SPACE INVADERS: APPROPRIATING A YOUTH CENTRE

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THIS DOCUMENT IS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT FOR THE DEGREE: MASTERS OF ARCHITECTURE [PROFESSIONAL] UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRAND, JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA, 2013

ADAM VAN DEN HOUTEN 0708134W

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DECLARATION: I, Adam James van den Houten (0708134W), am a student registered for the course of Masters of Architectural (Professional) in the year 2013. I herby declare the following: I am aware that plagiarism [the use of someone else’s work without permission and/or without acknowledging the original source] is wrong. I confirm that the work submitted for assessment for the above course is my own unaided work except where I have stated explicitly otherwise. I have followed the required conventions in referencing thoughts, ideas, and visual materials of others. For this purpose, I have referred to the Graduate School of Engineering and The Built Environment style guide. I understand that the University of the Witwatersrand may take disciplinary action agains me if there is a belief that this is not my unaided work or that I have failed to acknowledge the source of the ideas or words in my own work. Adam James van den Houten

Date:

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ACKLOWLEDGEMENTS: To my parents, who have afforded me the opportunity to study what I love, I am truly grateful. Thank you for your love and constant support in my work. Thank you for the encouragement to pursue my interests and the freedom to follow my passions. You have given me so much to make this possible and I will always appreciate it. To my family and friends, thank you for your ongoing interest in my thesis, the words of encouragement, and the moments that allowed me to take my mind off my work for a while. To Mickaela, thank you for all your love and support, for the meals when I was too busy to cook, and for the reassuring words when I was too busy to think clearly. You are the most caring person I know and I wouldn’t have been able to do it without you. To Jonathan Noble, the coolest guy I know. Thank you for the jokes, the guidance, and of course thank you for the croissants. You truly made this year an enjoyable one. To Gary Van Lieshout, thank you for your time, your invaluable input, and for your enthusiasm for my project. Finally to Derek Smith, Andrew Royal, Rasty Knayles, and Tanner. Thank you for your time, your assistance, and your vital insight into a world that truly fascinates me.

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For Robert â€

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10 1. ‘Black is Gold’ (Derek Smith 2012) Fig.


ABSTRACT: Youth centres in South Africa are primarily focused around reproductive health services and as a result are experiencing low visitor numbers and failing to enthrall the youth they aim to serve. This thesis addresses the many issues that today’s youth face and aims to rethink the youth centre as a place that combines youth culture and architecture to create a space that not only provides adequate recreational and vocational opportunities but which is also representative of youth. Theoretically, this thesis focuses on notions around finding identity within the city. It questions the stigmatisms around various youth subcultures and looks at how certain youth appropriate space within the city. By analyzing their process of appropriation and, whilst noting the significance the stages of appropriation have in the pursuit for one’s identity, parallels are drawn from various theorists. Particular reference to theories by Iain Borden, Jeffrey Hou, Andy Bennett, Dick Hebdige and others, explore the notions around the insurgent use of public space, youth culture, street culture, and the meaning of style and expression among youth. Through research into various subcultures of youth and activities that youth are actively involved in in and around the city, it aims to explore the youth centre as a programmatic model for reaching young people in South Africa. By appropriating the language and influences of youth as key design ingredients, it aims to create an architectural intervention in Newtown North through which youth can reconnect to their surroundings thus giving youngsters a much-needed sense of place and identity within their ever-changing city.

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CONTENTS: 00_INTRODUCTION pg 17-27

05_ASSOCIATE pg 151-219

00.1_THE_SPARK pg 18-19 00.2_THE_ISSUES pg 20-23 00.3_THE_INVASION pg 24-27 01_DEVIATE pg 29-53

05.1_A_PLACE_TO_ASSOCIATE 05.2_TECHNICAL_STUDY

pg 154-205 pg 206-219

06_BIBLIOGRAPHY pg 223-229

01.1_THE_REALITY pg 32-33 01.2_PRECEDENTS pg 34-53 01.2.1_SOUTHBANK_CENTRE pg 34-39 01.2.2_THE_HIVE_APARTMENTS pg 40-45 01.2.3_FACTORIA_JOVEN pg 46-51 02_LOCATE pg 55-91 02.1_SPATIAL_TYPES pg 58-63 02.2_LOCATING_A_SITE pg 64-69 02.3_THE_HISTORY pg 70-73 02.4_THE_SITE pg 74-91 03_NEGOTIATE pg 93-107 03.1_SPATIAL_ELEMENTS pg 98-103 03.2_INVADING_FOR_A_DAY pg 104-107 04_CREATE pg 109-149 04.1_CREATING_A_PROGRAM 04.2_CREATING_A_STYLE 04.2.1_CREATHING_A_FORM 04.2.2_CREATING_AN_AESTHETIC

pg 114-119 pg 120-493 pg 128-139 pg 140-149 13


All Photographs, Drawings and Illustrations Done by Author, Unless Otherwise Indicated.

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URBAN DICTIONARY: Street Art - ‘Street art is any art developed in public spaces - that is, “in the streets” — though the term usually refers to art of an illicit nature (as opposed to, for instance, government or community art initiatives). The term can include traditional graffiti artwork, though it is often used to distinguish modern public-space artwork from traditional graffiti and the overtones of gang territoriality and vandalism associated with it.’ Parkour - ‘Le Parkour (also known simply as Parkour, PK, or free running) was invented in 1988 in the Parisian suburb of Lisses by a group of teenagers including the legends David Belle and Sebastien Foucan, who formed a clan called the “Yamakasi”, or new (modern) samurai. It is a sport in which practitioners, called “traceurs”, run, jump, climb, and roll rhrough rooftops, gaps, pipes, practically anything in an urban environment.’ Traceur - ‘A practitioner of the sport/art of parkour. Is a skilled runner and jumper. Often has the ability to perform various acrobatic techniques.’ Tagging - ‘The act of performing simple graffiti using spray-paint (usually cheap) and stencils. Done quickly, usually in seconds. Usually during the day.’ Breakdancing - ‘also known as b-boying, the main aspect of the dance element of hip-hop, ahead of popping, locking, crumping etc. A dance created by afro-americans that evolved from popping and locking, which involves style, smoothness, strength and self-control. Power consists of the moves the public wants to see, spinning on heads, windmills, hopping around on one arm such as the hand hop or jackhammer etc.’ - All definitions from www.urbandictionary.com - 2013

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00_intro

“ONE ONLY NEED PROVIDE OPPORTUNITY AND WE THE PUBLIC, WHO ARE ALSO MAYBE CHILDREN OF A KIND WILL KNOW HOW TO USE IT”

- SADLER (1998:, p. 29)


Fig. 18 2. Graffiti Tag on Johannesburg Road Side. (Author 2013)


00_INTRODUCTION

00.1_THE_SPARK

- THE_spark

In 2011 I was in my year out after my undergraduate studies during which time, I was working for a small architecture firm in Johannesburg called Jason Berkowitz Architects. I had been working there a year and although I was thoroughly enjoying it, I made the decision to spend the remainder of the year working overseas in the UK before coming back to complete my Post Graduate Degree. On my last day working at the firm, before leaving for England, my colleague Gary and I drove through to Hillbrow to measure up a couple of places in an apartment block that we were doing renovations on at the time. It was on the drive back that we happened to pass a colourful, intricate piece of graffiti which lined the highway and caught our attention. I think there was something in the flow of the lines and the play with geometries that seemed to appeal to the architectural side in both of us. I’m not even sure either of us could read what the graffiti tag said as the overlapping and shifting in text was so intricately convoluted and complex, but somehow there was something in the piece that ‘spoke’ to us. For the remainder of the journey back to the office we lightheartedly spoke about how interesting it would be to design a building that evoked a piece of graffiti, where the architecture started to encompass the character of a graffiti tag, and was able to appeal to people in the same way that passing by that piece of graffiti appealed to us.

Fig. 3. Sketch from England Trip Sketchbook. (Author 2011)

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‘When cars are burning and when the youths are fighting in the streets with police. It is only then that the people get what the artist was saying all along’ - King Adz (Street Knowledge, 2010, p.6)

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Fig. 4. ‘Love is in the Air’ Stencil (Banksy 2003)


There is no denying that the youth are very important in the development of a country. Whilst in England, I witnessed the 2011 riots that went on around London where young people were massing and roaming the city causing havoc through vandalism, looting, violence and even arson. One day I was even forced to leave London, as the area I was in was deemed too dangerous. For several days I saw shop fronts broken into, buildings set alight, and I witnessed the true power that the young people of a nation hold. They have the ability to drive an economy forward but so too can they bring it completely to its knees. This is not something unique to England, we have seen it happen all over the world including

South Africa, with youth rioting or lashing out against a number of issues they face such as political decisions, police brutality, human rights, and most commonly unemployment and lack of opportunities. It is never easy being young; ‘scientists believe that adolescence is universally a time of stress and strife’ (Furnam & Gunter, 1989, p.8). I remember growing up where the care-free attitude of being a toddler, through the years, is slowly replaced by a sense of uncertainty about who you are and an anxiety of wanting to create your own identity, be accepted and fit in. In their book, Anatomy of Adolescence, Furnham and Gunter suggest that adolescence ‘brings a crisis of identity, during which the young person must struggle to establish his/her own self-concept in the face of social, physical, and emotional changes’ (1989, p.9). The term identity is a major aspect of youth and youth culture (Fornas, 1995, p.7) and I think this search for one’s self never quite leaves us. The quest to find one’s identity and achieve a sense of place is an ongoing endeavor for us as humans. We try to construct an identity and sense of place for ourselves through various means and there is even evidence of this as far back as Ancient Roman times, where people left their mark on the walls of Pompeii or even the rock paintings from 40 000 years ago in Europe and Africa that were used to tell stories and lay claim to spaces. Humans have always tried to express who they are and find a sense of identity through their environment and youth do this in the most unique way, by striving for a means of expression and constantly exploring their sense of belonging and place within their ever-changing city.

- THE_ISSUES

It was during my trip to England that I developed a greater passion and better understanding for the world of street art and street culture and how it has the ability to connect with people through various styles and mediums. Whenever I had a day off work I would go on a number of street art walking tours that were available around London. It was during these tours that I noticed how an aspect of street culture, such as street art, is almost celebrated and used as a means to communicate a message or as a form of self-expression for the inhabitants of the city. The artists used it to lay claim to small spaces that made up the enormous home that is their city. On the streets of London I was exposed to works by the likes of Banksy, who has possibly become the most infamous street artist, as he works in anonymity producing work that is often controversial with powerful messages and political views that ‘speak’ to the public, especially the youth.

00_INTRODUCTION

00.2_THE_ISSUES

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Fig. 22 5. Youth Rioter (GraffLondon 2010)


coming more and more aware of these issues and open to addressing them, we must ask what role architecture can play in aiding the youth? An architectural response to the youth and these issues is not an easy task. Young people often don’t want to be told what is good for them or what to do. The youth centre is possibly the most distinguished architectural typology as a response to the needs of youth but the reality in South Africa is that these youth centres are not necessarily achieving their objectives or engaging the youth as best they could. As Karen Malone points out, ‘youth have very different cultural values, understandings and needs’ (2002, p.157) and so I feel that they need to be ‘spoken’ to on a level that they understand. It is for this reason that I am interested in exploring the youth centre as a programmatic model for reaching young people in South Africa. By focusing my research on activities that youth are actively involved in, in and around the city, I plan to draw inspiration from these activities and subcultures and utilize them as drivers in designing a youth centre that engages youth and encourages them to express themselves. As David Moore suggests in his book, The Lads in Action: Social Process in an Urban Youth Subculture, it is these subcultures that form a ‘cultural space within which young people, as members of these groups, could express themselves’ (1994, p.1).

Fig. 6. Infographic of 2011 Matric Exit Exam Statistics. (Author 2013)

00_INTRODUCTION - THE_ISSUES

The young people of today are faced with many issues, such as unsafe sex, substance abuse, gang involvement, crime and possibly the most detrimental to their future is unemployment and lack of skills. In 2011, just under half a million students across South Africa wrote the Matric exit exam, of these students only 175 000 were admitted entry into university. This means that just over 321 000 students left school that year with few or no options (CHET, 2012. p.2). Each year this reoccurring pattern has resulted in well over 3 million youths in South Africa between the ages of 18 and 24 being what is considered a ‘NEET’, which means they are not in any form of education, employment or training (CHET. 2012, p.1). This can and does have a huge effect on youth and can cause feelings of inferiority, depression and discouragement often leading to many forms of self-destructive behavior such as drug use, suicide, gang involvement, rioting and crime. Studies have even shown that ‘unemployed young people tend to be more anxious and depressed, and have lower self-esteem’ (Furnham & Gunter, 1989, p.154). One can also see a direct correlation between the age of these ‘NEETs’, which is between 18 and 24 (CHET, 2012. P.17), and the average age of a house robber in South Africa being between 19 and 25 (CHET, 2012. P.1). Therefore there is no doubt that the psychosocial effect of these youngsters having nowhere to go and nothing to do needs to be addressed and as South Africa is be-

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Fig. 7. The Space Invaders (Author 2013)


The activities I am focusing my research on are those that are happening organically within our city. These activities often have an insurgent nature where youngsters are appropriating spaces within the city in order to express themselves and find a sense of place. It is for this reason that I refer to the individuals as the Space Invaders. More specifically, these individuals are the street artists, the break-dancers, the skateboarders, and the parkour groups (or traceurs). These activities have often had a stigmatism associated around them with them being regarded as vandalism but they should rather be seen as something that can aid us in better understanding youth and finding ways to communicate through their language. As Johan Fornas points out in his book, Youth Culture in Late Modernity, ‘one can learn a great deal from the offensive and creative aspects of youth culture’ (1995, p.2). These subcultures and their activities hold great importance for youth growing up, as they provide a ‘way of making meaning and sense of the social environment during the liminoid period of adolescence’ (Moore, 1994, p.57). These individuals all perceive the city differently; they see public space in the city as an opportunity to design their own space out of what exists and a bit of imagination. In his book, Skateboarding, Space and the City: Architecture and the Body, Iain Borden states that ‘in order to create, sustain and reproduce an identity...groups cannot use space as a mirror, but must appropriate space’ (2001, p.171). There are everyday examples of appropriation all around us, however, the Space Invaders appropriate space slightly differently in order to express themselves. By completely reprogramming the space, they use it in a way that others could never imagine. This phenomenon of reprogramming and redefining space, especially public space, is now becoming a growing global phenomenon and many public spaces around the world are being used in unique and interesting ways (Hou, 2010, p.1). The Space Invaders face the fear of the unknown and the unsafe in pursuit of a sense of identity, often putting themselves in physical, financial and at legal risk, as they hop over walls, crawl under fences, and climb through openings in search of spaces to make their own. They use space within the city in such a unique way in order to express

themselves and in doing so they challenge the mono-functionality of the city. These individuals are those who enact different spaces, they are the cities artists, explorers and creators who all utilise the spaces in the city to construct an identity within it. These young individuals reprogram, redefine and revive space through their appropriation of it and it is this process of appropriation that I have aimed to explore in greater depth. I have chosen to focus my research on these activities because they are so engrained in the subcultures of youth culture, street culture and hip-hop and have influenced and styled these subcultures as a whole, defining for youngsters what is ‘cool’ and demonstrating different ways in which they can express themselves. An activity, such as street art for instance, offers a medium through which youngsters can communicate. Barack Obama emphasized this notion of street art being able to connect with and inspire people in a comment he made about street art where he said “your art, whether in a gallery or on a stop sign, has the ability to encourage Americans to question the status quo” (2008). Obama was referring more specifically to Shepard Fairey, an American street artist whose iconic ‘Hope’ posters were used as a key strategy in driving Obama’s election campaign as they ‘encouraged a whole new generation to vote’ (King Adz, p.156).

00_INTRODUCTION - THE_invasion

00.3_THE_INVASION

Fig. 8. Barack Obama ‘Hope’ Poster (Shepard Fairey 2008)

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Fig. 9. Stages of Appropriation (Author 2013)


00_INTRODUCTION - THE_invasion

These activities and subcultures have therefore become extremely relevant to young people today. They have ‘influenced everything you can touch, see, smell, watch, buy, wear, listen to, download, upload, record and burn’ (King Adz, 2010, p.6). Through my own fascination and genuine interest in the Space Invaders and their interactions with their environment over the past few years, as well as my recent research into the dynamics of their insurgent activities, I have established various stages within their process of appropriating a space. As Jeffrey Hou suggests, ‘these activities do not require overburdening investment or infrastructure’ (2010, p.14) but I feel these stages do highlight some fundamentals in the process of appropriation by these individuals and give us a better understanding into the dynamics of their activities and their search for identity. These stages are: DEVIATE, LOCATE, NEGOTIATE, CREATE and ASSOCIATE and I have adopted these stages as my own design methodology as well as the chapters that make up this document.

Fig. 10. Miner Mural by Rasty Knayles in Newtown (Author 2013)

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01_DEVIATE

“WHEN FUN IS OUTLAWED, ONLY OUTLAWS WILL HAVE FUN”

- WARREN BOLSTER (1980, p. 38)


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Fig. 11. ‘Hooded Boy in Window’ (Consciousimage 2010)


Deviate is probably the aspect most unique to these youngsters because they do not think, act or perceive things in what most would call a ‘normal’ manner. As Ulf Boethius suggests, in Youth, the Media and Moral Panics, even ‘the cultural references of youth challenge the foundations of norms’ (1995, p.48). These youngsters deviate from the norm, seeing things differently, and often identifying what is missing in their surroundings rather than what exists. In an episode of Roman Mars’ radio program, 99% Invisible, skateboarding photographer Andrew Norton states that “to a skateboarder the city looks different…to a skateboarder even a pole that has been bent by a car is a thing to skate” (1 Feb 2013). The Space Invader sees opportunity in that which others may just see as a wall, or a bench, with one specific purpose and function. In an interview with Derek Smith (2013), a photographer in Johannesburg who has been documenting street culture for more than 15 years, he elaborates on this by suggesting that to most people an object such as a wall is just a wall but to others it can have endless possibilities. The street artist sees a canvas where others see a wall. The break-dancer sees a dance studio and an audience where others see an empty space and the skateboarders and traceurs see a route, a simpler more efficient and more creative way of moving from point A to point B. Skateboarder, Jesse Neuhaus, confirms this notion of seeing objects within the city differently in a comment of his in a 1994 issue of the San Francisco Chronicle in which he says: ‘the corporate types see their structures as powerful and strong but I see them as something I can enjoy, something I can manipulate to my advantage’ (1994).

Often youngsters ‘deviate’ from society because they feel exclusion and experience marginalization and stigmatization in their city thus spurring on their need to find some sort of identity and sense of place. This often results in them embracing these sorts of rebellious activities as a way to do that. It can be said then that, in a way, through their appropriation of space they intentionally deviate from the norm in order to ‘fit in’ better and find a sense of belonging. Andy Bennett best captures this notion in his book, Popular Music and Youth Culture, where he says ‘in appropriating...individuals are simultaneously constructing ways of being in the context of their local everyday environments’ (2000, p.66).

01_DEVIATE

01_DEVIATE

It is this deviation and outlook that allows youngsters to identify opportunities in their surroundings and exploit these opportunities to better pursue a sense of identity. One can therefore start to deviate from the ‘normal’ thinking of what a youth centre is and what it has been in South Africa for so many years. We need to rethink the youth centre by using these clues of what youth truly need from their city and adopt a more holistic approach in combining youth culture and architecture to create a place that not only provides youngsters with adequate recreational and vocational opportunities but which is also representative of them and interests them as a place where they can be free to express themselves. As Bo Reimer reminds us, ‘it is during the restless and mobile period of youth that the need and desire to test the new and carve out individual identities is strongest’ (1995, p.128).

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Fig. 12. ‘No Ball Games’ (Banksy 2009)


There are several youth centres in and around South Africa, however many of these fall short with regards to reaching youth as well as engaging them through various activities. A study by the Population Council and the Reproductive Health Research Unit (2001) was done assessing youth centres in South Africa. In the study a number of youth centres and their catchment areas were looked at and it was found that overall 61% of youth in these catchment areas were aware of the existence of a youth centre but on average only 29% had ever visited one of these centres (2001, p.i). Possibly the most well known youth centres throughout South Africa are Planned Parenthood Association of South Africa (PPASA), Love Life, and Youth and Adolescent Reproductive Health Programme (YARHP). As one can determine merely from the names of these networks of youth centres they are primarily focused on providing youth with Reproductive Health (RH) services and although this is obviously important, as almost 10% of youth are HIV positive (HSRC, 2008), I do not feel that it should be the focus of a youth centre or what defines it. Yes, reproductive health and sexual education is vital for youngsters but it should not be what is used to characterize a place that is specifically designed for them. It is this emphasis on reproductive health that I believe may be the biggest deterring factor for many of these existing youth centres. The subject of sex and sexual education is obviously something that needs to be embraced by youth but this does not change the fact that it can still be something that is embarrassing and discomforting for many youngsters to discuss. The study also showed that of the youngsters visiting these centres only 18% were actually visiting for the reproductive health services while the remainder were visiting for the few recreational or sporting facilities on offer (2001, p.15). This is why I feel a youth centre could possibly better serve youngsters by not adopting this discouraging premise of sexual health and rather adopt a truer image of youth, based on their interests, whilst still providing the services they need. In 2007 the World Bank commented on the situation of

youth unemployment and the issues it can lead to and stated that ‘the only way to break this vicious cycle is by engaging unoccupied youth in activities’ (World Bank, 2007) and the study on these youth centres further supports this claim by suggesting that ‘providing recreational facilities for young people may go a long way’ (2001, p.30). Some of these existing centres do provide recreational facilities however these are often quite modest, usually only some pool tables and a couple of games which are not sufficient activities to provide especially as ‘young people’s leisure is more active today than is was before’ (Reimer, 1995. p134). Love Life centres do appear to offer the widest range of recreational facilities such as table tennis, cooking and basketball and they also appear to be the most well known network of youth centres in South Africa, which is most likely due to their ‘large scale media initiatives’ (2001, p.i). Despite this, Love Life centres still experience only around 30% of youth in the catchment areas visiting their facilities. This may be largely due to their focus on sexual health but it is possibly also due to the recreational facilities they provide not being completely in line with the interests of youth and their natural choice of recreation.

01_DEVIATE - THE_REALITY

01.1_THE_REALITY

Perhaps the reality of these youth centres provides some insight into what it is that youth truly need and what they respond to. In rethinking the youth centre, we need to take inspiration and guidance directly from the youngsters who these centres aim to serve in order to create an environment that provides adequate opportunities and which is also inviting and appealing to youth. A deviation is needed whereby we appropriate the language and influences of the youth in our city as the ingredients for designing a youth centre that inspires and engages youth through architecture. There are many existing examples of pieces of architecture throughout the world that we can explore that have achieved this.

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There are several places that have embraced the idea of engaging youth through architecture or taking aesthetics and styles of these various youth subcultures and translating them into building aesthetics that appeal to the interests of youngsters. There are also examples of pieces of architecture that have come to almost encompass everything that youth culture represents merely by having the constant influence of youth and their styles prescribed onto that space over time. These places all illustrate a deviation from the natural thinking of what architecture and space should be and instead try to ‘think’ like the users they intend to serve. 01.2.1_LONDON SOUTH BANK:

01_DEVIATE - PRECEDENTS

01.2_PRECEDENTS

One of my favorite places to go during my stay in London was the South Bank in Central London. Originally an industrial location, the South Bank is now an arts and entertainment district that since 1917 has seen the construction of a new County Hall, Jubilee Gardens, Queen Elizabeth Hall and several other venues dedicated to the arts such as the Royal National Theatre (Farrell, 2010, p. 53). I loved the vibe and artistic flair to the whole area but more specifically it was the space under the Queen Elizabeth Hall, known as the undercroft of the Southbank Centre, which excited me the most. The undercroft itself was originally ‘an architectural dead–spot’ (Wikipedia, 2013) but since the early seventies has become home to thousands of skateboarders who have made it their own. I would take my camera and just snap away at the skate-boarders as they moved past walls of colour. They would move across the space using a series of tricks and by doing so they constantly questioned the predetermined ideas that I had about the uses of the everyday architectural elements they were utilizing. A concrete bench was not used to sit on but rather to ‘grind’ across with the lip of a skateboard. The stairs became these expanses that welcomed a series of tricks to be performed over them and the handrails posed an exciting challenge to be jumped, like just another hurdle for an athlete to clear. The skaters, the steel, the concrete and the paint all seem to blend to form this place where youth culture, street culture and the styles of these youngsters come together. Fig. 13. Skateboarder Performs Trick in London South Bank Undercroft (Author 2011)

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Fig. 36 14. Youth in London South Bank Undercroft (Author 2011)


The South Bank, however, is currently going through a transformation and the undercroft has come under threat. A recent proposal for the redevelopment of a new Festival Wing by Feilden Clegg Bradley Studios shows that the undercroft is intended to be filled with retail spaces and the skateboarders be relocated beneath the nearby Hunggerford Bridge. Skateboarders have made the undercroft space their home for over 30 years (Stott, 2013) and so naturally this has caused major controversy and delayed the progress of the project as there have been huge amounts of protest from individuals who feel the undercroft should remain how it is as it is a vital part of the urban fabric and history of the South Bank. Many feel that the ‘proposal to relocate the skate park will destroy the centre’s skating heritage’ (Stott, 11 July 2013) and it is this feeling that has sparked an outcry with a 50 000 signature petition as well as a letter from skateboarding legend Tony Hawk appealing to keep the undercroft where it is. Tony Hawk’s letter stresses the historical importance this place holds for many youngsters. In it he mentions that ‘it’s truly an historic feature of London street culture, and is as well known to skateboarders around the world as Big Ben or Buckingham Palace’ (2013).

01_DEVIATE - PRECEDENTS

The undercroft is mostly concrete and largely made up of simple spatial elements such as ramps, drops, ledges and benches, which all appeal to skateboarders as these elements coupled with a series of tricks adhere to a continuous flow of movement across a space. These elements, as well as the walls and uniquely shaped Doric columns, have also become distinguishing features of the space, acting as a colourful backdrop for street artists to display their works. As skateboarding, graffiti, breakdancing, hip-hop, and fashion are so interwoven and deeply rooted into youth culture and street culture, when one of them is introduced into a space the others seems to naturally form in that space as well. After the introduction of skateboarders into the undercroft area in the 1970s it has become almost a ‘mecca’ for street culture in the city of London, attracting graffiti artists, BMX riders, break-dancers and rappers. It has become a vibrant social space where youngsters in the city interact and although they technically do not own the space, they know it is theirs and they make it their own.

Fig. 15. Undercroft Activity Usage Poll (SouthBank Undercroft 2013)

Fig. 16. ‘Long Live South Bank’ Stencil Sketch (Author 2013)

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The outcry from the public has forced the architects to go back to the drawing board and try find a solution that works for them and the youngsters who occupy the undercroft space. There have been several different proposals discussed but none have been agreed upon as of yet. As can be observed in proposal 1.1A the existing undercroft space of 1095 square meters, that opens up onto the South Bank, would be filled with retail units (the turquoise colour), completely removing the existing skate area. This proposal was deemed completely unacceptable by the users of the undercroft and so began a series of more proposals. In proposal 2.1 the existing skate area is almost divided in half with half being made retail units (turquoise colour) and the other half remaining as a skate area. This proposal presents a compromise that is trying to be achieved, allowing some of the existing skate space to remain and then increasing this skate area by extending the undercroft further back (red colour) as well as providing a skateboarding clothing store (green colour).

3817. South Bank Redevelopment Proposals (Feilden Clegg Bradley 2013) Fig.

This proposal however has also not been agreed upon as yet and proposal 2.2 is being discussed whereby the majority of the existing skate area is filled with retail units and the skate area is moved back behind the retail arm. This uproar by many members of the public as well as this pursuit for a compromise by the architects has highlighted the true significance a space like this can have for youngsters in a city. It is so important to these users because it is providing youngsters with a sense of place and identity in their city. In an article by Rory Stott, Why Skaters Need the Southbank Centre (21 May 2013), he emphasizes this point by saying how these activities, such as skateboarding, have ‘a rich cultural history which holds deep importance to many who adopt its lifestyle’ and ‘these cultural landmarks can be locations of ground-breaking events or they can simply be a location that has fostered the development of countless individuals’.


01_DEVIATE - PRECEDENTS Fig. 18. Skater in South Bank Undercroft (Dan Kitwood 2011)

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01.2.2_THE HIVE APARTMENT: In 2012, building on the mutual interest Gary and I both showed in a building inspired by graffiti, Gary sent me a link to a great project he had come across that uses the nature of graffiti and its styles as the key design principles throughout the building. This building is the Hive Apartment, built in Melbourne, Australia in 2011, designed by Zvi Belling and the first in a number of Hip-Hop inspired buildings by ITN Architects (Architizer, 2011). The architect specifically collaborated with street artists to achieve a refined representation of graffiti throughout the building. Zvi Belling worked closely with respected Australian graffiti writer Prowla. Prowla designed the graffiti letters that are inscribed into the building as concrete structures, with the main concrete panel acting as a logo for the building reading ‘Hive’. The façade incorporates many distinguishing features of a piece of graffiti writing such as ‘letters, arrows, swooshes and drips’ and in certain places these actually act as load bearing structures, whilst in other places they form punctuations in the façade, which allow light into the habitable spaces (Archdaily, 3 Aug 2012).

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01_DEVIATE - PRECEDENTS Fig. 19. The Hive Apartment (Zvi Belling 2011)

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Fig. 42 20. The Hive Apartment (Patrick Rodriguez 2011)


NORTH ELEVATION

Distinctive symbols of graffiti writing such as arrows and sharp angles have been incorporated into the façade of The Hive to create window openings, balconies and balustrades. When the apartments are illuminated from within at night some of these symbols, such as the arrows become more distinguishable. All these elements break up the rigidity of the box-like form of the building and transform it into a three-dimensional graffiti tag. This stays true to the nature of graffiti writing which ultimately starts off with a standard font and then the artist begins to adds a series of elements, flares and distortions until the original font eventually becomes almost unrecognizable.

01_DEVIATE - PRECEDENTS

The injection of the style of graffiti into the building yielded interesting geometries that formed the spaces of the building as well as the distinctive window shapes in the habitable areas. This project is the architect’s own home and so this granted the opportunity for experimentation, which comes through in several features of the building. There are ‘unusual door arrangements to minimize temperature exchange between zones’ as well as hidden louvered ports which are exposed via a series of sliding panels and allow for cross ventilation (Archdaily, 3 Aug 2012). The main features of graffiti writing such as the geometrical forms and flow of line combine nicely with architecture in creating an interesting habitable place that is somewhere between sculpture, artwork and architecture. The materials used throughout the building are concrete, brick, steel and glass. These materials afford a robust, modern aesthetic of clean lines and shifting geometries. The North elevation of the building best displays this fusion of materiality, geometry and several characteristics of graffiti coming together to form the walls, floors, structure and openings of the building.

SECTION Fig. 21. Section and Elevation (ITN Architects 2011)

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Fig. 22. Plans (ITN Architects 2011)


01_DEVIATE - PRECEDENTS

Although the exterior of the building is quite a literal interpretation of graffiti with its unique distortions and flares, the internal spatial arrangements are fairly customary with no strange geometries or angles in plan. Internally the flare of graffiti is rather brought through in the aesthetics of the fittings and furniture in the spaces. The fittings are largely all white and incorporate the lines and many other distinguishing features of graffiti writing that are apparent on the exterior of the building. The internal space of the buildings consists of two two-bedroom apartments, which are currently occupied by the architect, and the street artist involved on the project. I think the fact that they both occupy the units speaks volumes about how one can ultimately express themself through architecture and how architecture can become such a strong representation of an individual, group, or culture. This is an example of where the true spirit, style and distinguishable characteristics of graffiti were taken and translated into a piece of architecture that is both an expressive and functional sculpture.

Fig. 23. Hive Apartment Habitable Area (Zvi Belling 2011)

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A building that has truly embraced the idea of engaging youth through architecture by not only creating a place for activities that youth are interested in but also adopting a form and aesthetic that is inspired by the spirit of those activities is the Factoria Joven, or Youth Factory, by Jose Selgas and Lucia Cano of Selgas Cano, built in 2011 in Merida, Spain. The Youth Factory is an urban park that provides youngsters with 3,090 square meters of recreational facilities inspired by street culture. The park offers spaces for an array of activities with ‘skatepark, concert area, broadband Internet, Modding, Tuning, Modeling, Graffiti, Urban Art, Street Theatre, tightrope walking, circus activities, Video Art, Electronic Music, Acrobatics, Performing Arts, Manga, Parkour, Audiovisual Art, Contemporary Dance, Dance Funk and Hip Hop’ (Archdaily, 2011). These activities are housed in both indoor and outdoor spaces that make up the park.

Fig. 24. Factoria Joven (Iwan Baan 2011)

01_DEVIATE - PRECEDENTS

01.2.3_FACTORIA JOVEN

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The Youth Factory is completely open to the city, which allows anyone to access and enjoy its spaces. The ground floor plane is made up of an array of open activity spaces as well as several enclosed oval modules that are individually accessed and house spaces for indoor activities that are largely focused around media use, such as internet access as well as video and audio art. The park spaces all seem to flow into each other, making the uses for each area a bit open-ended. This intentional fusion of space means that no strict uses have been imposed on any specific space and therefore allows users of the park to inject their own uses into these spaces by appropriating the spaces freely. However, having said this, the utilization of certain spatial elements as well as materiality throughout the park does provide the users with clues as to what use each space would be best suited for, but ultimately this is up to the user to decide for themself.

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A large meter thick translucent orange canopy covers the park and acts as a thermal covering that protects the users against adverse weather conditions and allows the park to be utilized during any time of the day. The canopy and oval modules are made of a steel framed structure clad with translucent white and orange corrugated sheets. These translucent corrugated sheets allow for the park to be illuminated at night from within the structure itself, causing the whole park to radiate light at night making it a beacon of street culture in the city. More importantly, it is through the illumination of the park that it becomes a safe space to be enjoyed by youngsters at night as well as during the day. The use of colour is also a key aspect in the park. Bright colours such as orange, green and yellow have been used throughout the park to differentiate The Youth Factory as a place of fun and vibrancy for youngsters to visit, out of the ordinary from their typical face brick surroundings. I feel this notion of creating a place that aesthetically stands out from its own surroundings is the most important aspect in making a building appeal to youngsters and communicate their way of expressing themselves. Youngsters want to be different, they want to stand out, be noticed and they choose to do this through things like their clothing, language, and choice of music. Sometimes older generations will not agree with their choice of attire but that is the whole point. In a way, youth reject their surroundings by differentiating themselves from it and this is to communicate self-expression through a touch of rebelliousness.


01_DEVIATE - PRECEDENTS

FLOOR PLAN

ROOF PLAN

Fig. 26. Plans (Selgas Cano 2011)

Fig. 25. Physical Model (Selgas Cano 2011)

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The Youth Factory demonstrates how a space can be purely themed around youth, by adopting their interests and ways of expression and evoking this through architecture, creating a place that engages them in activities that they want to be doing. The park gives the youngsters of the city a fun place to go with activities to do. It becomes a space just for them and this gives these youngsters a very strong sense of place and identity within their city.

AERIAL

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EXTERIOR

Fig. 27. Factoria Joven Photographs (Iwan Baan 2011)

INTERIOR


01_DEVIATE - PRECEDENTS

LONGITUDINAL SECTION 01

LONGITUDINAL SECTION 02

ELEVATION

Fig. 28. Sections and Elevations (Selgas Cano 2011)

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Fig. 52 29. South Bank Undercroft (Author 2011)

Fig. 30. Hive Apartment (Zvi Belling 2011)

Fig. 31. Factoria Joven (Iwan Baan 2011)


01_DEVIATE - PRECEDENTS

These precedent studies suggest different ways in which we can deviate from the ‘normal’ thinking of designing spaces for youth and draw inspiration directly from the aesthetics and styles of youth and their subcultures. These studies also demonstrate how elements of youth culture and street culture can be translated into architectural forms and expressions that evoke the true spirit of these subcultures. Most importantly though, they successfully illustrate how the unique language of youth can be appropriated to create spaces that connect with their young users, suggesting the various possibilities available to create a youth centre that not only provides recreational activities more inline with what youth are interested in but also gives them their own identity within their city and a space that they feel represents them.

Fig. 32. Curio Painting in Braamfontein (Author 2013)

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02_LOCATE

“BUILDINGS ARE BUILDING BLOCKS FOR THE OPEN MINDED”

- R.A.D MAGAZINE (1989, p. 15)


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Fig. 33. UK Street Artist, Solo1, Painting in Maboneng (Author 2013)


Location. Location. Location. This is a very crucial stage in the process of appropriation by the Space Invader. In some cases, such as the break-dancer, it is actually the most crucial aspect as their activities often rely heavily on forming an audience from the passersby and therefore a space with a fair amount of foot traffic is paramount. When I say location though I am not just referring to the areas in the city in which the Space Invaders operate, although this is important, but more importantly by location, I am also referring to the particular types of spaces that these individuals appropriate. Johannesburg is filled with areas in which the Space Invader can be found, whether it be street artists painting the underpass in Newtown, break-dancers dancing in the streets of Yeoville, Traceurs dashing through Braamfontein and Hillbrow, or skateboarders surfing the sidewalks of Marshalltown. Their presence is everywhere and they are constantly moving through the city in search of existing urban sites that they can inject with new functions and meanings (Hou, 2010, p.2).

Just as the skateboarders of the 1970’s sought out empty pools to skate and make their own, so too do the Space Invaders of today explore the city in search of ideal spaces to utilise. The most obvious draw to a space is of course what that space can afford the Space Invader, but there are many other aspects that play a role in informing their decision of where to appropriate. Although each activity may require a slightly different space there are several spatial types that are more commonly used than others. In his paper, Claiming Residual Spaces in the Heterogeneous City, Erick Villagomez (2010, p.83) suggests eight primary residual spatial types within most cities that are commonly sought after for appropriation by these types of individuals. These eight spatial types are: The spaces between, The spaces around, The spaces below, Rooftop spaces, Wedge spaces, Void spaces and Redundant and Oversized spaces.

Fig. 34. Perspective Spatial Type Diagrams (Author 2013)

02_locate

02_LOCATE

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02.1_SPATIAL_TYPES The between spaces are those between the buildings in the city. These can be service alleys or service entrances and are often the result of demolition, building regulations, or obsolete functions. The dimensions of these between spaces can vary dramatically in both width and length and so this can provide engaging opportunities for appropriation (Villagomez, 2010, p.83). These spaces are typically appropriated around the globe as market places but in the case of the Space Invader, it is the street artists who often appropriate them as informal art galleries as these spaces are usually formed by the walls of buildings, which provide the perfect surface to work on. These between spaces can also provide the street artists with a somewhat hidden space where people will seldom interrupt their work and run-ins with law enforcements will be much fewer.

The spaces around are the intermediary zones between the street and the private interior space of a building. These spaces started to emerge when buildings began to be designed in order to deal with the public realm and so buildings were pushed further back from the street edge (Villagomez, 2010, p.86). This therefore created large spaces in front of the buildings that could be appropriated in a number of ways. Most commonly these are ideal spaces for traders to set up but often the large flat surfaces and occasional seating found in these spaces allows for ease of movement and offers the perfect environment for break-dancers and skateboarders to perform.

BETWEEN 58

AROUND


Rooftops are an abundant type of space within all cities but despite this they are often left underutilized or forgotten. These spaces are however frequented by the Space Invader as they can provide a large open area for the break-dancers or an ideal location to display a provocative piece of street art for the entire city to see. The Space Invaders who most commonly utilize rooftop spaces are the traceurs. Traceurs have been known to leap from rooftop to rooftop in the city as they perform acrobatic tricks.

02_locate - SPATIAL_TYPES

The spaces below are usually created by large infrastructural elements such as a highway overpass or elevated rail lines (Villagomez, 2010, p.93). These spaces are also great for break-dancers and skateboarders because when it rains they provide a covered area to still perform their activities as well as overhead lighting for nighttime activities. The Space Invader who most favors these spaces however is the street artist as these below spaces are often unfrequented and the large concrete columns that usually support the structure act as the perfect easel on which to display their works. The most predominant example of the appropriation of a below space by the Space Invader is the M1 underpass in Newtown which has become an informal street art gallery with an ever-changing, beautiful array of street art pieces that line its walls and columns.

Fig. 35. Photographs of Spatial Types in Johannesburg (Author 2013)

BELOW

ROOFTOPS

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Wedge spaces are quite common spaces in cities as they are often the result of converging roads and because of their awkward shape they are usually left as undeveloped dead-zones within the city. These spaces can be somewhat awkward. However, if they are paved they can provide the perfect stage for some Space Invaders to operate. These flat surfaces situated where roads intersect provide a large performance area and opportunity to gather an audience of passersby for break-dancers. Wedge spaces also offer ledges on which skateboarders love to perform a series of runs and tricks.

Void Spaces are the most common type of residual space in the city as they are a result of the city’s rapid expansion where large untouched spaces surrounding buildings were formed (Villagomez, 2010, p.92). These void spaces provide the Space Invader with a whole array of niches and crevasses throughout the city in which they can carry out their activities. These void spaces are found in most areas of a city and so they are often appropriated by the Space Invaders for many different uses. They can serve as great gathering places for break-dancers or a great spot to paint for street artists.

WEDGE 60

VOID


Fig. 36. Photographs of Spatial Types in Johannesburg (Author 2013)

- SPATIAL_TYPES

REDUNDANT & OVERSIZED

02_locate

Redundant and oversized spaces are often the result of abandonment of an infrastructure or the abandonment of plans to further develop an infrastructure, often leaving behind structural elements or vacant essences of a building that no longer have a purpose. The majority of Space Invaders favour these spaces as these individuals seem to be seduced by the abandoned and uncontrolled along with the beauty one can find in these dead spaces. In an article in R.A.D magazine (Dec 1989, p.20) a skateboarder admits that ‘they take the spaces that others ignore’ and another skateboarder named Lowboy even goes so far as to say that they ‘thrive on using the discarded, abandoned and generally disregarded portions and structures of the society at large’ (1982, p.25), transforming them into important social spaces (Borden, 2001, p.188). Perhaps these youngsters identify with a space that has been left behind or forgotten, with no real meaning, and through reviving the life of that space and finding it a new function and identity so too do they find their own identity.

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Fig. 37. Okuda Painting in Braamfontein (Derek Smith 2012)


Fig. 38. Herakut Painting in Ferreiras Dorp (Author 2013)

02_locate - SPATIAL_TYPES

These various spatial types discussed are the predominant spaces in the city that are utilized by the Space Invaders and so these types of spaces could be incorporated into the design of the youth centre. Often these spatial types will not only attract one particular type of Space Invader but rather multiple types, as these subcultures ‘exert a mutual influence upon each other’ (Boethius, 1995, p.53). We can see many examples of this around the city where a space that is being used by skateboarders is also being used by break-dancers and is often also ‘tagged’ by graffiti artists. This is the result of the Space Invader almost re-theming a space and therefore creating an environment that appeals to a large number of subcultures. Andy Bennett elaborates on this when he says ‘over the years, these locations have become central meeting places for young people, accommodating skateboarders, break dancers, buskers, street artists and the like’ (2000, p.149). The Space Invaders take these spaces and continuously, through their activities, completely redefine and reprogram them. Therefore a space they use ‘is not made just once, but rather remade over and over again each time it is represented through a different medium, each time its surroundings change, each time different people experience it’ (Forty, 1995, p.5). We can assume that the Space Invaders’ pursuit of these spatial types to appropriate is a direct result of the lack of recreational facilities and spaces that appeal to them in their city and so they seek out these underutilized areas of the city that can accommodate their activities. They are ‘seeking out a place over which they have control: A place which is neither school, family home, nor place of work’ (Borden, 2001, p.168) but rather an in between space where they can express themselves and inscribe their contained identities onto it.

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02.2_LOCATING_A_SITE

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02_locate - LOCATING_A_SITE Fig. 39. Site Location Diagram (Author 2013) Fig. 40. Young Men in Newtown (Frederic Jon 2010)

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02.2_LOCATING_A_SITE As well as suggesting interesting variations in form that could be introduced into the design of the youth centre, these predominant spatial types also provided a good indication of possible types of spaces in the city that could serve as a suitable site for the youth centre. I focused my search for a site in the main area of the city in which the Space Invader operates, this being Newtown, the cultural precinct of Johannesburg. Newtown is a vibrant, culturally diverse area formed around the arts. It houses many dance and music studios, various night clubs

Fig. 66 41. Abandoned JMT Building in Newtown (Author 2013)

and it plays host to several youth focused events every year such as skate competitions, graffiti festivals, music concerts, fashion shows, and street culture festivals. Newtown ‘continues to thrive as a space where local talent is nurtured and showcased’ (NHT, 2013). Newtown also has the only legalised informal street art gallery sanctioned by the government, this being located under the M1 highway bypass.


their derelict nature that gives them an air of excitement. However, neither site proved to be the right location for the youth centre as they were both too enormous in size and the residual structures on these sites impose an existing aesthetic on the design. I decided against this, as I feel it is crucial that the youth centre have its own aesthetic and architectural language that differentiates itself from its surroundings. This is in order to communicate the distinctive and rebellious nature of youth and their subcultures.

02_locate - LOCATING_A_SITE

I started considering many of these spatial types that can be found around Newtown as possible sites for the youth centre. As the Space Invader most favours the oversized, redundant, and almost leftover spaces, these are the ones I focused my search on. I considered several of these spaces as possible sites, for example, the Old Park Halt Station, just as one comes over Nelson Mandela Bridge, as well as the abandoned JMT building situated across the road from Newtown Park in the heart of Newtown. These spaces make for interesting sites, as there is something in

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SITE LOCATION MAP

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In reality the site essentially operates as an intersection space rather than a park, with many people crossing over it in different directions on their daily commutes through the city. Some individuals do gather on the site, however, in most cases this is often to smoke marijuana and sleep. It is evident that the park itself is not truly functioning as an enjoyable recreational space within the city. The only existing structure on the site is a sculpture by William Kentridge and Gerhard Marx entitled ‘Fire Walker’. I am proposing for this artwork to be relocated, as Alexandra Dodd points out in her essay, Now you see her, now you don’t, the people that the Fire Walker is based on ‘are part of Johannesburg’s street culture’ (2011, p.15). So by relocating the Fire Walker, it does not mean that this idea of representing an aspect of the areas street culture is lost but rather it provides an opportunity to freely create a new habitable sculpture on the site that is still inline with the intention of the original artwork but which will be indicative rather of the street culture of the youth and cultural history of the Newtown area.

Fig. 42. View of Existing Site (Author 2013)

02_locate - LOCATING_A_SITE

After much deliberation I eventually settled on another interesting, unused wedge piece of land located in Newtown North. This site marks the entrance into Newtown as one crosses over the Queen Elizabeth Bridge from Braamfontein. The site is situated at ‘the foot of the Queen Elizabeth Bridge in a small park that once served as a site for taxi washers’ (Barstow & Law-Viljoen, 2011, p.3). Currently the space is a large 6 500 square meter portion of open land that has been converted into a ‘park’. As discussed before, wedge spaces in the city are often the result of converging roads and their awkward shapes are therefore often left undeveloped. Sadly, as it stands, the site is littered with plastic bags, bottles, cans and cigarette butts.

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02.3_THE_HISTORY Newtown is the cultural precinct of Johannesburg and forms a large part of Johannesburg’s cultural arc which ‘incorporates four theatre complexes, various dance studios, live music venues, significant museum and art collections, historic sites and monuments, as well as a year-round programme of cultural events’ (NHT, 2013). Newtown itself houses the Market Theatre, Museum Africa and several venues devoted to music, art, and dance. The discovery of gold in the 1880s resulted in hoards of miners flocking into the area. Many of these miners lived in workers’ compounds. However, due to the large number of workers settling in the area, slums such as Brickfields started to develop and in 1896 Brickfields itself was home to over 7000 people (NHT, 2013). In 1904, ‘following the clearance of brickfields and other multi-racial slums’, the area was officially founded as Newtown, as the new commercial, industrial and wholesale town of Johannesburg

Fig. 70 43. Newtown Timeline (Author 2013)

(NHT, 2013). From 1910 to 1940, Newtown became the main gateway for goods and produce in Johannesburg with the construction of the Potato Sheds in 1912 and The Market Building in 1913, which housed hundreds of produce traders. Newtown also soon became the place to be for entertainment and in the 1930s, ‘Commissioner Street was the main entertainment strip of Johannesburg with its theatres, cinemas and other venues’ (NHT, 2013). During the 1960s, Newtown started to experience a decline and this was due to several factors, such as the decommissioning of the tramlines and the Jeppe Street Power Station as well as the construction of the Johannesburg freeway. Other factors that contributed to the decline of Newtown was the relocation of The Market to City Deep in 1974, as well as the various forced removals due to the apartheid legislation of the time (NHT, 2013). This gradual decline of the Newtown


site, have seen a great number of developments that have contributed to the identity of the area. In 1995 the Old Parks Halt Station was re-erected in Newtown next to the train tracks. In 2002 Urban Solutions Architects introduced the incredible Metro Mall Transport Facility and Traders Market into the area. 2003 saw the opening of the beautiful Nelson Mandela Bridge, used to connect Braamfontein to Newtown, and in 2005 Savage and Dodd Architects constructed a new housing complex, named after the original Brickfields (NHT, 2013). The other large portions of open land surrounding the site have also been proposed for future mixed-use developments in the redevelopment of the area. This suggests that an iconic youth centre in this location could play a key role in the growth and development of the area and contribute to the existing unique cultural pulse that is Newtown.

02_locate - THE_HISTORY

area is actually what ultimately established it as the cultural precinct of Johannesburg. The ‘decline spurred the artistic community to take an increasing interest in the landmark structures of Newtown’ (NHT, 2013) thus making it into the cultural pulse of Johannesburg that it is today. The years that followed saw the construction of several places aimed at the arts, such as The Market Theatre (1976) and Kippies Jazz Bar (1986). The 1990s saw the increase of spaces in Newtown being taken over; Turbine Hall was taken over by homeless people as well as the ‘open areas next to the railway lines saw the rapid rise of informal settlements’ (NHT, 2013). The potato sheds behind museum Africa were left abandoned until 1991 when the Afrika Cultural Centre used them to run ‘various art programmes for disadvantaged youth’ (NHT, 2013). As of 2012 the space where the potato sheds were located is being developed into the Newtown Junction Mall. In the past few years Newtown, and more specifically the areas surrounding the

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Fig. 72 44. Archival Aerial Photograph of Newtown Depicting Site (Museum Africa Ca. 1950s)


02_locate - The_HISTORY ‘We left the city and crossed the Queen Elizabeth Bridge. I twisted my head to look back and I must say that, from there, it all looked rather fine; the rectangular buildings, bone and sand and stone colour, pale as objects picked up on a beach, made a frieze of clean, hard shades against a sky that was all space’ - Nadine Gordimer (A World of Strangers, 1958, p.48)

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THE FIRE WALKER

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YOUNG MAN ON SITE

PEDESTRIAN PATH TOWARDS METRO MALL

INDIVIDUALS SLEEPING ON SITE Fig. 45. Site Photographs (Author 2013)


02_locate - The_SITE

02.4_THE_SITE This location serves as a good site for this youth centre to take shape as it is almost an in between space in the city, between the educational precinct of Braamfontein and the Cultural precinct of Newtown. This reflects where many of these youngsters are in their lives, an in between space trying to find their true identity. Being almost an island in the city gives the site an isolated nature which affords the opportunity to house a recognizable building that stands out from it’s surroundings, truly evoking the style of how youngsters choose to express themselves. The site itself is highly accessible with its neighbouring buildings being the iconic Metro Mall Market and Taxi Rank, which welcomes hundreds of taxis every day and is one of the most prominent transport nodes in the city. Also in close proximity is the Brickfields housing project as well as the other similar large, undeveloped, open portions of land, which have been proposed for future mixed-use developments. Newtown also houses an extensive assortment of architectural styles with each building expressing a unique character. This therefore suggests an area that is accepting towards the idea of expression and would be open to the implementation of a youth centre that has its own distinctive architectural appearance and style.

Fig. 46. Sketch of Fire Walker Sculpture (Author 2013)

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Fig. 76 47. Site Photographs (Author 2013)


02_locate - The_SITE

VIEW OF SITE FROM SIMMONDS ST.

VIEW OF SITE FROM SAUER ST.

VIEW OF SITE FROM QUEEN ELIZABETH BRIDGE

VIEW OF SITE WITH METRO MALL BEHIND

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Fig. 48. Sketch of Skaters on Nelson Mandela Bridge (Author 2013)

02_locate - The_SITE

The surrounding area is filled with pulses of Space Invader activities with all these activities occurring in close proximity to the site. Parkour groups thrive in Braamfontein and use the Wits campus every weekend as their practice ground. There are skateboarders who often make use of Nelson Mandela Bridge and Queen Elizabeth Bridge as they ‘surf’ through the city. Various dance studios offering an array of dance styles can be found throughout Newtown, and Mary Fitzgerald Square often plays host to the performances of break-dancing crews. Street art can be seen scattered across the walls of Newtown and Braamfontein with two formalized street art galleries having been introduced into these areas over the past few years. These galleries are Grayscale Gallery in Braamfontein, owned by well-known South African street artist Rasty Knayles, and TwobyTwo Gallery in Newtown. These galleries often have shows exhibiting the works of South Africa’s street artists selling various prints or canvases done by these artists. This promotes young artists and demonstrates an avenue through which they can make a living off of their unique art form. All this surrounding Space Invader activity allows the site to act as a home base for these individuals as they perform their activities throughout the city. It provides a site that establishes the acknowledgement of these individuals and their activities as a vital part of the cultural history of the area and affords the youth of the area a much-needed sense of place and identity.

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02_locate - The_SITE These maps depict the built up areas of Newtown and Braamfontein and what is noticeable is the large open portions of land, of which the site for the youth centre is one. These maps highlight the true opportunity that is available in the city for the site to become an iconic entrance into Newtown and a significant part of the cultural arc of Johannesburg.

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02_locate - The_SITE

There is a natural fall of 4 meters across the site, from the top North point down towards the bottom Southwest corner. This natural fall will prove vital in the design of the Youth Centre as it allows for the facilitation of various modes of movement across the site. As there is a large amount of existing movement across the site this is a very important design consideration.

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02_locate - The_SITE

The surrounding area consists of a few high-rise buildings of more than ten storeys, however, with the majority of the buildings directly surrounding the site being in the proximity of 2-3 storeys this gives a good indication of the height the youth centre should be. There is currently a five-storey height restriction on the site.

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02_locate - The_SITE

The existing land use of the area surrounding the site depicts a diverse mix of uses. Zoned for residential use, the site has remained undeveloped and so has been converted into the park. As the park currently does not provide adequate recreational opportunities this space could be better utilized as a place that anchors community life in Newtown.

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02_locate - The_SITE

The movement structure reveals the main vehicular routes and thoroughfares surrounding the site. As there is a large amount of vehicular movement on the East and West edges of the site via Simmonds street and Sauer Street these edges will form the ‘hard’ edges of the youth centre and will also provide adequate parking areas.

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Fig. 49. Diagrams of Pedestrian Movement on and Around Site (Author 2013)


There is currently a large amount of pedestrian movement on and around the site. As the accompanying diagrams show, the main pedestrian path of movement happens by people travelling up and down Queen Elizabeth Bridge and Diagonal Street and diagonally crossing the site during this commute. This existing path of movement has even caused a dirt path to appear diagonally across the site (See Image Below). As the site is situated in this area of large amounts of pedestrian movement and the site allows for these various different existing paths of movement to be formed across it, it is important that these paths be taken into consideration. The existing users of the site must therefore be respected and the youth centre must accommodate these existing paths of movement into its design. As movement is also a distinctive theme of the Space Invader activities, these existing paths of movement can become leading features of the youth centre and used to facilitate movement across the site through various modes of transport, be it cycling, skateboarding, parkour or walking.

Fig. 50. Photograph Highlighting the Dirt Path Created Across the Site due to Large Amounts of Existing Pedestrian Movement (Author 2013)

02_locate - The_SITE

PEDESTRIAN MOVEMENT

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03_negotiate

“PUBLIC SPACE...IT BELONGS TO YOU. IT’S YOURS TO TAKE, REARRANGE AND RE-USE. asking for permission is like asking to keep a rock someone just threw at your head”

- banksy (wall and piece, 2005)


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Fig. 51. Security Official on Nelson Mandela Bridge (Author 2013)


03_NEGOTIATE

03_NEGOTIATE Due to the stigmatism surrounding the Space Invader’s activities as well as their insurgent nature, when appropriating a space there is often a large amount of negotiating that takes place. In terms of the Space Invader there are two types of negotiation that may occur. One is negotiating with enforcement individuals such as security guards or police officers in order to gain access to a space, and the other is actually the physical negotiation of a space. This need for negotiation is largely due to what Jeffrey Hou describes as the erosion and decline of public space and public life, where society has become ‘less interested in public matters and more driven by private interest and personal desires’ (2010, p.6) therefore leading to ‘public spaces’ where walls have been replaced by CCTV cameras and security guards. We can see this in the growing privatization of public space within our own city where privatized security is used to manage more and more public spaces. Hou goes on to describe this in detail, pointing out that ‘streetscapes and town squares are reproduced but segregated from the rest of the city to create a supposed safe haven for shoppers and businesses’ (2010, p.6). This is evident in our city with places such as 44 Stanley Avenue in Milpark, Neighbourgoods Market in Braamfontein and Arts on Main in Maboneng, which have all been created as theme malls or festival marketplaces and have become public spaces highly secured by privatized security where suburbanites can go to feel like part of the city. In this security conscious world we now live in, it is these new forms of control of privatized security and surveillance that are ultimately restricting the freedom of movement and expression within some spaces in our city (Hou, 2010, p.6) and although they may be necessary to ensure the safety of the public they should never be used to stop one using public space in various ways they see fit. This increase in privatized security measures is making it more and more difficult for the Space Invaders to express themselves spatially within public spaces throughout the city and therefore some form of negotiation is often required by them. Fig. 52. Sketch of Security Official Standing Guard at Construction Site that has Been Tagged by Graffiti Artists (Author 2013)

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Fig. 96 53. ‘Parkour Motion’ (Ben Franke 2012)


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The first form of negotiation is done by almost every Space Invader, because often, having once located an ideal space to appropriate, there is some sort of security enforcement in place to try and prevent them from using that space. On numerous occasions this results in a deal needing to be struck between the individual and a security official where, according to most individuals I have spoken to, a bribe of twenty Rand is more than enough for the guard to turn a blind eye and allow them to continue with their activities. This form of negotiation often occurs when these individuals are in fact caught ‘in the act’ so to speak and so need to negotiate with security in order to gain permission to continue in their activities. Some enforcement officials however are less partial to bribes and will try detain the individuals in which case a chase is often involved where the Space Invader then needs to negotiate that space in order to flee. This highlights the need for a space in the city that youngsters can appropriate without being threatened. More importantly though, these individuals also physically negotiate the spaces they locate and it is through this way in which they negotiate spaces and physical elements in the city that they appropriate a space and make it their own. Let’s not forget that the very nature of all of these activities is in fact negotiating a space, where the individuals use existing physical elements of the city and negotiate on and around these elements in new and exciting ways in order to achieve a certain form of expression. Through my study of these activities and individuals, I documented and cataloged a series of spatial elements, which the Space Invaders intuitively seek out within the city in order to utilize. This catalog of spatial elements can now be used to better distinguish the use of spaces in the program of the youth centre and contribute to creating spaces that adhere to these various activities.

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STREET ART

BREAK-DANCING

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03.1_SPATIAL ELEMENTS STREET_ART: The street artist sees the walls of the city as canvases and therefore the city itself is transformed into a palimpsest on which they add layer upon layer of their beautiful artworks. Street art comprises of a whole range of works and styles ranging from the most common, such as spray painted murals, tags, stickups and stencils to more unique work, such as installations and even covering objects in patterned crochet work. Street artists utilise almost every surface that the city affords them but the elements that they most favour are walls, columns, posts and bollards. As the street artist Asbestos points out in the book, Street Knowledge, ‘whether it’s a painting I’ve put up on a wall or a sticker on a lamppost, it all adds to the layers of dirt and personality of a city’ (2010, p.14). These artists transform these elements into their own canvases throughout the city and through their negotiation of these elements and their surfaces they create beautiful artworks for the whole city to enjoy.

BREAK-DANCING: Break-dancers typically utilise public spaces, shop fronts, squares and thoroughfares where they can gather an audience of passersby. These areas often afford them spatial elements such as large, flat, open surfaces where they can move freely to achieve their fast acrobatic-style dance moves. An area framed by a series of elements, such as steps or benches, is ideal as this invites passersby to sit and watch, creating a space for both performer and spectator.

Fig. 55. Kevin Love Painting a Wall in Braamfontein (Author 2013)

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PARKOUR

SKATEBOARDING

100 Fig. 56. Spatial Element Diagrams (Author 2013)


SKATEBOARDING: Skateboarding is practiced indoors and outdoors in both large and small spaces (Wixon, 2009, p.2). It is very similar to Parkour in the sense that skaters too utilize existing physical obstacles in the city and negotiate these obstacles through a series of moves and tricks. The skateboarder has a whole array of moves that they perform to negotiate these obstacles, from the simpler tricks like the ollie to more complex flip tricks. The elements in the city that the skateboarder primarily utilises are benches, steps, railings, ledges, ramps, walls, roofs, window sills, bins, fences, posts, tables, curbs and embankments of all different shapes, sizes and varieties (Sidewalk Surfer, 1996). In an article in Slap Magazine (Sep 1995, p.8), Ron Allen points out that ‘the citizens use some of these elements everyday, almost to the point of excess, but still have no appreciation for the structure itself’ and so the Space Invader is critiquing the city and recreating its spaces. The skateboarder will use these elements to create drop-in

types used by the traceur. These moves are the run, climb, swing, vault, spin, jump and the roll, which can be used individually or in a combination to achieve the desired results. These traceurs don’t just see obstacles; they see the possibilities to negotiate over, through, under and around those obstacles. In the documentary, Generation Yamakasi (2007), Mark Daniels emphasises the importance that negotiating these obstacle can have for youngsters by suggesting that these individuals are not only negotiating obstacles but also ‘overcoming and adapting to mental and emotional obstacles as well as physical barriers’ and creating a space where they can exist.

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PARKOUR: Of the Space Invader activities, Parkour and Skateboarding are the most reliant on spatial elements. In their paper, Play in the City: Parkour and Architecture, (2011, p.21) C.J Rawlinson and M. Guaralda state that Parkour relies on physical ‘path and frame elements’ in the city such as benches, stairs, ledges, bollards, columns, walls, fences, railings, gaps, open spaces and anything else these individuals can manage to use as they dash through the city. The Traceur utilizes these elements to find the quickest way to move through a space and there is a whole combination of moves that they can utilise to do so. The moves used to negotiate these obstacles all depend on the situation at hand but essentially there are seven main movement

and transitional spaces, in most cases traveling along and between the obstacles in order to achieve various tricks. They therefore create a new function for that element merely by using it in a different way. Their actions transform the whole meaning that an object can have and, as an article in the January 1981 issue of Thrasher magazine points out, ‘A curb is an obstacle until you grind across it. A wall is but a ledge until you drop off it. A cement bank is a useless slab of concrete until you shred it’ (1981, p.16). Also like Parkour, skateboarding is usually done in groups where individuals will try to entertain and impress their peers by achieving new tricks and negotiating these spatial elements. As they try to impress their peers they are not just striving for identity and a place in that group but also in the city.

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“To a skateboarder the city looks different…to a skateboarder even a pole that has been bent by a car is a thing to skate” - Andrew Norton (99% Invisible, 2013)

Fig. 57. Sketch of Skateboarder Grinding Concrete Bollard (Author 2013) 102


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The Space Invaders all utilize these spatial elements in order to create a space for themselves. Ultimately through this stage of negotiating situations and spaces these individuals also ‘negotiate a sense of place and identity in the city’ (Hou, 2010, p.182). The negotiate stage also allows these youngsters to express their personal views as ‘they attempt to negotiate their own meanings which are symbolically expressed in subcultural styles’ (Moore, 1994, p.8). These spatial elements are important in a space because these youngsters are not only negotiating the space they are using but also negotiating themselves. They are exploring who they are and ways of being in their city and they are expressing this to themselves and to their surroundings. In the documentary, Inside Outside, Sao Paulo street artist Os Gemeos suggests that street art is “sometimes it’s ourselves, looking for ourselves” (2005). These youngsters give new meaning to a space and distinguish it from its surroundings merely by utilizing the elements in such a space differently. Similarly, in his paper on Surrealism, The Crisis of The Object, Andre Breton emphasizes this idea by stating, ‘objects thus reassembled have in common the fact that they derive from and yet succeed in differing from the objects which surround us, by simple change of role’ (1936). These elements are the few things in the city that afford these individuals the tools they need in order to perform their craft and in doing so express themselves. Therefore these elements will prove valuable in making up the spaces of the youth centre as they will not only appeal to a variety of youngsters but also allow for various everyday public activities.

Fig. 58. Young Girl Tags Street Lamp Post in Newtown (Author 2013)

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Fig. 59. Photographs of Graffiti Lesson with ‘T’ (Author 2013)


We have explored many recreational opportunities that the youth centre can provide but in order to get a better understanding of why these spaces will be relevant to youth and what the youth in the city truly need, I decided to meet with one of Johannesburg’s most prolific and respected street artists and do a bit of my own space invading for a day. As per this individual’s request, I have kept his identity confidential and will refer to him as ‘T’.

film, Inside Outside (2005), Berlin street artist Adrian Nabi states that “the moment you put it in a room it’s not street art any more, but that’s not the point because I use the white cube or the institution as a communication tool to make a link to the outside - to reality”.

The streets and the gallery therefore essentially aid each other and this can be very beneficial to youngsters, as an interest, such as street art, can become an entrepreneurial opportunity for them, especially, T has been a street artist in Johannesburg for almost fifteen years according to T, as “street art is becoming more widely accepted in and knows pretty much everything there is to know about youth cul- South Africa”. T also mentioned how many spaces in the city dedicatture and street culture in South Africa. I met up with T in Newtown ed to these subcultures are becoming more and more threatened and where, as we spoke, he gave me a lesson in graffiti writing. I chose as a result there are fewer spaces in the city for youngsters to use. to paint my girlfriend Mickaela’s nickname, ‘Mick’, as a surprise for Many buildings in Johannesburg have implemented small metal proher. T is a co-owner of the Two by Two street art gallery in New- trusions known as ‘skate-stoppers’, which are applied to the smooth town, which got us on to talking about the topic of designing a space surfaces often favoured by skateboarders. These small objects obwhere these insurgent-natured activities can occur or be housed. T struct the ease of movement along the surface thus deterring skatementioned that street art is changing and is now just as much off of boarders from using the space and conveying the message that they the streets as it is in the streets. In his book, Street Knowledge, King are not welcome. As we painted a column of the M1 underpass, T Adz agrees with this notion and states that ‘the street art movement also expressed his concern about the Newtown Junction Mall being is mutating into what is now referred to as ‘urban contemporary art’ constructed right next to this informal graffiti space and how he hoped and artists who have begun life on the streets are now using their it would not pose a threat to the identity of the space and the area. experiences on the street to influence a more refined, conceptual art off the streets in galleries’ (2010, p.93). Many street artists are embracing the gallery as an avenue through which they can sell their works and essentially the streets are then become free advertising space for them to get their name out there. Rasty, Faith47, Kevin Love, Veronika, Rekso, and Falko are just some of South Africa’s most well known street artists whose work can be found not only in the streets but also in various galleries. As one street artist points out in the documentary, Style Wars (1982), street art in a gallery has the “same energy and colouring” as it does out on the streets. This artist goes on to say that “the lifespan of an average piece today only lasts a few months, this (Street art in a gallery) is something that can last a lifetime” (1982). In the documentary

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Fig. 10660. ‘T’ and I Painting in Newtown (Author 2013)


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T and I continued to talk, as we painted, and I asked T why he originally got into street art, to which he replied: “well whilst growing up I couldn’t skate, or breakdance or rap but I was good at art and stuff and so to fit in with the whole hip-hop scene I started doing graffiti. At parties where people would be dancing or rapping I would be painting the walls”. For me this statement emphasized the true importance that these types of activities can have for youngsters growing up in the city and how they can be used as means by which youngsters can experience acceptance. T’s tool for fitting in as a youngster has now become his main source of income as he now paints commissioned pieces all over the city. “I will either advertise online or a lot of it is via word of mouth. People see my work or hear about me from a friend and call me up asking me to paint something for them”. It was through my conversation with T and, as he demonstrated to me the various techniques of how to paint a graffiti tag, that I got a real appreciation and understanding of these activities and the excitement and joy that can come from laying your claim to a space in the city. There is a sense of accomplishment and a sense of belonging that is attached to it and I feel it is essentially these qualities that a youth centre needs to encompass and offer youngsters. A youth centre should provide the necessary facilities but it should also give youngsters a sense of belonging in their city and define a space just for them. It should provide a space that they do not need to fight for but rather one that already belongs to them and is free for them to use.

Fig. 61. ‘T’ Demonstrating Painting Techniques (Author 2013)

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04_CREate

“BODIES NOT ONLY MOVE IN, BUT GENERATE SPACE PRODUCED BY AND THROUGH THEIR MOVEMENTS”

- BERNARD TSCHUMI (Architecture and disjunction, 1996, p.111)


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Create is without a doubt the most important stage in the Space Invaders’ process of appropriation. It is the very reason why these individuals do what they do. They are creators, and they are constantly constructing ways of being in their city. As Borden suggests, ‘appropriation is not the simple reuse of a building or space, but a creative reworking of its time and its space’ (2001, p.52), it is the space they create, it is the very way in which they make that space their own and it is how they ultimately create their own identity within that space that is important. Each Space Invader does this in their own distinctive way as they carve out spaces for expression and create them as their own.

Fig. 62. ‘Create’ Stencilled on Entrance to Nelson Mandela Bridge (Author 2013)

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Fig. 63. Informal Graffiti ‘Alleyway Gallery’ in Braamfontein (Author 2013) 112


In the same way, the break-dancers create a theatre or performance space within the city. They bring their performance directly to the audience using nothing more than an open space, music, and a lot of talent. These dancers create a stage where necessary and as they perform they create an interest amongst the public who form a crowd around them. This standing audience also creates new thresholds within the public space that is being appropriated thus completely redefining the space, if only for just a moment. The break-dancers create an unexpected experience in the everyday lives of people in the city thus challenging the monotonous and multi-functional nature of the city. The way they create their space is through their performance and it is this performing in public space that often is a form of income for these individuals and so it is not just a hobby or something they do but it is who they are and it is forming who they will become. Through their appropriation of spaces within the city, they not only create a space where they perform but they also create an identity, a vocation, and an income for themselves.

where a set of stairs becomes a jungle-gym or a handrail becomes an easier way to travel down stairs. They are constantly looking for new ways to negotiate obstacles and as Warren Bolster explains, this is an ongoing search where ‘just when you get to thinking that you’ve finally found the limits of what can be done on a skateboard, or what places are felt to be found, something new inevitably turns up again to broaden the imagination and boggle the mind’ (1977, p.73).

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Robert A. Schumann once said, “to send light into the darkness of men’s hearts - such is the duty of the artist” (1810-1856). Street art not only does this by bringing ‘colour and vibrancy onto drab walls in places denuded of beauty’ (Smith, 2013) but it also brings life and a sense of identity to the space and the area it is in and, most importantly, to the individual creating it. The street artists’ works are often social commentaries whereby the subject matter is very zeitgeist and therefore not only creates beautiful artworks throughout the city but also creates a platform for discussion. This art form is a true outlet with which these individuals can express themselves and have a voice in the city as they transform the city into their own personal art gallery for all to enjoy and relate to.

By introducing a new activity into these spaces the Space Invader is not only creating a new identity for themself but also a new identity for that space and its surroundings. As Jeffrey Hou suggests, ‘these spaces and activities are redefining and expanding the roles, functions, and meanings of the public and the production of space’ (2010, p.2). These individuals refuse to accept the predefined functions that architecture in the city may have and instead recreate this architecture on their own terms (Borden, 2001, p.105) and in doing so they create new possibilities for space within the city where the architecture is deconstructed, modified and then recreated (Borden, 2001, p.135). They are constantly ‘recomposing their own city from different places, locations, urban elements, routes and times’ (Borden, 2001 p.219) and demonstrating to us that they all have one thing in common in the way they appropriate a space, which is that they identify the missing elements within our city and then ‘they improvise...creating for themselves what is missing’ (Chen, 2010, p.33).

Similarly one could say that traceurs create an athletics track, gymnasium or obstacle course within the city. A space for movement where speed, precision and agility are all key factors in getting from point A to point B. The skateboarders create a playground within the city 113


Fig. 11464. ‘We Won’t Move’ Mural Recreated in Newtown (Author 2013)


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04.1_CREATING_A_PROGRAM The types of spaces that these individuals reprogram and create provide a good indication of the sort of programs that could make up the youth centre. Whilst rethinking the youth centre some of the types of spaces found in a typical youth centre need to be provided where youngsters can ‘develop their physical, social, emotional and cognitive abilities’ (Mion, 2010) but perhaps this can be better achieved through activities and spaces that are more in line with the ‘language’ of youth. According to the Whole Building Design Guide: Youth Centres (2010), Eric Mion indicates that a typical youth centre is made up of activity spaces, such as a games area, snack bar, computer room, and classrooms as well as support spaces such as administration, kitchen, and maintenance rooms. DMJM Design developed a typical programmatic structure of a youth centre. This typical programmatic structure, as seen in the accompanying diagram, has a main commons area with activity spaces organized around it.

Fig. 65. Program Structure of Typical Youth Centre (Author 2013) [Based on DMJM Design]

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Fig. 66. Program Structure for Proposed Youth Centre (Author 2013)


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In developing the program for the youth centre I took the notion of this typical program structure of a youth centre and adapted it to form a new programmatic structure where rather an urban park forms the commons area, ‘making it the heart of the program area around which other program spaces revolve’ (WBDG, 2010). A building structure with internal spaces can then be organized around the urban park. This allows the typical youth centre to be reimagined to create a space more in line with the objectives of the project. As the main focus of the youth centre will be on celebrating these activities through a large urban park area, this hopefully would act as a strong hook for youngsters as the nature of these activities is so engrained in youth culture that they appeal to a wide audience. However, we must not forget that some youngsters may have an appreciation for these activities and the styles of these various subcultures and perhaps enjoy observing them but they may not necessarily want to partake in them themselves. The youth centre therefore needs to be able to cater to all youngsters and this can be achieved by providing more formalized versions of the outdoor activities in interior building spaces as well as spectator spaces throughout the park. This use of a building structure housing indoor activity areas will not only allow the youth centre to appeal to the interests and needs of a larger audience but it will also allow the youth centre to be utilized in adverse weather conditions and an architectural structure on the site will be able to better establish the park. The program structure of the youth centre is divided into four categories, these being: social, physical, cultural and vocational.

Fig. 67. M1 Underpass in Newtown at Night (Author 2013)

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Fig. 11868.Youngsters Attend Street Art Exhibition at TwobyTwo Gallery in Newtown (Author 2013)


04_CREATE - CREATING_A_PROGRAM Fig. 69. Accommodation Schedule (Author 2013)

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Fig. 70. Exploraive Models and Concept Sketches from Design Charrette (Author 2013)


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- CREATING_A_style

Like the Space Invader, I started to form the space I wanted to create within the city. The first part of the creation process came through the design charrette, which formed a weeklong intensive dive into the design process. It was during the design charrette that I decided to take all the understanding I had gained about these individuals and their activities, as well as the information I compiled pertaining to the site, and use this to explore and develop a concept for the site and the building. During the design charrette, and through a series of explorations into these activities using photographs, sketches and models, I developed a concept for the site, this concept being: carve, fold, and flow. These terms were all concepts I had observed again and again whilst studying these individuals and the dynamics of their activities. The Space Invaders ‘carve’ out spaces for themselves within their city and so this site can literally house spaces that are carved into it. Fold came from the idea that the landscape itself could become the building and could fold up, over and around to enclose spaces where floor becomes wall becomes roof thus acknowledging these individuals’ unique use of surfaces. The concept of flow, especially the idea of trying to depict the flow of movement in a visual manner, became one of the main concepts and is what I kept referring to when developing the youth centre. The idea of flow is a key theme within all of these activities, whether it be the flow of lines, arrows or text in a piece of street art, or the continuous flow of movement a skateboarder or Traceur achieves when moving across a space. Once I established my concept I started to develop the style of the youth centre. The concept of style is deeply fixed in these subcultures, and ‘style in subculture is pregnant with significance’ (Hebdige, 1979, p.18). Style is an intentional communication and it is how youth choose to express themselves and so the visual style of a youth centre that represents youth is extremely important. In his book, The Lads in Action: Social Process in An Urban Youth Subculture, David Moore emphasizes the importance of this as he states: ‘visual style provides the grammar of everyday interaction for the members of these groups’ (1994, p.36). Fig. 71. Skater Boys in Johannesburg (Derek Smith 2011)

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These sketches formed my initial exploration into architectural moves that could be made on the site based on the various design and site considerations that became apparent. I first explored the possibilities of ‘hardening’ certain edges on the site and opening up other edges and what these various moves would allow. It became evident that a significant ‘move’ to make would be to harden the East and West edges of the site, which have the main vehicular thoroughfare of Simmonds Street and Sauer Street running along them. These hardened edges could be broken in certain places to create paths through to the urban park in the heart of the youth centre. The South edge could then open the park up to the bustling Gwigwi Mrwebi Street and Metro Mall. In the second part of this exploration I took the main existing pedestrian paths occurring on the site and explored ways of incorporating these into the park and observed how these would inform the spatial arrangement of the youth centre. Several paths of movement were considered. However, as discussed before, the existing diagonal movement across the park by pedestrians is the most crucial path to incorporate into the design of the youth centre and should become the major thoroughfare across the site. The third part of this exploration looked at how allowing for these various paths of pedestrian movement to occur across the park would inform the formation of the buildings of the youth centre around the park.

Fig. 72. Explorative Sketches of Possible Design ‘Moves’ (Author 2013)

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Fig. 73. Explorative Photo-study of Programmatic Arrangements (Author 2013)


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Based on the results of the previous exploration into possible ‘moves’ that could be made on the site, I then used these photographs to document a rudimentary exploration into the possible programmatic arrangements that could be made on the site. These programmatic arrangements were done using a 1:500 scale site plan as well as scaled volumes of each part of the program based on the floor areas established in the accommodation schedule. By placing the volumes of the program in various arrangements, I developed a good understanding as to which parts of the program would be best suited to specific areas of the site and how they would relate to portions of the park and their surroundings.

Fig. 74. Physical Model of Programmatic Arrangement (Author 2013)

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126 Fig. 75. Sketch of Break-dancer in Johannesburg (Author 2013)


Youth have a very unique style through which they express themselves and they largely choose to do this through visual means. In her paper, The Shop, The Home and Femininity As a Masquerade, Hellevi Ganetz suggests that ‘images, music and the body are essential to the new cultural forms of expression’ (1995, p.148) and it is through various mediums such as language, music, art, and most importantly fashion, that these youngsters choose to represent themselves. As David Moore suggests, youngsters use ‘clothing as a semiotic signpost’ (1994, p.35), utilizing fashion to communicate who they are. Ganetz goes on to say that for these youngsters it is the ‘possibilities for aesthetic creativity and self-expression which fashion elements provide’ that appeals to them and gives them a medium by which to convey their own personality and style (1995, p.77).

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Developing the form and aesthetic of the park and building is perhaps one of the most crucial parts of the creation process as it is the appearance of the building that affords the biggest opportunity to communicate with people and easily captivate and connect with the youth it aims to serve. I feel that it is therefore crucial that the form and aesthetic of the building should come not only from the spatial requirements needed for these activities, as well as additional programs, but also from the very spirit of the activities. I primarily focused my research on these activities not because a large portion of youth partake in them but because they encompass and influence so much of youth culture and what is relevant for youth at the moment and is therefore something that youth are able to connect through.

For these youngsters ‘style becomes a personal expression of a specific aesthetic ability’ (Ganetz, 1995, p.73). The youth centre itself therefore needs to take on the style and expression of these individuals and their activities in order to connect with them. It needs to be a vibrant, edgy, and robust place that represents youth in the same way that they choose to represent themselves nowadays and it needs to exhibit this to its surroundings as ‘it is visual style which speaks’ (Moore, 1994, p.17). In order to try and achieve this, I looked for inspiration in these activities and started to analyse various aspects of them in greater detail. Fig. 76. Diagram of the Visual Styles of Youth (Author 2013)

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04.2.1_CREATING_A_FORM As what initially sparked my interest in this thesis topic was the idea of how a piece of street art could be translated into some sort of three dimensional architectural form. I therefore began to envision the form of the youth centre taking on some of those interesting geometries and characteristics that are apparent in so many graffiti writers’ tags. I began by looking at several graffiti tags in the area surrounding the site. The most predominant tags being those of a graffiti writer named TAPZ who for almost two decades has been tagging his name on almost any surface he can find. TAPZ sometimes signs his tag ‘TAPZ’ and other times ‘TAPS’ but if you look for it you will begin to notice his graffiti tag in various forms throughout Johannesburg, from large colourful wall panels in Newtown to simple tags on the streets of the northern suburbs. I began to photograph a few of TAPZ’ tags around Newtown in order to deconstruct them into the simpler geometries that form the base of the works.

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Fig. 77. Tapz Mural in Newtown (Author 2013)


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Fig. 78. Explorative Deconstruction of Graffiti Tags in Surrounding Area (Author 2013)


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This process uncovered a series of intriguing geometries that make up these pieces and which are still reminiscent of the original artworks. These geometries reveal that these graffiti tags are largely made up of distorted rectangles and convoluted shapes. It is the slight distortions of basic shapes that build the graffiti pieces into these intricate, often hard to read ‘wild style’ pieces. This study starts to reveal clues as to the distinctive geometries that can be adopted into the design of the youth centre in order to create a building that is reminiscent of the graffiti pieces that surround it.

Fig. 79. Close-up of Tapz Mural in Newtown (Author 2013)

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One of the aspects of these activities that also inspired the form of the youth centre was the different poses of a break-dancer. Break-dancers typically perform a series of moves that will often culminate in a ‘freeze’ position. These various challenging moves and ‘freeze’ positions are often very expressive and beautifully structural. As this is a very interesting way to express oneself, through the form of their own body, these poses became the inspiration for how the building could be formed and arranged on the site. I therefore began to analyse these poses in order to translate them into a series of geometrical forms and spatial arrangements that could generate an expressive form on the site.

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Fig. 80. Diagrammatic Exploration Into Break-dancer Poses (Author 2013) [Based on Photograph by Juan Capistran 2001]

The study generated a series of interesting geometries, similar to those found in the graffiti tag study, but it was the various arrangements, and formations of these geometries and how they related to each other that most interested me. Many of these various spatial arrangements could be translated nicely onto the triangular site and so from here, using the various programmatic arrangements and moves explored earlier, I developed these spatial arrangement into a series of conceptual models.


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Fig. 81. Conceptual Models (Author 2013)


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Based on these explorations, I developed a series of concept models that I used to explore the various possibilities of geometries, forms, and spatial arrangements that could shape the youth centre on the chosen site. These concept models demonstrated a series of ways in which interesting geometries could be arranged on site to create evocative forms and functional spaces indicative of the findings in the previous explorations. After considering the positive and negative aspects of each concept, I began to narrow down the selections whilst also developing each model until I was satisfied with one that began to suggest a concept that could answer the various requirements based on the outcomes of the explorations performed and the various design considerations that have been apparent throughout the project.

Fig. 82. Conceptual Model in Site Context (Author 2013)

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Fig. 83. Perspectival Design Process Diagrams (Author 2013)

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Fig. 84. ‘Breakin’ B-boy’ (Pete Barrett 2010) 140


As emphasized before, the aesthetic of the youth centre is one of the biggest opportunities available to communicate and connect with youngsters. As Bo Reimer points out in his paper, The Media In Public and Private Spheres, ‘youth are generally diligent media consumers, and it is first and foremost the aesthetic that appeals to them’ (1995, p.63). In his book, Subculture: The Meaning of Style, Dick Hebdige states that ‘it is on the plane of aesthetic: in dress, dance, music: in the whole rhetoric of style, that we find the dialogue’ (1979, p.45). The aesthetic therefore affords the opportunity to connect with youth through the architectural language of the building itself and so it is something that needs to be greatly considered along with the form. Translating the styles of youth and these subcultures affords the opportunity to create a modern, stylish aesthetic that is associated with youth. Young People are ‘associated with what is modern and with the future…modernity has also entailed an aestheticizing of the every day or commonplace’ (Fornas, 1995, p.5). The aesthetic of the youth centre should express the core ideas of street culture and these activities. It occurred to me that this could be achieved through three main avenues, these being: materiality, colour, and Symbols.

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Fig. 85. Activity Materiality (Author 2013)


Skateboarders are always looking for a smooth surface that allows for an uninterrupted run of tricks across a space. The materials they most favour are large expanses of smooth and rough concrete with spatial elements that tricks can be performed on. The smooth concrete adheres better to the flow of tricks whilst the rough concrete offers a surface with better traction for speed and movement across a space. Smooth concrete can therefore be used in the main skating areas where individuals will linger in order to have a skate session whilst the rough concrete could be used on thoroughfares across the site. The use of steel is also often used for the edging of skating bowls and ramps as it provides a smooth surface for a skater to ‘grind’ across. Wood is also common in skateboarding as it allows for ramps of different types to be formed, constructed and disassembled with ease.

surface of a floor. These surfaces however should also be relatively soft. A lot of break-dancers actually tape large pieces of cardboard to the ground as this provides the adequate smooth surface on which to perform. Rubber tiles and Pavegen Tiles provide an adequate smooth surface with relative softness that could cushion the impact of moves. Street art occurs in various mediums on an assortment of surface materials. The most common are obviously concrete or brick walls, preferably painted white, but street artists make do with whatever surface they can get their hands on. Wood is also a favourable surface for street artists to work on, especially because wood panels can be set up for a street art festival and several construction sites use large wood panels to form a barrier around the construction site. Steel is also a common material utilized by street artists more specifically for small stickers or ‘tags’ done with permanent marker.

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Although the park as a whole will allow for appropriation of spaces for all these activities, materiality can offer a great way in which to distinguish certain areas for specific activities. This can be done through the implementation of materials that better adhere to those activities. For instance, skaters in the city prefer smooth concrete surfaces whilst obviously a material such as gravel does not provide a very good surface upon which to skate, but it does provide a great fragmented surface on which traceurs can cushion the impact of a jump. Therefore a look at the different materials that can either facilitate or impede these various activities will prove beneficial in allowing these activity spaces to be better distinguishable.

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Parkour is all about the ease of movement and the transfer of momentum in order to protect oneself when attempting high jumps and rolls. The materials that a traceur largely favour are those that allow for good traction and also for softer, more cushioned landings. Rough concrete is a great material for providing traction as it allows better grip to run as well as to climb. As mentioned before, gravel is a surface traceurs favour with regards to landing as the broken surface tension of the material acts as a shock absorber for the high jumps that these athletes perform. Grassed areas could also act as great soft surBreakdancing also relies heavily on smooth surfac- faces for these individuals to practice various tricks es, such as concrete and steel as a lot of the dance as well as provide relaxation areas for passersby. moves involve spins and the body moving across the Fig. 86. Video Stills of Parkour Jump onto Gravel (Stunts Amazing 2012)

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Fig. 87. Colour Palette Derived From Street Art in Surrounding Area (Author 2013)


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COLOUR: Colour is another main aspect of the aesthetic that can be implemented in order to create a vibrancy, excitement and style about the youth centre. I once again turned to the surrounding area for inspiration. It is no secret that bright colours can change the atmosphere of a space or environment. As many of the street art pieces in the area surrounding the site utilize bright, energetic colours, I thought this would be the best basis by which a colour palette for the youth centre could be formed. What I observed was that many of the street art pieces use a similar assortment of colours, these most commonly being blues, greens and oranges, with the most predominant colour of these throughout the pieces being the orange. This can possibly be because of the bright excitement that orange conveys. It is for this reason that I decided to utilize this colour palette to inform the colours of the youth centre, using the orange to emphasize a major stylistic element of the building, that being an arrow edging.

Fig. 88. Young Sakteboarder by Colourful Graffiti Mural in Newtown (Author 2013)

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Fig. 89. ‘The Fear Not the Spear’ Mural by PCP Crew in Newtown (Author 2013) 146


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The aesthetic also affords the opportunity to adopt and express, through elements of the building, certain distinguishable symbolic characteristics of these activities. These subcultures are largely based upon semiotics and so the use of symbolic references to these subcultures can be very beneficial in communicating with youth, as ‘youth in general are more receptive to the symbolic’ (Reimer, 1995, p.67). In his paper, Controlled Pleasures: Youth and Literary Texts, Ulf Boethuis emphasizes this point by stating that ‘symbolic forms of expression seem to exert such a magnetic attraction on youth’ (1995, p.150). It is their expression through symbols that provides youth with a sense of belonging and it is the ‘ability to create symbols and to play and fantasize that facilities and eases the difficult individuation process’ that is youth (Boethuis, 1995, p.150).

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symbols:

The symbol I decided to adopt, as a distinguishable feature of the youth centre, is the arrow. The arrow is an eminent symbol in graffiti tags and it has been used since the very start of graffiti bombing in New York in the early seventies. Although the arrow is a distinguishable feature in many pieces, it is also what makes each piece unique, as a graffiti writer in the documentary film, Style Wars (1982), suggests, “everybody got their own arrow”. The arrow is like the artist’s signature or fingerprint, it is what gives each piece a certain identity and because it is such a recognizable feature of graffiti I chose to use it to better distinguish the youth centre as a place for youth, inspired by youth and their various subcultures. In the same way that “some people have different arrows going right through their pieces” (Style Wars, 1982), I wanted to have the symbol of the arrows running through parts of the youth centre, emphasizing the edge and flow of the building that surrounds the park. 147


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Fig. 90. Perspective Concept Model of Arrow Symbol on Youth Centre Form (Author 2013)

Fig. 91. Conceptual Photo-Collage Images of Arrow Symbol Being Adopted to Create Other Possible Youth Focused Typologies (Author 2013)

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As a graffiti artist’s name is their identity and they try and put this name up all over the city, in various locations, I feel that the symbol of the arrow that is evocative of a graffiti tag could be used in the same way to make connections or ‘tags’ throughout the city that relate to the youth centre. In the same way that the arrow is used to distinguish the youth centre, the arrow could also be used to establish and distinguish other typologies throughout the city as additional places that also provide youngsters with various, more specialized, services. These spaces could be branches of the youth centre, making the youth centre a ‘homebase’ with various connections to other youth focused spaces throughout the city. The arrow could then become a symbol that youth begin to associate with as a place for them.

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“all young people, regardless of sexual orientation or identity, deserve a safe and supportive environment in which to achieve their full potential� - Hmi (LGBTQ Youth Issues, 2010, p. 172)


Fig. 92.Banksy’s ‘If Graffiti Changed Anything - It Would Be Illegal’ (Fitzrovia News 2011) 152


We have explored how the Space Invader deviates, locates, negotiates and creates in their process of appropriating a space; all to create what some may say is a ‘stage for performance, where they construct their social identity in relation to their peers and other members of society’ (Malone, 2002, p.157). Through this whole process they are ultimately creating a space within the city that they can associate with, but this is of course not all they are doing. As they ‘reinscribe themselves onto functional everyday spaces and objects’ (Borden, 2001, p.191), they also challenge our definition of public space by questioning the way we utilize spaces within the city. They use these spaces not only to express themselves but to also deal with the issues they feel are apparent in their surroundings. These portions of public space they carve out for their own use become the outlets through which they are able to express themselves. As Andy Bennett suggests, ‘in appropriating and reworking urban spaces in such ways, young people construct new urban narratives - narratives that enable them to view the local in particular ways and apply their own solutions to particular problems or short comings that they identify in their surroundings’ (2000, p.66). The Space Invader redefines something in these spaces that isn’t predefined and in doing so they design genuine public space, spaces that they, and others, can associate with. By way of their appropriation they almost ‘play’ with space but as Rawlinson and Guarald point out often, ‘play brings out conflict between competing desires and fears surrounding the public realm’ (2011, p.19) and this is perhaps why these activities are often viewed in such a disagreeable nature when perhaps they shouldn’t be.

These individuals create an urban rhythm and highlight the power that is evident in our everyday environment (Hou, 2010 p.181) and so one needs to also understand the social significance these activities have as well as the personal importance they hold for the individuals performing them. Jeffrey Hou suggests that ‘these spaces and activities are redefining and expanding the roles, functions and meanings of the public and the production of space’ and so for this reason I think they need to be greatly considered (2010, p.2). These activities should not be seen as a form of vandalism or delinquency as they have been in the past, but perhaps rather as the only means of expression some individuals within our city have and the only means by which they can find a sense of place in their city.

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A comment by Dan Cates in an issue of Sidewalk Surfer magazine in which he refers to skateboarding as ‘the only thing that I know how to do, and if I ever stopped doing it I would be no one...skateboarding is my only identity’ (1997) stresses the importance these activities have for these youngsters in creating an identity for themselves. As Borden also explains, these individuals’ identity ‘continually informs, and is informed by, their spatial activities’ (2001, p.137) and so spaces for youth within the city need to be elemental spaces rather than bounding ones, ones that are more inclusive and more inviting to the public and more conducive to the activities that the youngsters in our city are interested in. There is no denying that there is a genuine need for spatial opportunities for youngsters in the city to be able to express themselves. The ideas and clues that the Space Invaders provide are crucial, as they offer a platform through which to reconnect the youth to their city thus giving them It is our duty as architects to listen to the individuals in our city who, a place ‘to construct the self within the selfless sea of city streets’ as Andy Bennett points out, are ‘actively involved in creating a new (Malone, 2002, p.163). I think that the importance and need for an cultural space and a new identity’ (2000, p.33) because it speaks environment where young people are able to express themselves volumes about the possible weaknesses and limitations of public and find identity is unquestionable and, as Lefebvre suggests, ‘today space within our city as well as the changing needs of the public. a loss of identity besets all peoples and individuals’ (1991, p.416). 153


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My design intervention is The 3rd Place Youth Centre. The 3rd Place is a space within the city that youngsters can associate with and call their own. The term ‘third place’ is a concept I came across by Ray Oldenburg in his book, Celebrating the Third Place (2001). In this book Oldenburg refers to a third place as a place that anchors community life, which is between a place of home and place of work and so I thought this a fitting name, as that is essentially where these youngsters are in their lives.

Fig. 93. View from Gwigwi Mrwebi Street (Author 2013)

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The youth centre is largely made up of the urban park which allows spaces to be appropriated for various activities. However, some portions of the park are more suited to house specific activities and these have been distinguished through the use of various materials as discussed previously. The park is framed by the building structures of the youth centre and from the site plan one can see that formally the youth centre stands out from its surroundings but, as Hebdige suggest, ‘the communication of a significant difference, is the ‘point’ behind the style of all spectacular subcultures’ (1979, p.101).

De Villiers

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On the ground foor plane the park is framed by a retail arm comprising of a bar, skate shop, media store, café, and clothing store. The retail arm also houses a tattoo parlour, which as a typology has great significance in providing another avenue through which youth can express themselves. Hillevi Ganetz suggests that ‘today, to discover what is best for oneself one must experiment, and one of the areas most accessible for this is one’s own body’ (1995, p.78). Attached to the tattoo parlour is a street art gallery and print shop. This not only provides an entrepreneurial opportunity for youngsters to sell their works but also an avenue whereby the public are able to not only appreciate street art but also own a piece of it. In the book, Street Knowledge, street artist Broken Fingaz highlights the benefit that a street art gallery and print shop can provide for youngsters as it ‘makes it possible for us to actually make a living from stuff we like doing anyway’ (2010, p.31). STORE

CAFE

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MEDIA STORE

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Also located on the ground floor is a ‘Modding’ workshop that opens directly onto the park. This is where individuals can build ramps and other elements to insert into the park in order to modify it how they see fit. PARKING

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FIRST FLOOR: Movement between the ground and first floor can happen via the core, using the staircase or elevator; or a ramp which slopes up from the upper part of the ground floor and serves as the main entrance into the building.

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The core and ramp both open onto the ‘Chill Zone’ of the main building. This is a relaxation and recreation extension of the outdoor park area and comprises of a bar, pool tables, arcade games, skate ramps, and sitting areas. Also located on the first floor of the main building is a dance studio, which overlooks the park and doubles as a dance floor for the ‘Chill Zone’ after hours.

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05_ASSOCIATE - A_PLACE_TO_ASSOCIATE Fig. 94. Interior View of ‘Chill Zone’ (Author 2013)

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MEDIA CENTRE: Across the park from the main building is the Media Centre. In the book, Youth Culture in Late Modernity, Fornas points out that today youngsters use an array of different media tools as they ‘are culturally oriented and express themselves to an unusual degree in texts, pictures, music, and styles’ (1995, p.5). The Media Centre comprises of a business enterprise room, book-bar, study area, internet ‘Surf-Zone’, ‘Tech-Hub’ for music recording and editing, and a cinema.

BUSINESS ENTERPRISE ROOM

STUDY AREA

BOOK BAR

BOOK BAR

MEDIA CENTRE

MUSIC STUDIO

SURF ZONE TECH. HUB

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05_ASSOCIATE - A_PLACE_TO_ASSOCIATE Fig. 95. Interior View of Media Centre (Author 2013)

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The second floor of the main building houses a gym, clinic, reception, security room, print and textile workshop, and administration offices. The print and textile workshop provides another entrepreneurial opportunity whereby youngsters can learn to design and make their own clothes or develop their artworks into a series of prints to sell in the retail stores on the ground floor.


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The gym overlooks the dance studio below and is directly connected to it via a staircase as to provide both access to the changing facilities. The clinic located next to the gym provides a doctor’s room, one-on-one counseling room, and a first response treatment area for any injuries that are likely to occur in the park.

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05_ASSOCIATE - A_PLACE_TO_ASSOCIATE Fig. 96. Interior View of Gym (Author 2013)

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SOUTH ELEVATION 1:200 174


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GRAFFITI ABSTRACTION PROCESS

PERSPECTIVE VIEW

ELEVATION 176 Fig. 97. Diagrams of 3rd Place Graffiti Tag Sculpture (Author 2013)


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As one’s name is the most important aspect in graffiti and graffiti tagging, it is fitting to announce the Youth Centre and its name in the same way. This has been done through a concrete graffiti tag sculpture that reads ‘3rd Place Youth Centre’ and is located on the southern edge of the park. The idea of having a sculptural name to distinguish the park is similar to that of another notorious youth hangout and skating destination, which is the John F. Kennedy Plaza in Philadelphia, or better known as ‘Love Park’ because of Robert Indiana’s iconic ‘LOVE’ sculpture that sits in the plaza.

Fig. 98. Sketch of Robert Indiana’s ‘LOVE’ Sculpture (Author 2013) Fig. 99. View of 3rd Place Sculpture (Author 2013)

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SECTION A 178


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180100. Brise-Soleil Design Process (Author 2013) [Based on Original photograph of Traceur Jumping by Rhys Bell 2011] Fig.


Fig. 101. View of 3rd Place Brise-Soleil (Author 2013)

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A perforated steel brise-soleil is located on the eastern faรงade of the main building to provide solar shading as well as a walkable and climbable structure of the building. The image of a traceur performing a parkour jump has been incorporated into the brisesoleil using varying perforation sizes in the steel. This further establishes the space as a place for youth and their activities.

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04_CREATE - A_PLACE_TO_ASSOCIATE Fig. 102. View of 3rd Place Urban Park (Author 2013)

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MOVEMENT PATTERNS Fig. 103. Perspectival Flow Diagram Showing Possible Parkour and Skateboarding Movement Patterns and Heights (Author 2013)

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Fig. 104. Winter Solstice Solar Study (Author 2013)


05_ASSOCIATE - A_PLACE_TO_ASSOCIATE Fig. 105. Summer Solstice Solar Study (Author 2013)

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Fig. 106. Physical Models (Author 2013)


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Fig. 107.Aerial Night View (Author 2013)


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Fig. 108. View from Cnr Gwigwi Mrwebi St. & Simmonds St. (Author 2013)

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Fig. 109. Young Men Skating the Streets of Johannesburg at Night (Ihsaan Haffejee 2012) 206


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05.2_TECHNICAL STUDY I focused my technical study on developing an element of public furniture that could be appropriated for different uses, thus allowing the user to further associate with the space. The element of public furniture I developed is a steel bench that can be adjusted to form a light, thus allowing the park to be illuminated and utilized at night where necessary. These benches are located all around the park and by using them in conjunction with Pavegen tiles will allow for the opportunity to take advantage of the large amounts of movement that would occur across the park. Pavegen tiles utilize pedestrian movement and convert this kinetic energy into electricity that can be stored and used.

Fig. 110. Sketch of Typical Pavegen Tile (Author 2013)

Fig. 111. Youth Recites Poetry by Streetlight in Newtown (Author 2013)

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Fig. 112. Conceptual Diagrams of Adjustable Bench Design (Author 2013)

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ELEVATIONS 1:20

Fig. 113. Analytical Elevation Drawings of Bench/Light Design in Closed and Open Position (Author 2013)

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Fig. 114. Sections of Bench/Light Design in Closed and Open Position (Author 2013)


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Fig. 115. Detail of Bench/Light Design and Materiality and Pavegen Feasibility Study (Author 2013)


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MATERIALITY PLAN AND PAVEGEN SUSTAINABILITY STUDY 215


PERSPECTIVES 1:20

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Fig. 116. Analytical Perspective Development Drawings of Adjustable Bench/Light Design (Author 2013)


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OPENING PERSPECTIVE 1:20

EXPLODED ISOMETRIC OF LIGHT HEAD 1:10

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BENCH/LIGHT PHYSICAL MODEL 1:10

218 Fig. 117. Physical Models of Adjustable Bench/Light Design (Author 2013)


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Fig. 117. Kevin Love Mural in Newtown (Author 2013)



99% Invisible. 2013. Radio Program. Episode 71: In and Out of Love. Roman Mars. San Francisco. Adz, K. 2010. Street Knowledge. Harper-Collins Publishers. London. Allen, R. 1995. ‘Urban Transcendentalism, Part 2’, Slap Magazine, Vol.4 No.9, September. p.8 Barstow, O & Law-Viljoen, B. 2011. Fire Walker. Fourthwall Books, South Africa.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Beksinska, M. Cebekhulu, Q and Erulkar, A. 2001. An Assessment of Youth Centres in South Africa. The Population Council and Reproductive Health Research Unit. South Africa. Bennett, A. 2000. Popular Music and Youth Culture: Music, Identity and Place. Palgrave Macmillan, United Kingdom. Boethius, U. 1995. ‘Controlled Pleasures: Youth and Literary Texts’. Youth Culture in Late Modernity. Chapter 8. Stage Publications Ltd, UK. Boethius, U. 1995. ‘Youth, The Media and Moral Panics’. Youth Culture in Late Modernity. Chapter 3. Stage Publications Ltd, London. Bolster, W. 1977. ‘Desert Discovery’, Skateboarder Magazine, Vol.3 No.6, July, p.73. Borden, I. 2001. Skateboarding, Space and the City: Architecture and the Body. Berg, New York. Breton, A. 1936. ‘The Crisis of The Object’. Surrealists on Art, ed Lucy Lippard. Spectrum, New York. Cates, D. 1997, Sidewalk Surfer Magazine, No.13. January. Cloete, N. Papier, J & Perold, H. 2012. Shaping the Future of South Africa’s Youth: Rethinking Post-School Education and Skills Training. Centre For Higher Education Transformation (CHET). South Africa. Dodd, A. 2011. ‘Now You See Her, Now You Don’t’. Fire Walker. Essay 1. Fourthwall Books, South Africa. Farrell, T. 2010. Shaping London. John Wiley and Sons. London. Fornas, J & Bolin, G. 1995. Youth Culture in Late Modernity. Stage Publications Ltd, London. Fornas, J. 1995. ‘Youth, Culture and Modernity’. Youth Culture in Late Modernity. Chapter 1. Stage Publications Ltd, London. Forty, A. 1995. ‘Foreword’. In Borden, Kerr, Pivaro and Rendell (eds) Strangely Familiar: Narritives of Architecture in the City. Taylor and Francis, United Kingdom. Furnham, A & Gunter, B. 1989. The Anatomy of Adolescence: Young People’s Social Attitudes in Britain. Routeledge, London. Ganetz, H. 1995. ‘The Shop, The Home and Femininity as a Masquerade’. Youth Culture in Late Modernity. Chapter 5. Stage Publications Ltd, London. Generation Yamakasi. 2012. TV Documentary, Daniels, M & France 2, France. Gordimer, N. 1958. A World of Strangers. Penguin Books, Great Britain. 223


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All Photographs, Drawings and Illustrations Done by Author, Unless Otherwise Indicated. Fig. 1. Smith, D. 2012. Black is Gold. [Photograph] (2012 City of Gold Collection). Fig. 4. Banksy. 2003. ‘Love is in the Air’ Stencil. [Electronic Print]. Accessed 16 February 2013. Available at: http://fpomarketing.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/IFWT_BanksyIsACurrentGraphicArtist.jpg

BIBLIOGRAPHY

LIST OF FIGURES:

Fig. 5. GraffLondon. 2010. Youth Rioter. [Image Online]. Accessed 12 April 2013. Available at: http://grafflondon.blogspot.com/2010_05_01_archive.html Fig. 8. Fairey, S. 2008. Barack Obama ‘Hope’ Poster. [Electronic print]. Accessed 6 August 2013. Available at: http://obeygiant.com/images/2008/09/obama-hope-shelter1.jpg Fig. 11. Consciousimage. 2010. Hooded Boy in Window. [Image Online]. Accessed 21 April 2013. Available at: http://www.deviantart.com/#/art/Hooded-Boy-In-Window-157834059?hf=1 Fig. 12. Banksy. 2009. ‘No Ball Games’. [Electronic Print]. Accessed 4 May 2013. Available at: http://content.animalnewyork.com/wp-content/uploads/Steal-Banksy-no-ball-games2.jpg Fig 15. South Bank Undercroft. 2013. Undercroft Activity Usage Poll. [Online Image]. Accessed 25 August 2013. Available at: http://www.southbankundercroft.com/read/9/activity-how-do-you-use-this-place Fig. 17. Feilden Clegg Bradley. 2013. South Bank Redevelopment Proposals. [Architectural Drawings]. Accessed 14 July 2013. Available at: http://www.southbankundercroft.com/read/19/proposals-under-discussion-detailed-maps-of-hungerford-space-and-undercroft-space Fig. 18. Kitwood, D. 2013. Skater in Southbank Undercroft. [Image Online]. Accessed 15 August 2013. Available at: http://www.standard.co.uk/news/london/home-knits-dungarees-loons-tunes--and-boards-40-years-of-southbank-skater-heaven-8703993.html?action=gallery&ino=13 Fig. 19. Belling, Z. 2011. The Hive Apartment. [Image Online]. Accessed 25 May 2013. Available at: http://www.archdaily.com/259723/the-hive-apartment-itn-architects/ Fig. 20. Rodriquez. 2011. The Hive Apartment. [Image Online]. Accessed 25 May 2013. Available at: http://www.archdaily.com/259723/the-hive-apartment-itn-architects/ Fig. 21. ITN Architects. 2011. Section and Elevation. [Architectural Drawing]. Accessed 25 May 2013. Available at: http://www.archdaily.com/259723/the-hive-apartment-itn-architects/

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Fig. 22. ITN Architects. 2011. Plans. [Architectural Drawing]. Accessed 25 May 2013. Available at: http://www.archdaily.com/259723/the-hive-apartment-itn-architects/ Fig. 23. Belling, Z. 2011. Hive Apartment Habitable Area. [Image Online]. Accessed 25 May 2013. Available at: http://www.archdaily.com/259723/the-hive-apartment-itn-architects/ Fig.24. Baan, I. 2011. Factoria Joven. [Image Online]. Accessed 12 April 2013. Available at: http://collabcubed.files.wordpress.com/2011/10/merida_youth_factory_selgas_cano_collabcubed.jpg Fig 25. Selgas Cano Architects. 2011. Physical Model. [Image Online]. Accessed February 25 2013. Available at: www.selgascano.net Fig 26. Selgas Cano Architects. 2011. Plans. [Architectural Drawing]. Accessed February 25 2013. Available at: www.selgascano.net Fig. 27. Baan, I. 2011. Factoria Joven Photographs. [Images Online]. Accessed July 27 2013. Available at: http://www.archdaily.com/148708/merida-factory-youth-movement-selgas-cano/ Fig. 28. Selgas Cano Architects. 2011. Sections and Elevations. [Architectural Drawing]. Accessed February 25 2013. Available at: www.selgascano.net Fig. 30. Belling, Z. 2011. Hive Apartment. [Image Online]. Accessed 25 May 2013. Available at: http://www.archdaily.com/259723/the-hive-apartment-itn-architects/ Fig. 31. Baan, I. 2011. Factoria Joven Photographs. [Images Online]. Accessed July 27 2013. Available at: http://www.archdaily.com/148708/merida-factory-youth-movement-selgas-cano/ Fig. 37. Smith, D. 2012. Okuda Painting in Braamfontein. [Photograph] Fig. 40. Jon, F. 2010. Young Men in Newtown. [Image Online]. Accessed September 26 2013. Available at: http://www.flickr.com/photos/fredericjon/4651061590/in/set-72157624157669936 Fig. 44. Museum Africa History Archives. ca. 1950s. Archival Aerial Photograph of Newtown. Fig. 53. Franke, B. 2012. Parkour Motion. [Image Online]. Accessed 21 September 2013. Available at: http://www.benfranke.com/index.php?/photos/motion/ Fig. 71. Smith, D. 2011. Skater Boys in Johannesburg. [Photograph] Fig. 80. Capistran, J. 2001. Breakdancer Poses [Photograph]. Accessed 18 May 2013. Available at: http://softestbulletevershot.com/The-Breaks

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Fig. 86. Stunts Amzing. 2012. The Worlds Best Parkour and Freerunning. [VIDEO STILLS]. Accessed 7 April 2013. Available at: Available at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NX7QNWEGcNI Fig, 92. Fitzrovia News. 2011. Banksy’s ‘If Graffiti Changed Anything - it Would Be Illegal’. [Image Online]. Accessed 4 July 2013. Available at: http://news.fitzrovia.org.uk/2011/04/25/banksy-graffiti-fitzrovia/

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Fig. 84. Barrett, P. 2010. Breakin’ B-boy. [Image Online]. Accessed 23 July 2013. Available at: http://www.petebarrett.com/blog/?s=breakin+boy

Fig, 100. Bell, R. 2011. Traceur Jumping. [Image Online]. Accessed 2 September 2013. Available at: http://bellfolio5.blogspot.com/2011/09/parkour-strobe.html Fig. 109. Haffejee, I. 2012. Young Men Skating the Streets of Johannesburg at Night. [Image Online]. Accessed 23 June 2013. Available at: http://thelyricaleye.com/2012/06/07/joburg-life-skating-through-the-night-city/

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