Buddhist Art of Gandhara

Page 1

B U D D H I S T A RT O F G A N D H A R A IN THE ASHMOLEAN MUSEUM

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Foreword and Author’s Note  7

1 2 3

I · The Life of the Buddha  34

II · Subjects other than the Life of the Buddha  54

I N TRO D U C TI O N : TH E B U D D H I S T A RT O F G A N D H A R A   9 S T U PA S A N D R E L I Q UA R I E S   21 S TO N E R E L I E F PA N E L S   33

4

I · Buddha Images  91

II · Bodhisattva Images  104

B U D D H I S T I M AG E S I N S TO N E   89

5 6 7 8

B U D D H I S T I M AG E S I N S T U C CO   123 B U D D H I S T B RO N Z E I M AG E S   147

P O P U L A R D E ITI E S A N D MY TH O LO G I C A L F I G U R E S   165 O B J E C TS O F H O U S E H O L D U S E   185

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Bibliography 209

Index 213

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1

INTRODUCTION: THE BUDDHIST ART OF GANDHARA

Ancient Gandhara

< Detail of cat. 19

Through the generosity of its benefactors, the Ashmolean Museum holds an extensive collection of Buddhist sculpture from the ancient region of Gandhara, centred in northwest Pakistan. The name Gandhara in antiquity refers to a specific geographical area corresponding to the present-day Peshawar Valley, an agricultural basin bounded on the west and northwest by the Hindu Kush mountain range and on the north and northeast by foothills of the Karakoram mountains. The sculptures and other objects presented in this volume, over 180 in all, originate from a larger cultural area often referred to as ‘greater Gandhara’. In a cultural context, Gandhara refers to a Buddhist school of sculpture that emerged in the early centuries of the current era. This primarily served monastic establishments in the Peshawar Valley, but also extended westward into eastern Afghanistan and the Kabul Valley, eastward into the Taxila and Islamabad regions of Pakistan, and northward into the Swat Valley (fig. 1). The massive mountain ranges, wild rivers, deep fertile valleys and arid plains of the greater Gandhara area were ideally situated at the crossroads of the widely diverse cultural traditions and political developments of the time. Design ideas and techniques that influenced the development of Gandhara sculpture came by way of ancient trade routes that linked China, Central Asia, Iran, the Mediterranean and the Indian subcontinent. Cosmopolitan urban centres grew and prospered in Gandhara as centres of international trade, with many cities supporting large Buddhist monastic complexes. Thus Gandhara sustained a prolific artistic tradition for at least six centuries. The peak of monastic construction and artistic embellishment occurred during the time of the Kushan empire that dominated Central Asia and northern India between the first and fourth centuries ad. But even with the decline of the Kushan dynasty, the arts continued to thrive in Gandhara for at least another two centuries.

The arts of Gandhara benefited enormously from generous local patronage and readily available markets. Gandhara monasteries served as the intellectual and cultural centres of the time, patronised by monks from wealthy families and lay devotees from the merchant classes, as well as by the Indian nobility and Kushan kings. The Buddhist ideal of merit accumulated by virtuous deeds was without question a primary motivating factor in the proliferation of Gandhara’s artistic activity. The building of a stupa or temple, or the installation of an iconic image, were considered supreme acts of piety that assured the donor happiness in this world while also promising future release from the chain of rebirth. Throughout centuries of monastery construction and expansion in both urban and rural settings, large numbers of sculptures were commissioned in stone, stucco and terracotta, along with works in bronze, gold, silver and ivory. The Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Xuan Zang (Hsuantsang), who travelled extensively and visited many Buddhist sites in India in the early seventh century ad, recorded stories and legends about the ancient kingdom of Gandhara as well as the Ashokan and Kushan periods of Buddhist history. He described impressive statuary in bronze and precious metals, praised the generous patronage that had occurred during the Kushan period and noted the role in the growth and spread of the Buddhist faith of Kanishka, the most famous Kushan king.1 Gandhara played a particularly important role in the history of the image of the Buddha in human form. Although the dates and locations continue to be debated, art forms that included images of the Buddha in human form apparently emerged during the first century ad. The development of this iconic imagery had been preceded by a period in which the Buddha was represented symbolically, in the form of footprints, the Bodhi tree, the Dharma wheel, the conch shell or an Buddhist Art of Gandhara · 9

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Figs. 2–5: Kushan coin deities Fig. 2 | Heracles crowning himself. Copper coin of Huvishka (BM 1989,0105.55; © Trustees of the British Museum) Fig. 3 | Oesho. Kushan sky and mountain god, his iconography drawn from Greek Heracles and Indian Shiva (BM 1888,1208.532; © Trustees of the British Museum)

empty throne. Gandhara was not alone in developing images of the Buddha in human form. Far to the south, in Mathura, another important school of sculpture developed a Buddhist art in its own regional style, dating from before the Kushan era and continuing for centuries after. Mathura art reveals a kinship and influence from the earliest pre-iconic Buddhist art found in India, especially in monastery sites located at Sanchi, Bharhut and Amaravati. In about the first century in both Mathura and Gandhara, new developments in artistic representation led to the appearance of images of the Buddha in human form. The subsequent popular acceptance of such images facilitated a major conceptual leap in artistic expression that contributed to revolutionary changes in India’s religious art. Scholars debate to this day whether Gandhara or Mathura was the first to introduce a Buddha image. The weight of evidence suggests that in the early stages the Mathura and Gandhara schools of sculpture in fact influenced each other, and it is probable that both developed their respective Buddha imagery and iconography simultaneously. Early historical reports of Gandhara are found in Persian inscriptions dating to the time of the Achaemenid empire in the sixth century bc. In an inscription of 519 bc Darius I, the third Achaemenid emperor, claims possession of Gandhara as the eastern­ most province in the empire. But the Achaemenids apparently did not exercise absolute control, because around the same period young men from royal houses throughout India were sent to the city of Taxila in Gandhara to finish their education. The city was reputed to be a magnet for scholars, with students from all social classes drawn to the city for instruction in the Vedas and ‘the eighteen branches of knowledge’.2 The records of Alexander the Great’s conquest of the Achaemenid empire in the fourth century bc reveal that the Macedonian king marched across a mountain pass in the Hindu Kush with 50,000 men and advanced

ultimately to the Indus river. In this easternmost reach of his conquest, Alexander was met with fierce resistance in Gandhara. After Alexander’s death in 323 bc, Gandhara remained for a short time under the control of one of his officers, Seleucus, but in 305 bc Gandhara and other Central Asian areas were ceded to the Indian king Chandragupta, founder of the Mauryan dynasty. Indian influence in Gandhara continued under the expansion of the Mauryan empire undertaken by Chandragupta’s famous grandson Ashoka (273–232 bc). According to Buddhist legend, tens of thousands of monasteries were built in India during Ashoka’s reign. The archaeological and numismatic evidence reveals, however, that Ashoka’s presence in Gandhara was relatively limited. Only a few Buddhist monasteries have been found that predate the first century ad. After Ashoka’s death, displaced Hellenised Bactrians from northern Afghanistan occupied Gandhara until about 90 bc. Control then passed to the Shakas (Scythians), who united with Iranian Parthians to dominate Gandhara for about 150 years. Shaka and Parthian rule brought in Mithraic, Vedic and Zoroastrian religious traditions that proved to have substantial influence on the next wave of Central Asian tribes that entered into Gandhara, the Yuezhi nomadic predecessors of the Kushan dynasty.3

The Kushan era

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The Kushan state that emerged between the first and fourth centuries ad was particularly successful in ­encompassing a complex mixture of ethnic and cultural groups spread over the vast territory of Central Asia and northern India. A great flourishing of creative activity occurred during the entire Kushan period, generated in part by profound developments in the philosophy of India’s three major religions: Jains, Hindus and Buddhists all began to produce images of their deities or saviour figures during this period. In Gandhara, Buddhism was probably the most active religion at the time for the population as a whole, but numismatic

10 · Introduction

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at Mes Aynak, about 40 km southeast of Kabul. This massive site encompasses several separate Buddhist monasteries dating from about the fifth to seventh centuries.14 A great number of monasteries also flourished outside urban areas, often on hilltops or mountainsides overlooking cultivated river valleys and villages (fig. 14). A hillside location was practical, as the life of the monastery did not interfere with village life or farming, but was still accessible to villagers. The monasteries were also stop-over places for visiting Silk Road merchants and travellers. Choice hilltop locations with expansive views as well as inspiring art and architecture gained widespread reputations that attracted travellers, as well as their donations. High in the hills, monks lived in a cooler and cleaner environment than in the cities. Steps were cut into hill slopes leading to sources of water; trails were laid out to neighbouring monasteries. At the end of a day travelling monks could find sanctuary for study, meditation and sleep. One of the largest and best preserved Gandhara monasteries in Pakistan is Takht-i Bahi. Its dramatic hilltop setting in steep rocky ridges overlooks the villages and fields of the Peshawar Valley. The site includes a monastery quadrangle lined with two storeys of monks’ cells, a main stupa quadrangle lined with image chapels, two additional stupa complexes and two courtyards, including a lower-level court surrounded by rows of monks’ cells. Systematic excavation and documentation at Takht-i Bahi commenced late in the nineteenth century and continued on and off for many years. Large numbers of sculptures have been recovered, representing at least three centuries of Buddhist activity at a single site (fig. 15). In both the urban and outlying settings, the monastery and associated stupa complex provided an architectural environment for the installation of iconic and decorative sculpture or narrative reliefs. There was usually a main stupa, often located at the centre of a quadrangle. Smaller votive stupas, constructed to honour monks or donors, were frequently erected adjacent to this main quadrangle. Gandhara stupas consisted of a domed structure set on a circular or rectangular base, often surrounded by a fence or railings with gates opening to the four directions. Above the dome, a construction that was usually cubical (harmika) supported a central axis (vasti) with a series of umbrellas (chattra) that diminished in size from bottom to top (fig. 16). Stupas were often richly adorned, and the base, dome and harmika provided abundant surface areas for decoration, especially for narrative reliefs that portrayed the Buddha’s life story. In later phases of construction, a stupa quadrangle was characteristically lined with rows of chapels that often contained images. Platforms and niches were constructed to support or shelter statuary, especially the iconic, full-figure images of the Buddha

and Bodhisattvas. Although little original stupa architecture now remains, the forms of Gandhara stupas have been beautifully preserved in miniature stupa reliquaries that have survived intact (for example cat. 3). Systems of monastic organisation and discipline developed as the sangha and the monasteries grew. Several generations of monks articulated rules and regulations that eventually determined a system of corporate life for monastic communities. These collections of monastic rules, vinayas, are preserved in early Buddhist texts, notably the Vinayapitaka of the Theravada Pali Canon. A later collection was most likely known in Gandhara, the Mulasarvastivada vinayas.15 Beginning as early as the Ashokan era, monasteries in the subcontinent became self-governing institutions that were protected and respected by kings. Over the centuries they gained increasing prominence as self-­ governing communities with codified rules of behaviour and spiritual practice, and as great centres of learning, the primary cultural institutions of the time. Vital to the economy for providing markets that generated and distributed wealth, while also disseminating moral and

Fig. 14 | Shingarda stupa, Swat Valley (Photo: David Jongeward)

16 · Introduction

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social values, the monasteries contributed considerably to the urbanised and international nature of Indian society as a whole. In early Theravada tradition monks who chose to enter the monastic community were not allowed to retain personal property such as houses, fields, cattle, gold and silver. The Buddha had rejected money and material possessions when he left behind his life as a prince, and this established a precedent for monks and nuns. In a Pali Canon sermon, the Buddha states that loss of money is a trifling matter, whereas loss of wisdom brings utter misery.16 According to the same Canon, the Buddha instructed his followers to adopt a Middle Way. They were to avoid both strict asceticism on the one hand and indulgence in passions on the other. This doctrine very likely spread to Gandhara, but the sangha and its codes of conduct also evolved together to meet the specific conditions of new times in new locations. If indulgence in worldly possessions was to be avoided by monks and their teachers, money was nevertheless an important reality for monastic life in Gandhara. Archaeological excavations have unearthed quantities of coins and coin hoards in monastery settings. The presence of coin hoards can in part be attributed to the principle of gift giving or dana, strongly emphasised in Buddhist teachings for the monks and laity. Gift giving

was perceived as a way to ‘ripen’ the giver, bestowing spiritual merit while also bringing benefit at the material level. Monasteries, by necessity, were in fact borrowing and lending institutions. Even the vinayas allude to efforts by monasteries to improve their fiscal reputations so as to appeal to lay followers. As a consequence of its large membership and its corresponding influence within the society as a whole, the Buddhist sangha of Gandhara became thoroughly institutionalised. The culture of patronage in the Kushan period provides an economic explanation for the process of institutionalisation that occurred. Transactions between the monastic and lay communities were frequent and complex; they might involve major construction projects, expansion plans and maintenance programmes, as well as commissions for large quantities of art work. For all these arrangements the sangha and laity entered into systems of reciprocity. In return for gifts of land, money, jewels, silk and other valuables, donors were promised honorary ceremonies, dedicated structures or statuary with personalised inscriptions. Most importantly in Buddhist terms, however, donors benefited in terms of their acquired merit.17 Clear or documented provenances are rarely known for the very numerous Gandhara sculptures now in museum and private collections around the world. There

Fig. 15 | Takht-i-Bahi, Peshawar Valley (Courtesy of Luca M. Olivieri) Fig. 16 | Reconstruction of a Gandhara stupa in courtyard with subsidiary chapels (drawing courtesy of Elizabeth Errington)

Buddhist Art of Gandhara · 17

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82  Donor figure

Swat Valley, Mingora region First century ad Green schist h. 51 cm, w. 17.8 cm, d. 7 cm EA2001.16

This extremely rare and early Gandhara image from the Swat Valley is carved in green schist, now heavily incrusted with mineral deposits. The turbaned donor figure stands with right hand raised, palm outward, and the raised left hand holds an offering of lotus flowers. The turban has ornamented horizontal bands radiating from a central clasp, as well as a damaged crest held by a pair of beaded bands. Curly hair falls behind the ears from under the turban. The open eyes have incised pupils and long lids, with softly edged eyebrow lines that curve onto a broad nose. The moustache is short and thick, the mouth indistinct, the chin jutting. There is some modelling in the breast area and a shallow crease down the chest and abdomen to a prominent navel. The garments are similar to those found on Bodhisattva figures. An outer garment (uttariya) is wrapped around the right shoulder and arm, looping down in thick folds and over the right arm. A dhoti (paridhana) is belted by a twisted cord, its pointed end tie hanging down between the legs. The jewellery includes long cylindrical earrings, a flat collar necklace with pendant coin-like ornaments and triple-band bracelets. The figure stands with the right foot slightly forward on a block pedestal that is broken on both sides and tapering to its base. A donor image such as this may have originally been placed in an entrance area leading to a stupa complex, although this remains uncertain.1 This image is reported to have been acquired by its previous owner, Mr K. McCall, in 1956 close to Mingora, Swat Valley, along with a schist reliquary described above (cat. 7).2 It shows considerable wear overall, with prevalent incrustation of sedimentary deposit or scaling, probably derived from its original

architectural context. Wire brush scratches on the face indicate an earlier cursory effort to remove the sedimentary deposit. On the reverse side, the incrustation is more thoroughly scraped or wire-brushed clean. There is some damage to the right hand, feet and pedestal block. 1  Cf. Luczanits et al. 2008, no. 123; Faccenna and Taddei 1962, pls CLXIX, CLXXIIa, CCCXL. 2  The diary of Mr McCall’s wife for 1956 states:

‘January 5th. We drove four miles out from Mingora, then a policeman escorted us on foot to the excavation taking place on private land – possibly part of a monastery, with many pieces of decorated stonework lying around in heaps near a wall. What took our interest was a statue, nearly two feet high, of a Bodhisattva complete in very detail, with only the base slightly damaged. We bargained for this and a small reliquary box which had inside it a hard white bone-like fragment.’ These objects were placed on loan to the Ashmolean from 1965 until their purchase in 2001.

116 · Buddhist images in stone

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Buddhist Art of Gandhara · 117

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144  Nana on a lion

Gandhara, eastern Afghanistan First–third centuries ad Bone h. 7 cm, w. 2.6 cm, d. 0.6 cm EA1997.255 Published: Ghose 2005, p. 60, fig. 9; Ghose 2006, fig. 15

Carved from a thin bone plaque, an intriguing image of the goddess Nana is shown seated sideways on the back of a lion. Her head is surrounded by the remains of a halo, her left leg dangles and her right leg crosses over a riding blanket. The hair is garlanded, shown in vertical rows to a diadem with a central lotus bud feature. The oval head is turned somewhat to the left, with wide open, deep-set eyes that are somewhat bulbous. The mouth is indistinctly shaped, the cheeks hollowed, the chin jutting. The right hand is raised, with the elbow on the lion’s head. The left hand lies casually in her lap. The goddess wears a collared, longsleeved tunic of a style often seen in Gandhara panel reliefs. The garment folds swirl around her breasts and cover her legs, leaving the toes of the right foot bare. She wears bracelets and long, dangling earrings. The lion, schematically rendered with a flat face and snub nose, has a bordered blanket strapped around its middle. The tall, cubical pedestal is fronted by a large, eight-petal rosette. Nana is a moon and nature goddess, associated with the ancient Mesopotamian goddesses Inanna, Ishtar and Astarte. She had a prominent role to play in Gandhara during the Kushan empire, appearing in many variants on the coinage of Kanishka (c.ad 127–50) and Huvishka (c.ad 150–90). Nana’s key attributes on the coins include a crescent moon on her head and the holding of a wand with a lion-protome (adornment in the form of an animal head or human bust). She appears mounted on a lion in a rare gold coin of Huvishka.1 Lion icono­ graphy is also found in representations of the goddesses Inanna and Ishtar. Nana was considered a divine patron

of the Kushan kings, as is made clear by an inscription found on a stone slab in Rabatak, north Afghanistan, which records a temple dedication in her honour.2 However, her appearance in Gandhara sculpture is very rare, and recognisable primarily because of the corresponding coin iconography. A vertical groove down the back was possibly for original joinery purposes. 1  Göbl 1984, coin no. 359. 2  Sims-Williams and Cribb 1995–6.

176 · Popular deities and mythological figures

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145

145  The war god Skanda

146  Bust of a deity, probably Skanda

Gandhara Third–fourth centuries ad Grey schist h. 14 cm, w. 7 cm, d. 3 cm EAX.177

Kashmir or Swat Valley Fifth–sixth centuries ad Grey stone h. 8.5 cm, w. 8 cm, d. 3.6 cm EA1997.247

This rather crudely rendered image may have originally occupied a wall niche or served as a divider between panel reliefs. The deity stands facing the viewer, eyes wide open, the head surrounded by a large halo. The headdress is a crested helmet, with ribbons flaring out from both sides. He wears long earrings. The dress is military; an armoured tunic made of plate mail is shown by means of segmented diagonal grooves. The knee-length tunic is belted and has a broad collar. In a raised right hand the deity holds a spear that has lost its point. Much of the detail is worn or damaged, including the remains of what is most probably a bird, held at chest level in the left hand. The cubical pedestal retains roughly incised cross-hatching. The image depicts a Kushan version of the Hindu war god Skanda or SkandaKumara, son of Shiva and Parvati. Skanda is one among many deities in Gandhara sculpture who also appears on Kushan coins, with iconography that appears to derive from Parthian sources. A traditional association of birds with deities and warrior gods in Iranian / Parthian literature continues in Kushan coinage, where birds appear with the warrior gods Orlagno and Maaseno.1 In other examples of Gandhara sculpture, Skanda holds a cockerel; in some depictions he rides a peacock.2 The fragment is worn, with incrustation, and damaged on both sides and the pedestal. Random chisel marks appear on the reverse.

In this stone bust fragment of a male deity, the round head is surrounded by a halo now damaged but probably once large. From a distinctly raised hairline the hair is pulled up in thick ridges to a large topknot; it is drawn in and tied around the base, with bulging locks on either side. The narrowly spaced eyes are closed, the nose broad and without a bridge, the mouth deeply set with thick lips turned into a suggestion of a smile. The chin is somewhat jutting. The jewellery includes long, looping earrings, an armband on the right arm and a doublestring braid or chain, visible at the break on the right arm and continuing all around the back. A thin, single-stranded thread passes diagonally down the chest from the left shoulder. It is consistent with the amulet threads found on Gandhara Bodhisattva images, as well as on some Gandhara images of Brahmins. This youthful and confident princely figure can most likely be identified as Skanda or Kumara, represented in Bodhisattva-like form rather than as a warrior god. Whereas the previous image depicting Skanda as a warrior god (cat. 145) is clearly a Gandhara product of the Kushan period, this image is post-Kushan; it dates to at least a century later and suggests stylistic connections closer to Kashmir than Gandhara.1 The round head, facial features, broad shoulders and robust limbs all suggest a Gupta-influenced, early Kashmiri style of about the fifth to sixth centuries ad.2

1  Mann 2001, pp. 118–20. 2  Cf. Zwalf 1996, no. 102; Pal 1986, I, nos. S41, S87.

1  Siudmak 2013, pp. 80–3. 2  Cf. Siudmak 2013, figs 26, 32; Pal 2007, pp. 74–5, fig. 69.

146

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172 Hairpin

173 Hairpin

Gandhara, eastern Afghanistan First century bc–first century ad Bronze w. 1.1 cm, d. 1.1 cm; l. 4.8 cm EA1995.9

Gandhara, Taxila or Afghanistan First century bc–first century ad Bronze w. 1.4 cm, d. 0.6 cm; l. 7.7 cm EA1995.8

This worn hairpin shows a full-figure female, with a short tapering point below; it is slightly flared at the top, grooved down the middle and broken or worn at the bottom. The figure wears Greek dress. A a mantle or shawl is wrapped around the neck, draping down the back and around the right leg; it leaves the breasts and somewhat swollen abdomen bare. She stands with right hand on hip, left arm by her side. Hairpins and flask stoppers in a variety of forms and shapes are commonly found at Sirkap, Taxila – a pre-Kushan, SakaParthian city. This example resembles a hairpin in the British Museum collection from Begram in Afghanistan.1 The design influence is traceable to similar types known from Bactrian and Indo-Greek sources, as well as Roman types from Parthian sources.2 The present hairpin and cat. 173 were reportedly collected in Afghanistan by a previous owner.

This worn hairpin is divided nearly equally between a standing, full-bodied female figure and the tapering shaft and point below. The figure is portrayed standing with hands on hips; she wears a triple-peaked crown, with long hair falling onto her shoulders. The forms and outlines are affected by corrosion, but the figure appears naked, with pointed breasts and a belt around prominent buttocks. She probably represents a yakshi or female nature spirit.1

1  Cf. Marshall 1951, III, pls.173, 182, nos. 227–8, pp. 12, 15; British Museum figure from Begram, Afghanistan: BM acc. no. 1880.3710. 2  Marshall 1951, II, p. 586.

1  Marshall 1951, III, pls.173, 182, nos. 227–8, pp. 12, 15.

174 Hairpin

Gandhara, Taxila or Afghanistan First–second centuries ad Bronze w. 0.6 cm, d. 0.45 cm; l. 11.8 cm EA2000.115

This hairpin is comparable to the two previous examples (cats. 172, 173). However, it has less detail in the figure, due to wear and corrosion, and a considerably longer shaft, now slightly bent. Its length and thin point suggest its use as a hairpin, examples of which are known from Sirkap, Taxila, for instance.1 The upper section is a full-figure female. She is nude and both arms hang downward at the sides, somewhat in the manner of Jina images standing in the kayotsarga meditation posture – although such Jain imagery would be most unexpected on the finial of a hairpin. 1  Cf. Marshall 1951, III, pl. 173.

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175  Handle figure with folded arms

176  Charm pendant

Afghanistan or Gandhara First century bc–first century ad Reddish bronze w. 2.2 cm, d. 1.8 cm; l. 9.7 cm EA1999.95

Gandhara, possibly Afghanistan c.Second century ad Bronze h. 0.9 cm, w. 2.4 cm, d. 0.2 cm EA1994.62

This worn handle or haft is composed of a fluted shaft surmounted by a bust figure with arms crossed. From a pointed tip, the shaft is split for about one-third of its length, with a small hole drilled through. The figure’s head is round, with rows of curls down the sides and back. Although the figure is badly corroded, the rather bulbous eyes appear open under heavy eyebrow lines that curve onto a broad nose. These characteristics, together with the crossed arms, are suggestive of an Indian figure type, possibly representing a yaksha or male nature spirit.

This double-sided plaque or pendant is tiny and worn. It shows on each of its sides two standing figures: on the left a full figure facing the viewer and on the right a figure in profile, facing to the left. It is similar to a British Museum piece described as a ‘charm’, which originally came from Begram, Afghanistan and is dated to around the second century ad.1

1  British Museum acc. no. 1880.3728; personal communication, Elizabeth Errington, 2013.

204 · Objects of household use

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214 · INDEX

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