agreement, at least on paper, for the first time demarcated where the indoafghan border started and ended. Before the Durand Line agreement, both india and afghanistan would make incursions into each other’s domain of influence, frequently sparking border tensions. in contrast to many historical accounts, afghanistan did recognise the Durand Line as an international border. abdur Rahman Khan’s successor, amir habibullah Khan, in 1905 signed a new agreement with Britain confirming the legality of the Durand Line.

More importantly, article 5 of the angloafghan Treaty of 1919, on the basis of which afghanistan reclaimed its independence, says that afghanistan accepted all previously agreed border arrangements with india. Unlike the previous two agreements, the anglo-afghan Treaty was not imposed

by Britain. afghanistan as an independent state agreed to recognise the Durand Line as an international border. after the founding of Pakistan in 1947, afghanistan demanded that Pashtuns living on the Pakistani side of the Durand Line be given the right to self-determination.

Unsurprisingly, both Britain and Pakistan refused. in response, the afghan government then began to ignore the Durand Line and instead assert claims over territories that lay between the line and the indus River. as a consequence, relations with Pakistan became tense, and this in turn influenced U.S.-afghan relations in the 1950s and 1960s. Once Pakistan struck an arms deal with the U.S., Kabul realised that the balance of power between Pakistan and afghanistan had shifted in favour of Pakistan. hence, in the 1950s afghanistan, too, approached Washington seeking military assistance and arms sales.

The U.S. demanded that afghanistan improve its relations with Pakistan and join the Central Treaty Organisation (CEnTO), of which Pakistan was a founding member, to contain the Soviet Union. Given its location on the Soviet border, afghanistan declined.

in the meantime, Kabul needed modern arms to balance Pakistan’s growing military power. So it turned to the Soviet Union.

Moscow willingly sold arms to afghanistan and agreed to train afghan military personnel. as time went by, this dependence on the Soviet Union increased.

Estimates show that the Soviet Union gave afghanistan $2.5 billion in military and economic aid between 1953 and 1978. in addition, thousands of afghans went to military schools in the Soviet Union between 1953 and 1978—the very officers who staged two coups in 1973 and 1978, paving the way for the Soviet invasion of afghanistan in 1979.

Over the last several decades afghanistan has suffered enormously from the Durand Line tensions. afghanistan’s Cold War relations with the former Soviet Union ultimately led to invasion by the Red army.

Pakistan has tried to install a client regime in Kabul. Thousands of terrorists have crossed the Durand Line from Pakistan over the last decade and killed large numbers of afghans.

The Pakistani army has shelled areas in eastern afghanistan, claiming they were shelling Pakistani territory.

Pakistan has been reluctant to engage honestly with afghanistan on any issue, from trade to peace talks, because of a lack of trust. The afghan government loses revenue each year as thousands of people—mainly afghans—illegally cross the border without a visa, avoiding taxes. Tonnes of illegal goods are smuggled across the border annually, a further loss for the afghanistan economy.

Many afghans still dream—Pashtuns in particular—that one day they might reclaim the territories their forefathers lost between the Durand Line and the indus River. That, of course, is unrealistic: the country lacks the political, economic and military means to pursue any such claim. at any rate, the 30 million Pakistani Pashtuns would appear to have little motivation to join the 15 million afghan Pashtuns. For more than half a century, Pashtuns have played significant roles in civilian and military life in Pakistan. Why leave that for a barely functioning afghanistan?

There are multiple examples of ethnic groups living in two or more countries.

Kurds, Balochis, Tajiks, Germans, to name a few, live in two or more countries. afghans must recognise and embrace the fact that the same ethnic group can live in more than one country.

The new afghan president taking office in the spring should immediately review afghanistan’s foreign policy toward Pakistan. The time has come for afghans to once again recognise the Durand Line as the international border between afghanistan and Pakistan. Doing so would bring an end to the protracted border dispute with Pakistan, a precondition for real Pakistani cooperation in the afghan peace process. having recognised the Durand Line, afghanistan should immediately demarcate the border and fence it. This would prevent Taliban incursions and help control both smuggling and illegal flows of people. as an added benefit, the Pakistan military would no longer have the justification to shell afghan villages once the fences are in place.

Arwin Rahi is a Fulbright fellow at Texas A&M University’s George Bush School of Government and Public Service. He worked as an adviser to the Parwan governor in 2012-13, and has an MA in politics and security from OSCE Academy with a focus on Central Asia and Afghanistan. g www.pakistantoday.com.pk 15

C M YK

Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

InteRnatIonal

It is time to return to the democratic spirit of the Iranian Revolution

abolhassan banI sadR Huffington Post

t

he Iranian Revolution 35 years ago had two conflicting impulses exemplified by what could be called the legacy of “the two Khomeinis” — the democrat and the despot. These dual legacies still underlay the tensions within Iran today.

In its initial phase, the Iranian Revolution was a departure from the violent and armed models of 20th century revolutions in Russia, China and elsewhere because it introduced a non-violent model of change. It was called at the time, “the victory of the flower over the bullet.” The Shah was overthrown, freedoms were restored and the first democratic elections took place. The soft revolutions in eastern europe at the end of the Cold War followed this model.

But then the “coup within the revolution” that followed the overthrow of my presidency left a bloody legacy of intolerance and repression. The roots of the political violence across much of the Islamic world today — in which different religious based groups vie for control of the state in order to impose their beliefs — can be traced to this second act of the Iranian revolution. Ayatollah Khomeini was the first figure in modern times to sanctify and glorify violence in the name of Islam.

As a grand ayatollah, Khomeini knew well that, according to the Koran, the murder of one innocent person is equal to “the murder of all humanity.” he also knew that one of the main principles of Islamic jurisprudence is that it is better to let 100 guilty people escape punishment than to punish an innocent.

Yet, in pursuit of total power over society, Khomeini appointed “hanging judges” who rationalised that they could execute anyone since — if a mistake were made and they were innocent — they would nonetheless end up in paradise. By the lights of this twisted wager, Khomeini ordered the execution of thousands of prisoners, turned a blind eye to the systematic use of torture in Iranian prisons and prolonged the Iran-Iraq war in which over two million people were killed, maimed or injured.

Surely, the violent ideologies of groups like Al-Qaeda that are so

16 www.pakistantoday.com.pk

active today are nothing but Sunni versions of Shia-based “Khomeinism.”

During the revolution, Khomeini had identified himself with democratic principles to such an extent that some in France described him as the “ayatollah libertaire.” In over 120 interviews, he described Islam as a belief system of liberty in which political authority lay with the people. he once famously stated that “the criterion in Islam is the people’s vote.”

At the time, he also pointedly said that he would play no leadership role in Iranian politics, that the clergy would not interfere in the government and the empowerment of the people would result not only in the guarantee of democratic freedoms, but also in the equality of genders as well.

To a large extent, all these commitments were reflected in the first draft of the country’s constitution in 1979, which he undersigned and even asked to be put to a referendum.

In those early days, he evinced nothing but the guiding principles of the revolution: independence, freedom, democracy, justice and development and a commitment to the non-theocratic spiritual Islam that embraced all of these principles.

One reason for the extremely high level of participation in the revolution was that a majority of people identified with these principles and could see a better future through their implementation.

The fatal turning point which pitted the democrat against the despot came in the heady days of 1981 as we sought to create political order out of the chaos of the revolution.

When I exercised my constitutional right as president to call for a

In over 120 interviews, Ayatollah Khomeini described Islam as a belief system of liberty in which political authority lay with the people. He once famously stated that “the criterion in Islam is the people’s vote.” referendum so that people could decide whether they supported the democratic principles of the revolution — which I advocated for — or religious despotism — which the ruling clergy favoured — it was clear I would win.

Fearing the marginalisation of the clergy in a democratic state, Khomeini reneged on his commitments. he stated that even “if 35 million (referring to the population of Iran at the time) say yes, I say no.”

In June 1981, before the referendum could be put to the people, Khomeini, after some hesitation, blessed the coup against me on behalf of the power-hungry clergy. Acting as the final authority, he cast his single vote against the power of the people.

Although Khomeini is now long gone, his legacy and methods of control remain. The disastrous political turmoil which has perpetually afflicted Iran and led the country from one crisis to another — of which the nuclear weapons showdown with the West is only the latest episode — has been created by despotic forces which have always had little social support.

From the time of the revolution to the present day, they have sought to fill this legitimacy deficit by maintaining an atmosphere of crisis with the West, presenting themselves, much like Fidel Castro

in Cuba, as defenders of the motherland.

Given the history of the ruling clergy and presence of a powerful military-financial faction within the regime, there is little doubt that after resolving the nuclear issue, the regime will need to create another crisis. This pattern will continue until Iranians decide to wrench the country out of the hands of the clergy.

In order for such a move to happen, several conditions need to be put in place.

First, the economic sanctions on Iran need to be removed. These not only weaken Iran’s middle class and civil society — the social force behind democratic aspirations — but they also enrich the Revolutionary Guard generals beyond their wildest dreams through their ability to exploit black market trade.

Second, the threat of foreign military intervention needs to be completely removed. Iranians will not move against the regime, no matter how much they despise it, as long as they feel the territorial integrity of the nation is threatened.

Third, on the domestic front, the belief that reform is possible needs to be discarded. The nature, structure and history of the regime tells us that it is incapable of absorbing democratic reform. The linchpin of the regime is the absolute power of the clergy (velayat-e-motlageh-faqhi). Any attempt to loosen this tight grip will have a domino effect that can only lead to the collapse of the regime.

This is why it is repressing any and all attempts to question the absolute authority of the supreme leader.

Without directly taking on the authority of the supreme leader as the core issue, every reform

Iranians will not move against the regime, no matter how much they despise it, as long as they feel the territorial integrity of the nation is threatened. movement will fail just as the Green Movement in 2009 did.

Thirty-five years after the revolution, Iran’s only hope is if young people shed their fears of a new revolution and finally discard the illusion that reform is possible.

Many young Iranians fear a repetition of the 1979 revolution, which, as I have described, ended up reconstituting a dictatorship more repressive than that of the Shah’s.

They don’t know that this was not an inevitable result of the 1979 revolution, but the result of an armed coup by a minority of fanatics and opportunists against the very principles of the revolution that Khomeini himself originally embraced.

Knowing this could have a dramatic effect on the forms of resistance and make it possible to revive the interpretations of Islam which characterised the first period of the revolution that challenged both fundamentalism and the grip of the clergy on the state and society.

The experience of the 1979 revolution places Iranians in a unique position among Islamic countries. having experienced life under a so-called “Islamic state” has taught most Iranians that a religious state brutalises religion and sucks the spirituality out of society.

They have learned that it is impossible to have a democratic religious state, and that the separation of religion and state is the only way forward.

Outside of the big media and within civil society beyond the reach of the regime, a cultural revolution is stirring that promotes religious tolerance and a deep respect for human rights within the frame of an Islamic society.

Unlike 35 years ago when Iran had only a minority of democratic elites, today we have a large and educated middle class to support and defend separation of religion and state, a constituency large and robust enough to fill the kind of vacuum we had in 1979 that enabled the clergy to take over.

Returning to the goals and guiding principles of the 1979 Iranian revolution would create a truly homegrown and dynamic democracy, chosen by the people themselves and not imposed from outside. The effects of such a change in the region, the Islamic countries and the world in general cannot be overstated.

Without a doubt, a second Iranian revolution would have an impact no less far-reaching than the first.

Abolhassan Bani-Sadr was the first elected president of the Islamic Republic of Iran. He now lives in exile outside of Paris. g

C M YK

Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

When will Israel recognise the Jewish state?

Yoaz Hendel Ynet news Why does Israel need the Palestinians to recognise it as a Jewish state? A senior politician asked me this question. He is an ardent supporter of peace, but when he is asked to assess the chances of “peace,” he prefers to talk about separation, just like others of the Israeli left and center. Most Israelis - both on the left and the right - don’t believe in the possibility of signing an agreement with the Palestinians. Some are skeptical for logical reasons, others are skeptic for reasons of faith. The arguments don’t matter, but the conclusions are important.

Everyone has a different understanding of what Israel should do, everyone has different visions.

The rightists and leftists are leading to a binational state; the skeptics – from the pragmatic section of Bayit Yehudi leftwards – are talking about separation. The words are different, the target audience is different, the geographical separation lines vary between Omer Bar-Lev and Naftali Bennett, but the insights behind the stance are similar. But what one can say behind closed doors cannot be said in public. Each side has its own electoral threats: The right is afraid of the word separation, the left is afraid of abandoning the vision of the prophets. In the meantime, official Israel is talking about a utopian peace agreement, but hoping for a realistic separation.

So, for that curious senior politician: The recognition of Israel as a “Jewish state” is significant only to those who think we can sign a peace agreement that ends the conflict. In other words, mutual recognition is vital to the person holding negotiations for a piece of paper that bears a formula to end a 100-year-old religious and national conflict. Bits of paper are for those who believe in peace. Skeptics like me need nothing and definitely not Palestinian recognition of the Jewish state. Without peace, Israel pays a lower price to separate - dreams are downplayed, there are no 1967 borders, and Palestinian demands are irrelevant. If they want to, they’ll recognise us; if they don’t want to, they won’t. Separation, unlike the current negotiations, does not promise a solution to the conflict. In fact, it promises nothing apart from securing the Jewish majority.

For several years now there has been an argument within Israel over the need for Basic Law: Israel as the Nation State of the Jewish People. Last week, the ministerial committee approved an amendment to the State Education Bill, under which education must emphasise the value of the State of Israel as the Jewish nation state. This is a good idea, but by the time it reaches the Knesset, an excuse will have already been found why the amendment should not go to a vote, either by the left or the right. Absurdly, we are demanding recognition from the Palestinians but evading a broad national consensus over the definition of the Jewish state.

The State of Israel has no constitution, and the status quo is comprised of basic laws and centres of power. The same with religion and state issue, the same with the question of our personal identity. We are left with the Proclamation of Independence and the Zionist vision. A state needs definition and laws. The definition of identity applies to the enlistment of haredim into the army, it applies to questions over the Arab minority within a democratic nation state, and it is significant for the current negotiations with the Palestinians. We cannot demand that others do our job for us. The recognition of a Jewish state will have to be done by us, long before peace arrives. g

international

F

allison deger Mondoweiss.net

Ar enough from paved roads that cellular reception cuts out, in the middle of a national forest in Israel, there is a canine resting place.

The pet cemetery and adjoining ranch house owned by Amos and Shosh Gold affords the civil-engineered trappings of placid suburban life, but stamped in a dehydrated nature reserve; water, electricity and waste removal serve the house and dog burial plots as a result of city plans that have pumped millions into making life attractive in the sparsely populated Negev desert.

Yet about two kilometres away is an officially-unrecognised Bedouin encampment with 24 residents from the Abu Alkin clan who want to continue to inhabit the Negev—even though they are excluded from the blueprints of development. The Abu Alkins live in an unrecognised village not on any map, meaning they are not allowed to be hooked up to municipal services and are forced to live off the grid.

These Arab citizens of Israel do not have the same luxuries of municipal services as the deceased, once Jewishowned dogs decomposing in the watered sod of Goldog cemetery. Their town, which is barely a town, formerly had bonded stone houses and cement foundations, but all 16 of those structures were demolished by the state a year and a half ago.

Meanwhile, the site where animal companions such as Seadog are interred have all those benefits. Born 1995, laid to rest in 2009, Seadog’s grave and Hebrew embossed headstone has coloured glass on it. His company – hundreds of other dead dogs. They are in plots meters away from an outdoor shower, a piano, and a kennel with caged and very alive dogs, guarded by roped pups that bark with fury when they hear soft footsteps or the sandy sound of tires running over a rocky dirt road. There is landscaping, there are outdoor lights.

When I visited the cemetery, a stocky middle-aged woman with cropped red hair and zebra print eyeglasses angrily greeted a researcher and me, cancelling the interview we had set up a few days before. On the phone, a woman had identified herself to my Hebrewspeaking colleague as Shosh Gold, one half of the husband and wife proprietor pair. I believe I was now meeting Shosh, but she refused to give her name when we introduced ourselves (though she indicated she had spoken to my colleague on the phone). She said that there was some bad press two decades ago when the cemetery first opened and that her neighbours hate her, quite randomly. Then she threw us out.

We did manage to see the burial plots, kennel and guard dogs. I had wanted to verify if the cemetery with electrical and water connections serviced “Jewish dogs” only, while the Bedouin neighbours—very much alive—were without the same assistance.

The woman monitored our movements as if we were wandering cheetahs—and she a gazelle—until we rode off of the property.

She told us not to write about the cemetery, and not to use her name.

And so I improvised. I then had Khalil Alamour from the legal rights group Adalah call Goldog to inquire about pet funerals. Adalah is representing a nearby Bedouin village, Umm elHieran in a court case where the defendants are relatives of the Golds’ neighbours. In that case the Bedouins are being evicted by the state so that a Jewish-Israeli trailer park can relocate on the same tract of land.

“People would never believe that the Israeli democratic state is uprooting their indigenous Bedouin citizens

A Jew’s dead dog has more rights than a bedouin

Goldog pet cemetery for deceased Jewish-Israeli owned dogs, and Boxer breeder in the Negev, Israel. from their ancestral land in order to resettle Jews on the rubble of the same destroyed village,” said Alamour, “but that’s the fact.”

However, when Alamour phoned the same number that my Hebrew speaking colleague used to reach Shosh set up our interview, a woman answered and rebuffed him after he gave his identifiably Arab name. She said he had the wrong number—there was no pet cemetery. He could not arrange a funeral.

It was a completely different story when an Israeli journalistic colleague I enlisted as a fake customer called a few days later. A woman told him that a basic burial at Goldog costs 450 NIS (about $130) and one with a marker runs 750 NIS (about $215). When the Israeli colleague said that his dog “Napoleon” had died (not a true story, but we conceived him as a Labrador), the woman confirmed, “yes, this is a Jewish cemetery.”

When asked if there were any Arabowned pooches in the burial ground, the woman said, “No, we haven’t had a request like this,” but offered, “if an Arab guy comes, we are not going to turn him away. Anyone who had a dog and served him loyally is welcome to come and bury him here.” Families can also invite guests for a ceremonial send off, should they choose.

So it is not that the Golds inter “Jewish dogs” (is there such a thing as a Jewish dog? I leave that to the Talmudists), but they only serve Jewish pet owners.

For decades the Golds and their repository have been able to avail themselves of an infrastructure that any citizen of any state should have a right to seek. “The gaps between the unrecognised Bedouin villages and the neighbouring Jewish settlements are unbridgeable. More than that, even between them and recognised ones

there are great gaps,” said Alamour.

The first-world life juxtaposed to the Bedouin neighbour’s third-world reality is a microcosm of Israel’s ethnic-hierarchy that defines who is inside the system and who is excluded as if they are a foreigner.

“Martin Luther King 2014: I have a dream, to be a dead Jewish dog. For then I will have equal rights in Israel,” joked Alamour.

Within five minutes of leaving Goldog cemetery my sedan and I crept into the nearby Bedouin village. The conditions were astonishingly poor in comparison to the manicured and maintained cemetery. There I met Adam Abu Alkin, 21 and his brother Mohammed, 18.

Amos, “he’s half-half” the pair agreed. In part, the Bedouins found the full-service business of pet cemetery, Boxer puppy breeding, and a doggie hotel strange.

And of course there is resentment that dead Israeli dogs seemingly have more rights than they do.

“They don’t want us to live here, they want us to move to Hura,” said Adam explaining the state does not allow the Bedouins to hook up to electricity and water as a coercive move to entice them to relocate into a condescend Bedouin locality. Hura is a “planned township,” a reservation-like community devoid of job prospects and rife with crime. Bedouins consider relocating to Hura as the opposite of the Jeffersons, it’s movin’ on down.

Families like Adam and Mohammed’s choose to continue living without basic elements of shelter, because it is the only way they can continue their work as shepards. Sheep and goats mill about in a pen at the edge of the township. In Hura there’s no room for grazing, only languishing in a life less served than where dogs go to die.

Allison Deger is the Assistant Editor of Mondoweiss.net. g www.pakistantoday.com.pk 17

Travel

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Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

Thrill in the desert

By MuhaMMed Reza

T

he 9th edition of Cholistan Jeep Rally came to end after a successful triumph in the deserts of Cholistan.

The mega event organized

by Tourism Development Corporation of Pakistan (TDCP) isunique in its own kind, being the pioneer in motor sports, was attended by people from all over the country. The location itself had lot of attractions to offer within few miles for the visitors. From the Royal palaces of the State of Bahawalpur, that speaks of its glorious past, now maintained by troops of Pakistan Army. Among all only one “Noor Mahal� is opened for public nowadays. Interestingly, a commoner is not allowed to capture the beauty of these places using any kind of photo or video cameras but there is no restriction on taking photos using your mobile handsets.

Another nearby attraction of the Jeep Rally venue is Derawar Fort, a heritage site from the pre-colonial era of Abbasi Rulers. Sadly, like many sites, Derawar Fort also lacks proper attention from our Government institutions and most of its part has turned into ruins.

Like rose in the desert Abbasi Masjid stands right beside the Derawar Fort. Although it still stands in good shape, thanks to the area faithful, but like Derawar Fort it also awaits nigh-e-karam from the concerned authorities.

The Jeep Rally event started with qualifying rounds where the participants compete saddled in the seats showing skills & techniques of super horse-powered vehicles.

Qualifying rounds were followed by a cultural event where local artists enthralled a packed audience.

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PHOTOS BY MUHAMMED REZA The next day brought the Final rounds where once again the participants appeared in their full glory competing for the highest awards. The roaring sounds from the engines and power thrusts excited both the audience and the participants. The exciting race ended with the victory to the favourites and a finish to this spectacular event.

We are in dire need of such activities to bring out positivity among ourselves. The recently

concluded Festivals and Festivities under provincial banners are a good way to divert attention of a common man from the un-common problems one faces every day. I urge our authorities to come forward and provide necessary assistance to make this event an annual occurrence. The timely completion ofconnecting road is urgently required to access the event site, which is still under construction since last year. Also CMYK

more emphasis should be paid on providing adequate security with proper barriers along-side the main track. Due to open field many spectators were witnessed walking and driving their vehicles very near the track which could have been resulted in a serious incident.

Also by selling the event sponsorship to MNCs and local businesses, great revenue can be earned that can then be spent on betterment of the event. The food

quality, price and hygienic conditions are another area that needs attention, besides provision of proper rest rooms for a crowd in thousands. It was an excellent first step, though in its 9th year already,

by TDCP and their event managers and if can be standardised as per international level it can also attract international participants and can portray Pakistan’s positive image to the world and specially among motor sports lovers. g

Art

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Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

Silhouettes of Percipience

Sadaf has synchronised the viewer’s perception with her own individual idiom of expression

NadeeM alaM The writer teaches Art-history at the University College of Art and Design, Lahore. He is a Researcher, Art-historian and Art-critic with special interest in Western Art, South Asian Art and Art in Pakistan. He can be contacted at: nadeem.cad@pu.edu.pk.

S

INCe the early years of art in Pakistan, many female painters have earned respect and repute for their creativity, vision, perseverance and hard-work. The field of visual arts has always been considered more relevant to the woman for their instinctive aptitude towards aesthetics. Amrita Shergil, Zubeda Agha, Anna Molka Ahmad, Anwar Afzal, Naseem h. Qazi, Razzia Feroz, Zakia Mallick Sheikh, Jamila Zaidi, Abbasi Akhtar Abidi and Tasneem Mazhar are few names who provided a solid platform for primary patterns of art in Pakistan.

In the beginning, artists of Pakistan were striving for the individual and recognized skill and style in modern and traditional techniques

of the visual arts. Later, especially after the eventful seventies and restricted eighties, our artists started to ponder on the psychological, social and anthropological issues. Many young painters used the female figure as a medium to explore the hidden or unspoken feelings and emotions contrary to the apparent contours of the female body that has been exploited, in numerous expressions of visuals and rituals in terms of centuries-old accepted allegory, as a symbol of sensuality and eroticism.

Sadaf Naeem belongs to the younger lot of painters who have used the female figure as a metaphor to investigate and represent the emotional and spiritual aspect of human life. In recent times, she has given expression to her thoughts through the silhouettes of female bodies and faces under the transparently textured and skillfully rendered, favourably in white, veils or curtains.

Sadaf is an NCA graduate and the wife of renowned figurative artist R.M. Naeem. The likelihood of possible inspirations or influences from the other artist at home cannot be ignored. however, Sadaf seems groping for her individuality and recognition by adopting different styles, techniques and mediums. She has over the years experimented with her technique by painting her canvases in oilcolours, acrylics and stamping or screen-printing over the painted areas to attain the textural quality; that has become a unique feature of her style.On the other hand, one cannot deny the fact that the subject matter or CMYK

themes related to the spiritual philosophy and ideology seem inspired by the surname she has, which sometimes, causes her figures to look static and somehow passive in their postures.

Being from fragile gender, Sadaf uses the motifs and patterns symbolically. The rendering, of the hanging or stretched cloth or clothes, is very womanly and represents the painter’s understanding towards the socio-cultural textile patterns. This feature is very indigenous and feminine in its own quality and feel. Sadaf describes her painting approach as: “In my paintings metaphysical, definite and indefinite presence of different objects tells the story about our society and myself. It’s more about the relationship between space and illusion.”

It is often observed that after attaining the skills of realistic rendering, artists tend to put their hands on conceptual or thematic painting.

Pablo Picasso is an authentic example of this doctrine while in our own homeland; Sadequain could be presented in this category. Gulgee and Saeed Akhtar also preferred the stylization over realism in their later phase of painting. R.M. Naeem is another master in this category who after being applauded as a realistic draftsman adopted the metaphorical expression within his expression, especially concerning mysticism.

Sadaf is comparatively a novice in this style, but her conviction and commitment towards her observations of the mystical doctrine do not give the impression of an amateur. She, over the years, has tried to create a relationship between the metaphysical and

physical world. In this journey of depicting the non-tangible through the tangible objects, rendered along with symbols normally extracted out of the surroundings she lives in and the culture she belongs to, Sadaf has synchronized the viewer’s perception with her own individual idiom of expression.

This can be the reason that the emblems she applies consist of transparent or see-through dupattas (a kind of long scarf that South Asian women wore normally to cover their heads or to use it as a veil), flowery cloaks or pelisses and imprints of traditional patterns.

She also implies fragile leafs or petals against the solidity of an unyielding wall or the delicate and ornate drape.

With all this symbolism and metaphysical approach, Sadaf Naeem seems to expand her discernment to the outer-shells of the human conscience where individual psychology and unintentional imagination can capture the sublime percipience.

Art in Pakistan, especially in the 21st century, has extended its perimeters to the contemporary universal trends whereas during the last quarter of the 20th century, Pakistani art and artists evolved against unfavourable circumstances and hostile government policies.

The political adversity and global changes ignited the artists to grope new ideas and themes. It provided a solid platform to the 21st century-generation artists to experiment in terms of technique, style, theme and concept.

Sadaf represents that very generation. g www.pakistantoday.com.pk 19

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Sunday, 02 - 08 MAR, 2014

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