ÐÐ ¶ÆîàôÂÚàôÜܺðÆ ²¼¶²ÚÆÜ ²Î²¸ºØƲ вÚàò òºÔ²êä²ÜàôÂÚ²Ü Â²Ü¶²ð²Ü-ÆÜêîÆîàôî
òºÔ²êä²Ü²¶Æî²Î²Ü вܸºê 1(1)
ºñ¨³Ý 2013
ISSN 1829-3980
ò»Õ³ëå³Ý³·Çï³Ï³Ý ѳݹ»ë Journal of Genocide Studies Æóðíàë èññëåäîâàíèé ãåíîöèäà
ÈáõÛë ¿ ï»ëÝáõÙ 2013 Ãí³Ï³ÝÇó
1(1), 2013
ÊÙμ³·ñ³Ï³Ý ËáñÑáõñ¹
гÛÏ ¸»ÙáÛ³Ý, å. ·. ¹. (·ÉË. ËÙμ³·Çñ) êáõñ»Ý سÝáõÏÛ³Ý, å. ·. Ã. (·ÉË. ËÙμ³·ñÇ ï»Õ³Ï³É) ²ñë»Ý ²í³·Û³Ý, å. ·. ¹. ȨáÝ ²μñ³Ñ³ÙÛ³Ý, å. ·. ¹. гñáõÃÛáõÝ Ø³ñáõÃÛ³Ý, å. ·. ¹. èáõμ»Ý ê³ýñ³ëïÛ³Ý, å. ·. ¹.
ì³É»ñÇ ÂáõÝÛ³Ý, å. ·. ¹. ì³ñáõÅ³Ý äáÕáëÛ³Ý, å. ·. ¹. ²Ý³ÑÇï Êáëñᨳ, å. ·. Ã. Ø»ÉÇÝ» ²ÝáõÙÛ³Ý, å. ·. Ã. ܳñÇÝ» سñ·³ñÛ³Ý, å. ·. Ã. »ÑÙÇÝ» سñïáÛ³Ý, å. ·. Ã. ¶¨áñ· ì³ñ¹³ÝÛ³Ý, å. ·. Ã.
ò»Õ³ëå³Ý³·Çï³Ï³Ý ѳݹ»ë, ºñ¨³Ý: гÛáó ó»Õ³ëå³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ã³Ý·³ñ³Ý-ÇÝëïÇïáõï, 2013.- 176 ¿ç гݹ»ëÁ ÉáõÛë ¿ ï»ëÝáõÙ ï³ñÇÝ »ñÏáõ ³Ý·³Ù Ðñ³ï³ñ³ÏÇ㪠¶²² гÛáó ó»Õ³ëå³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý-óݷ³ñ³Ý ÇÝëïÇïáõï гëó»ª ÌÇÍ»éݳϳμ»ñ¹Ç Ñáõ߳ѳٳÉÇñ, ºñ¨³Ý, 0028 лé.ª (+374 10) 39 09 81), ¾É. ѳëó».ª handes@genocide-museum.am
© ò»Õ³ëå³Ý³·Çï³Ï³Ý ѳݹ»ë, 2013
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´àì²Ü¸²ÎàôÂÚàôÜ ²Ýݳ ²É»ùë³ÝÛ³Ý...........................................................................................................7 Ð²Ú Î²Ü²Üò вê²ð²Î²Î²Ü ¶àðÌàôܺàôÂÚàôÜÀ ÎÆÈÆÎƲÚàôØ 1909 Â. Îàîàð²ÌܺðÆò кîà (¼. ºê²Ú²ÜÆ ºì ². ºà¸ÆÎÆ úðÆܲÎàì) ²ñ÷ÇÝ» ´³μÉáõÙÛ³Ý .....................................................................................................15 1909 Â. ²¸²Ü²ÚÆ ¨ вȺäÆ ìÆȲںÂܺðàôØ îºÔÆ àôܺò²Ì Îàîàð²ÌܺðÆ ÄàÔàì𸲶ð²Î²Ü кîºì²ÜøܺðÀ ²ñ³Ù³ÛÇë ´³ÉáÛ³Ý.......................................................................................................24 1909 Âì²Î²ÜÆ ÎÆÈÆÎƲÚÆ Ð²ÚÎ²Î²Ü Îàîàð²ÌܺðÜ Àêî Æî²È²Î²Ü ¸Æì²Ü²¶Æî²Î²Ü ö²êî²ÂÔºðÆ Ð³ÛÏ ¸»ÙáÛ³Ý ................................................................................................................34 1909 Â. ²¸²Ü²ÚÆ ºô вȺäÆ ìÆȲںÂܺðàôØ îºÔÆ àôܺò²Ì Îàîàð²ÌܺðÆ Ðය´²Ü²Î²Ü ¸ð¸²ä²îÖ²èܺðÜ àô кîºô²ÜøܺðÀ. ܲÊÜ²Î²Ü ¸Æî²ðÎàôØ Üºð Raymond Kévorkian........................................................................................................42 LA GESTION POLITIQUE DES MASSACRES DE CILICIE î³Ã¨ÇÏ Ô³ÉóÕãÛ³Ý ..................................................................................................59 ²¸²Ü²ÚÆ 1909 Â. Îàîàð²ÌܺðÆ ²è²æÆÜ ²ðÒ²¶²ÜøܺðÜ ²ðºìØî²Ð²Ú زØàôÈàôØ êáõñ»Ý سÝáõÏÛ³Ý.........................................................................................................69 вÚÎ²Î²Ü ²ð¸Æ²Î²Ü²òàôØÀ àðäºê вÚàò òºÔ²êä²ÜàôÂÚ²Ü ä²îÖ²è (²¸²Ü²ÚÆ úðÆܲÎàì) Eva Merénics ....................................................................................................................76 REPORTS ON THE MASSACRES IN ADANA BY AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN NEWSPAPERS ²ñ³Ù ØÇñ½áÛ³Ý ............................................................................................................92 àð´²ÊÜ²Ø ¶àðÌàôܺàôÂÚàôÜÀ 1909 Â. ²¸²Ü²ÚÆ ºì вȺäÆ Ü²Ð²Ü¶ÜºðàôØ îºÔÆ àôܺò²Ì æ²ð¸ºðÆò кîà 껹³ ä³ñë³ÙÛ³Ý ........................................................................................................98 ØÞ²Îàô²ÚÆÜ òºÔ²êä²ÜàôÂÚ²Ü Æð²¶àðÌØ²Ü ØºÊ²ÜƼØܺðÜ ²¸²Ü²ÚÆ ºì вð²ÎÆò Þðæ²ÜܺðÆ 1909 Â. Îàîàð²ÌܺðÆ 5
ÀܲòøàôØ ºì ¸ð²Üò кîºì²ÜøܺðÀ Rubina Peroomian .........................................................................................................105 THE POETICS OF VIOLENCE IN LITERARY RESPONSES TO THE ADANA MASSACRES ì³ñáõÅ³Ý äáÕáëÛ³Ý ................................................................................................. 118 1909 Â. ÎÆÈÆÎÚ²Ü Îàîàð²ÌܺðÀ üð²ÜêÆ²Î²Ü ä²îز¶ðàôÂÚ²Ü øÜÜ²Î²Ü ÈàôÚêÆ Üºðøà (вزèàî ¸Æî²ðÎàôØ Üºð) гñáõÃÛáõÝ ê»ÉÇÙÛ³Ý..................................................................................................128 ²î²Ü²ÚÆ Îàîàð²ÌÀ ºì Ð²Ú ²ôºî²ð²Ü²Î²ÜܺðàôÜ ÎàðàôêîÀ гëÙÇÏ êï»÷³ÝÛ³Ý ..................................................................................................138 вÚÎ²Î²Ü æ²ð¸ºðÆ ²ðî²òàÈàôØÀ вڲî²è ÂàôðøºðºÜ ¶ð²Î²ÜàôÂÚ²Ü Øºæ ²ÝÇ àëϳÝÛ³Ý..............................................................................................................142 1909 Â. ²¸²Ü²ÚÆ æ²ð¸ºðÆÜ ´²Ü²ÎÆ Ø²êܲÎòàôÂÚ²Ü Ð²ðòÆ Þàôðæ Verjine Svazlian..............................................................................................................148 THE ADANA MASSACRE AND THE PEOPLE’S HISTORICAL MEMORY Æí î»ñÝáÝ .....................................................................................................................155 ÎÆÈÆÎƲ 1909 Â.£ Ðܲð²ìà±ð ¾ð ²ð¸Úàø βÜʲ¼¶²È òºÔ²êä²ÜàôÂÚ²Ü êä²èܲÈÆøÀ ²ñï»Ù úѳÝç³ÝÛ³Ý ..................................................................................................162 ²¸²Ü²ÚÆ æ²ð¸ºðÜ ²ìêîðÆ²Î²Ü ²ðÊÆì²ÚÆÜ ì²ìºð²¶ðºðÆ ÈàôÚêÆ Üºðøà ÎÇÉÇÏdzÛÇ Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇÝ ÝíÇñí³Í Ýáñ Ññ³ï³ñ³ÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ ...................170
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Anna Aleksanyan The Social Activities of the Armenian women in Cilicia after 1909 Massacres. (e.g of Z. Esayan and A. Teodik) Summary After 1909 massacres the Ottoman Armenians did their best to help those who suffered during Adana massacres. The Armenian women were also involved in the relief mission to help orphans, widows and prisoners. Many witnesses published voluminous works, articles trying to assess the situation and to find out real organizers and causes of the massacres. In this respect, the works of Zabel Esayan and Arshakuhi Teodik present very important sources as an eyewitness account. The authors refered the Western Armenian women, who played an active role in supporting Cilician Armenians after the disaster. Armenian female activists gave their own appreciation of the situation in their works, memoirs and letters.
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ݳ·ñí»óÇÝ ß»ßï³ÏÇ ÅáÕáíñ¹³·ñ³Ï³Ý ÷á÷áËáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ` Ç íݳë Ñ³Û μݳÏãáõÃÛ³Ý Ãí³ù³Ý³ÏÇ£ ²Ûëå»ë, ѳٳӳÛÝ Ð³Ûáó å³ïñdzñù³ñ³ÝÇ Î»ÝïñáÝ³Ï³Ý ³ÛñdzËݳ٠ѳÝÓݳÅáÕáíÇ ùÝÝÇã-å³ïíÇñ³Ï Ä³Ï ê³Û³å³ÉÛ³ÝÇ ÏáÕÙÇó ϳ½Ùí³Í ï»Õ»Ï³·ñÇ, 1909 Ã-Çó ³é³ç øÁñù ʳÝÁ áõÝ»ñ 80 ïáõÝ Ñ³Û ¨ 30 ïáõÝ Çëɳ٠μݳÏãáõÃÛáõÝ, ç³ñ¹Ç ѻ勉Ýùáí Ùݳó»É ¿ñ 30 ïáõÝ Ñ³Û, 80 ïáõÝ ÇëɳÙ:55 æ³ñ¹Çó Ñ»ïá ѳ۳ó÷í»ó âáù³ù ·ÛáõÕÁ, áñÇ Ñ³ÛáõÃÛáõÝÁ ѳëï³ïí»ó êëáõÙ:56 ܳ׳ñÉÁ ·ÛáõÕÁ ç³ñ¹Çó ³é³ç ½áõï ѳ۳μÝ³Ï ¿ñ, ³ÛÝ 1908 Ã. Ù³ñ¹³Ñ³Ù³ñÇ Ñ³Ù³Ó³ÛÝ áõÝ»ñ 437 Ñ³Û μݳÏÇã:57 1909 Ã. ³åñÇÉÇÝ ³ÙμáÕç ·ÛáõÕÁ ÑñÏǽí»ó£ ¸ÛáñÃ-ÚáÉáõÙ ³å³ëï³Ý³Í ·ÛáõÕ³óÇÝ»ñÇó ç³ñ¹Çó Ñ»ïá ܳ׳ñÉÁ í»ñ³¹³ñÓ³í 10-12 ÁÝï³ÝÇù£ ØÛáõëÝ»ñÁ ¹»åùÇó Ñ»ïá ·ÛáõÕ ¿ÇÝ ·³ÉÇë ÙdzÛÝ ÑáÕ»ñÁ Ù߳ϻÉáõ ѳٳñ, í»ñ³¹³éÝáõÙ ¸ÛáñÃ-ÚáÉ:58 æ³ñ¹Çó ³é³ç 150 ïáõÝ Ñ³Û μݳÏãáõÃÛáõÝ áõÝ»óáÕ úëÙ³ÝÇ»áõÙ ç³ñ¹Çó Ñ»ïá ѳۻñÇ Ãí³ù³Ý³ÏÁ Ýí³½»É ¿ñ 30 ï³Ý ¨ ÙdzÛÝ ³ÛÉ μݳϳí³Ûñ»ñÇó »Ï³Í ѳۻñÇ Ñ³ßíÇÝ ¹³ñÓ»É 100 ïáõÝ:59 ü³ëÁÉÁ ·ÛáõÕÁ ç³ñ¹Çó ³é³ç áõÝ»ñ 20, Ñ»ïá` 10 ïáõÝ Ñ³Û£ ØÛáõëÝ»ñÁ ·³ÕÃ»É ¿ÇÝ ¸ÛáñÃ-ÚáÉ:60 ¸»åùÇó ³é³ç ¶á½áÉáõ· ·ÛáõÕÝ áõÝ»ñ 80 ïáõÝ, ç³ñ¹Çó Ñ»ïá` 50 ïáõÝ Ñ³Û£ æ³ñ¹Çó ÷ñÏí»É ¿ñ Áݹ³Ù»ÝÁ 20 ïÕ³Ù³ñ¹:61 ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ ²åïûÕÉáõ ·ÛáõÕÁ ç³ñ¹Çó ³é³ç áõÝ»ñ 100 ïáõÝ Ñ³Û, ÇëÏ Ïáïáñ³ÍÇó Ñ»ïá Ùݳó»É ¿ñ ÙdzÛÝ 30-Á:62 ÆÝ×ÇñÉÇÏÁ ç³ñ¹Çó ³é³ç áõÝ»ñ 80, Ñ»ïá` 30 ïáõÝ Ñ³Û£ ØÛáõëÝ»ñÁ ·ÛáõÕ ¿ÇÝ ·³ÉÇë ÙdzÛÝ ÑáÕ»ñÁ Ù߳ϻÉáõ ѳٳñ, Ñ»ïá í»ñ³¹³éÝáõÙ ²¹³Ý³:63 ØÇëÇëÇ 80 ïáõÝ Ñ³Û»ñÇó Ùݳó»É ¿ñ ѳ½Çí 10 ïáõÝ, ÙÛáõëÝ»ñÁ Ñ»é³ó»É ¿ÇÝ ²¹³Ý³, ¸ÛáñÃ-ÚáÉ ¨ ³ÛÉ μݳϳí³Ûñ»ñ:64 ò³íáù, ãïÇñ³å»ï»Éáí ³ÙμáÕç³Ï³Ý ïíÛ³ÉÝ»ñÇ, ã»Ýù ϳñáÕ ï³É Ñ³Û μݳÏãáõÃÛ³Ý ÁݹѳÝáõñ Ãí³ù³Ý³ÏÇ íñ³ Ïáïáñ³ÍÇ áõÝ»ó³Í ѻ勉ÝùÝ»ñÇ ³é³í»É ³ÙμáÕç³Ï³Ý å³ïÏ»ñÁ£ ²ÛÝáõ³Ù»Ý³ÛÝÇí, Ý»ñϳ۳óí³Í ûñÇݳÏÝ»ñÇó »ñ¨áõÙ ¿, áñ í»ñáÝßÛ³É μݳϳí³Ûñ»ñáõÙ Ñ³Û μݳÏãáõÃÛ³Ý Ãí³ù³Ý³ÏÝ ³í»ÉÇ ù³Ý ÏÇëáí ã³÷ Ýí³½»É ¿ñ£ ²ÛëåÇëáí, 1909 Ã. ÏÇÉÇÏÛ³Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÁ ½·³ÉÇ ³½¹»óáõÃÛáõÝ áõÝ»ó³Ý ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ Ý³Ñ³Ý·Ç Ñ³ÛáõÃÛ³Ý Ãí³ù³Ý³ÏÇ íñ³£ Îáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇÝ ½áÑ ·Ý³óÇÝ Ñ³½³ñ³íáñ ѳۻñ, ç³ñ¹»ñÇó Ñ»ïá ß³ï»ñÁ ٳѳó³Ý ÑÇí³Ý¹áõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇó, ÇëÏ Ñ³ÛáõÃÛ³Ý ÙÇ ëïí³ñ ½³Ý·í³Í ¿É ³ñï³·³Õûó ³ÛÉ »ñÏñÝ»ñ£ Îáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇó Ñ»ïá Ý³Ñ³Ý·Ç μ³½Ù³ÃÇí μݳϳí³Ûñ»ñáõÙ Ýí³½»ó Ñ³Û ³½·³μݳÏãáõÃÛ³Ý ÃÇíÁ, ѳ۳ó÷í»óÇÝ ÙÇÝ㨠Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÁ ÷áùñ³ÃÇí ѳÛáõÃÛáõÝ áõÝ»óáÕ μݳϳí³Ûñ»ñÁ£ ÎÇÉÇÏdzÛÇ Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ Ù³ëÇÝ Éáõñ»ñÁ ï³ñ³Íí»óÇÝ Ï³ÛëñáõÃÛ³Ý áÕç ï³ñ³ÍùáõÙ` ß³ï»ñÇ Ù»ç ³é³ç μ»ñ»Éáí í³ËÇ ¨ ³å³·³ÛÇ Ñ³Ý¹»å ³Ýíëï³ÑáõÃÛ³Ý ½·³óáõÙÁ` áõŷݳóÝ»Éáí ¹»é¨ë ѳÙÇ¹Û³Ý ç³ñ¹»ñÇó Ç í»ñ ·áÛáõÃÛáõÝ áõÝ»óáÕ ³Ûë Ñá·»íÇ׳ÏÁ£ ²Ûë ÙÃÝáÉáñïÝ ¿É Çñ Ñ»ñÃÇÝ ³ñï³·³ÕÃÇ ÙÇ Ýáñ ³ÉÇù ³é³ç³óñ»ó, áñÇ Ñ»ï¨³Ýùáí ÙÇÝ㨠1915 Ã. ϳÛëñáõÃÛ³Ý áÕç ï³ñ³ÍùáõÙ Ýáñ³Ýáñ μݳϳí³Ûñ»ñ ѳ۳ó÷ »Õ³Ý£
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Arpine Bablumyan Demographic Changes After 1909 Massacres in Adana and Aleppo Vilayets Summary The article reveals the main features of population changes after Cilician massacres of 1909. After these massacres the number of Armenian population in the provinces of Adana and Aleppo decreased drastically. The Adana massacres resulted in: 1. mass killings, 2. deaths from starvation and illness 3. cases of forced conversion to Islam, 4. absolute loss of the Armenian population in some settlements with former large number of Armenians 5. immigration.
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Aramayis Baloyan The Italian Diplomatic Documents on the 1909 Massacres of Armenians in Cilicia Summary The Italian diplomats, who eyewitnessed the massacres of the Armenian population in the provinces of Adana and Aleppo in April of 1909, have passed very notable information to the Italian government. In their telegrams and diplomatic dispatches they have clearly emphasized the fact that the Armenian massacres had been organized and implemented by the Young Turkish government. These documents mostly unknown to the researchers until recently. Now by putting these documents into circulation, we’re sure that they will strongly contribute to the comprehensive study of the problem.
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1909Â. ²¸²Ü²ÚÆ ºô вȺäÆ ìÆȲںÂܺðàôØ îºÔÆ àôܺò²Ì Îàîàð²ÌܺðÆ Ðය´²Ü²Î²Ü ¸ð¸²ä²îÖ²èܺðÜ àô кîºô²ÜøܺðÀ. ܲÊÜ²Î²Ü ¸Æî²ðÎàôØ Üºð гÛÏ ¸»ÙáÛ³Ý 1909 Ã. úëÙ³ÝÛ³Ý Ï³ÛëñáõÃÛ³Ý Ð³É»åÇ áõ ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ íÇɳۻÃÝ»ñáõÙ ï»ÕÇ áõÝ»ó³Í ѳۻñÇ ½³Ý·í³Í³ÛÇÝ Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ ¹ñ¹³å³ï׳éÝ»ñÇ áõ ѻ勉ÝùÝ»ñÇ áõëáõÙݳëÇñáõÃÛáõÝÝ ³é³ÝÓݳѳïáõÏ Ï³ñ¨áñáõÃÛáõÝ áõÝÇ ûëÙ³ÝÛ³Ý Ï³é³í³ñáõÃÛ³Ý, ÇÝãå»ë ݳ¨ ù»Ù³É³Ï³ÝÝ»ñÇ ÏáÕÙÇó ϳÛëñáõÃÛ³Ý ùñÇëïáÝÛ³ μݳÏãáõÃÛ³Ý, Ç Ù³ëݳíáñÇ, ѳۻñÇ ¹»Ù Çñ³·áñÍí³Í ó»Õ³ëå³Ý³Ï³Ý ù³Õ³ù³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý ïÝï»ë³Ï³Ý, ù³Õ³ù³Ï³Ý, ëáóÇ³É³Ï³Ý ¨ Ñá·»μ³Ý³Ï³Ý ß³ñųéÇÃÝ»ñÇ Éáõë³μ³ÝÙ³Ý ï»ë³ÝÏÛáõÝÇó£ ²Ûë ³éáõÙáí ϳñ¨áñ »Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇÝ ³Ï³Ý³ï»ë ¹³ñÓ³Í Ñ³Û ¨ ûï³ñ³½·Ç Ñ»ÕÇݳÏÝ»ñÇ íϳÛáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ í»ñÉáõÍáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ£ ì»ñçÇÝÝ»ñÇë ѳÕáñ¹áõÙÝ»ñÁ, ÑÇß³ñÅ³Ý »Ý, ù³Ý½Ç ¹ñ³Ýù ÑÇÙݳϳÝáõÙ Ý»ñϳ۳ÝáõÙ »Ý ÏáÕÙݳÏÇ ³ÝÓ³Ýó (bystanders) íϳÛáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ï»ëùáí£ ¸ñ³Ýó Ãíáõ٠ϳñ»ÉÇ ¿ ÑÇß³ï³Ï»É ²É»ùë³Ý¹ñ ²¹áëǹ»ëÇ,1 ü»ñÇÙ³Ý ¸³ù»ÃÇ,2 èááõ½ ȳÙμ»ñïÇ,3 лÝñÇ ìáõ¹ëÇ4 ¨ ³ÛÉáó íϳÛáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ£ 1909 Ã. ÏÇÉÇÏÛ³Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÁ áõëáõÙݳëÇñ»ÉÇë ³é³çÇÝ Ñ»ñÃÇÝ å»ïù ¿ ¹ñ³Ýù ¹Çï³ñÏ»É Ãñù³Ï³Ý í³ñã³Ï³ñ·»ñÇ ÷á÷áËÙ³Ý, ë³Ï³ÛÝ Ð³ÛÏ³Ï³Ý Ñ³ñóÇ ÉáõÍÙ³Ý ¨ ѳۻñÇ ÝϳïÙ³Ùμ »Õ³Í ÁݹѳÝáõñ ù³Õ³ù³Ï³Ý ·ÍÇ ³Ý÷á÷áË»ÉÇáõÃÛ³Ý Ñ³Ù³ï»ùëïáõÙ£ гÙÁݹѳÝáõñ Ñá·»μ³Ý³Ï³Ý Çñ³íÇ׳ÏÁ, áñÁ ëï»ÕÍí³Í ¿ñ úëÙ³ÝÛ³Ý Ï³ÛëñáõÃÛáõÝáõÙ 1894-1896 ÃÃ. ѳÛÏ³Ï³Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇó Ñ»ïá ¨ ¹ñ³Ý ѳçáñ¹³Í ï»Õ³ÛÇÝ μÝáõÛà Ïñ³Í μéÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ áõ ½³Ý·í³Í³ÛÇÝ ëå³ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇó Ñ»ïá, μÝáõó·ñíáõÙ ¿ñ Ù³ÑÙ»¹³Ï³Ý ½³Ý·í³ÍÇ ßñç³ÝáõÙ ßñç³Ý³éíáÕ` §Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇó Ñ»ïá ѳۻñÇÝ ïí»ù ùë³Ý ï³ñÇ ¨ Ýñ³Ýù å³ïñ³ëï ÏÉÇÝ»Ý Ñ³çáñ¹ Ïáïáñ³ÍÇݦ ѳÛïÝÇ Ï³ñ·³Ëáëáí£ ²Ûë ³éáõÙáí ѳïϳÝß³Ï³Ý ¿ ³½·áõÃÛ³Ùμ ÑáõÛÝ Ñ»ÕÇÝ³Ï ². ²¹áëǹ»ëÇ ³ß˳ïáõÃÛ³Ý Ù»ç μ»ñíáÕ ³ÛÝ ¹ñí³·Á, »ñμ Ãáõñù å³ßïáÝ۳ݻñÇó Ù»ÏÁ Ëáë»Éáí ÎÇÉÇÏdzÛáõÙ ïÇñáÕ Çñ³íÇ׳ÏÇ ¨ Ùáï³Éáõï ѳÛÏ³Ï³Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ Ù³ëÇÝ, ÝßáõÙ ¿. §êå³ëáõÙ »Ýù, áñ ÷»Ã³ÏÁ ÉóíÇ Ù»Õñáí ¨ ³Û¹Å³Ù ³ÛÝ Ñ³í³ù»Éáõ ³éÇÃÁ ÏÝ»ñϳ۳ݳ¦£5 ²ÛëåÇëáí ëï»ÕÍí³Í Çñ³íÇ׳ÏÁ ϳñ»ÉÇ ¿ μÝáõó·ñ»É ݳ¨ áñå»ë Ãáõñù³Ï³Ý Çß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ áõ Ù³ÑÙ»¹³Ï³Ý ÑáÍ μݳÏãáõÃÛ³Ý ßñç³ÝáõÙ Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ Ñ³Ý¹»å »Õ³Í Ñá·»μ³Ý³Ï³Ý ëå³ëáõÙáí ¨ ݳ˳ïñ³Ù³¹ñí³ÍáõÃÛ³Ùμ£ Ð³ñÏ ¿ Ýß»É, áñ ѳÙÇ¹Û³Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ ÁÝóóùáõÙ ÏÇÉÇÏdzѳÛáõÃÛáõÝÁ ÑÇÙݳϳÝáõÙ ½»ñÍ Ùݳó Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇó áõ μéÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇó£ ²Ûë ѳݷ³Ù³ÝùÁ ¿³å»ë Ýå³ëï»ó »ñÏñ³Ù³ëÇ Ñ³Û μݳÏãáõÃÛ³Ý Ãí³ù³Ý³ÏÇ ³×ÇÝ áõ μ³ñ»Ï»óáõÃÛ³Ý Ù³Ï³ñ¹³ÏÇ μ³ñÓñ³óÙ³ÝÁ, ÇÝãÝ ³ÝÝϳï ãÙݳó ÑÇÙݳϳÝáõÙ Ñ»ï³Ùݳó áõ ùñÇëïáÝ۳ݻñÇ ÝϳïÙ³Ùμ ÙáÉ»é³Ý¹ áõ ³ÝѳݹáõñÅáÕ³Ï³Ý ïñ³Ù³¹ñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ áõÝ»óáÕ Ù³ÑÙ»¹³Ï³Ý ßñç³å³1 A. Adossidès. Arméniens et Jeunes-Turcs: Les massacres de Cilicia, Paris, 1911. 2 Ferriman Duckett. Armenian Atrocities. Young Turks and the Truth about the Holocaust at Adana, Lon-don, 1913. 3 Rose Lambert. Hadjin and the massacres of Armenians. New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1911. 4 Henry Charles Woods. The Danger Zone of Europe: Changes and Problems In The Near East. Fisher Unwin, 1911. 5 ². ²¹áëǹ»ë. гۻñ ¨ »ñÇïÃáõñù»ñ. ÎÇÉÇÏdzÛÇ Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÁ, ºñ¨³Ý, ÐòÂÆ, 2012, ¿ç 8£
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ϳÛÇÝ Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ ¹»Ù£ ØÛáõë ÏáÕÙÇó óÝóáÕ ³½¹»óáõÃÛáõÝ ÃáÕ»ó ݳ¨ Ù³ÑÙ»¹³Ï³ÝÝ»ñÇÝ Ï³Ë³Õ³Ý Ñ³Ý»Éáõ ÷³ëïÁ` ùñÇëïáÝ۳ݻñÇ ¹»Ù Çñ³·áñÍ³Í á×ÇñÝ»ñÇ Ñ³Ù³ñ£ ÖÇßï ¿, ٳѳå³ïÅÇ »ÝóñÏí»óÇÝ Ý³¨ ³ÝÙ»Õ Ñ³Û»ñ, ³Û¹áõѳݹ»ñÓ, ³Ûë ¹ñí³·Á Ñá·»μ³Ý³Ï³Ý áñáß³ÏÇ ³½¹»óáõÃÛáõÝ ÃáÕ»ó Ù³ÑÙ»¹³Ï³ÝÝ»ñÇ ßñç³ÝáõÙ, áõñ ïÇñ³å»ïáÕ Ùï³ÛÝáõÃÛáõÝ ¿ñ Ù³ÑÙ»¹³Ï³ÝÇ Ñ³Ý¹»å ùñÇëïáÝÛ³ÛÇ Çñ³í³½áõñÏ ÉÇÝ»ÉÁ, ѳïϳå»ë ¹³ï³Ï³Ý ³ïÛ³ÝÝ»ñáõÙ ¨ Çñ»Ýó Çñ³íáõÝùÝ»ñÇ å³ßïå³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ñ³ñóáõÙ£ §²Ýï³ñ³ÏáõÛë, ųٳݳÏÁ ¹»é ãÇ »Ï»É, ¨ ѳí³Ý³μ³ñ »ñμ»ù ¿É ãÇ ·³, »ñμ ÂáõñùdzÛáõÙ ùñÇëïáÝÛ³ÛÇ Çñ³íáõÝùÁ ѳí³ë³ñ Ïß»éùÇ íñ³ ϹñíÇ Ù³ÑÙ»¹³Ï³ÝÇ ß³Ñ»ñÇ Ñ»ï¦, - ·ñáõÙ ¿ñ ²¹áëǹ»ëÁ:30 ². ²¹áëǹ»ëÇ ¨ ÙÛáõë ûï³ñ³½·Ç Ñ»ÕÇݳÏÝ»ñÇ áõ ³Ï³Ý³ï»ëÝ»ñÇ Ñ³Õáñ¹áõÙÝ»ñÁ íϳÛáõÙ »Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇÝ, óɳÝÇÝ, ÑñÏǽáõÙÝ»ñÇÝ áõ ¹Ç³ÏÝ»ñÇ åÕÍÙ³Ý ·áñÍáÕáõÃÛ³ÝÁ ½³Ý·í³Í³ÛÇÝ Ù³ëݳÏóáõÃÛ³Ý Ù³ëÇÝ£ Àëï áñáõÙ, ëå³ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ, Ïïï³ÝùÝ»ñÝ áõ Ýí³ëï³óáõÙÝ»ñÁ áñáß³ÏÇ μ»Ù³Ï³Ý³óÙ³Ý ï³ññ»ñ »Ý Ïñ»É, ÇëÏ ¹ñ³ÝóáõÙ, ëå³Ýí³Í ѳۻñÇ ¹Ç³ÏÝ»ñÇ Ñ³Ý¹»å ³Ýѳñ·³ÉÇó í»ñ³μ»ñÙáõÝù »Ý óáõó³μ»ñ»É ݳ¨ Ù³ÑÙ»¹³Ï³Ý »ñ»Ë³Ý»ñÝ áõ ϳݳÛù, ÇÝãÁ íϳÛáõÙ ¿ ѳٳï³ñ³Í áõ í³Ûñ³· åëÇËá½Ç Ù³ëÇÝ£ ²Ù÷á÷»Éáí Ýß»Ýù Ñ»ï¨Û³É ÑÇÙÝ³Ï³Ý »½ñ³Ï³óáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ. ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ ¨ гɻåÇ íÇɳۻÃÇ Ñ³ÛÏ³Ï³Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ Ñ»ï¨³Ýùáí ÏÇÉÇÏdzѳÛáõÃÛ³Ý ¨ ϳÛëñáõÃÛ³Ý ÙÛáõë ѳïí³ÍÝ»ñÇ Ñ³Û μݳÏãáõÃÛ³Ý ßñç³ÝáõÙ ß»ßï³ÏÇ ÷á÷áËáõÃÛáõÝ Ýϳïí»ó ѻճ÷áËáõÃÛáõÝÇó Ñ»ïá ³é³ç »Ï³Í á·¨áñáõÃÛ³Ý áõ ûëÙ³ÝÛ³Ý å»ïáõÃÛ³Ý Ñ³Ý¹»å ï³Í³Í ѳí³ï³ñÙáõÃÛ³Ý Ù»ç£ ²é³ç ù³ßí»ó ³ÛÝ ï»ë³Ï»ïÁ, ѳٳӳÛÝ áñÇ í³ñã³Ï³ñ·»ñÇ ÷á÷áË»ÉÇáõÃÛ³Ý å³ñ³·³ÛáõÙ, гÛÏ³Ï³Ý Ñ³ñóÇ ¨ ѳۻñÇ ÝϳïÙ³Ùμ Çß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ áõ ѳë³ñ³Ï Ù³ÑÙ»¹³Ï³Ý μݳÏãáõÃÛ³Ý Ùáï»óáõÙÁ ã»ÝóñÏí»ó ÷á÷áËáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ áõ ³ñÙ³ï³Ï³Ý í»ñ³Ý³ÛÙ³Ý: ²í»ÉÇ ½³ñ·³ó³Í áõ ³ñ¹Ç³Ï³Ý ѳÝñáõÛÃÇ ÝϳïÙ³Ùμ ϳëϳͳÙïáõÃÛ³Ý áõ ³ÝѳݹáõñÅáճϳÝáõÃÛ³Ý ¹ñë¨áñáõÙÝ»ñÁ áñáß Ù³ÑÙ»¹³Ï³Ý ·áñÍÇãÝ»ñ ¹Çï³ñÏ»óÇÝ ÇÝùݳùÝݳ¹³ïáõÃÛ³Ý ï»ëùáí: ºñÇïÃáõñù»ñÇ áõÕÕ³ÏÇ ¨ áã áõÕÕ³ÏÇ Ù»Õë³ÏóáõÃÛáõÝÁ ÎÇÉÇÏdzÛáõÙ ï»ÕÇ áõÝ»ó³Í Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñáõÙ Ñ³Û μݳÏãáõÃÛ³Ý ßñç³ÝáõÙ ³é³ç μ»ñ»ó Ùï³í³ËáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ Ùáï³Éáõï Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ Ýáñ ³ÉÇùÇ Ñ³í³Ý³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý ³éáõÙáí, ë³Ï³ÛÝ Ñ³ÛÏ³Ï³Ý áñáß ù³Õ³ù³Ï³Ý áõÅ»ñ ß³ñáõݳϻóÇÝ Ñ³Ù³·áñͳÏóáõÃÛáõÝÁ »ñÇïÃáõñù»ñÇ Ñ»ï, ¹ñ³ÝáõÙ ï»ëÝ»Éáí áñáß³ÏÇ »ñ³ßËÇùÝ»ñ Ýáñ íï³Ý·Ý»ñÇó Ëáõë³÷»Éáõ ѳٳñ: ÎÇÉÇÏÛ³Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÁ ³é³ç μ»ñ»óÇÝ Ý³¨ áñáß ë³Ñٳݳ÷³Ï μáÕáùÇ ³ÉÇù Ù³ÑÙ»¹³Ï³Ý Ùï³íáñ³Ï³Ý ßñç³Ý³ÏÝ»ñáõÙ, ÇÝãÝ ³ñï³Ñ³Ûïí»ó ÙÇ ß³ñù Ñá¹í³ÍÝ»ñáí, áñáõÙ Ñ»ÕÇݳÏÝ»ñÁ ¹³ï³å³ñïáõÙ ¿ÇÝ Ñ³Ï³Ñ³Û ç³ñ¹»ñÁ` ¹ñ³Ýù áñ³Ï»Éáí ³ÝÙ³ñ¹Ï³ÛÇÝ ¨ ÇëɳÙÇ ¹ñáõÛÃÝ»ñÇÝ Ñ³Ï³ëáÕ£
30 A. Adosides, Ýßí. ³ßË., ¿ç142.
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Hayk Demoyan Psychological Causes and Consequences of 1909 Massacres in Adana and Aleppo Vilayets: Preliminary Analysis Summary 1909 Adana massacres heralded the real intention of the Young Turks for total annihilation of the Armenian population of the Ottoman Empire, seeing it as the only way to solve the Armenian question. The massacres left a great psychological impact on the Armenians, both in Ottoman Empire and worldwide, thus creating the athmosphere of insecurity and expectation of the forthcoming major massacres. It also created a huge wave of emigration of the Armenians from the Cilician region. Massacres touched the excitement of the Armenians who reacted positively to the overthrow of the §Red Sultan¦ Abdul Hamid II in 1908 who was a symbol of the Turkish tyranny and massacres. Inhuman treatment of the Cilician Armenians and, especially the participation of the Army of Revolution in the massacre led to the conclusion that the change in regime in the Ottoman Empire did not bring any positive alteration in the approach of the Turkish government towards the Armenians. Moreover, Young Turks continued the anti-Armenian policy of the Sultan which resulted in the state organized and implemented Genocide against the Armenian subjects of the Ottoman Empire during 1915-1918.
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LA GESTION POLITIQUE DES MASSACRES DE CILICIE Raymond Kévorkian L’une des premières prises de position du gouvernement ottoman concernant les massacres de Cilicie a consisté à minimiser le nombre des victimes, pour finalement s’aligner sur des chiffres voisins de ceux annoncés par les milieux arméniens et internationaux. On devine aisément que sa volonté affichée de dissimuler l’étendue des pertes humaines visait avant tout à maintenir valide la thèse officielle d’émeutes incontrôlées ayant fait un nombre limité de victimes dans les deux camps. Ses déclarations officielles, reprises dans une bonne partie de la presse ottomane, avaient du reste convaincu l’opinion publique, habituée à voir ce rôle dévolu aux Arméniens, que les principaux responsables des §troubles» étaient ces derniers. Il s’est donc trouvé fort peu d’hommes politiques ottomans pour exiger que la lumière soit faite sur l’affaire cilicienne, si ce n’est la dizaine de députés arméniens du parlement ottoman et une poignée de députés turcs et grecs qui, nous allons le voir, ont fait preuve d’un certain courage dans un environnement ouvertement hostile. Alors que l’implication des autorités civiles et militaires locales dans les massacres de Cilicie est connue, le rôle effectif du gouvernement ou des groupes politiques s’y rattachant, comme le Comité Union et Progrès, mérite d’être examiné afin de vérifier si ces violences ont été suscitées localement ou inspirées par des ordres venus du centre. Ce qui revient à soulever la question clé de la responsabilité du pouvoir dans ces événements et, dans son prolongement, des commanditaires éventuels de ces crimes. Véritables représentants de leur millet devant les autorités, les députés arméniens au parlement ottoman avaient là une tribune pour exprimer l’indignation de leur nation contre ces nouvelles violences et exiger des éclaircissements après les accusations faisant d’eux les responsables de leur propre massacre. Les accusations portées contre les Arméniens durant la période antérieure aux massacres — provocations et préparatifs secrets pour reconstituer un §royaume arménien de Cilicie» — peuvent avoir pour origine une mauvaise interprétation de l’attitude des Arméniens de Cilicie depuis le rétablissement de la Constitution. On peut tout aussi bien mettre sur le compte de l’héritage hamidien l’agressivité et la violence qui se sont alors exprimées à l’égard des Arméniens. On peut enfin imaginer que le monde tribal en mutation que constituait la Cilicie était traversé par des courants antagonistes menés par des hommes désireux d’asseoir localement leur pouvoir. Si tous ces paramètres sont fondés, ils ne peuvent toutefois suffire à expliquer l’embrasement soudain de la Cilicie le 14 avril 1909. Au tournant du XXe siècle, aucun acte de cette ampleur ne pouvait avoir lieu sans un ordre venu, ou supposé venu, des plus hautes autorités de l’état ou, pour le moins, d’un des centres du pouvoir. Le plus paradoxal est que, tout en minimisant la portée des événements et en faisant porter leur responsabilité sur les Arméniens, la classe politique turque, voire arménienne au début, a attribué ces massacres, tout comme la contre-révolution du 31 mars, à une conspiration ourdie par Abdülhamid et ses nostalgiques. Cette thèse est toutefois contredite par la situation effective du sultan, que les Jeunes-Turcs avaient progressivement isolé dans son palais de Yıldız en renvoyant une bonne partie de ses collaborateurs, en déplaçant ailleurs sa garde albanaise, réduisant ainsi sa capacité à maintenir en place ses réseaux et donc d’influer sur la situation politique intérieure. Même le P. Rigal, ce jésuite pragmatique, remarque que §l’auteur responsable de ces massacres est le même qui, treize ans auparavant, a immolé cent mille victimes et qui aujourd’hui, sentant le trône s’effondrer, a voulu, en tombant, faire disparaître de la terre ce 42
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peuple trop vivace dont le nom lui était odieux».1 Cette explication avait le mérite d’exempter la nouvelle classe politique issue de la révolution de juillet 1908 et de maintenir la crédibilité de sa volonté réformiste. Les premières réactions des autorités centrales Compte tenu de la brièveté du cabinet Tevfik pacha, nommé le 18 avril et démissionnaire le 26 du même mois, il est clair que celui-ci n’a pas eu le temps de prendre en main le pouvoir et encore moins de suivre le dossier cilicien. Ainsi que nous l’avons déjà souligné, c’est pratiquement le sous-secrétaire d’état à l’Intérieur, Adıl bey, qui a géré le dossier et rendu compte des événements au grand vizir et au parlement ottoman, mais c’est Mahmud Şevket pacha qui a décidé d’envoyer des troupes en Cilicie. On ne peut donc pas porter de jugement sur le comportement du cabinet Tevfik et encore moins lui attribuer une quelconque responsabilité. Au reste, le Parlement lui-même ne se saisit vraiment de l’affaire qu’au cours de sa séance du 2 mai 1909. Ahmed Rıza, qui préside de nouveau la chambre ottomane ce jour-là, ne trouve rien d’autre à faire que de lire le rapport qui lui a été adressé le 26 avril par le vali d’Adana révoqué, mais toujours en place. Usant d’un langage guère plus mesuré que dans ses premiers rapports, Cevad bey y écrit: §Nous avons appris de sources sûres que la responsabilité des derniers événements2 incombe à quelques fedaï arméniens». La réaction des députés arméniens, appuyés par quelques collègues turcs et grecs, est immédiate: ils soulignent tout d’abord que le rapport du vali est un tissu de mensonges, puis attaquent le sous-secrétaire d’état Haci Adıl bey [Arda] auquel ils rappellent que le fameux télégramme qu’il a adressé à Cevad bey se contentait de lui recommander de veiller à la §protection des sujets étrangers» et de §rétablir le calme», ce qui, sous l’Ancien régime, signifiait §massacrez les Arméniens, mais ne touchez pas aux étrangers».3 Nouvellement nommé, le ministre de l’Intérieur, Rauf bey, a laissé Adıl bey, par ailleurs membre du Comité central jeune-turc, s’exprimer au nom du ministère. Prudemment, celui-ci se contente de déclarer que le grand vizir Hilmi pacha et le général Mahmud Şevket se sont concertés et ont décidé d’envoyer sur place une commission spéciale pour enquêter. Le chef de file des députés arméniens, Krikor Zohrab, fait alors la déclaration suivante: "Il y a deux manières d’apprendre la vérité, soit par des mots, soit par des éléments matériels et des témoignages. Le conseiller [Adıl bey] nous a lu les télégrammes du préfet d’Adana et du gouverneur de Cebelbereket, comme s’il s’agissait de documents fiables. Il lui a été demandé combien de personnes avaient approximativement été massacrées, et ce conseiller tout-puissant4 qui est dix fois par jour en communication avec cette région, n’a pas été en mesure de nous donner l’information». Dans un article publié dans Le Temps, le correspondant du quotidien parisien commente ainsi les débats au Parlement: §Au cours de la séance d’hier, une vive discussion s’est engagée sur les massacres d’Adana. Plusieurs députés, notamment les Arméniens, ont attaqué le gouvernement et demandé la mise en jugement de l’ex-vali. Le sous-secrétaire d’État à l’Intérieur a défendu le gouvernement: il a lu les télégrammes des autorités attribuant les troubles aux révolutionnaires arméniens et représentant partout les Arméniens comme les
1 Raymond H. Kévorkian, §Les Massacres de Cilicie d’avril 1909 », in R. H. Kévorkian, La Cilicie (19091921), Revue d’Histoire Arménienne Contemporaine III (1999), p. 152. 2 Il évoque les seconds massacres d’Adana, qui sont en cours lorsqu’il écrit. 3 Kévorkian, §Les Massacres de Cilicie d’avril 1909 », art. cit., p. 57, n. 59, et p. 152. 4 Il fait allusion au fait qu’il était alors, de facto, en charge du ministère de l’Intérieur.
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agresseurs».5 Il est donc clair qu’au début du mois de mai, le gouvernement Hilmi pacha appuie toujours la thèse développée par ses hauts fonctionnaires. Une évolution de sa position, sans doute inspirée par les informations publiées dans la presse internationale et les notes verbales des puissances, est cependant perceptible lors de la séance parlementaire du 13 mai. Ce jour-là, il annonce aux députés qu’il a décidé d’envoyer en Cilicie, sous l’autorité du ministre de l’Intérieur, une commission d’enquête de quatre membres: deux Arméniens et deux musulmans, dont deux devront être fonctionnaires de l’état et deux députés. En conséquence, le gouvernement demande à l’assemblée de désigner en son sein deux parlementaires. Le débat qui s’en suit révèle toutefois qu’une partie de la représentation nationale est tout bonnement opposée à la formation de cette commission, qu’elle juge inutile. Elle finit néanmoins par élire un militant jeune-turc arménien, Hagop Babikian, et un autre député de ce parti, Şefik bey. Au cours de la séance parlementaire du 23 mai, ce dernier s’étant désisté, on suggère à Mehmed Talât d’accepter de le remplacer, mais celui-ci se déclare dans l’incapacité d’accepter l’offre et c’est finalement le député jeuneturc de Kastamonu, Yusuf Kemal, qui est élu. Durant la même séance, le président du Parlement, Ahmed Rıza, insiste sur le fait que §l’affaire d’Adana a donné lieu à une polémique avec les puissances européennes et le ministre des Affaires étrangères a quotidiennement des entrevues avec les ambassadeurs étrangers».6 Il exprime ainsi la préoccupation des autorités, soucieuses de garder une bonne image de marque en Occident, et donc contraintes de faire preuve d’une certaine transparence. C’est probablement plus pour répondre à ce souci que par respect pour les victimes arméniennes, que le gouvernement met en place la commission d’enquête. C’est dans son discours programme, prononcé devant le Parlement le 24 mai 1909, que le grand vizir Hüseyin Hilmi s’exprime enfin sur la crise ci-licienne. Sans jamais évoquer les points sensibles, il dresse un catalogue des mesures prises, comme la déclaration de l’état d’urgence dans la province et la mise en place de cours martiales à Adana, mais aussi à Marach et Ayntab. Il annonce aussi que l’acheminement sur place de dix brigades de soldats a permis de ramener le calme et que §les biens volés durant les événements sont progressivement récupérés et remis à leurs propriétaires» — les témoins indiquent qu’il s’agit de vњux pieux. Il rappelle enfin que pour évaluer le nombre des victimes et prendre la mesure de la responsabilité qui incombe notamment aux autorités locales, il a constitué une commission d’enquête composée de deux députés et de deux hauts magistrats, dont les conclusions serviront à la mise en jugement immédiate des coupables.7 Dès lors, le gouvernement et le Parlement ottomans ne font plus la moindre déclaration officielle, attendant les conclusions des rapports à venir de la commission d’enquête. En nommant deux députés jeunes-turcs réputés sûrs, l’ancien magistrat Hagop Babikian et l’avocat Yusuf Kemal, ainsi que deux hauts magistrats crédibles, Haroutiun/Artin Mosditchian et Fayk bey, le cabinet Hilmi pacha espère sans doute que ces hommes §responsables» vont livrer des conclusions dédouanant l’état et la classe politique turque favorable à la Constitution, et leur permettre de sortir ainsi blanchis de cette affaire aux yeux de l’opinion publique internationale. On ignore 5 Numéro daté du 3 mai 1909, p. 1, dans un article intitulé » La crise turque : les Arméniens se plaignent à la Chambre ». 6 Une traduction complète des minutes des séances du Parlement ottoman est publiée par la presse stambouliote du lendemain, notamment dans Puzantion, nos 3836 et 3837, datés des 24 et 25 mai, pp. 2-3 ; cf. aussi Hagop Terzian, ÎÇÉÇÏÇáÛ ²Õ¿ïÁ [La catastrophe de Cilicie], Constantinople 1912, pp. 611-615. 7 Ibidem.
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si Hilmi a donné des instructions dans ce sens aux membres de la commission, mais leur travail sur le terrain et les conclusions des deux rapports connus — celui des deux magistrats, officiellement remis le 10 juillet, l’autre rédigé par H. Babikian, mais conservé secret jusqu’en 1911 —, permettent d’évaluer jusqu’où le pouvoir était alors disposé à aller dans la mise en cause de la classe politique turque. Arrivés en Cilicie au début du mois de juin, les membres de la commission ont enquêté assez minutieusement durant plus d’un mois. Si les deux magistrats, Fayk et Mosditchian, ont travaillé de concert et remis un rapport commun, il n’en a pas été de même pour les deux députés, pourtant membres du même parti. Hagop Babikian, dont tout le monde s’accorde à dire qu’il était réputé pour son attachement à l’ottomanisme et son refus des cloisonnements communautaires, semble bien avoir été en désaccord avec son confrère turc. Le vice-consul de France à Mersine et Adana, Barré de Lancy, rapporte dans une dépêche adressée au chargé d’affaire à Constantinople, que Babikian §aurait eu des altercations assez vives avec son collègue musulman Yusuf Kemal qui se trouve encore à Adana ».8 Reparti de Mersine le 4 juillet en compagnie des membres de la commission, à l’exception notable de Yusuf Kemal,9 Babikian confirme lui-même, dans des interviews données à deux journaux jeunes-turcs durant son escale à Smyrne, qu’il y a eu quelques malentendus entre lui et son collègue. à une question du journaliste du quotidien smyrniote Ittihad10 sur les résultats de son enquête et les raisons de ce massacre, il répond: §Compte tenu des éléments recueillis au cours de mon enquête, [on peut dire] que depuis la proclamation de la Constitution, les partisans de la tyrannie ont donné des signes de mécontentement et ont projeté de massacrer les chrétiens : cela est évident et prouvé par des documents judiciaires officiels». A une autre question du même journaliste sur la participation aux massacres des autorités locales ou centrales, le député de Tekirdağ réplique: §Le pouvoir central n’y a pas participé, mais en a été la cause. Quant aux autorités locales, elles sont impliquées. Le vali Cevad bey, le commandant militaire Mustafa Remzi pacha, le mutesarif de Cebelbereket, Asaf bey, Abdülkadır Bağdadizâde, Salih effendi Boşnak et le propriétaire du journal Ittidal, Ihsan Fikri notamment y sont totalement impliqués». Dans la même interview, Babikian fait aussi allusion au manque d’objectivité de la cour martiale. H. Babikian est plus direct encore dans ses propos au correspondant du Tasviri Efkiar,11 annonciateurs de la tonalité de son rapport à venir. Il esquive la question concernant les rumeurs de désaccords avec son collègue Yusuf Kemal, lesquelles auraient provoqué son retour prématuré, en faisant valoir qu’il a achevé sa mission et que son confrère va rentrer très prochainement. Mais relativement à la situation sur place, après avoir pris quelques précautions oratoires, en soulignant d’emblée qu’il fallait entendre ses propos comme ceux d’un Ottoman convaincu, soucieux du bonheur et du développement de la patrie, il affirme que "les détails publiés dans les articles de la presse européenne concernant les événements d’Adana n’ont rien d’exagéré et sont même, par rapport à ce qu’il a observé lui-même, en dessous de la vérité». Ce faisant, il pointe une caractéristique vivace de la société turque qui a bien du mal à assumer ses actes et perçoit souvent les commentaires émanant d’étrangers comme des agressions. C’est cependant son analyse de l’origine des événements qui est de loin la plus pertinente : §L’affaire d’Adana 8 Archives du ministère des Affaires étrangères (dorénavant AMAE), Correspondance politique, Turquie, n. s., vol. 83, f° 159/2, datée du 3 juillet 1909, Barré de Lancy à Boppe. 9 Ibidem. 10 Azadamard, n° 13, daté du 7 juillet 1909, p. 3. 11 Azadamard, n° 15, daté du 9 juillet 1909, p. 3.
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a deux causes majeures: la réaction et la tyrannie.[...] L’ancien mufti de Bağçe a commencé à circuler ici et là en affirmant que liberté et constitution sont une invention des chrétiens, qui sont opposés à la charia, et il a ainsi commencé à exciter la population, à soulever les musulmans contre les chrétiens et la Constitution ». Relativement à une implication éventuelle du sultan Abdülhamid, Hagop Babikian souligne que, même si cette opinion circule, il n’y a aucune preuve de cela. Suivent trois questions qui forment ensemble la base des accusations distillées par les autorités locales ciliciennes dans l’opinion publique ottomane: §1) On maintient que les Arméniens ont été la cause des désordres: cela est-il exact? Les documents officiels que j’ai avec moi prouveront que cette hypothèse est totalement erronée; 2) On affirme que les Arméniens ont voulu proclamer leur indépendance en Cilicie : est-ce vrai? L’enquête a révélé que cette accusation était totalement infondée; 3) Le primat d’Adana, l’évêque Mouchègh, est-il impliqué dans cette affaire? Les résultats de notre enquête prouvent que le primat n’est pas impliqué, et qu’au contraire, dès le mois de janvier [1909], l’évêque Mouchègh avait remis des mémorandums à la préfecture dont notre enquête a révélé la teneur. Mgr Mouchègh a alors déclaré oralement au vali qu’il y avait des risques qu’à l’avenir des troubles éclatent et lui a suggéré de prendre les mesures qui s’imposaient, mais les propos du prélat ont été considérés excessifs et la mise en uvre de moyens inutile» Ces premières constatations forment une sorte d’illustration pratique des problèmes engendrés au sein de la société ottomane par la modernité jeune-turque. Elles donnent le sentiment que les opposants locaux se sont attaqués à la population arménienne comme au symbole de cette modernité qui les inquiétait. La réponse de Babikian à la question suivante, concernant le nombre de victimes et la proportion §des musulmans et des non-musulmans», est d’autant plus intéressante qu’elle fait pour la première fois allusion aux statistiques établies par le nouveau vali Zihni, mais soigneusement cachées par les autorités centrales, évaluant à un peu plus de vingt mille, dont six cent vingt musulmans, le total des morts. La dernière question concerne une autre affaire qui a prêté à controverse et a été abondamment exploitée pour diaboliser les victimes : la blessure reçue au bras par le consul anglais d’Adana que les autorités locales ont présentée comme un exemple de l’attitude criminelle des Arméniens. Voici ce qu’en dit Babikian: §J’ai personnellement interrogé le consul sur ce point et il m’a raconté ceci: §Les troubles venaient de commen-cer; la terreur régnait partout ; je suis sorti dans la rue; j’ai vu quelqu’un qui, par son regard, son comportement et ses faits et gestes donnait l’apparence d’être devenu complètement fou, et courait dans ma direction. Il fuyait. J’ai voulu aller vers lui pour lui demander ce qui se passait. Le fuyard a interprété mon mouvement comme révélateur d’une mauvaise intention de ma part et il a vidé son revolver sur moi et s’est enfui» 12 Il faut aussi noter que Tasviri Efkiar a peu après interviewé Fayk bey, qui a affirmé que ces événements n’étaient pas le fait des milieux réactionnaires, mais dus à l’ignorance des populations musulmanes et chrétiennes locales».13 Tout ceci donne déjà de claires indications sur la tonalité des rapports des enquêteurs, avant même que ceux-ci soient rendus publics. Ces interviews permettent aussi de se faire une idée du rôle de la presse jeune-turque de Constantinople qui, jusqu’alors, a grosso modo publié des informations reprenant les thèses développées par le vali Cevad bey et le sous-secrétaire d’état à l’Intérieur Adıl bey. Indéniablement, les conclusions des deux rapports d’enquête, y compris 12 Ibidem. 13 Azadamard, n° 18, daté du 13 juillet 1909, p. 3.
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celui déposé par Fayk et Mosditchian, viennent remettre en cause la ligne de défense adoptée jusqu’au mois de juillet par les milieux turcs en Cilicie comme à Constantinople : dans aucun des deux il n’est question d’une quelconque responsabilité des Arméniens, dont le statut est bien celui de victime. Cependant, il y a pour ces mêmes milieux turcs un abîme entre les propos très généraux, ménageant la classe politique en attribuant cette flambée de violence à une populace ignorante et à des hauts fonctionnaires locaux incompétents, et le discours tenu par Hagop Babikian. Ce dernier a, semble-t-il, transgressé une règle tacite qui interdit de dire ouvertement que des populations musulmanes locales ont reçu l’ordre de massacrer les Arméniens ; que les soldats de l’armée de Macédoine dépêchés sur place ont eux-mêmes procédé au second massacre d’Adana; que les dirigeants jeunes-turcs de Cilicie ont directement participé à l’organisation de ces exactions, etc. Car, si tel n’avait pas été le cas, on se demande pourquoi seul le rapport Fayk-Mosditchian, remis le 10 juillet, a été rendu public, et encore une vingtaine de jours plus tard, tandis que le manuscrit du rapport Babikian est resté dans un placard (du Patriarcat arménien) durant plus de trois ans. Plusieurs éléments viennent du reste confirmer qu’il y a eu des pressions dans les milieux parlementaires et probablement au niveau du gouvernement et de la direction du Comité Union et Progrès pour que le rapport Babikian ne soit pas rendu public. On note tout d’abord que Yusuf Kemal a tenté de discréditer et d’exclure de la commission son collègue Babikian en adressant un télégramme au Parlement ottoman le 3 juillet, informant les députés que celui-ci a prématurément quitté la Cilicie avant d’avoir achevé sa mission — nous avons vu que ce n’était pas l’avis de Babikian. Yusuf Kemal a même suggéré que le député juif de Salonique, Emmanuel Carasso, soit envoyé au plus vite à Adana pour le remplacer.14 Il semble que le Parlement ait effectivement songé à procéder au remplacement de Babikian. Dans une dépêche au chargé d’affaire à Constantinople, datée du 9 juillet,15 le vice-consul français à Mersine et Adana signale: "On attend à Mersine l’arrivée du député Carasso. Son collègue musulman est toujours à Adana. Il se déclare contraire à tout paiement d’indemnité en se basant sur le fait qu’il y a eu révolution et que le gouvernement ne peut être tenu responsable. Le vali en dit autant pour les sњurs [françaises] qui reconstruisent». Yusuf Kemal déclara d’ailleurs, dès la fin juin, que les désordres organisés par les Arméniens et quelques musulmans de Cilicie visaient à favoriser le parti Ahrar et à nuire au Comité jeune-turc, ce qui en dit long sur l’état d’esprit dominant parmi les militants ittihadistes,16 Les interviews de Babikian ont toutefois eu un certain effet et il est probable qu’après réflexion le Comité jeune-turc de Salonique a préféré éviter de mettre à l’écart l’un de ses militants, même s’il est arménien, pour éviter de prendre trop ouvertement position en faveur de la thèse de la responsabilité arménienne. L’évolution de la position du cabinet Hilmi sur l’affaire d’Adana En ce début du mois de juillet, un basculement est en train de se produire. Certes, dans ses numéros des 1er et 19 juillet, le quotidien jeune-turc Tasviri Efkiar a publié un article du député de Konya, Ebuzzia Tevfik bey, confirmant la position de son parti sur le fait que "les responsables sont uniquement les Arméniens», n’hésitant pas par ailleurs à féliciter la cour martiale
14 Compte rendu de la 105e séance du Parlement dans Azadamard, n° 11, daté du 5 juillet 1909, p. 2. 15 AMAE, Correspondance politique, Turquie, n. s., vol. 83, f° 159/3. Gabriel-Georges Barre de Lancy (né le 8 Sept. 1865) ; vice-consul à Mersine et Tarse. 16 Foreign Office (dorénavant FO) 195/2306, lettre de Doughty-Wylie à son ambassadeur, datée du 30 juin 1909.
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pour son travail sur le terrain17 — nous verrons que cette première cour martiale s’appuie sur les rapports de Cevad pour déclarer les Arméniens coupables de leur propre massacre. On note aussi une déclaration de Hakkı bey, membre éminent de la direction jeune-turque, au Temps de Paris (daté du 28 mai). Sans doute soumis à la pression de l’opinion publique occidentale au cours de son séjour en Europe, celui-ci n’a pas hésité, pour dédouaner son parti et son pays, à affirmer: "On exagère. Votre presse ne nous montre pas toujours beaucoup de bienveillance. En fait, nous savons aujourd’hui que les troubles d’Adana furent fomentés de Constantinople. Nous avons saisi des dépêches qui prouvent que le comité arménien cherchait une intervention de l’Europe».18 Cette déclaration dans le plus pur style hamidien a évidemment provoqué une réaction des chefs de la FRA, officiellement alliée du parti jeune-turc, demandant au Comité central de Salonique de désavouer les propos de leur collègue de la direction ittihadiste. Ces déclarations semblent cependant avoir été une sorte de dernier baroud d’honneur des milieux jeunes-turcs. Après deux mois de campagne anti-arménienne, les membres de la commission d’enquête sont rentrés, y compris Yusuf Kemal qui a quitté Mersine le 14 juillet,19 et souhaitent présenter leurs rapports. Yusuf Kemal participe justement à la séance parlementaire du 20 juillet, au cours de laquelle il annonce qu’il va présenter ses conclusions à l’assemblée dans quelques jours.20 Durant la séance du 26 juillet, à laquelle Hagop Babikian assiste, on note les premiers effets du rapport Fayk-Mosditchian qui accuse nommément le vali d’Adana Cevad, le commandant militaire Mustafa Remzi pacha, Abdülkadır Bağdadizâde et Ihsan Fikri d’être les principaux responsables des massacres. Tous ces hommes ont pourtant été disculpés par la cour martiale formée au mois de mai, principalement constituée d’officiers jeunes-turcs.21 Les révélations des deux magistrats ne sont sans doute pas étrangères au durcissement perceptible chez certains jeunes-turcs, qui s’étaient jusqu’alors montrés assez discrets. Du haut de la tribune, İsmail Hakkı, le député de Gümülcina, reproche au gouvernement de s’être mêlé des affaires de la cour martiale d’Adana, dont le président et un membre éminent ont démissionné après l’ordre d’arrestation des responsables des massacres adressé par le gouvernement. Il est suivi en cela par la moitié des députés du Parlement qui votent une motion contre le cabinet Hilmi, lequel n’a fait, pour l’occasion, que mettre en њuvre les recommandations du rapport Fayk-Mosditchian. Il est alors clair que la moitié du Parlement refuse que les res-ponsables des boucheries d’Adana soient jugés. Hagop Babikian se lève et remarque: §Vingt et un mille personnes ont été tuées à Adana et vous vous levez à présent pour défendre deux personnes». S’en suit une assez violente passe d’arme au cours de laquelle on observe que des députés turcs contestent même le nombre des victimes et plus généralement le fait que les responsables de cette boucherie ne sont pas §les» Arméniens. Pour mettre fin à ce fort moment de tension, révélateur des clivages, l’assemblée accepte que le débat sur l’affaire d’Adana n’ait lieu qu’après présentation des rapports de la commission d’enquête parlementaire. Ainsi s’achève, ce 26
17 Azadamard, n° 10, daté du 3 juillet 1909, p. 3. 18 Repris dans Azadamard, n° 12, daté du 6 juillet 1909, p. 1. D’après l’éditorialiste de ce quotidien, les membres du gouvernement reconnaissent en privé que toutes ces accusations sont fausses, mais refusent de le déclarer publiquement. 19 AMAE, Correspondance politique, Turquie, n. s., vol. 83, f° 159/7, dépêche datée de Mersine le 16 juillet 1909, de Barre de Lancy à Boppe. 20 Compte rendu dans Azadamard, n° 25, daté du 21 juillet 1909, p. 2. 21 Il est vrai que trois de ces personnages et bien d’autres meurtriers ont curieusement été nommés dans les commissions d’enquêtes locales chargées d’instruire les dossiers à charge les concernant eux-mêmes.
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juillet 1909, l’amorce de débat sur les événements de Cilicie.22 Des documents accablants sont cependant publiés dans la presse stambouliote dès le lendemain, comme deux télégrammes chiffrés adressés par le vali Cevad bey aux mutesarif et kaïmakam de sa province, ainsi qu’au ministère de l’Intérieur. Dans le second, on peut par exemple lire: §Les Arméniens ont attaqué ; le palais du gouvernement [comprenons la préfecture] est assiégé; les Arméniens sont armés et massacrent des Turcs désarmés. Venez nous en aide ».23 Affirmations qui ne laissent guère de doute sur la préméditation des massacres et mettent en évidence les manipulations auxquelles les autorités se sont livrées pour justifier des crimes auxquels elles ne semblent pas étrangères. En cette dernière semaine de juillet, la tension est à son comble. Tout indique que le débat est impossible dans ce pays où le massacre de non musulmans n’est pas considéré par la quasi totalité de la classe politique et l’écrasante majorité de l’opinion publique comme un crime. L’ambassadeur de France Bompard rapporte justement à son ministre Pichon que le gouvernement a dû suivre "les conseils du Comité Union et Progrès qui désirait voir donner satisfaction à l’opinion pour éviter à la chambre une discussion dangereuse à propos du rapport déposé par la commission d’enquête».24 Effectivement, le débat n’a pas eu lieu, notamment parce que le député Hagop Babikian est mort le dimanche 1er août, la veille de la présentation de son rapport.25 Le frère du défunt rapporte que ce jour-là Hagop Babikian s’est installé à son bureau pour mettre la dernière main à son texte ; que dans la matinée, il s’est plaint de douleurs au ventre et à la poitrine. Il a rapidement sombré dans un coma profond, suivi de mort. Compte tenu du contexte, ce décès subit d’un homme âgé de cinquante trois ans a alimenté la rumeur. Rien n’indique cependant que ce décès a été provoqué. On peut tout au plus constater que cette mort a évité que le rapport Babikian, dont on ne connaissait alors que les grandes lignes à travers les interviews données, ne soit rendu public.26 Au cours de la séance parlementaire du 5 août, le président de l’Assemblée a informé les députés que Yusuf Kemal avait remis son rapport d’enquête et le député arménien Vartkès a demandé à ce que le rapport Babikian soit également lu, mais l’assemblée a décidé d’entendre les conclusions des deux députés le samedi suivant, 7 août. Le lendemain, lorsque la question a été remise à l’ordre du jour, le président a proposé à l’assemblée de soumettre ces rapports à l’examen d’une commission parlementaire spéciale préalablement à leur lecture:27 l’affaire d’Adana venait d’être évoquée au parlement ottoman pour la dernière fois, car les deux rapports n’ont jamais été rendus publics et on ignore même jusqu’à présent le contenu de celui de Yusuf Kemal, dont on sait cependant, par les déclarations publiques de son auteur, qu’il était loin de conclure dans le sens de H. Babikian. Il semble en fait que, dans l’intervalle, des négociations ont eu lieu en coulisse pour, ainsi 22 Compte rendu dans la presse stambouliote du 27 juillet, notamment dans Azadamard, n° 29, daté du 27 juillet 1909, p. 2. D’après Şerif pacha, İsmail Hakkı faisait alors parti du Comité central jeune-turc : Mécheroutiette, n° 38, janvier 1913, p. 16. 23 Azadamard, n° 29, daté du 27 juillet 1909, p. 3. 24 AMAE, Correspondance politique, Turquie, vol. 83, f° 162, Thérapia le 11 août 1909. 25 Azadamard, n° 34, daté du 2 août 1909, p. 3. 26 Azadamard, n° 34 et 36, datés des 2 et 4 août 1909, p. 3. Ses funérailles, le 4 août, donnèrent lieu à une cérémonie њcuménique de grande ampleur — parlementaires, sénateurs, membres du gouvernement, corps diplomatique étaient présents — au cours de laquelle Yusuf Kemal et Krikor Zohrab prirent la parole pour rendre hommage au courage politique et à l’altruisme du défunt. 27 Minutes de ces séances publiées dans la presse stambouliote et par Terzian, op. cit., pp. 621-623.
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que l’ambassadeur français l’a souligné, éviter le déballage public d’une affaire des plus embarrassantes. Le CUP et son gouvernement craignaient apparemment une réaction populaire — c’est du moins ce qu’ils ont dit en privé — et, surtout, que la responsabilité avérée des militants jeunes-turcs locaux dans les massacres soit trop soulignée. Confidentielles par nature, ces négociations semblent s’être déroulées entre les leaders jeunes-turcs et leurs alliés arméniens de la FRA, qui préparaient alors le fameux accord de coopération déjà évoqué.28 Il est probable que les députés arméniens ont accepté que les rapports ne soient pas rendus publics et que le débat parlementaire n’ait pas lieu. En se ralliant aux arguments de leurs collègues turcs, à savoir que le débat ne résoudrait rien et risquait plutôt d’envenimer les choses, ils ont implicitement admis que la majorité du Parlement ne voulait pas entendre une vérité aussi peu flatteuse. En échange, on a vraisemblablement promis aux Arméniens de faire une déclaration publique les lavant de toutes les accusations portées contre eux depuis les événements, de créer sur place un véritable climat de sécurité, d’aider les rescapés à récupérer au plus vite une partie de leurs biens pillés et, surtout, de faire justice en punissant les véritables coupables de ces crimes. Plusieurs éléments permettent en effet de constater un revirement de la politique officielle du gouvernement en ces premiers jours d’août 1909. 1) Un nouveau préfet d’Adana est nommé. Il s’agit du colonel Ahmed Cemal bey — le futur ministre de la Marine — membre très influent du Comité central Union et Progrès, réputé énergique et libéral.29 2) Un véritable budget est alloué pour venir en aide aux dizaines de milliers d’Arméniens restés sans toit.30 3) Les cours martiales installées en Cilicie procèdent enfin à à l’arrestation des principaux responsables des massacres, même si elles ne font pendre que de simples exécutants. 4) Le grand vizir Hilmi pacha publie, le 11 août, une circulaire officielle blanchissant les Arméniens de toutes les accusations portées contre eux.31 Une phrase résume le ton général de ce texte : §Il n’est pas douteux qu’au temps de l’Ancien Régime où se pratiquaient les abus du despotisme, certaines classes de la communauté arménienne travaillaient dans un but politique. Mais quelle que soit la forme dans laquelle ce travail s’opérait, il n’avait d’autre but que de s’affranchir des vexations et des méfaits insupportables d’un gouvernement despotique ». Propos en forme d’aveux qui sous-tendent que les Arméniens ont été massacrés parce qu’on continuait en 1909 à les considérer collectivement comme les fedaï, c’est-à-dire comme des § terroristes » et des révolutionnaires. 5) Le 12 août, le ministre de la Justice, Nail bey a déclaré publiquement : §Les Arméniens n’ont aucune responsabilité dans les causes de ces événements ».32 Phrase qui clôt cette campagne de réhabilitation. 28 Texte complet publié dans Azadamard, n° 63, daté du 5 septembre 1909, p. 1. 29 Azadamard, n° 38, daté du 6 août 1909, pp. 1-2, annonce la nomination de Cemal bey et publie une interview avec lui ; l’ambassadeur Bompard annonce également cette nomination dans une lettre au ministre Pichon du 11 août 1909 : AMAE, Correspondance politique, Turquie, n. s., vol. 283, f° 162. 30 Les fonds furent remis à des commissions composées de notables locaux plus ou moins impliqués dans les massacres, qui détournèrent la plupart des fonds. On peut aussi signaler qu’on ne restitua que symboliquement quelques biens pillés pendant les massacres : FO 195/2306, lettre de Doughty-Wylie à Lowther, d’Adana à Constantinople, datée du 9 mai 1909. 31 Texte français dans AMAE, Correspondance politique, Turquie, n. s., vol. 283, ff. 164/22-23v°; texte arménien dans Azadamard, n° 42, daté du 12 août 1909, p. 1. 32 Azadamard, n° 42, daté du 12 août 1909, p. 3.
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L’activité des premières cours martiales instituées en Cilicie Rien n’est plus significatif d’une volonté politique que la mise en њuvre par l’état d’une justice susceptible de punir des coupables et ainsi de rétablir la paix civile et le règne du droit. Or, concernant les événements de Cilicie, les activités des premières cours martiales locales ont donné lieu à des §abus » qui ont scandalisé plus d’un observateur, sans parler des victimes elles-mêmes. §Il n’est malheureusement que trop certain, dit un diplomate, que les nouveaux gouvernants s’occupent bien plus d’accuser les Arméniens que de rechercher les vrais coupables. C’est par centaines qu’on arrête les Arméniens, alors que les instigateurs des massacres restent impunis et dirigent même avec insolence l’uvre de la justice ».33 Ces cours avaient aussi une autre particularité : elles étaient constituées des principaux organisateurs des massacres et travaillaient toutes sur la base de rapports fournis par des commissions d’enquête locales dont les membres étaient eux-mêmes impliqués dans les massacres.34 Elles avaient ainsi le pouvoir de désigner les §coupables ». Les rapports Babikian et Fayk-Mosditchian soulignent du reste ces anomalies, ainsi que la pratique courante des faux témoignages et des aveux extorqués aux victimes. C’est à la suite de protestations diplomatiques et d’une vive réaction des milieux arméniens de Constantinople que le grand vizir Hüseyin Hilmi annonça finalement devant le Parlement, le 24 mai 1909, la formation d’une cour martiale composée de cinq membres, tous issus des rangs jeunes-turcs, présidée par Yusuf Kenan pacha. On note toutefois que cette instance était dépourvue de moyens d’enquête et a tout bonnement repris les dossiers préalablement instruits. Elle a en outre institué trois branches locales à Tarse, Erzin et Marach. La ligne directrice, probablement imposée du centre, de cette cour martiale consiste dans un premier temps à frapper indistinctement des deux côtés, chez les bourreaux comme chez les victimes, pour donner l’impression d’une justice équitable, ou plus exactement pour sauver la fiction d’une responsabilité arménienne. La meilleure preuve en est le rapport — que personne n’avait commandé — qu’elle rend public quelques jours avant celui de Fayk et Mosditchian. Une phrase extraite du rapport à charge contre les Arméniens de Cilicie — déjà évoqué pour illustrer le dossier d’accusation — résume l’état d’esprit des magistrats militaires : §Le fait qu’ils [les Arméniens] aient fait preuve d’autant de hardiesse en usant de la liberté et de l’égalité qu’ils venaient d’acquérir n’a pas été très apprécié par les musulmans ».35 Autrement dit, des propagandistes non identifiés ont §expliqué» à une population déjà exaspérée que le comportement des Arméniens était le premier signe d’un projet d’indépendance et de massacre des musulmans. à cet égard, la note verbale du ministre français Pichon au ministre des Affaires étrangères ottoman donne de précieuses indications sur les méthodes employées par la juridiction d’Adana : §Six Arméniens viennent d’être pendus à Adana par ordre de la cour martiale, avec neuf musulmans, comme provocateurs des massacres. Ainsi la cour martiale a adopté dans une large mesure la version des autorités d’Adana qui voulaient rejeter sur les Arméniens la responsabilité de la catastrophe. Nous protestons contre cet acte d’iniquité, par lequel six représentants de la population arménienne si cruellement frappée sont châtiés avec les représentants des massacreurs 33 FO 195/2306, lettres de Doughty-Wylie à Lowther, des 4 et 21 mai 1909. 34 A. Adossidès, Arméniens et Jeunes-Turcs, les massacres de Cilicie, Paris 1910, p. 106, cite le rapport de la mission américaine. 35 Terzian, op. cit., pp. 689-699, publie l’intégralité du rapport, daté du 10 juillet 1909, également diffusé par la presse stambouliote à partir de la fin juillet (voir Azadamard, nos 33 et 34, datés du 31 juillet et du 2 août 1909).
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musulmans comme provocateurs des massacres. Nous savons en outre que ces musulmans châtiés ne sont que d’obscurs instruments et que les vrais coupables restent impunis. Le vali d’Adana n’a même pas été traduit devant la cour martiale. Le directeur du journal turc Ittidal d’Adana, qui a pris personnellement une part active au massacre et qui depuis lors publie des articles dangereusement calomnieux contre les Arméniens, n’est nullement inquiété et continue sa campagne ».36 Ce constat se vérifie sur le terrain, lorsque la cour martiale acquitte tous les responsables locaux. L’exécution de ces six Arméniens, ainsi que la remise du rapport Fayk-Mosditchian a, comme nous l’avons vu, obligé le gouvernement à changer de stratégie. Le cabinet Hilmi a donné l’ordre d’arrêter les personnes incriminées dans le rapport: le vali Cevad bey, le commandant militaire Mustafa Remzi, le président du Club jeune-turc d’Adana İhsan Fikri, l’influent notable Abdülkadır Bağdadizâde, le mutesarif du Cebelbereket, Adıl Asaf bey, le commissaire de police Kadri bey et leurs complices. Il a cependant fallu attendre plus de quinze jours, jusqu’au 27 juillet, pour que l’ancien vali Cevad soit arrêté, car le vali Zihni pacha et les membres de la cour martiale refusaient d’appliquer les ordres. Dès lors, le grand vizir n’a eu d’autre choix que de procéder, le 29 juillet, au remplacement simultané du vali Zihni37 par Ahmed Cemal et du président de la cour martiale Yusuf Kenan par İsmail Fazlı pacha, qui occupait jusqu’alors les fonctions de commandant militaire de Smyrne. Le même jour, toutes les personnes citées ci-dessus sont arrêtées. Au cours du mois d’août, la cour martiale réformée juge donc enfin les responsables des massacres. Il n’est évidemment plus question de responsabilité des Arméniens, mais les vieux réflexes semblent encore prédominer. Le Patriarcat arménien de Constantinople fait amèrement remarquer au grand vizir que, malgré cela, nombre d’Arméniens croupissent dans les prisons ciliciennes dans des conditions effroyables, soumis au bon vouloir et à la brutalité de leurs gardiens. Il se plaint aussi de la légèreté des peines infligées. Qu’on en juge : Cevad est condamné à six ans d’interdiction de toute fonction administrative — on lui attribue cependant une solde mensuelle — ; Mustafa Remzi à trois mois de prison — la peine ne sera pas appliquée — ; Asaf bey à quatre ans d’interdiction de fonction publique ; İhsan Fikri à une interdiction de séjour à Adana ; son collègue de l’Ittidal İsmail Safâ à un mois d’emprisonnement ; Osman bey, le commandant de la garnison d’Adana, à trois mois de prison ; Abdülkadır Bağdadizâde à l’exil au Hedjaz pour deux ans — il est amnistié à l’occasion de l’anniversaire de la Constitution.38 Le vice-consul de France à Mersine et Adana explique, dans ses rapports au ministre des Affaires étrangères Pichon, le mode de fonctionnement de la cour martiale et note qu’il est quasiment impossible pour un Arménien de témoigner et que certains membres de la Cour semblent sensibles aux cadeaux des inculpés. İhsan Fikri a même été convoqué à Constantinople, après un bref séjour au Caire, par ses collègues jeunes-turcs pour officiellement y faire son rapport, mais personne ne l’a publiquement désavoué pour son action. Pendant ce temps, sur le terrain, le nouveau vali Cemal bey fait pendre à tour de bras plus d’une centaine de massacreurs qui, comme l’indiquent les diplomates, ne sont que des seconds couteaux, de simples exécutants. Les limites de cette justice sont illustrées par l’entrevue que le patriarche a avec le président de la cour martiale, İsmail Fazıl pacha, le 4 septembre, alors que ce dernier vient de condamner 36 AMAE, Correspondance politique, Turquie, n. s., vol 283, ff. 121-123, datée du 16 juin 1909. 37 Propriétaire terrien kurde réputé pour être particulièrement corrompu. 38 AMAE, Correspondance politique, Turquie, n. s., vol. 283, f° 16421, 24, 33, dépêches de Mersine, les 11 et 21 septembre 1909.
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à mort quarante Turcs et trois Arméniens. à une question du prélat arménien, le général turc réplique : " Certes, il est totalement acquis que les Arméniens étaient innocents, cependant, il y a des Arméniens qui ont commis des actes que les Turcs eux-mêmes ne se permettent pas ».39 En définitive, le gouvernement a, en changeant le président de la cour martiale, corrigé les excès les plus criants et fait appliquer des peines de principe assez révélatrices de ses préoccupations. Au-delà des bonnes intentions annoncées par le cabinet Hilmi, " les tribunaux militaires ont persisté à juger les Arméniens comme rebelles, sans permettre d’ailleurs à ceux-ci de faire la preuve du contraire ; à mener leurs enquêtes avec l’assistance des fonctionnaires les plus notoirement compromis ; à se laisser diriger par les provocateurs et les organisateurs des massacres ; enfin à se baser sur de fausses dépositions ». Un autre témoin américain remarque: " Bien des gens sont gardés en prison par suite des fausses accusations dont ils ont été l’objet. Il semble que chacun puisse être arrêté et emprisonné sur un mot prononcé par un musulman. Je ne connais aucun cas où le témoignage d’un Arménien appelé à témoigner a été accepté». " Dans cette hâte à inculper les Arméniens, on va jusqu’à assigner en justice des individus trépassés plusieurs mois avant les troubles ».40 Le cabinet Hilmi et les membres de la cour martiale se sont indéniablement plus souciés de sauver les apparences que de rendre justice. Ce faisant, ils se sont plus préoccupés des réactions occidentales que des plaintes formulées par leurs alliés arméniens. La gestion de la crise cilicienne par les cercles arméniens Les massacres de Cilicie ont, dans un premier temps, suscité une certaine perplexité au sein des instances arméniennes. Certains, tel Krikor Zohrab, pensent qu’il s’agit encore d’une " provocation hamidienne », mais d’autres sont plus sceptiques et s’interrogent sur le rôle des autorités. Ils observent à l’appui de leurs dires que l’arrivée en Cilicie des troupes " libératrices », contrôlées par des officiers jeunes-turcs, n’a pas fait cesser les tueries, mais qu’au contraire elles ont participé à la seconde vague de violences ; que les responsables bien connus de ces actes n’ont pas été emprisonnés ; que beaucoup de survivants ont été arrêtés sans motif, voire exécutés ; que les délégués arméniens dépêchés sur place n’ont pas été autorisés à entrer dans Adana ; que les sommes télégraphiées à l’archevêché de la ville par le Patriarcat ne sont jamais parvenues à destination et qu’enfin, pour l’essentiel, le gouvernement comme la presse turque attribuent la responsabilité de ces " événements » aux Arméniens, en les accusant de s’être révoltés.41 Les députés arméniens notent que ces violences sont prolongées par des mesures d’accompagnement : arrestation des notables, destruction des écoles, incendie des églises et des maisons, fouille et pillage des demeures épargnées, enlèvement de femmes et d’enfants, réclamation du fisc au lendemain des massacres, privation de nourriture pour les survivants, assimilation forcée dans certains villages, rappelant les méthodes hamidiennes.42 Ils constatent aussi que même la présence de plusieurs navires de guerre anglais, français, américains, russes et italiens à Mersine, à deux heures d’Adana, n’a pas empêché la deuxième vague de massacres opérés par l’armée ni même autorisé une aide alimentaire aux rescapés 39 Azadamard, n° 63, daté du 6 septembre 1909, p. 3. 40 Adossidès, op. cit., pp. 119-120. 41 Adénakroutiun Azkayin Joghovo [Minutes de la Chambre nationale], minutes de la séance du 8 mai 1909, pp. 322-327. 42 Ibidem, pp. 328-335.
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qui errent, hébétés, dans les rues.43 Pour les représentants arméniens, la priorité est clairement de venir au plus vite au secours des rescapés. La Chambre des députés arménienne organise immédiatement l’envoi d’unités médicales et d’une colonne de secours, chargée de distribuer nourriture et vêtements aux Ciliciens, ainsi que la prise en charge des milliers d’orphelins — on en recense environ sept mille en juin 1909, deux mois après le carnage.44 Mais elle songe, plus que tout, à demander des comptes au gouvernement, tout en menant sa propre enquête sur le terrain45. Dans le mémorandum qu’elle remet à la Porte, la Chambre exige: 1) la libération des Arméniens emprisonnés ; 2) la restitution des personnes islamisées de force ; 3) le retour des jeunes filles " mariées » à des musulmans; 4) l’indemnisation des survivants restés sans toit et la restitution des biens volés ; 5) la révocation du nouveau vali Mustafa Zihni ; 6) l’arrestation des coupables ; 7) une assistance alimentaire pour les survivants, etc.46 Début juin, le patriarche Eghiché Tourian, qui a succédé à Izmirlian — élu catholicos d’Arménie dans l’intervalle —, est fort courtoisement reçu par le sultan, le grand vizir et le ministre de l’Intérieur. La délégation arménienne formule un certain nombre de griefs : les tribunaux formés en Cilicie pour condamner les émeutiers et autres assassins sont constitués des principaux organisateurs des massacres et ont condamné à mort et fait pendre six Arméniens ; plusieurs archevêques, dont celui de Marach, qui a résisté, sont actuellement traduits en justice ; le gouvernement et la presse turque continuent à présenter ces massacres comme une révolte arménienne.47 En conséquence, le patriarche propose d’envoyer en Cilicie une commission d’enquête mixte du parlement ottoman, avec pouvoir exécutif, et demande que des tribunaux militaires siégeant à Constantinople soient chargés de faire justice. Au cours des débats de la Chambre arménienne du 21 août 1909, on apprend que si le rapport Babikian n’a pas été lu devant le Parlement, les quelques extraits publiés dans la presse ont mis dans l’embarras le gouvernement ; que ce dernier a confié, en aparté, aux représentants arméniens, qu’il lui est difficile de punir les responsables, car cela pourrait exciter les musulmans, qui ne tolèrent pas la moindre décision " favorable » aux Arméniens.48 En fait, tout indique que le dossier est directement géré avec le gouvernement et le CUP par le Conseil politique arménien et les députés au parlement ottoman, sans que la Chambre soit systématiquement informée de l’évolution des discussions. Dans la presse arménienne, on est naturellement beaucoup moins politique et on profite de la relative liberté dont on jouit encore. Un des éditorialistes de Puzantion, Sourèn Bartévian, est l’un des premiers journalistes arméniens à manifester clairement l’indignation qui domine dans sa communauté. Faisant allusion aux seconds massacres d’Adana, qui ont visé une popu43 M. Ormanian, Azkabadoum, III, Jérusalem 1927, col. 5432 ; des sources diplomatiques indiquent que certaines victimes originaires d’autres régions sont rapatriées. " Une soixantaine de personnes, veuves, jeunes filles et garçons, dont les parents furent massacrés durant les événements d’Adana et ses environs, ont été amenées à Sıvas dans un état lamentable par les autorités locales » et seront conduites " jusqu’au district de Terjan, dans le vilayet d’Erzerum, dont elles sont originaires. Fuyant la misère et la disette de leur pays, ces familles s’étaient rendues, l’automne dernier, au vilayet d’Adana pour y travailler dans les moissons » : Centre des Archives diplomatiques de Nantes, Ambassade de Constantinople, série E/129, lettre du vice-consul de France à Sıvas, Habib Edile, à Bompard, ambassadeur de France à Constantinople, datée du 17 juin 1909. 44 Adénakroutiun, op. cit., minutes de la séance du 12 juin 1909, pp. 404 et 409. 45 Sarkis Souin, délégué en compagnie d’un prélat, est mis sous " surveillance militaire » dès son arrivée en Cilicie, et empêché de circuler librement (cf. ibidem, p. 407). 46 Ibidem, minutes de la séance du 24 avril 1909, pp. 305-306. 47 Ibidem, minutes de la séance du 12 juin 1909, pp. 389-409. 48 Ibidem, minutes de la séance du 21 août 1909, pp. 484 et suiv.
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lation désarmée, il s’exclame: "Après cette sanglante duperie, comment peut-on accuser les cadavres allongés de personnes qui, cette fois-ci, n’ont même pas pu amorcer un mouvement d’autodéfense, tirer la moindre cartouche ou jeter même une pierre ? Comment qualifier, comment comprendre ces accusations mensongères ? Dites-nous [...] si vous ne voulez plus que nous habitions ce pays, que nous ne vivions plus sur cette terre. [...] Jusqu’à quand notre sang et nos larmes vont couler au nom d’une chimérique et délirante histoire de "royaume arménien" à laquelle vous ne croyez pas vous-mêmes, car vous ne pouvez imaginer que les Arméniens soient stupides au point d’y croire eux-mêmes ».49 Outre l’indignation, ces propos reflètent le désespoir qui s’est emparé de nombre d’Arméniens qui découvrent à cette occasion combien la situation a peu changé. D’autres, comme l’éditorialiste du quotidien Azadamard évoquant les activités de la commission d’enquête parlementaire, expriment plutôt un pessimisme cynique : " Il serait naïf, écrit-il, d’attendre que justice soit rendue. Tout le processus actuel n’est pas destiné à ce que la justice l’emporte, mais à dissimuler derrière un rideau une catastrophe qui a été aussi destructrice pour la population arménienne de Cilicie ».50 Mais, outre ces déclarations générales, on commence aussi à entendre des accusations visant directement le pouvoir. Le député K. Zohrab, manifestement excédé, explose à la tribune du parlement ottoman : " Le gouvernement reste fidèle aux vieilles traditions en niant les faits qui se sont produits, comme dans le cas des événements d’Adana, où il a longtemps réfuté le nombre des victimes qui a pourtant été confirmé par des informations officielles ultérieures ».51 La réaction de bon nombre de députés jeunes-turcs, en principe ouverts aux pratiques démocratiques, est à l’image de la réalité ottomane du temps : Zohrab est tout bonnement interrompu, tiré à bas de la tribune et molesté. On observe un autre fait révélateur au cours de la séance parlementaire du lendemain, 3 juillet : K. Zohrab et Vartkès Séringulian tentent ce jour-là de défendre, devant une assemblée majoritairement hostile, un projet de loi, pourtant déposé par le groupe jeune-turc, visant à instituer des syndicats ouvriers dans l’Empire ottoman.52 Le parallèle entre les arguments avancés par les deux députés arméniens et les réactions pour le moins conservatrices de certains de leurs collègues turcs illustre l’abîme culturel qui existe entre eux, y compris avec des députés réputés modernistes. Au début de l’automne, malgré les quelques progrès enregistrés dans l’affaire cilicienne — nous avons vu comment le gouvernement et le Parlement l’ont gérée —, les milieux arméniens continuent à réclamer la réparation des dommages subis et la restitution des biens pillés. Compte tenu du contexte, qu’ils connaissent mieux que quiconque, on peut s’étonner de cette obstination à vouloir absolument que justice soit rendue dans un pays qui avait, jusqu’à un passé récent, une interprétation restrictive de ce mot. Mais les Arméniens sont manifestement décidés à mener à son terme cette affaire et à ne pas céder. Après avoir fait preuve d’une certaine souplesse en négociant directement avec le gouvernement ou les dirigeants jeunes-turcs durant tout l’été, ils refusent de se contenter de bonnes paroles, car l’affaire leur paraît trop lourde de menaces pour l’avenir et en trop flagrante contradiction avec les principes officiellement défendus par les Jeunes-Turcs. Le 25 septembre, en séance publique de la Chambre, N. Djivanian, par ailleurs député au
49 Puzantion, n° 3823, daté du 10 mai 1909, p. 1. 50 Azadamard, n° 2, daté du 24 juin 1909, p. 1. 51 Azadamard, n° 9, daté du 2 juillet 1909, p. 2, compte rendu de la 104e séance. 52 Azadamard, n° 10, daté du 3 juillet 1909, p. 2, compte rendu de séance.
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parlement ottoman et membre de l’Ittihad, défend les positions du gouvernement jeune-turc et reprend la thèse selon laquelle après l’" affaire d’Adana » les autorités ont évité de justesse les débordements et des massacres dans les provinces de l’Est. Interrompu dans sa démonstration par un tollé général, Djivanian a cédé sa place à la tribune au responsable dachnakiste H. Chahriguian, qui s’exprime au nom du Conseil politique. Après une analyse de la situation, le député révèle qu’en concertation avec leurs collègues arméniens du parlement ottoman, les membres du Conseil ont préféré éviter la discussion en séance du rapport de la commission parlementaire (de Babikian), car la majorité des députés était manifestement opposée à toute déclaration publique mettant clairement en cause les autorités turques, et qu’ils pensaient, en agissant ainsi, laisser les mains libres au gouvernement pour qu’il puisse travailler dans le sens souhaité.53 Immédiatement après, le chef hentchakiste Hmayag Aramiants intervient et tente de démontrer qu’il y a continuité entre les régimes hamidien et jeune-turc, mais que la politique de ce dernier, sans être divergente, est beaucoup mieux " maquillée » et menée sous couvert de la loi, comme cela fut le cas lors des procès d’Adana, dont les jugements ne peuvent, paraît-il, être légalement cassés par le gouvernement. Malgré certaines opinions contraires, la grande majorité des députés a cherché à trouver une issue à la crise en maintenant le contact avec la Porte. Cependant, pour mieux signifier qu’il n’est pas disposé à céder devant les arguments ou les menaces de massacres avancés par les autorités, le Conseil politique demande au patriarche Eghiché Tourian de démissionner. Ce que ce dernier fait le 4 septembre, en signe de protestation contre l’inertie du gouvernement.54 En marge de ces débats, libéraux et dachnakistes continuent à entretenir des relations avec la direction de l’Ittihad, qu’ils savent influente. Le manque de résultats concrets et, selon ses opposants, l’inadéquation des démarches effectuées par le Conseil politique provoquent la chute de la direction libérale-dachnak de la Chambre, qui élit un nouveau Conseil majoritairement constitué de conservateurs, avec comme chef l’inamovible Minas Tchéraz.55 Ainsi, le " ventre mou » de la Chambre semble avoir pris au sérieux les mena-ces du gouvernement. Au cours des débats qui suivent ce changement de direction, H. Aramiants, soutenu par K. Zohrab, fait remarquer à l’assemblée réunie que ce n’est pas en élisant des gens de la vieille école qu’elle peut obtenir de meilleurs résultats. Qu’en outre, ceux-ci ignorent absolument tout des réalités quotidiennes des provinces et que, dorénavant, il n’est plus possible d’exclure les partis de la direction des affaires. Plus consensuel, Krikor Zohrab rappelle qu’il a essayé, à son retour d’exil, l’année précédente, de constituer un bloc entre les partis et l’intelligentsia, afin de les faire participer à la vie politique nationale dans le cadre prévu à cet effet, et qu’en définitive ce n’est pas faire du Conseil une annexe des partis que d’y élire certains de leurs militants, mais plutôt un moyen de les canaliser dans un cadre consensuel.56 La crise suscitée au sein des instances arméniennes par l’affaire cilicienne exprime en fait une inquiétude profonde dans la classe politique. Le Puzantion rapporte des propos révélateurs tenus par Zohrab devant la Chambre : " On ne peut pas contester le comportement bienveillant du gouvernement actuel à notre égard, car nous savons fort bien que cinq mois auparavant il y avait un réel danger de voir les massacres d’Adana s’étendre à l’ensemble de l’Arménie, comme le prouvent les télé-
53 Adénakroutiun, op. cit., minutes de la séance du 25 septembre 1909, pp. 517-518 et 522-524. 54 Ibidem, minutes de la séance du 4 septembre 1909, pp. 493-494. 55 Ibidem, minutes de la séance du 30 octobre 1909, pp. 46-47. 56 Ibidem, pp. 49-50.
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grammes et les lettres qui sont parvenus entre les mains de la direction nationale ».57 Menaces qui sont confirmées par les informations communiquées par les réseaux consulaires européens en Anatolie. L’éditorial de Puzant Kétchian, le patron de Puzantion, résume en quelques lignes le dilemme auquel sont confrontés les cercles arméniens : " Depuis un certain temps, une sorte de phénomène pessimiste se diffuse parmi nous, qui dit que le Comité ottoman [comprenons le CUP], s’il n’en a pas été l’organisateur, n’était pour le moins pas opposé aux massacres d’Adana, dont il a été grandement satisfait. Il est de la plus haute importance de clarifier cette question, car il est incontestable que le Comité ottoman contrôle la direction actuelle du pays et que ses orientations, ses décisions ont une signification vitale pour le peuple arménien. Si, à l’avenir, le Comité ottoman veut matériellement et moralement détruire les Arméniens, il serait souhaitable que nous en soyons dès à présent informés, pour que nous songions dès lors à notre avenir, c’est-à-dire à nous lever et à quitter ce pays. Pour notre part, cela fait six mois que nous nous occupons d’examiner cette question. Nous avons connaissance des télégrammes et des rapports reçus par le Patriarcat, et nous recevons nous-mêmes, sans cesse, des correspondances des régions à population arménienne, provenant de milieux très divers. Cependant, nous ne sommes pas parvenus à la conviction que le Comité ottoman a voulu faire massacrer les Arméniens ».58 Si l’éditorial de P. Kétchian ne tranche pas la question clé que tout le monde se pose, à savoir l’implication ou non du CUP dans ces massacres, il n’en traduit pas moins un doute pesant et le sentiment diffus que la présence des Arméniens dans l’empire est déjà contestée. En décembre de la même année, H. Khosrovian présente, au nom de la nouvelle direction du Conseil, un rapport sur les suites données par le gouvernement à ses requêtes et demandes de réparation. Il annonce ainsi que cinq autres condamnés à mort arméniens ont été graciés et quarante-deux massacreurs pendus ; qu’une partie des prisonniers a été libérée, mais que, sur le fond, les organisateurs de la boucherie n’ont pas été inquiétés et que rien n’a été fait pour faciliter le retour dans leurs familles des enfants enlevés.59 Malgré tout, le catholicos de Cilicie Sahag II Khabayan, qui avait démissionné en signe de protestation, en même temps que le patriarche, est revenu sur sa décision et a demandé à son homologue stambouliote, Eghiché Tourian, d’en faire autant. Ainsi se trouve indirectement posée la question essentielle qui anime les débats de la Chambre au cours des années 1908-1909 : à savoir jusqu’où demander réparation et le rétablissement de la sécurité des biens et des personnes sans provoquer de nouveaux massacres ? C’est précisément sur ce sujet que K. Zohrab fait une nouvelle intervention d’une heure, après avoir demandé le huis clos et la non transcription de son discours.60 On le comprend, car l’exécution de quarante-deux assassins de Cilicie a provoqué dans l’opinion publique turque une émotion considérable. Certes, les véritables responsables n’ont pas été visés, mais l’exécution de comparses est suffisante pour provoquer la chute du premier ministre, Hilmi pacha, remplacé par Hakkı, l’auteur de la fameuse déclaration faisant porter la responsabilité des massacres sur les Arméniens.61 Certains députés considèrent que l’affaire cilicienne est un cas exemplaire et que si la Chambre ne mène pas le combat jusqu’au bout pour obtenir réparation, il ne faut pas compter sur une amélioration du sort des populations arméniennes dans les provinces, qu’il
57 N° 3924, daté du 20 septembre, p. 1, éditorial. 58 Ibidem, p. 1. 59 Adénakroutiun, op. cit., minutes de la séance du 18 décembre 1909, pp. 127-129. 60 Ibidem, p. 130. 61 Déclaration au Temps reprise dans Azadamard, n° 12, daté du 6 juillet 1909, p. 1.
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Raymond Kévorkian
s’agisse de la restitution des terres confisquées ou du contrôle des tribus kurdes. En définitive, la Chambre charge les députés au parlement ottoman et notamment Krikor Zohrab, Hampartsoum Boyadjian et Vartkès Séringulian de tenter une nouvelle démarche auprès de leurs collègues turcs. Geste significatif, le Conseil politique demande en même temps au patriarche Tourian de reprendre ses fonctions.62 Les cercles arméniens ont manifestement décidé de renoncer à demander des comptes par crainte de nouvelles violences.
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62 Kévorkian, "Les Massacres de Cilicie d’avril 1909 », art. cit., pp. 143-153 et 161.
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3 î»°ë С. З., Аданские черные дни, издание Х. А. Вермишева, Баку, 1909, с. 5: 4 î»°ë êï»÷³ÝÛ³Ý ¶., àõñí³·ÇÍ ³ñ¨Ùï³Ñ³Û óïñáÝÇ å³ïÙáõÃÛ³Ý, Ñï. III, ºñ., 1975, ¿ç 12 5 úëÙ³ÝÛ³Ý Ï³ÛëñáõÃÛáõÝáõÙ ·ñ³ùÝÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ï³ë»óÙ³Ùμ ѳñÛáõñ³íáñ Ýáñ å³ñμ»ñ³Ï³ÝÝ»ñ Ññ³ï³ñ³Ïí»óÇÝ, ÇÝãå»ë ¹³ ѻ層ó üñ³ÝëÇ³Ï³Ý Ñ»Õ³÷áËáõÃÛ³ÝÁ£ (Tülay Keskin, Feminist/Nationalist discourse in the first year of the Ottoman Revolutionary (1908-1909) Reedings from the magazins of Demwt, Mehashi an Kadin (Salonica), The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences of Bilkent University, Ankara, 2003) лճ÷áËáõÃÛáõÝÇó Ñ»ïá ÉáõÛë ÁÝͳÛí³Í å³ñμ»ñ³Ï³ÝÝ»ñÇ ÁݹѳÝáõñ ÃÇíÁ Ý»ñϳ۳óÝ»Éáõ ѳ-Ù³ñ Ñ»ÕÇݳÏÁ Ù»çμ»ñáõÙ ¿ ï³ñμ»ñ ³ÕμÛáõñÝ»ñ. Áëï ¹ñ³ÝóÇó Ù»ÏÇ, »Ã» 1879-1907 ÃÃ. ÉáõÛë ¿ÇÝ ï»ëÝáõÙ 103 Ãáõñù³É»½áõ ûñûñ, ³å³ ÙdzÛÝ 1908à Ññ³ï³ñ³Ïí»óÇÝ 240 Ýáñ å³ñμ»ñ³Ï³ÝÝ»ñ, ÇëÏ, Áëï Ù»Ï ³ÛÉ ³ÕμÛáõñÇ` 1908 Ã. Ýáñ ûñûñÁ 353-Ý ¿ÇÝ, 1910 Ã.` 130, 1911Ã.` 124 (¹ñ³ÝóÇó ß³ï»ñÁ ÙdzÛÝ ÙÇ ù³ÝÇ Ñ³Ù³ñ ïå³·ñí»óÇÝ)£ 6 î»°ë ʳé³ïÛ³Ý ²., ²ñ¨Ùï³Ñ³Û Ù³ÙáõÉÁ XX ¹³ñÇ ëϽμÇÝ, ÄáõéݳÉÇëïÇϳ (î»ëáõÃÛ³Ý ¨ å³ïÙáõÃÛ³Ý, ѳñó»ñ), å. ², º., 1999, ¿ç 79-80£ 7 Tülay Keskin, Feminist/Nationalist discourse in the first year of the Ottoman Revolutionary (1908-1909)..., p. 9.
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ËáõÃÛ³Ý Ïáã»ñ å³ñáõݳÏáÕ Ñá¹í³ÍÝ»ñ, áñáÝù, ûñ¨ë, Ýå³ï³Ï áõÝ»ÇÝ Ýå³ëï»Éáõ Ãáõñù»ñÇ ¨ ùñÇëïáÝÛ³ ³½·³ÛÇÝ ÷áùñ³Ù³ëÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ Ë³Õ³Õ ·áÛ³ÏóáõÃ۳ݣ Àݹ áñáõÙ, ÝÙ³Ý Ññ³å³ñ³ÏáõÙÝ»ñáõÙ Áݹ·ÍíáõÙ ¿ñ áã ÙdzÛÝ Ñ³Ù»ñ³ßËáõÃÛ³Ý ëï»ÕÍÙ³Ý áõÕÕáõÃÛ³Ùμ »ñÇïÃáõñù³Ï³Ý Çß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ³Ý·áñÍáõÃÛáõÝÁ, ³Ûɨ Ýáñ ç³ñ¹»ñ Ññ³Ññ»Éáõ Ýñ³Ýó ù³Õ³ù³Ï³ÝáõÃÛáõÝÁ£ ²ÛëåÇëáí, Îáëï³Ý¹ÝáõåáÉëÇ ¨ ¼ÙÛáõéÝdzÛÇ Ñ³Û Ù³ÙáõÉÇ` ÏÇÉÇÏdzѳÛáõÃÛ³Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÁ Éáõë³μ³ÝáÕ Ññ³å³ñ³ÏáõÙÝ»ñÁ ϳñáÕ³ó³Ý ÉáõÛë ë÷é»É 1909 Ã. ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ Çñ³Ï³Ý å³ï׳éÝ»ñÇ íñ³, ÇëÏ áñáß ¹»åù»ñáõÙ` Ù³ïݳÝß»É Ý³¨ ç³ñ¹»ñÇ Çñ³Ï³Ý ϳ½Ù³Ï»ñåÇãÝ»ñÇÝ` »ñÇïÃáõñù³Ï³Ý Çß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇÝ£
Tatevik Ghaltakhchyan The First Reflections of the 1909 Adana Massacres in the Western Armenian Press Summary The Armenian massacres of April 1909 organized in Adana and surrounding regions were covered intensivly in the Western Armenian press. The media outlets show that the information on the massacres in Adana and neighboring regions, organized by the Hamidian regime, were dominant in the Western Armenian press. Later most of the publications in the Western Armenian press tried to convince the society that the massacres were organized and provoked by the leaders of Young Turks and the government itself. In addition, Turkish regular army directly participated in the massacres of these period. In response to the baseless attempts of Young Turks’ government to represent the Armenians as guilty in the massacres the Armenian press published many opposing articles. The Young Turks ignoring their promises given during the revolution limited the freedom of speech by resuming the persecution of the Western Armenian printed media.
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Suren Manukyan Armenian Modernization As A Reason For The Armenian Genocide (Case Of Adana) Summary In the beginning of XX century the difference between retarded Moslem and modernized, innovative Armenian communities was clearly visible. This gap brought envy and hatred against the Armenians and became one of the reasons of 1909 Adana massacres. For centuries, the Turks perceived Armenians as subjugated, second-class citizens, who created goods and treasures for the Empire. However after the proclamation of 1908 Constitution this superiorinferior division de jure disappeared and the existence of Armenians and other non-Turkish nations became "useless". As long as Armenians accepted their old status and avoided claiming for equality with Muslims they could hope to remain secure and safe. The spread of capitalism, modernization, and reimplementation of the Constitution opened up new opportunities for Armenians. Possible change of public status reasoned violence.
28 Woods H. Charles, The Danger Zone of Europe, Boston, 1911, p.140.
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REPORTS ON THE MASSACRES IN ADANA BY AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN NEWSPAPERS Éva Merénics The following analysis of the articles available about the massacres in Adana tries to reconstruct a general perspective from which the Austro-Hungarian readers of the examined newspapers were able to understand the events. Even though the examined newspapers had different orientations, common features can be observed. These mean first of all solidarity with Armenians. There may be also conclusions made about the start of the massacres which exclude Armenian provocation. Concerning responsibility, Abdul Hamid II’s involvement cannot be excluded, but that of the Young Turks’ is clear. It also turned out that the great powers intervened mainly because their citizens and properties were endangered. The massacres of Adana are reported in a detailed way and in an extensive quantity in Austro-Hungarian newspapers. The way how the reports describe the events of internal politics in the Ottoman Empire shows a vital interest of journalists and probably also that of the readers. Within the descriptions of the events there is a relatively high proportion of articles dedicated to the situation of Armenians in the Empire. The following analysis of the articles available about the Adana massacres tries to reconstruct a general perspective from which the readers of the examined newspapers were able to understand the events. First the common features of the three examined dailies and the general ideological orientation of the examined articles. In this framework there can be analysed in a more detailed way how this tragic episode of Armenian history had happened, based on the newspapers. The sources of reconstruction are purely contemporary articles of the examined newspapers written in German. Despite this fact the titles of unrelated articles certainly illustrate main political debates within the Monarchy in the examined period. In case of such cases also historical analyses will be used without analysing the related news. Concerning the events in Turkey – as the newspapers call the Ottoman Empire1 – and the massacres, sampling of the articles is needed. The reasons for this are the quantity of news and that the newspapers observed are not digitalised as texts. Thereupon a purely manual elaboration of them is possible at the moment. The examined period takes from 13 April 1909 – the start of the rebellion in Constantinople2 – to 20 June 1909 – the day when two of the given newspapers had not reported anything about Armenians for five days. The method of the selection is the following£ One daily newspaper from three of the capitals of the AustroHungarian Monarchy’s states is selected. These are Neue Freie Presse from Vienna, Pester Lloyd from Budapest and Prager Tagblatt from Prague. All of them were issued more times a day, and the first daily issues of the examined period are elaborated. Within these the first article handling with the events in the Ottoman Empire, further ones dealing with situation in the provinces, massacres, Ottoman state leaders committed to solve the situation, Armenians, Christians and the great powers’ actions connected to the Ottoman Empire – are taken into account. In some cases when the sample indicates other important topics related to Armenians – like freedom of press, actions of diplomatic corps or reactions of foreign states – will be also relied on. These will be marked. 1 According to this fact the expressions are exceptionally used in this study as synonyms. 2 None of the analysed newspapers use a clear term for the events; describe them as riot, rebellion, revolution, counterrevolution and crisis inconsistently.
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The overall appearance of the articles is slightly different from the average ones of today’s printed press products. Most of the articles’ authors are not known, while the issuer of the source on which the given article relies on, is marked. In some cases, articles do not even have a title, which is especially characteristic in case of the leading articles. This is the reason why the data of references may seem incomplete. The examined newspapers have a similar structure. The leading article usually deals with a significant internal or external affair. This is followed by a part analysing internal affairs, and in the end external events are dealt with. The news documenting the massacres of Adana are usually in the final chapter of the news about the Ottoman Empire. The reports are based on telegraphs by own reporters of the newspapers, by diplomatic corps, official reports of Ottoman state institutions or sometimes on reports of other press agencies or newspapers. To understand the importance of the news from the Ottoman Empire and the ones dealing with the Armenian massacres, a quantitative analysis was made, but also the qualitative relations between the used indexes are analysed. Measuring the significance (see also as interest, popularity and importance) of the affairs of the Ottoman Empire and the massacres is carried out as it follows£ The page number of the beginning of the first articles in these given two topics will be relied on. The highest page number dealing with the massacres is page 11.3 Henceforth the interest will be measured on an 11-grade scale where the page number is inverted. Furthermore if Armenian news is mentioned before general news on the Empire, that means 0.5 grade more to the Armenian one. In case there are not any articles published in the given topic, the popularity grade of it is 0. In case of missing or damaged newspapers, the grade is -1 .4 If the tendency of increasing or decreasing of the page number of the chosen articles can be clearly stated then the importance of their topic can also be judged. The events in the Ottoman Empire can be divided into three phases. The first means approximately the first two weeks of the whole examined period. This was characterised by a high popularity of the events in the Ottoman state. The second phase took approximately until the end or minimally until the last week of May when the situation of the Ottoman Empire did not seem to be as important as it had been in the first stage but the massacres are constantly reported. The third and final phase took from the end of May when the massacres were relatively rarely reported and the Empire was getting into the focus of the news again rather due to the question of Crete. A further common feature of the popularity of the news from the Ottoman Empire is that due to a given occasion the importance of the related reports grows radically and after this a gradual sinking can be observed. This process usually divides the three phases into cycles which are entirely different in all of the three newspapers. The first one analysed is Pester Lloyd in which the first report on the massacres in Adana was published on 16 April. This phase when the Ottoman Empire enjoyed a high significance ended on 1 May. In this period the massacres’ popularity moved parallel with that of the general Ottoman proceedings and three cycles were present. The first took until 21 April. The general articles dealt with the background and chronology of the events while the massacres were appearing usually among the last news on the Empire. Only the leading article on 17 April may be connected to Armenians which states that the unionists would mean the right solution for the nationalities of the Empire because they are against the centralisation of the 3 Neue Freie Presse 30 May 1909, p. 11. 4 For popularity rates see the annexes.
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Ottoman state system. Therefore the author does not agree with the minorities’ supporting the Young Turks.5 This criticism may indicate the newspaper’s sympathy towards Abdul Hamid II in this cycle. From 22 until 27 April the interest level of the descriptions about the Ottoman Empire lost of its height because of a serious crisis within the Hungarian government, which heavily affected the relations between Austria and Hungary, thereby the foreign affairs of the Monarchy as well. On the other hand there was a relative closeness between the importance of the general Ottoman and Armenian reports. This was due to the possible intervention of the European Powers.6 From 28 April to 1 May the situation of the Armenians reached a high grade of importance while the general news on the Empire gained back the same popularity that they had at the beginning of the events. The latter was due to the dethronement of sultan Abdul Hamid II. His person guided attention towards the massacres, as he was indicated by Pester Lloyd as responsible for the massacres of the 1890’s.7 The number and detailed description of victims and damaged properties also supported the Armenian issue’s popularity.8 Along with foreign citizens’ and therefore foreign powers’ further involvement.9 The second period took in Pester Lloyd from 3 till 20 May. Gaining relative importance of the Armenian affairs compared to the ones of the Ottoman Empire in general featured these days. The cause of these proceedings was that the dethronement of sultan Abdul Hamid seemed to stabilise the general situation. Articles about Armenians were leading the news about the Empire in five cases. Among other frequently handled topics Austria-Hungary’s annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina was mentioned in connection with the Monarchy’s rival, Serbia. To counterbalance this tense situation, friendly relation with the Ottoman Empire was required for the Monarchy.10 After the new sultan was inaugurated the general events and thereby also the ones in the Armenian vilayets repeatedly gained interest as the new emperor had mentioned the need for a peaceful interethnic and interreligious life in the Empire.11 The news about Armenians was still grave and mentioned the international connections of the issue. There is another frequently described question found in these Articles, the efforts of the Ottoman state bodies to handle the bloodshed.12 The five leading articles are mainly tied to foreign intervention. The one on 4 May is about the possible intervention of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in Asia Minor. Its title is ‘Protection of Austro-Hungarian citizens’, while the text itself only mentions the fact that the cruiser Zenta had started its journey to Mersina, joining cruisers of other states.13 Zenta’s Hungarian ties are evident. 14 These are clear reasons why the report became that important, although 5 Article 1 (For exact data of the articles see the bibliography) 6 Article 2; Article 3; Article 4; Article5; Article 6 7 Article 7; Article 8; Article 9 8 Article 10; Article 11; Article 9; Article 12 9 Article 7; Article 10; Article 11; Article 9 10 DIÓSZEGI István Az Osztrák-Magyar Monarchia külpolitikája (The Foreign Policy of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy) (Budapest; Vince Kiadó, 2001) p. 124. 11 See for example Article 13 12 Article 14; Article 15; Article 16; Article 17; Article 18; Article 19; Article 20; Article 21 13 Article 22 14 "Zenta cirkáló története" (History of Cruiser Zenta), http://hajomakett.hu/content/view/655/41/
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many articles discuss other great powers’ announced inactivity parallel with their intervention in reality. The next leading article one on 10 May relied on Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung which also denied a possible intervention justifying this as it follows£ ‘[s]uch a big juncture as the one that took place in Turkey has rarely resulted in such a small number of victims and blood[...]’’15 and stated that the new power still needed time to stabilise its power even in the problematic parts of the empire.16 This contradicts to the foreign battleships’ presence at the coast of Asia Minor. The further leading articles were about the French lower house’s debate, an interpellation by deputy Denis-Cochin. The conclusion according to them is that France was willing to save the Armenians while the country must have not accused the Young Turks of the massacres because the bloodshed was tied to the reign of Abdul Hamid, and France needed to maintain a good relationship with the Ottoman Empire. France had connected the possibility of an intervention to the collective will of the great powers. The cycle from 10 until 16 May within the period furthermore can be described as a one that opposes the magnitude of the bloodsheds exactly by mentioning them primarily. This means that the graveness of the situation was denied by leading articles’ titles, contradicting their content. Beside this fact the events are described as ones that will be solved if the new power becomes stable. Despite this on May 11 it was mentioned in the leading article of Pester Lloyd that Armenians were the only ones in the empire who did not welcome the new Sultan enthusiastically. It was also stated that the massacres were bound to the name of Abdul Hamid II., therefore the author implicitly forecasted that the situation would ameliorate.17 On the contrary Shefket pasha told that£ ‘[t]he Turkish side hopes that due to the mentioned assurance and similar others the excited Armenian nation would calm down, so the further chase of them could be prevented.’18 This opinion warns of a retrospective accusation of Armenians for the massacres. Furthermore the issue of 11 May emphasises also critics about data related to the massacres which are alleged to be manipulated by the Ottoman authorities. The last phase was introduced by an intermediary cycle – 20-22 May – which added a new element to the news known in the former period. The insult of Armenians by Kurdish groups in Van, Mush, Bitlis and even again near Aleppo was also reported parallel with criticising the passiveness or inefficiency of the local authorities.19 The Armenians also appealed to Russia, France and England for help.20 This highlights again that the international involvement gave importance to the problem. In the last stage the general events of the Empire had quite a constant popularity. Even a new analysis dealt with the change of the sultan in a leading article which is also similar to the former ones.21 The main topics concerning the Ottoman Empire described in the newspaper 15 Article 23 16 Own translation, original phrase: "Eine so große Umwälzung, wie es sich jetzt in der Türkei vollzogen hat, hat wohl nur selten so wenig Opfer und Blut gefordert[...]" Article 23 17 Article 24 18 Own translation, original phrase: "Türkischerseits hofft man, daβ durch die erwähnte Versicherung und ähnliche andere die erregte armenische Nation sich beruhigen werde, so daβ die weitere Verfolgung der Armenier verhindert werden wird.§ Article 25, p. 5. 19 Article 25 p. 4. 20 Article 26 21 Article 27
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are the programme of the government, the diplomatic affairs in connection with the inauguration of Mohamed V.,22 the consequences of the crisis and of the massacres. The Armenian massacres were mentioned with almost the same importance as the general articles about the empire, but there were not any reports published on 13 days of 28. The relative calmness was only contradicted by the riots following the planned disarmament of Zeytun’s and Van’s Armenians,23 Furthermore the reports from Dortyol were mentioned, where according to the newspaper a sergeant had fired against his own troop and there had been a panic due to this. On 25 May the article dealing with the new governmental programme expressed that the state power treat the massacres of Adana as events connected to the general reactionary movement in the country, and the newspaper started to do the same. The daily only reported the events and did not criticise them or parallel them with news from critical sources any more. In this period there was only one article which opposed the Ottoman state bodies because of the massacres and this even relied on the Russian and English diplomacy.24 Furthermore it was also expressed in an Ottoman politician’s opinion that the difference between the Ottoman state statistics and the Armenian and foreign estimations about the massacres would put an inconvenient impression on European powers.25 As a conclusion Pester Lloyd expressed a kind of solidarity during the massacres which was embodied in the criticism towards the experiments to solve the problem. Putting emphasis on the difference between Ottoman and foreign data about the massacres26 may be seen as such an effort. Another such attempt is the one which reports about the massacres stating that there were many children and women victimised or harassed,27 or the articles which express the similarity between the massacres of 1909 and of 1895-96,28 furthermore the ones dealing with the cruelty of the Kurds.29 On the other hand the Ottoman state rhetoric, the fading of the events and the alleged ties between the massacres and Abdul Hamid II. caused that the newspaper had less frequently criticised the situation of Armenians and the passivity of the authorities as the time was passing by. The next newspaper to be analysed is Prager Tagblatt. It has to be stated that the Czech Kingdom was politically drawn back in the dualist system of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy30 therefore the events concerning the whole Monarchy had to be completed with the local news in a greater proportion than in Hungary for example. This might draw back the importance of the articles’ about foreign affairs. The three main phases can be found in Prager Tagblatt, too. The first period between 13 April and 1 May shows homogenous and vivid interest towards the events in the Ottoman Empire. The political background was analysed in the greatest proportion. The Young Turk 22 Article 28; Article 29; Article 30; Article 31; Article 32; 23 Article 33 24 Article 120 25 Article 33 26 Article 33; Article 121 27 See for example Article 34; Article 35 28 See for example Article 34; Article 7 29 See for example Article 10; Article 9; Article 15; Article 36; Article 37 30 DIóSZEGI István A nagyhatalmi politika másfél évszázada (One and a Half Century of the Politics of Power) (Budapest; História, MTA Történettudományi Intézete, 1997.)
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regime is described as the one which had satisfied the West in the previous year.31 Although Prager Tagblatt stated based on information from a diplomat that the liberals planned a federal state, where the minorities might have equal rights.32 The daily did not agree or disagree with this plan. Later also the topic of Abul Hamid’s dethronement appeared in the news who was frequently mentioned in a pejorative manner.33 See for example the following expression£ ‘The old wish for full power remained in his heart and grained down the burning wish for revenge.’34 On 22 April the leading article pictured reconciliation between the sultan and the Young Turks which would lead to the further reign of Abdul Hamid II. The newspaper roughly criticised this possible case.35 The significance of the Adana massacres was also similar to that of the general affairs, although the bloodshed was not mentioned 5 times after their first occurrence in the newspaper. On the other hand they were mentioned three times in leading articles. The first report on the massacres is a short article based on a consular telegraph describing the danger which was surrounding also foreign citizens residing in the given area. The report furthermore stated that the slaughter of Armenians was constant since 15 April and that the local authorities were not in position to stop the events.36In two cases the bloodshed was mentioned in connection with the intervention of the great powers.37 This signals, that the international involvement caused an increased level of popularity. One more article with one of the highest popularity described the massacres of 1895-96 as ones which were alleged to have connections to Abdul Hamid and this caused that the Armenians had been taking part constantly in activities against the sultan.38 The second significant period in Prager Tagblatt took from 3 to 22 May. The feature of this is that the Armenian affairs were mainly published on the same page as the Ottoman general issues, while the news generally take only some paragraphs, if any. The reports about the Empire described the stabilisation of the Young Turks’ power and Abdul Hamid’s fate. The cause for the visible but not real cycles is that more topics from inside the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy were reported in a differently detailed way. Concerning Armenians, their hard situation was described. The Newspaper reported continuous riots from Asia Minor. It is also stressed that ‘[t]he massacres keep on gaining a greater extent, and the details which are reported here mock at all descriptions.’39 The newspaper communicated also that military troops and a courtmartial was sent to the problematic region, and that the massacres were not spreading which is a serious contradiction compared to the former citation. Between 15 and 22 May the articles about Armenians depicted further planned measures to stop the bloodshed. These were a circular letter promised by the Sheikh ul-Islam to calm down the Muslims in the region thanks to former complaints of the Armenian 31 Article 38 32 Article 39 33 See for example: Article 40; Article 41 34 Article 42 35 Article 43 36 Article 44 37 Article 45; Article 46; Article 47; Article 48 38 Article 49 39 Own translation, original phrase: "Die Massakers nehmen noch immer an Umfang zu, und die Einzelheiten, über die hierher berichtet wird, spotten jeder Beschreibung." in Article 50
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notabilities.40 Furthermore disarmament was also in view, but the article does not mark whom the measures should rely on.41 The Armenian issue was mentioned also frequently together or because of the great powers. 42 After this Prager Tagblatt also emphasised that the situation was ameliorating although the Austro-Hungarian cruiser, Zenta had to leave Mersina for Alexandretta because riots were reported from there. The same caused that English marines had landed at the same place to protect the English consulate. Shefket pasha had even mustered the Ottoman navy.43 This had happened despite the fact that on 10 May the news described that according to Germany the international intervention was unnecessary which was also agreed by the Porte.44 In these days a denial of the situation’s graveness was not denied by articles mentioned in the first row. The last period took from 23 May till 7 June in case of the Armenian news and 20 June in case of the news About the Ottoman Empire. The news about Armenians highlighted the fact again that the activity of the court-martials and of the troops sent to the problematic areas45 was not as efficient as it had been planned to be. The newspaper did not criticise this, only communicated reports about their incapability without any comments. On the other hand Prager Tagblatt did not state in this fading period, that Abdul Hamid was responsible for the massacres while the events were echoed in a gradually fading way. Concluding Prager Tagblatt’s picture about the massacres, the relatively small quantity of articles dealing with the issue does not result in an as representative image as in Pester Lloyd. But paying attention to the fact that the Czech newspaper had more internal issues to deal with, the significance of the news from the Ottoman Empire is quite noteworthy. The daily did not have strongly contradictory phases, and the massacres were tied to Abdul Hamid II. only in the earlier phase of the events, but the earlier opinions about his responsibility might contribute to the disappearing importance of the events. The last newspaper which dealt with the Ottoman Empire in the greatest quantity is Neue Freie Presse. The daily’s three phases are also clearly visible though the newspaper had its own perspective, too. The first period took from 13 to 27 April when the general news on the Empire were at a quite homogenous importance level, almost always leading articles, but the massacres’ significance did not parallel with this. At the beginning of the massacres there was a unique speculation present, that the incident of Adana had been only due to the fact that the local Muslim mob had heard about the situation in the capital. One of the articles states that the sultan must have not risked his situation by his having been suspicious for supporting a reactionary movement, so his responsibility is denied. Furthermore the international balance of power might cause Russia’s and Britain’s intervention in favour of Christians.46 The government was also unsuspected according to the newspaper, for they must have not provoked international intervention, therefore they also had
40 Article 51 41 Article 52 42 Article 53 43 Article 54 44 Article 55 45 Article 56; Article 57; Article 58; Article 59; Article 60; 46 Article 61
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to make confident steps in order to stop the massacres.47 Between 19 and 22 April the Armenians’ issue was dealt with a higher importance than in the previous days. The articles about the massacres reported their cruelty, but the efforts to stop them were often mentioned, like the debate by the Chamber of Deputies was described together with the attempts for examination of the case and sending military forces to the Adana Vilayet.48 There was also a sign of the start of an international intervention, but the news stated that the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was about to send one cruiser to protect Austro-Hungarian citizens and the embassy in Constantinople and further actions were in sight only in accordance with the great powers.49 From 23 till 26 April the news signalled loss of popularity of the Armenian news, while the Ottoman Empire was treated in leading articles. An author underlined the opinion that the victory of the Young Turks was inevitable, for ‘[y]outh always wins because she is the maintainer of folks and is the mark of vital vigour deepest inside [in them].’50 Hereby the newspaper expressed solidarity with the Young Turks like in other articles.51 The leading article on 24 April article stated that the conflict in Adana showed the bloodshed’s mainly religious roots.52 After this the newspaper alleged ties between Abdul Hamid and the events by comparing the current massacres to the ones of 1895-96.53 The other occurrences of the bloodshed were usually connected to foreign intervention while mainly reports from Ottoman state sources denied any tensions.54 Such contradictions were commented in only one case, but the article is important, because it is present in all of the three examined newspapers. This reported for the first time the retrospective accusation of Armenians having provoked the massacres. This is a clear sign of solidarity in all of the newspapers. Neue Freie Presse Furthermore stated that the ‘civilised world’ must not have left this issue unsolved.55 On the other hand on 25 April also a report by the Ottoman Embassy in Vienna was published without any comments stating that armed Armenians had insulted Muslims in Dortyol and the English vice-consul in Mersina, but the authorities had done everything they could in order to protect foreign properties.56 The next phase took from 27 April to 24 May. From 5 to 9 May the importance of the Ottoman Empire was decreasing because the newspaper also tended to report and analyse the crisis in Hungary, Bosnia and Herzegovina is mentioned, together with other unrelated issues. Generally the significance of news on the Ottoman Empire tended to have more visible cycles while the popularity of reports on Armenians were following the importance of general articles about the Ottoman Empire. The latter ones signalled growing distrust towards Abdul Hamid II in parallel with Mohamed V’s inauguration.57 An article even stated that Ab47 Article 62 48 Article 63; Article 64; Article 65 49 Article 66; Article 67; Article 68; Article 69; Article 70; Article 71; Article 72; Article 64 50 Article 73 51 Article 74; Article 61 52 Article 75 53 Article 76 54 Article 77 55 Article 76 56 Article 78 57 Article 79; Article 80; Article 81
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dul Hamid or people in his confidence had ordered the massacres, as the soldiers sent to the region had gotten serious financial supports from them. He was also accused of his keeping the current massacres quiet. At the same time the new leadership’s chances to solve the problem seemed to be low although the massacres were described as the first test for the Young Turks.58 In spite of this fact even military troops which had the task to re-establish order took part in slaughtering people and Kurdish participation was also evident.59 Local authorities’ reports were shown to the Chamber of Deputies which reports were said to prove Armenian provocation and were opposed by Armenian deputies.60 The latter ones had even organised a solidarity march where Young Turk leaders had also taken part,61 which indicates the lightmindedness of their presence if we take their future leading role during the genocide into account. The author of the report had chosen the title ‘Young Turks’ demonstration against the Armenian Massacres’. Meanwhile the organisers were of Armenian origin, irrespective of their political orientation. The first comment indicating the responsibility of the current rulers was published on 30 April£ ‘It is noteworthy that the circles of the Porte are going on ascribing the events in Vilayet Adana to the Armenian [Revolutionary] Commission.’ This appeared after having stated that Adana was only a pile of ash and the Armenians were extirpated.62 After these controversial statements Neue Freie Presse based on the opinion of a professor not named, wrote on the responsibility of western press in case of such a massacre.63 The articles mentioned also some efforts of the state power to intervene. The Ottoman authorities made symbolic measures to stop the massacres, for example Mahmud Shefket’s visit to the Armenian patriarch or the lecture of Niazi Bey in an Armenian school.64 The real intervention had been characterised by handling the aftermath of the massacres, not its roots. This means charity, troop-sending, strong censorship of press, and restriction of telegrams from the region.65 In these days the rulers started to deny still humiliating actions against Armenians and to emphasise Muslim inhabitants’ much graver situation.66 Neue Freie Presse on the contrary remarkably started to rely on Armenian sources at a greater extent. Meanwhile foreign intervention was one of the least important issues in the newspaper among the articles on the massacres as they were mentioned in the last row and in a small quantity. 67 In the last period after 24 May the Armenian massacres appeared only on 13 days. Turkey was mentioned more in connection with the international share of power and within this with the Crete question. The news already known from Pester Lloyd and Prager Tagblatt was nearly the same,68 but Neue Freie Presse did not take into account the statement of Hilmi pasha that 58 Article 82; Article 83; Article 84; Article 85; Article 86; Article 87 59 Article 88; Article 89; Article 87; Article 90; Article 91; Article 92 60 Article 93 61 Article 94 62 Own translation, original phrase: "Bemerkenswert ist, daβ die Pfortenkreise fortfahren, die Ereignisse in Vilajet Adana dem Armenischen Kommittee zuzuschreiben" Article 89 63 Article 95 64 Article 96; Article 97 65 Article 98; Article 99; Article 100; Article 101; Article 102; Article 103; Article 104; Article 105; Article 106; Article 104 66 Article 107 67 Article 99; Article 108; Article 109; Article 110; Article 111; Article 112; Article 113; 68 See for example Article 114; Article 115; Article 116; Article 117; Article 118; Article 119;
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the massacres had been caused by Abdul Hamid and the Armenians tied the events to his reign. Therefore greater neutrality can be stated in this case. The conclusion about the newspaper is that it was generally less influenced by the great powers’ and the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy’s opinion. The vivid international attention did not even cause growing importance of the events in the daily. While in the beginning it was understating the graveness of the massacres by describing them as a local religious conflict, this started to be balanced by giving more reliability to Armenian sources. Hereby also the incapability of the state bodies was more visible. Concerning Abdul Hamid’s responsibility, the newspaper stated it was proven, but expressed that the situation was not solved by the change of power. Now that all newspapers are described there are still factors of the events which can only be reconstructed from all three newspapers. Such is the direct cause of the events. Pester Lloyd described that the massacres had started because of a murder.69 Prager Tagblatt wrote that an Armenian had wounded two Muslims for self-defence and due to this, local Muslims started to slaughter Armenians.70 Finally Neue Freie Presse published the report of the Ottoman Embassy in Vienna stating that an Armenian had been attacked by two Muslims because of an incident in connection with a woman. After this the Armenian had wounded them and one of them died. This event had been followed by scattered fights, and armed Armenians had rallied in the surroundings, Muslims had resisted, and the local authorities had intervened.71 Paying attention to the frequent official distortion of reports, and the beginning of the Ottoman embassy’s report overlap Prager Tagblatt’s version, the latter seems to be the most probable. The dailies had found proofs of Abdul Hamid’s direct responsibility. This might be true, but could also signal the witnesses’ fear from being impeached by the new reigning power. After this non-excludable accountability of Abdul Hamid II also the responsibility of the Young Turks has to be stated. All newspapers made visible, that the new authorities had remained passive, had distorted reports and had accused Armenians in a retrospective manner. External actors in the events have to be mentioned, too. The great powers intervened mainly because their citizens and properties were endangered. Though, there was a sign of solidarity, the personnel of the battleships and of diplomatic bodies often helped Armenians. Among these the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy frequently expressed its passivity, but this had been probably possible because of annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina, as it was already analysed in the part about Pester Lloyd.72 Despite these the newspapers signalled that there must have been social solidarity towards Armenians in the Ottoman Empire if the significance of this issue was this high. The origins of sympathy exceed the framework of this analysis. Despite it may be stated or mentioned as questions to be answered later, that the probable cause could be the common Christian traditions of the different peoples and by the historical presence of Armenians in the Monarchy. It remains also a question how some years later this solidarity and the memory of the massacres of 1909 influenced the situation of Armenian refugees after the genocide.
69 Article 122 70 Article 123 71 Article 68 72 DIöSZEGI István Az Osztrák-Magyar Monarchia külpolitikája (The Foreign Policy of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy) (Budapest; Vince Kiadó, 2001.) p. 124.
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Annexes Annex I. Significance of the first articles connected to the topics indicated in Pester Lloyd First article about the Ottoman Empire x First article about Armenians
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Annex II. Prager Tagblatt
Annex III. Neue Freie Presse
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Bibliography DIÓSZEGI István A nagyhatalmi politika másfél évszázada (One and a Half Century of the of Great Power Politics) (Budapest; História, MTA Történettudományi Intézete, 1997.) DIÓSZEGI István Az Osztrák-Magyar Monarchia külpolitikája (The Foreign Policy of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy) (Budapest; Vince Kiadó, 2001.) p. 124. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------"Zenta cirkáló története" (History of Cruiser Zenta) http://hajomakett.hu/content/view/655/41/ Article 1 Leading article in Pester Lloyd, 17 April 1909 p. 1. Article 2 "Unterredung mit einem Diplomaten" in Pester Lloyd, 23 April 1909. p. 3. Article 3"Die Lage in den Provinzen" in Pester Lloyd, 22 April 1909 p. 4. Article 4 "Die Situation in der Türkei" in Pester Lloyd, 23 April 1909 Article 5 "Die Armeniermassakers" in Pester Lloyd, 26 April 1909 p. 5. Article 6 "Die Armeniermassakers" in Pester Lloyd, 27 April 1909 p. 7. Article 7 VÁMBÉRY Ármin "Die Absetzung des Sultans" in Pester Lloyd, 28 April 1909 pp. 1-3. Article 8 Leading article in Pester Lloyd 29 April 1909 p. 1. Article 9 "Die Armeniermassakers" in Pester Lloyd, 30 April 1909 p. 4. Article 10 "Die Armeniermassakers" in Pester Lloyd, 28 April 1909. p. 6. Article 11 "Christen- un Fremdenfeindliche Bewegung" in Pester Lloyd, 29 April 1909 p. 5.; Article 12 "Die Armeniermassakers" in Pester Lloyd1 May 1909 p. 5. Article 13 "Die Vorgänge im Orient" in Pester Lloyd, 3 May 1909 p. 3. Article 14 "Die Armeniermassakers" in Pester Lloyd 3 May 1909 p. 5. Article 15 "Die Armenischen Massakers" in Pester Lloyd 4 May 1909 p. 4. Article 16 "Maßrichtungen gegen die Presse" (not part of the described sample) p. 3. in Pester Lloyd 5 May 1909, Article 17 "Die Armeniermassakers" p. 4. in Pester Lloyd 5 May 1909 Article 18 "Maßregelung der Presse" (not part of the sample) Pester Lloyd 6 May 1909 p. 3. Article 19 Die Ereignisse in der Türkei in Pester Lloyd 7 May 1909 p. 4. Article 20 "Vorstellungen der Mächte wegen der Gefährdung der Christen" in Pester Lloyd 8 May 1909 p. 5. Article 21 Die Armeniermassakers" in Pester Lloyd 9 May 1909 p. 4. Article 22 "Schutz Österreich-Ungarischen Untertanen" in Pester Lloyd 4 May 1909 p. 4.
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Éva Merénics Article 23 "Die Intervention der Mächte" in Pester Lloyd 10 May 1909 p. 3. Article 24 Leading article in Pester Lloyd 11 May 1909 p. 1. Article 25 "Die Lage in den Provinzen" in Pester Lloyd 16 May 1909 p. 5. Article 26 "Ansuchen der Armenier um Hilfe" in Pester Lloyd 21 May 1909 p. 2. Article 27 Leading article in Pester Lloyd 26 May 1909. p. 1. Article 28 "Audienz des Botschafters Markgrafen Pallavicini beim König" in Pester Lloyd 26 May 1909 p. 6. Article 29 "Die Ereignisse in der Türkei" p. 7. in Pester Lloyd 26 May 1909 Article 30 Leading Article in Pester Lloyd 8 June 1909. p.1. Article 31 Die Kretische Frage in Pester Lloyd 14 June 1909. p. 2. Article 32 Leading article in Pester Lloyd 16 June 1909. p. 1. Article 33 "Die armenischen Unruhen"in Pester Lloyd 24 May 1909 p. 2. Article 34 "Die armenischen Massakers" in Pester Lloyd 23 April 1909 p. 4. Article 35 "Die Armeniermassakers" 13 May 1909, p.3. Article 36 "Armeniermassakers" in Pester Lloyd 12 May 1909. p. 3. Article 37 "Die Lage in den Provinzen" in Pester Lloyd 15 May 1909., p. 6. Article 38 "Der Sturz der Jungtürken" in Prager Tagblatt 15. April 1909 p. 1. Article 39 "Berliner Regierungskreise über die Gegenrevolution" in Prager Tagblatt, 15 April 1909. p. 3. Article 40 "Abdul Hamid" in Prager Tagblatt 25 April 1909 p. 2. Article 41 "Der Gerettete Sultan" in Prager Tagblatt 24 April 1909 p. 1. Article 42 "Der Triumph der Jungtürken" in Prager Tagblatt 20 April1909 p. 1. Article 43 "Der pardonierte Despot" in Prager Tagblatt 22 April 1909, p.1. Article 44 "Massacre zwischen Mohammedanern und Armeniern" in Prager Tagblatt 17 April 1909 p. 3. Article 45 "Die Ereignisse in der Türkei" in Prager Tagblatt 18 April 1909 p. 1. Article 46 "Die Ergebnisse in der Türkei" in Prager Tagblatt 19 April 1909. p. 1. Article 47 "Massacres in Kleinasien und Syrien" in Prager Tagblatt 22 April 1909 p. 2.; Article 48 "Christenverfolgungen in Kleinasien und Syrien" in Prager Tagblatt 23 April 1909 pp. 2-3. Article 49 "Der Thronwechsel in der Türkei" in Prager Tagblatt 21 April 1909 pp. 1-2. Article 50 "Massakers in Syrien" in Prager Tagblatt 3 May 1909 p. 3. Article 51 "Türkei" in Prager Tagblatt 18 May 1909 p. 3. Article 52 "Türkei" in Prager Tagblatt 15 May 1909 p. 4. Article 53 "Die Armenier flehen um Hilfe" in Prager Tagblatt 21 May 1909. p. 4. Article 54 "Türkei" in Prager Tagblatt 12 May 1909. p.4. Article 55 "Die Lage in der Türkei" in Prager Tagblatt 10 May 1909. p. 2. Article 56 "Das Strafgericht in Adana" in Prager Tagblatt 23 May 1909. p. 3. Article 57 "Türkei" in Prager Tagblatt 24 May 1909 p. 3. Article 58 "Unruhen in Armenien und Albanien" in Prager Tagblatt 29 May 1909 p. 3. Article 59"Tätigkeit der Kriegsgerichte" in Prager Tagblatt 3 June 1909. p. 2. Article 60 "Zu den Metzleien von Adana" in Prager Tagblatt 7 June 1909. p. 2. Article 61 Leading article in Neue Freie Presse 17 April 1909 p. 1. Article 62 "Die Jungtürken vor Konstantinopel’ 18 April 1909 p.2. Article 63 "Debatte in der Kammer über die Vorgänge in Adana" in Neue Freie Presse 19 April 1909 p. 4. Article 64 "Unterredungen mit zwei Syrischen Politikern" in Neue Freie Presse 21 April 1909 p. 4. Article 65 "Maßnahmen von Verhütung von Blutvergießen" in Neue Freie Presse 22 April 1909. p. 4. Article 66"Die eventuelle Entsendung von Kriegsschiffen nach Konstantinopel" in Neue Freie Presse 16 April 1909 p. 4. Article 67 "Die Metzleien in Adana" in Neue Freie Presse 19 April 1909. p. 4.
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Éva Merénics Article 68 "Die Armeniermetzleien in Kleinasien" p. 5. in Neue Freie Presse 20 April 1909 Article 69 "Entsendung amerikanischer Kriegesschiffe" in Neue Freie Presse 21 April 1909 p. 7. Article 70 "Einigung der Mächte für den Fall einer Intervention" p. 5. Article 71 "Die Metzleien in Syrien" p. 7. in Neue Freie Presse 22 April 1909 Article 72 "Die Haltung Österreich-Ungarns" in Neue Freie Presse 20 April 1909 p. 6. Article 73 Leading article in Neue Freie Presse 25 April 1909 p. 1. Article 74"Die Katastrophe in der Türkei" in Neue Freie Presse 21 April 1909 p. 1. Article 75 Leading article in Neue Freie Presse 24 April 1909 p. 1. Article 76"Das Armeniermetzlei in Kleinasien" in Neue Freie Presse 23 April 1909 p. 5-6. Article 77 See for example: "Eine Zuschrift der Türkischen Botschaft" in Neue Freie Presse 23 April 1909 p. 6. Article 78 "Die Unruhen in Adana" in Neue Freie Presse 25 April 1909 p. 6. Article 79 "Der Thronwechsel in der Türkei" in Neue Freie Presse 5 May 1909 p. 2. Article 80 "Der Thronwechsel in der Türkei" in Neue Freie Presse 7 May 1909 p. 6. Article 81 "Der Thronwechsel in der Türkei" in Neue Freie Presse 8 May 1909 p. 5. Article 82"Das Schicksal des Sultans" in Neue Freie Presse 27 April 1909. p. 2. Article 83 Leading article in Neue Freie Presse 28 April 1909. p. 1. Article 84 "Der Sultan und die Armenier" p. 4. in Neue Freie Presse 28 April 1909. Article 85 "Die Christenmetzleien in Syrien" p. 6. in Neue Freie Presse 28 April 1909..; Article 86 "Der Gefangene von Saloniki" in Neue Freie Presse 30 April 1909. p. 2. Article 86 "Die erste Kraftprobe des Jungtürkentums" in Neue Freie Presse 1 May 1909 p. 2. Article 87"Die Christenmetzleien in Syrien" in Neue Freie Presse 27 April 1909 p. 5.; Article 89 "Das Armenierblutbad in Adana" in Neue Freie Presse 30. April 1909, p. 2.; Article 88 "Das Gemetzel in den Vilajets Adana und Aleppo" in Neue Freie Presse 3 May 1909 p. 4 Article 89 "Bedrohung der Armenier in Kleinasien" in Neue Freie Presse 3 May 1909 p. 4.; Article 92 "Die Armeniergemetzel" in Neue Freie Presse 4 May 1909 p. 5. Article 90 "Eine Debatte über die Armeniergemetzel" in Neue Freie Presse 3 May 1909 p. 4. Article 91 "Demonstration der Jungtürken gegen die Armeniermetzleien" in Neue Freie Presse 4 May 1909 p. 5. Article 92 "Sultan Abdul Hamid und die Christen im Orient" in Neue Freie Presse 1 May 1909 p. 2. Article 93 "Zur Beruhigung der Armenier in Neue Freie Presse 16 May 1909 p. 8.; Article 97 Die türkischen Behörden und die Armenier" in Neue Freie Presse 17 May 1909 p. 3. Article 94"Maßregeln gegen die Presse" (not part of the sample) in Neue Freie Presse 5 May 1909 p. 3. Article 95 "Die Aufschreitungen gegen die Armenier" in Neue Freie Presse 5 May 1909 p. 3. p. 4. Article 96 "Anordnungen des Generalissimus Schefket Pascha" in Neue Freie Presse 6 May 1909 p. 4. Article 97 "Verlängerung des Terminus für die Waffenabsetzung" in Neue Freie Presse 9 May 1909 p. 7. Article 98 "Das Programm des neuen Kabinetts in Neue Freie Presse 13 May 1909. p. 8., Article 103 "Kriegsgerichtliche Verfolgung von Zeitungsherausgebern" in Neue Freie Presse 19 May 1909. p. 5. (not part of the sample) Article 99 "Die Lage in Syrien" in Neue Freie Presse 20 May 1909. p. 5. Article 100"Verschärfungen des Preßgesetzes" (not part of the sample) Article 101"Weisungen Mahmud Schefket Paschas an die Presse" in Neue Freie Presse 21 May 1909 p. 5. Article 102"Die Aufschreitungen gegen die Armenier" in Neue Freie Presse 12 May 1909. p. 5. Article 103 "Die Metzleien in Adana" in Neue Freie Presse 6 May 1909 p. 5. Article 104 "Die angebliche Intervention fremder Mächte" in Neue Freie Presse 9 May 1909 p. 7. Article 105 Intervention des Russischen Botschafters für die Armenier in Musch" in Neue Freie Presse 16 May 1909. p. 8. Article 106 "Die Vereinigten Staaten für den Schutz der Christen im Orient" in Neue Freie Presse 17 May 1909 p. 3. Article 107 "Bitte der türkischen Armenier um Hilfe" in Neue Freie Presse 21 May 1909 p. 5.
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Éva Merénics Article 108 "Minister Pichon über die Armeniergemetzel" in Neue Freie Presse 18 May 1909 p. 4. Article 109 "Befürchtungen über Armeniermetzleien in Zeitun" in Neue Freie Presse 24 May 1909 p. 3. Article 110"Das Regierungsprogramm Hilmi Paschas" in Neue Freie Presse 25 May 1909 p. 3. Article 111 "Furcht vor einem Angriff der Kurden" in Neue Freie Presse 27 May 1909 p. 6.; Article 117 "Kriegsgerichtliche Urteile und Verhaftungen" in Neue Freie Presse 3 June 1909 p. 5. Article 112 "Ein Blutiger Vorfall in Adana" in Neue Freie Presse 6 June 1909 p. 8. Article 113 "Russische und englische Ratschläge an die Pforte" in Neue Freie Presse 13 June 1909, p. 6. Article 114 "Die Lage in Adana" in Pester Lloyd 13 June 1909. p. 5. Article 115 "Die Armeniermassakers" in Pester Lloyd 11 May 1909 p. 5. Article 116 "Beunruhigung in der Provinz" in Pester Lloyd 16 April 1909 p. 4.; Article 117 "Die Schreckenherrschaft des Moslims" in Prager Tagblatt 18 April 1909 p. 2. Other related issues of the newspapers are from 13 April 1909 till 20 June, available at: http://anno.onb.ac.at
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Aram Mirzoyan Orphan Care After 1909 Massacres in Provinces of Adana and Aleppo Summary Coup d’etat of Young Turks in 1908 raised a wave of hope among the subjected nations of the Ottoman Empire including Armenians who suffered the most during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid known as "Red Sultan". But the Cilicia massacres in April 1909, when 30.000 Armenians were killed, made them to rethink their expectations. As a result many Armenian children became orphans. Unlike the Armenian massacres of 1894-1896 Ottoman government allowed Armenians to launch relief work. Furthermore, it allocated some money for this work and opened several state orphanages. This article presents Armenian relief activities after the Adana massacres in 1909.
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1909 Ã. Ãáõñù³Ï³Ý μ³ñμ³ñáë³Ï³Ý ·áñÍáÕáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇó ½»ñÍ ãÙݳóÇÝ ³Ý·³Ù ѳÛÏ³Ï³Ý ·»ñ»½Ù³ÝáóÝ»ñÁ, ÇÝãå»ë ûñÇݳÏ` Ø»ñëÇÝÇ Ñ³ÛÏ³Ï³Ý ·»ñ»½Ù³Ý³ïáõÝÁ, áñÁ ï»ÕÇ ÙÛáõûë»ñÇýÇ (ë³Ýç³ÏÇ Õ»Ï³í³ñ) ϳñ·³¹ñáõÃÛ³Ùμ, ½»Ýù ÷Ýïñ»Éáõ å³ïñí³Ïáí Ëáõ½³ñÏí»ó áõ ³Ý³ñ·í»ó£ êáõñ»Ý ä³ñè۳ÝÇ íϳÛáõÃÛ³Ùμ` §¶»ñ»½Ù³ÝÝ»ñÁ μ³óáõ»ó³Ý, Ù»é»ÉÝ»ñÁ ¹áõñë ѳÝáõ»ó³Ý, áñå¿ë½Ç ó·Ýáõ³Í ½¿Ýù»ñ ·ïÝáõÇÝ ³ÝáÝó å³ï³ÝùÝ»ñáõÝ Ù¿ç¿Ý... ²Ûë ³Ý³ñ·áõÃÇõÝÁ ϳï³ñáõ»ó³õ, ³é³Ýó ·áÝ¿ ϳÝ˳õ ÇÙ³ó ïñáõ»Éáõ Ø»ñëÇÝÇ Ð³Ûáó Ã³Õ³Ï³Ý ËáñÑáõñ¹ÇÝ Ï³Ù ï¿ñï¿ñÇݦ:29 Âáõñù»ñÇ ÙáÉ»é³Ý¹áõÃÛáõÝÝ ³é³í»É ¹ñë¨áñí»É ¿ ùñÇëïáÝÛ³, ïíÛ³É ¹»åùáõÙ` Ñ³Û Ñá·¨áñ ³é³çÝáñ¹Ý»ñÇ ç³ñ¹Ý Çñ³·áñÍ»ÉÇë` ¹³ñÓÛ³É ¹ñ³Ý ѳÕáñ¹»Éáí ÍÇë³Ï³Ý-³ñ³ñáÕ³Ï³Ý μÝáõÛã ÜÙ³Ý ûñÇݳÏÝ»ñÁ ß³ï »Ý »Õ»É ݳ¨ 1909 Ã. Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ Å³Ù³Ý³Ï£ È³í³·áõÛÝ ûñÇݳÏÁ ³åñÇÉÇ 3-ÇÝ ´³Ëã» ·ÛáõÕáõÙ î»ñ ì³Ñ³Ý (êï»÷³ÝÛ³Ý) ù³Ñ³Ý³ÛÇ ëå³ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ ¿ñ, áñÁ ·ÛáõÕÇ μݳÏÇãÝ»ñÇ Ù»Í Ù³ëÇ Ñ»ï ³å³ëï³Ý»É ¿ñ ï»ÕÇ Ù½ÏÇÃáõÙ£ ØÛáõýÃÇÇ (μ³ñÓñ³ëïÇ×³Ý Ñá·¨áñ³Ï³Ý, ÏñáݳÇñ³í³Ï³Ý ѳñó»ñáõÙ Ù»Í Ñ»ÕÇݳÏáõÃÛáõÝ í³Û»ÉáÕ) ϳñ·³¹ñáõÃÛ³Ùμ ù³Ñ³Ý³ÛÇÝ ëå³ÝáõÙ »Ý μéÝáõÃÛ³Ùμ Ù½ÏÇÃÇó ¹áõñë μ»ñ»Éáõó áõ ¹³Å³Ý ã³ñã³ñ³ÝùÝ»ñÇ »ÝóñÏ»Éáõó Ñ»ïᣠ¸»åùÇÝ ³Ï³Ý³ï»ë Üáõýáõë Ø»ÙáõñáõÝ, áñ ç³ñ¹»ñÇÝ Ù³ëݳÏÇó ãÇ »Õ»É, Çñ Ñáõß³ï»ïñáõÙ ·ñ»É ¿. §ØÇõýÃÇÝ Ñ³ë³Í ¿ñ Çñ Ýå³ï³ÏÇÝ, Çñ áË»ñÇÙ î. ì³Ñ³ÝÁ ãϳñ ³ÛÉ»õë. ÙÇõýÃÇÝ áõñ³ËáõÃ»Ý¿Ý ½·ÉË³Í ÏÁ ëÏëÇ å³ñ»É »õ Ù½ÏÇÃÇÝ ³éç»õ »ñÇóë §÷³ïÇß³ÑÁÙ ãû· »³ß³¦ ·áã»É ÏÁ Ññ³Ù³Û¿ ³ñÇõÝϽ³Ï ËáõųÝÇݦ:30 ²ÝïÇáùáõÙ 1909 Ã. ³åñÇÉÇ 6-ÇÝ ç³ñ¹³ñ³ñÝ»ñÁ ï»ÕÇ Ð³Û ³é³çÝáñ¹³ñ³ÝÁ ßñç³÷³Ï»Éáõó, »Ï»Õ»ó³Ï³Ý ·áõÛùÝ ³ÙμáÕçáíÇÝ ÏáÕáåï»Éáõó ¨ Ñá·¨áñ³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³ÝÁ (ϳÃáÕÇÏáëÇ ÷á˳Ýáñ¹ î. ²ñë»Ý í³ñ¹³å»ï, Îïáõó ³Ý³å³ïÇ í³ÝùÇ Ùdzμ³ÝáõÃÛáõÝÇó ÑÛáõñ »Ï³Í î. ¸³ÝÇ»É í³ñ¹³å»ï, î. ²ñÙ»Ý³Ï ù³Ñ³Ý³ îáݳÃáëÛ³Ý ¨ ³ÛÉù) ·³½³Ý³μ³ñ ëå³Ý»Éáõó Ñ»ïá í»ñçÇÝÝ»ñÇë ¹Ç³ÏÝ»ñÁ ù³ñß »Ý ïí»É ù³Õ³ùÇ ÷áÕáóÝ»ñáí` Ïá㠳ݻÉáí ѳí³ùí³Í ÙáõëáõÉÙ³Ý μݳÏãáõÃÛ³ÝÁ μݳçÝç»É ï»ÕÇ ùñÇëïáÝ۳ݻñÇÝ:31 ²ÛëåÇëáí, 1909 Ã. Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ ÁÝóóùáõÙ ½·³ÉÇ ¿ñ ݳ¨ ѳÛÏ³Ï³Ý Ùß³ÏáõóÛÇÝ Å³é³Ý·áõÃÛ³Ý ÏáñáõëïÁ£ гٳӳÛÝ Ø³Õ³ùdz úñÙ³ÝÛ³ÝÇ (1896-1907 ÃÃ. Î. äáÉëÇ Ñ³Ûáó å³ïñdzñù) ï»Õ»Ï³·ñÇ` ÙdzÛÝ ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ Ý³Ñ³Ý·Ç Ñ³ßí³éí³Í 37 ·ÛáõÕ»ñáõÙ áõ ù³Õ³ùÝ»ñáõÙ 1909 Ã. ç³ñ¹»ñÇ Ñ»ï¨³Ýùáí ÑñÏǽí»É ϳ٠³í»ñí»É »Ý 50-Çó ³í»ÉÇ Ñ³ÛÏ³Ï³Ý »Ï»Õ»óÇÝ»ñ áõ ¹åñáóÝ»ñ,32 áñáÝóÇó ÙdzÛÝ ²¹³Ý³ ù³Õ³ùáõÙ` 6 »Ï»Õ»óÇ, 5 ¹åñáó, ÇëÏ æ»μ»É-´»ñ»ù»ÃÇ ·³í³éáõÙ (²¹³Ý³ÛÇ Ý³Ñ³Ý·)` 6 »Ï»Õ»óÇ, 12 ¹åñáó:33 гٻٳïáõÃÛ³Ý Ï³ñ·áí Ýß»Ýù, áñ 1901-1902 ÃÃ. ¹ñáõÃÛ³Ùμ ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ Ý³Ñ³Ý·áõÙ ·áñÍáÕ Ñ³Û ³½·³ÛÇÝ í³ñųñ³ÝÝ»ñÇ ÃÇíÁ Ýí³½³·áõÛÝÁ 36-Ý ¿ñ` 3973 ³ß³Ï»ñïÝ»ñáí (Ý»ñ³éí³Í ã»Ý Ñ³Û Ï³ÃáÉÇÏ ¨ μáÕáù³Ï³Ý ѳٳÛÝùÝ»ñÇÝ å³ïϳÝáÕ ¹åñáóÝ»ñÁ, áñáÝù ¨ë ½·³ÉÇ ÃÇí »Ý Ï³½Ù»É),34 ÇëÏ 1904 Ã. ¹ñáõÃÛ³Ùμ ݳѳݷáõÙ ·áñÍáÕ Ñ³ÛÏ³Ï³Ý í³Ýù»ñÇ áõ »Ï»Õ»óÇÝ»ñÇ (³é³ù»É³Ï³Ý, ϳÃáÉÇÏ, μáÕáù³Ï³Ý) ÃÇíÁ` 82-Á:35
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²¹³Ý³ÛÇ Ý³Ñ³Ý·Ç ³é³çÝáñ¹³Ï³Ý íÇ׳ÏÝ»ñÇ å³ßïáÝ³Ï³Ý ï»Õ»Ï³·ñÇ Ñ³Ù³Ó³ÛÝ` 1909 Ã. ç³ñ¹»ñÇ Ñ»ï¨³Ýùáí ÙdzÛÝ ²¹³Ý³ ݳѳݷáõÙ ÑñÏǽí»É ¿ 24 »Ï»Õ»óÇ, 16 ¹åñáó36£ гñÏ ¿ Ýß»É, áñ å³ßïáÝ³Ï³Ý ³Ûë ï»Õ»Ï³·ñáõÙ Ï³Ý μ³½Ù³ÃÇí ³Ý×ßïáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ áõ μ³óÃáÕáõÙÝ»ñ. Ù³ëݳíáñ³å»ë` ÑñÏǽí³Í ѳÛÏ³Ï³Ý »Ï»Õ»óÇÝ»ñÇ áõ ¹åñáóÝ»ñÇ ß³ñùáõÙ μ³ó »Ý ÃáÕÝí³Í æ»ÛÑ³Ý (ݳËÏÇÝáõÙ` гÙǹǻ)37, Þ»ÛË-Øáõñ³¹ (Ð³Û ·ÛáõÕ, ÑñÏǽí»É »Ý ¨° ¹åñáóÁ, ¨° »Ï»Õ»óÇÝ)38, ÆÝ×ÇñÉÇÏ39, ȳμ³×ÉÁ (¨° ¹åñáóÁ, ¨° »Ï»Õ»óÇÝ ÑñÏǽí»É »Ý)40, ø»ÉÉ»ñ (ÆëɳÑÛ» ·³í³é³ÏáõÙ)41, гñáõÝÇ» (ʳéÝÇ)42, ¶á½áÉáõ·43, ØÇëÇë (سٻëïdz, »Ï»Õ»óÇÝ ³í»ñí³Í ¿, ¹åñáóÁ` ÑñÏǽí³Í)44 ·ÛáõÕ»ñÇ »Ï»Õ»óÇÝ»ñÝ áõ ¹åñáóÝ»ñÁ£ î»Õ»Ï³·ñáõÙ Áݹ·ñÏí³Í ã»Ý ݳ¨ гɻåÇ Ý³Ñ³Ý·áõÙ Çñ³·áñÍí³Í ç³ñ¹Ç ѻ勉ÝùÝ»ñÁ. ³Ûëå»ë` ³ÙμáÕçáíÇÝ ÑñÏǽí»É ϳ٠³í»ñí»É »Ý ²ÝïÇáùÇ (²Ýóùdz) Ñ³Û ³é³ù»É³Ï³Ý ¨ μáÕáù³Ï³Ý »Ï»Õ»óÇÝ»ñÁ45, ø»ë³åÇ Ñ³Û Ï³ÃáÉÇÏ áõ μáÕáù³Ï³Ý »Ï»Õ»óÇÝ»ñÁ46 ¨ ³ÛÉ Ùß³ÏáõóÛÇÝ Ñ³ëï³ïáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ£ ì»ñáÝßÛ³É å³ßïáÝ³Ï³Ý óáõó³Ï³·ñáõÃÛáõÝÇó μ³óÇ, ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ ç³ñ¹»ñÇó Ñ»ïá Ãáõñù³Ï³Ý Ù³ÙáõÉÇ ¿ç»ñáõÙ Ññ³å³ñ³Ïí»É »Ý Ù³ñ¹Ï³ÛÇÝ ¨ ÝÛáõÃ³Ï³Ý ÏáñáõëïÝ»ñÁ Ý»ñϳ۳óÝáÕ Ï»ÕÍ óáõó³ÏÝ»ñ, áñáÝóáõÙ ç³ñ¹»ñÇ ÁÝóóùáõ٠ѳۻñÇ Ïñ³Í ÏáñáõëïÝ»ñÁ ·ñ»Ã» ÏñÏݳÏÇ Ýí³½»óí³Í »Ý47£ ²ëí³ÍÇ É³í³·áõÛÝ ûñÇݳÏÁ 1909 Ã. ÑáõÉÇëÇÝ Ãáõñù³Ï³Ý §Â³ÝÇݦ ûñÃáõÙ ïå³·ñí³Í óáõó³ÏÝ ¿, áñï»Õ Ý»ñϳ۳óí³Í ÝÛáõÃ³Ï³Ý ÏáñáõëïÝ»ñÁ, ³Û¹ ÃíáõÙ ¨ ³í»ñí³Í áõ ÑñÏǽí³Í ѳÛÏ³Ï³Ý »Ï»Õ»óÇÝ»ñÇ áõ ¹åñáóÝ»ñÇ ÃÇíÁ ѳëóí³Í ¿ Ýí³½³·áõÛÝÇ48£ гñÏ ¿ Ýß»É, áñ û° 1894-1896 ÃÃ. ¨ û° 1909 Ã. Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ Å³Ù³Ý³Ï ÑñÏǽí³Í áõ ù³Ý¹í³Í ѳÛÏ³Ï³Ý »Ï»Õ»óÇÝ»ñÇ, í³Ýù»ñÇ áõ ¹åñáóÝ»ñÇ ½·³ÉÇ Ù³ëÁ ѻﳷ³ ï³ñÇÝ»ñÇÝ ·»ñ³½³Ýó³å»ë Ñ³Û μݳÏãáõÃÛ³Ý Ý³Ë³Ó»éÝáõÃÛ³Ùμ áõ ÙÇçáóÝ»ñáí í»ñ³Ýáñá·í»É ϳ٠í»ñ³Ï³éáõóí»É ¿,49 ë³Ï³ÛÝ 1915 Ã. ¨ ѳïϳå»ë μݳÏãáõÃÛ³Ý ï»Õ³Ñ³ÝáõÃÛáõÝÇó Ñ»ïá í»ñçݳϳݳå»ë áãÝã³óí»É£
36 ¿ñ½»³Ý Ú., ÎÇÉÇÏÇáÛ ³Õ¿ïÁ, ¿ç 254£ 37 î»°ë §î»Õ»Ï³·Çñ ²ÛñdzËݳ٠ڳÝÓݳÅáÕáíǦ, ùÝÝÇã-å³ïáõÇñ³Ï` ä. ij· ê³Û³å³É»³Ý, 1910, ë»åï. 11-1912 ë»åï. 11, ԳɳÃdz, ¿ç 63, ÇÝãå»ë ݳ¨ ²ñß³ÏáõÑÇ Â¿á¹ÇÏ, Ýßí. ³ßË., ¿ç141-142, ÇÝãå»ë ݳ¨ Brézol G., Les Turcs ont passé là..., p. 341. 38 ¿ñ½»³Ý Ú., ÎÇÉÇÏÇáÛ ³Õ¿ïÁ, ¿ç 215-216, ݳ¨ ¼³å¿É ºë³Û»³Ý, ²õ»ñ³ÏÝ»ñáõÝ Ù¿ç, ä¿ÛñáõÃ, 1957, ¿ç 90- 91£ 39 ¿ñ½»³Ý Ú. Ú., ²ï³Ý³ÛÇ Ï»³ÝùÁ, ¿ç 23£ 40 ¶áõïáõÉ»³Ý ¶.¶., Ýßí. ³ßË., ¿ç 42-43, ÇÝãå»ë ݳ¨ §î»Õ»Ï³·Çñ ²ÛñdzËݳ٠ڳÝÓݳÅáÕáíǦ, ¿ç 69, 72£ 41 î»Õ»Ï³·Çñ ²ÛñdzËݳ٠ڳÝÓݳÅáÕáíÇ, ¿ç 72£ 42 ÜáõÛÝ ï»ÕáõÙ, ¿ç 83£ 43 ÜáõÛÝ ï»ÕáõÙ, ¿ç 77£ 44 ¿á¹ÇÏ ²ñß³ÏáõÑÇ, Ýßí. ³ßË., ¿ç 135£ 45 ¿ñ½»³Ý Ú., ÎÇÉÇÏÇáÛ ³Õ¿ïÁ, ¿ç 255-256 46 î»Õ»Ï³·Çñ ²ÛñdzËݳ٠ڳÝÓݳÅáÕáíÇ, ¿ç 16£ 47 Brézol G., Les Turcs ont passé là..., p. 381-385 48 ÜáõÛÝ ï»ÕáõÙ, ¿ç 381-383£ 49 1912-1913 ÃÃ. ¹ñáõÃÛ³Ùμ ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ Ý³Ñ³Ý·áõÙ ·áñÍ»É ¿ ѳÛÏ³Ï³Ý 44 »Ï»Õ»óÇ, 5 í³Ýù, 63 ¹åñáó` 5834 ³ß³Ï»ñïÝ»ñáí, ÇëÏ Ð³É»åÇ Ý³Ñ³Ý·áõÙ` 93 »Ï»Õ»óÇ, 16 í³Ýù, 113 ¹åñáó` 8451 ³ß³Ï»ñïÝ»ñáí£ î»°ë, Kèvorkian R. H., Paboudjian P. B., Les Armèniens Dans L'Empire Ottoman Ala Veille Du Gènocide, Paris, 1992, p. 57-60. î»°ë ݳ¨ ê³ýñ³ëïÛ³Ý ². Ê., Îáëï³Ý¹ÝáõåáÉëÇ Ð³Ûáó ä³ïñdzñù³ñ³ÝÇ ÏáÕÙÇó ÂáõñùdzÛÇ ²ñ¹³ñ³¹³ïáõÃÛ³Ý ¨ ¸³í³Ý³ÝùÝ»ñÇ ÙÇÝÇëïñáõÃÛ³Ý Ý»ñϳ۳óí³Í ѳÛÏ³Ï³Ý »Ï»Õ»óÇÝ»ñÇ ¨ í³Ýù»ñÇ óáõó³ÏÝ»ñÝ áõ óùñÇñÝ»ñÁ (1912-1913 ÃÃ.), §¾çÙdzÍÇݦ, ² (ÐáõÝí³ñ), 1965, ¿ç 40-42£
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Seda Parsamyan The Mecanisms of Implementation of Cultural Genocide During the 1909 Massacres in Adana and Adjacent Regions and its Consequences Summary Numerous facts testify that during the Hamidian massacres of 1894-1896, and the Adana massacres of 1909, as well as during the Armenian Genocide (1915-1923) massacres were accompanied by the destruction of the Armenian cultural monuments, values; namely, the demolition of schools and historical-architectural monuments, which completely fits with the description of the cultural genocide. This article observes the methods of the destruction of the educational-cultural and religious buildings in Adana and its consequences. During the 1909 massacres the Turkish perpetrators saw the Armenian religious-cultural buildings as appropriate places for implementing their genocidal action, which though uncontrollable, yet included certain ceremonial, religious and ritual elements and by targeting them, the Turkish perpetrators also aimed to disgrace the Armenian religious-cultural establishments.
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THE POETICS OF VIOLENCE IN LITERARY RESPONSES TO THE ADANA MASSACRES Rubina Peroomian The literary responses to the 1894-96 Hamidian massacres in their entirety can be seen as the struggle of the Armenian literati to conceptualize Turkish atrocities against the Armenian population of the Ottoman Empire, atrocities unexpected and unprecedented in scale and momentum. The old paradigm of responses to historical catastrophes was ruptured. The ancient concepts of sin and punishment, or the soothing image of martyrdom for the sake of Christianity rewarded by the gift of immortality fell short of explaining the widespread destruction and loss of life. Even the secularized concept of martyrdom underlying the Armenian Renaissance ideology of romantic patriotism and political optimism, advocating armed struggle, eulogizing the exploits of fedayees, and exalting the liberation movement could not withstand the shock. New literary tools were needed to portray and explain the calamity; a language of violence had to be crafted befitting the indescribable brutality. The literary responses to the 1894-96 massacres, in particular Siamanto’s (1878-1915) and Daniel Varuzhan’s (18841915) poetic representations of the calamity, laid the foundation to eventually achieve this language in the most effective way in these two great poets’ ever-during, timeless portrayal of Adana massacres. My focus in this paper and my dedication to the centenary of the 1909 massacres of Adana is that dimension of the literary responses to this calamity that has not been observed and studied before, namely the language of violence. A language that, as Stanley Fish puts it in his argument for the Readers Response literary theory limits our subjectivity as a reader and gives us an internalized understanding of the language, as native speakers of it, to experience these poems always controled by normative boundaries set by the text. I will discuss this language, the discourse of violence and its use both to facilitate the actions of the perpetrators and to lay bare these horrible actions and their effects. I will demonstrate the binary opposition inherent in these two manifestations of the language of violence and their powerful effect, the reason why this poetic tool remained unparalleled in the literary responses to the Great Catastrophe of 1915 still ahead. But first, the beginnings of the language of violence. xxx The initial response in Western Armenian literature to the massacres of 1894-96 was silence which gradually dissipated into lamentation, an old poetic device, a cathartic tool to vent out frustration and unleash the shackles of the language, or as Ulrike Bail puts it §a textual space of survival.¦ In effect, the initial responses to the calamity are characterized by the painful struggle to represent, as closely as possible, the morbid scenes of blood and death, coupled with helpless confessions to the inadequacy of language to do justice to the collective suffering and devastation beyond human imagination. For Hagop Oshagan the period during and after the massacres of 1894-96 §symbolized the brutal violence imposed upon our literature.¦ §Kotorats¦ (Massacre, written in 1898) by Siamanto exemplifies that struggle to confront the catastrophe and find a proper discourse to encompass the reality in whole.
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Rubina Peroomian
Massacre! Massacre! Massacre! In the cities and outside the cities in our land. And the barbarians, with booty and blood, Return leaving the dead and the dying. Flocks of ravens hover above. Bloody is their mouth; they chortle like drunks... ..................... Listen! Listen! Listen! The sinister howling of horrified dogs Reaching me from the valleys and the graves. O! Close your windows and your eyes too, Massacre! Massacre! Massacre! Siamanto has no alternative to offer, no solution to alleviate the pain. The only way out is to escape from the torrent of images, to close your mind against them to be able to survive and go on living. The poem §Kotorats¦ with a changed title of §Mahvan Tesilk¦ (Phantom of Death) opens Siamanto’s collection of poems published in 1907 as Hogevarki ev Huysi Jaher (Torches of Agony and Hope). Characteristically, the mood of the poems gradually changes from morbid despair and agony and mourning and lamentation over the loss to a yearning for a better future and a searching for a spark of hope. §Aspetin erge¦ (The Song of the Knight) is the turning point. It is the author’s imaginary journey mounted on a winged white steed, back into the land of blood, suffering, and death, once his happy and thriving birthplace£ §For my native valley I yearn, I yearn the valleys/that hold my home¦.1 In keeping with the mood of the first poem, §The Phantom of Death,¦ Siamanto shuns direct contact with the scenes of devastation and death. They are still insurmountable, still causing him fear and agony, and he has no answer to it. §I shudder at the ruins, helpless bangs¦ (p. 145). Oh, do not halt, my courser, where these corpses scattered lie! Fly far away from graveyards, where white shades of dead men be. I cannot bear, I tell thee, I cannot bear again The death of my dear native land with anguished eyes to see! (p. 145) The journey continues into a sudden embrace of Hope (hope with a capital H connotating the concept and the ideal that the word suggests)£ §From this time onward, I will burn Hope’s torches blazing bright¦. The poem ends in a vision of the masses marching toward victory£ What a procession, what a host, all glad and full of might! ‘Tis Freedom pioneers; their swords flash out life giving rays, And Brotherhood they celebrate in morning’s glorious light.¦ (p. 145) This vision of the future is a marked influence of Claude Henry de Saint-Simon who regarded artists as the cultural avant-garde who will lead §the triumphant march of mankind toward its glorious socialist future.¦ But also, since the poem is dated 1897-1907, the passage speaks of Siamanto’s hope and confidence toward the Young Turk movement that was 1 Alice Stone Blackwell, tr. Armenian Poems Rendered into English Verse (1917), facsimile ed. (Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1978), p. 144.
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very much alive and active in Europe at that time. There is hope in the future; however, the memory of gruesome scenes of murder and rape, burning homes and churches and wiped out villages are very much alive and expressed as lamentations in Siamanto’s poignant poetic representations.2 Daniel Varuzhan was very young when the massacres of 1894-96 occurred. He was personally affected by it, since his pandukht (self-exiled) father in Constantinople was falsely accused and imprisoned. After years of searching Varuzhan and his mother found him a tormented, emaciated man who died shortly after his son’s visit in the prison. Varuzhan’s §Hors bantin mej¦ (In my Father’s Prison, written between1906 and 1909) is a tribute to his father and all those who were thrown in Turkish prisons to die a prolonged and torturous death. It is in this poem that we come to witness the transformation in the 12-year-old boy’s heart£ spite and rancor against the perpetrators of a gross injustice done to his father and the whole nation. And gazing long after you O, my father, I cried there, alone, (While within my chest a new rancor was shaking its head) I wringed my heart out from my eyes. The dilemma of the brutal massacres reverberated in Varuzhan’s first poems in the collection titles Sarsurner (Shiverings), published in 1906 in Venice; however, his most dramatic response to the massacres echoes in a long poem §Jarde¦ (The Carnage) that he published in 1907. The literary piece does not intend a realistic portrayal of the event; descriptions are mostly abstract, shocking the reader with vivid colors or, as he later remarks, with §barbarian colors of Flemish masters.¦ The poem is fashioned after the Lamentations of the Old Testament—with personification of the victimized Armenia—mixed with the elements of Armenian songs of mourning, yeghererg, lauding the victim, anathematizing the victimizer. The piece is also a psycho-political analysis of the event, reflecting upon the instinctive drive of the Turk to kill and destroy, the insensitivity of the Big Powers and their Silence and failure to intervene to stop the carnage, but also the unpreparedness of the majority of the Armenian masses to resist and halt a catastrophe of such magnitude. The latter is pictured in the metaphoric image of Armenian men with the yellow mud of the wheat-fields on their feet and their chests smelling incense instead of gun powder. Varudzan has not been able to reconcile with the memory of the traumatic past of the nation. In his mind’s eye he still sees the evil and barbarian Spirit of Alp Aslan mounted on his white horse, leading the hordes of murderers. As in Siamanto, Varudzan’s response, too, ends with an optimistic note, a vision of the approaching footsteps of victory, again, an arbitrary ending, in stark contrast with the mood of the poem. What is evident, however, is that Varuzhan is engaged in concocting the language of violence wrought up with metaphoric images and laconic strokes of his powerful pen painting gruesome scenes£ Their sabers cutting open streams of blood, Rolling young heads Some with dark others with blond hair 2 This poem is significantly the last in the 1907 Paris publication of Hogevarki ev Huysi Jaher. Ten others have been added in the later edition published in Boston.
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Crushed in the mud. They hold on tight to the old men’s throats And crush their sculls against the wall. They cut open our mothers’ sacred bellies, And our yet unnamed brothers, Armenians without shapes fall out, And are trampled, crushed. Under foot, under truncheon, or horseshoe. Ribs, and sculls, sculls, innumerable sculls Are filling the cracks of the pavement with marrow and brain. Varuzhan’s Hayhoyank (Curse, written in 1907), is another poem in response to the massacres, integrating the spirit of ancient concepts but with a new twist. The unnamed old woman, the lyric heroine stands above the crowd of wretched survivors of a mass slaughter, and raising her clenched fists, curses God for what befell the Armenian nation. She challenges the covenant between man and God; she questions God’s judgment, protests His indifference toward the persecution of a people who faithfully worshipped Him and sacrificed their lives for Him. But the old woman is alone in her outburst as a lone champion of this strange uprising. The frightened youngsters in the crowd begin to cry; women pray. In a state of utter frustration and anguish, she walks to the edge of the abyss and hurls herself down. With her demise, the angry voice of protest is stifled in the seed. It was the early 1900s and the passing of time and the innate spirit of revival of the nation had appeased the pain. Streaks of hope of a brighter future had already crept in. Optimism had grown back slowly. National pride and integrity lost in the widespread submission to the enemy’s sword was being restored. The unabated memory of the massacres, however, still preoccupied creative minds and gave birth to literary works. Siamanto had found the solution to the dilemma of crafting a literary response to the massacres. Distancing in time, overcoming the urge to describe the gruesome scenes as they were, he devised a unique poetic tool£ recourse to the past, but not to borrow the old concepts to help him respond to the unexplained and indigested disaster. He found his inspiration in the heroic deeds in the Armenian pagan past, and with renewed enthusiasm began to eulogize the revolutionary acts of reprisal and armed resistance carried out by the fedayees of the present. His collection of poems titled §Diutsaznoren¦ (Heroically, 1902) epitomize the author’s view of collective trauma of the recent past, the present situation, and the future course of action. Siamanto idealizes the Nietzschean hero and hopes to see his spirit grow in every Armenian young and brave. Once again, it is the spirit of Hope encouraging action£ §Take the lightning sword bravely in your hand.¦ Nothing new, just an underscored idealization of the Armenian Renaissance themes£ armed struggle, revenge, revolt, retaliation. Then, §Dareru vrezh¦ (Revenge of the Centuries, written in 1902 in Geneva) resonating Siamanto’s credo, a credo that was adopted by the devotees of the Armenian armed struggle for the liberation of the nation from the oppressive yoke of the Ottoman rulers£ §Justice must be created and freedom fiercely seized.¦ xxx In such an atmosphere, the Young Turk revolution of 1908 was received with enthusiasm. Equality, Brotherhood, and Justice to all, ideas adorning the promises of the Young Turk 108
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leaders, were turned into slogans in the streets. After years of wandering in different cities in Europe, Siamanto too, like many other Armenian intellectuals, returned to Constantinople. He was physically weakened and ill with tuberculosis but full of optimism and plans for the future. The Adana massacres of 1909, only a few months after the reinstatement of constitution and the proclamation of Hurriet, were a blow to the ideal of a peaceful coexistence with the Turk and a detrimental shock to all literary conventions that could ever help to devise responses to the new calamity. The road that extended from silence to lamentation, to descriptive expressions, to call for action in order to reverse the fate of the nation, reaching eventually to Hope for a better future bumped onto a dead end. Standards collapsed. Poetic expressions were once again condemned to impotency. The 1909 catastrophe occurred one-hundred years ago beginning March 31st (Old Calendar). And today with a spirit of commemoration and reevaluation of the event and its aftereffects, we look back to scrutinize once again the powerful literary responses, to marvel over the tools, the poetic strategies that remained unsurpassed, armed with the potency to respond even to the catastrophes of yet to come. Zapel Esayan and Suren Partevian recorded the accounts as they witnessed them in the immediate aftermath of the catastrophe. I have studied their responses at length in two chapters dedicated to their work in Literary Responses to Catastrophe£ A Comparison of the Armenian and the Jewish Experience (1993). They had indeed undertaken a difficult task to confront the disaster head-on and to assess its scale and aftereffects in order to recommend the scope of assistance needed. I have shown instances when they stopped stupefied unable to overcome the torrent of emotions£ helplessness toward the victims, rage against the perpetrators, and praise for those who took arms and stood up in defense of their homes, city quarters, and villages. I have shown instances of total submission and inability to describe the scenes leading these writers to resort to lamentation or confession to paralysis of diction£ §This is the first time, I discover so brutally the impotence of my pen, the painful struggle, the inadequacy of all meanings of the word to capture the scenes around me... the horrifying reality that crushes my soul.¦3 Or §I cannot find words accurate enough, dramatic and tragic enough, to describe the depressing, suffocating scenes of misery that I have witnessed these days.¦4 And,§Words are incapable of expressing the dreadful and unspeakable sights that my eyes witnessed.¦5 In another paper, titled §The Tears and Laughter of Cilician Armenians,¦ I have revisited the responses of these writers and havecompared them to the burning intensity of Siamanto’s and Varuzhan’s poetic responses to that same calamity. I have stated, and I repeat here again that, §History documents and even tries to explain the massacres of 1909, but memoirs, testimonies, and eyewitness accounts mix fact and imagination to paint the horrifying truth the way it was. Poetry [on the other hand] captures one moment, one image, and the impact is incomparable.¦6 In this comparison, I contend, it is not only the power of poetry or the 3 Suren Partevian, Kilikian Arhavirke, p. 69. 4 Ibid., p. 44. 5 Zapel Esayan, Amidst the Ruins, pp. 39-40. 6 In this paper, presented at a conference on Cilician Armenians, 2000, I have done a close reading of Siamanto’s poems in his collection titled Karmir lurer barekames (Bloody News from my Friend), "Kheghtamah" (Strangled), "Pare" (The Dance), "Khache" (The Cross), and then I have briefly discussed Varuzhan’s and
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extraordinary talent and deep knowledge of the boundaries and possibilities of the language. It is the immediacy of the catastrophe, the on-the-scene, head-on experience for Esayan and Partevian impeding the language to overcome all boundaries and the imagination rising above the actual scenes of misery and atrocity. In looking at the Adana massacres from the vantage point of the perpetrator and using Michael Foucault’s terminology suggesting a broader meaning of government, the governmentality of the Young Turks depended on the promise of change of techniques and rationalities used by the Ottoman Sultans to rule over the multiethnic, multi-religious Empire. The events that unfolded in Adana and spread over all of Cilician Armenian towns and villages and beyond were in absolute negation of these promises, but they proved compatible with the subsequent policies and practices, in other words, compatible with the governmentality adopted by the Young Turks. It is a common knowledge that the massacres were instigated by reactionary forces as another manifestation of their counter-revolutionary activities. However, the Young Turk government’s handling of the atrocities and their aftermath leaves no doubt about its conspiracy at least to continue what the reactionaries started. In that stage, it did not take extra effort by the government to introduce their true mentality and not the one they pretended to have espoused in relation to the ethnic minorities, Armenians in particular. The society willingly absorbed that mentality aspect or dimension of governmentality because the culture of violence, an intrinsic characteristic in the Turkish-Armenian centuries-long relationship and absolute domination, never showed a sign to ease. The culture of violence had to find its expressions in language in order to instigate action. And we have witnessed its use in the massacres of 1894-96 as manifested in the Armenian literary responses to them. That language, powerful and unsurpassed, echoes in the poetic responses to the 1909 catastrophe. xxx The entire series of Siamanto’s poems in Karmir lurer barekames (Bloody News from my Friend) makes us realize today the intensity, the dreadfulness of these massacres more than any statistics or a document could. To use Louise Rosenblatt’s formulation, these are poems in which we live through, in this case through the massacres of 1909, §under the guidance of the text and experiences as relevant to the text.¦7 The following are excerpts of the perpetrator’s language in utterances and portrayals of the crime through which the smooth flow of the operation and full participation of the populace was ensured. Captured by Siamanto in §Irents erge¦ (Their Song)£ I sow corpses in the garrets of slavery And these bodies I snatched because they are infidels, Allah says£ turn the vally of the infidels into graves, Butcher the children, fuck all the virgins. ..................... In the air like stars I spread cut heads, I spread death like a caravan of clouds.
Ruben Sevak’s equally powerful poetic responses immediately after the Cilician massacres. The paper was published in a volume containing the proceedings of the Conference, titled The Armenian Cilicia, in 2008, Richard G. Hovannisian ed. 7 "Definition of Reader-Response Criticism" by Ross Murfin.
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What are you waiting for? It’s all yours. Strike and eat and dance and get drunk... ..................... Drink from my cup the blood of young virgins. Time runs. Justice changes its course. Drink from this virgin’s scull. What’s gold or silver next to this?8 Siamanto, §Kuyre¦ (The Blind) -- is an absolute manifestation of hatred and drive to murder the infidel. The blind man is applauding those who have spread death and devastation in the neighboring Armenian village and is burning with the desire of participating in the carnage. How badly I want to feel a dead body with my hands. I smell the ashes— May you live a thousand years blessed ones. While walking, my sleepers suddenly stick to the earth.... I know what it is ... I smell it. The blood of sinners is so hot It’s like fire flowing over the roads.... A young man approaches dragging an Armenian beauty by her hair£ I chose this girl from nearby village, but she wouldn’t become a Muslim, and refuses to be my wife. I am terrified by her eyes, I’m afraid she’ll strangle me in my bed. A thousand pities that you’re blind, but feel her body first, The young man gives him his dagger and helps him to drive it in that naked virgin’s heart. The wish is accomplished; he feels the warm blood of that virgin splashing on his face. That was heaven; the blind man shouts in ecstasy as if he had seen the light. §A thousand cheers, I’m ready. Where is her heart my son?¦ §Wait, let me guide your hand.¦ As the blood splattered his face like flaming poppies, he shouted to the crowd£ §My eyes are clear. I’ve seen the light.¦ Studying the cycles of violence in early American West, Ned Blackhawk speaks of violence in New Mexican colony in the 16th and 17th centuries and how violence from both sides had their public rituals and symbols including §the formal presentation of the scalps and 8 With some reservation, I use the published translation in this and the following excerpts from Siamanto’s collection of poems titled "Karmir lurer barekames" (Bloody News from My Friend). In some passages, the meaning of the poems is compromised, as the reader can see, to the poetic qualities the translators have striven to achieve or the poem is abbridged. See, Bloody News from My Friend, Poems by Siamanto, translated by Peter Balakian and Nevart Yaghlian (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1996). I have quoted the translations as they were without making necessary changes to convey the true meanings. Incidentally, the word sow (in I sow corpses -- »ë ¹Ç³ÏÝ»ñ ÏÁ ó³Ý»Ù) is misprinted (I saw corpses) in the book.
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ears of enemy Indians to the governor of colonial New Mexico and the mass, public rape of indigenous women captives,¦ or the §display of enemy body parts as trophies.¦ Well, this is happening in the Twentieth Century Ottoman Empire. In the last days of his life, the old Turk, seeking paradise after death, remembers the only sin he has committed in life. Once, in his young age, infatuated with the beauty of a young Armenian girl, he had failed to deliver his everyday prayer to God. He had to repent, and his plans were diabolical£ Then two black men took a fair Armenian boy from Darson to the cellar and with a scimitar slashed off his clothes. His death shriek shook the house, But to complete the ritual the old man was to drink the blood of that Armenian boy. And who should hand him the cup of atonement? §There’s no doubt,¦ he said£ §The last child of that Armenian girl who cost me my place in paradise.¦ So that grandchild brought him a silver tray With a gold cup filled with blood. §You unlucky ones, this cup is a symbol of your defeat,¦ and he bit into the cup and on the threshold of his paradise he smiled as he died. The dream of paradise was realized. Violence turned into ritual performed with awe and piety. [Siamanto, §Kavutiun¦ (Atonement)] In a rich Armenian’s house, the Turkish executioner is standing with a dagger in his hand, the dagger he has found in the house of this rich Armenian, the dagger with which he has killed the young master, and now it is the turn of the beautiful lady of the house. But the murderer has gathered an audience to applaud the performance and share the booty. The man orders the lady to take the dagger in her hand and thrust it in the heart of her two year old boy clinging to her chest and crying in terror. The audience is impatient. It is time for the evening prayers and the infidel woman is refusing to obey. Eventually, she takes the dagger, raises it in the air and down into her own heart£ The woman swung her dagger heavenward, Then collapsed dead her eyes open. But some blood-thirsty punk took her dead hand With the dagger in it, and stabbed her son seven times. [Siamanto, "Dashuyne" (The Dagger)] A perverted religious ritual is being performed in an Armenian church. A mother is begging the Turk to spare his son. But this is an opportunity for the murderers to turn the killing into a pleasurable entertainment. They ask the woman to take off her flowery dress. In a minute the men came running out of the vestibule with a blood-soaked dress. §Isn’t this your dress? 112
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Doesn’t it smell familiar? What kind of mother are you? Smell it, go ahead! Don’t be mad; we sacrificed your son on the altar with white cloths and candles. Now we’ll paint your cross... The executioners have turned the killing of their victims into a mystical performance adorned with a powerful script to match the formidable violence. [Siamanto, §Khache¦ (The Cross)] In a marble bath of the Muslim lady a ritual is being conducted by the wicked witch of the town. The scene describes the slaughter of seven young Armenian virgins and spilling their blood in the bath, the blood running from the feet to the womb of the naked lady standing proudly as the goddess accepting human sacrifice. The witch has promised that the blood of Armenian virgins will bestow her the power of giving birth to conquerors and heroes of the race. Behind the curtains, an old Muslim clergy is reading a mysterious prayer to the Muslim God. Looking toward heaven, the petrified barren beauty Rose to her feet, As the warm blood began to rise Up her leggs to her womb. [Siamanto, §Loganke¦ (The Bath)] Seeing leftovers still lurking in that Armenian village, the mob rises shouting, §We need to attack once again. There are people who still breathe... We sought graveyard yet there is life in there. We all want ashes and death, infidels!¦ Siamanto, §Zavake¦ (The Son).9 Siamanto’s §Pare¦ (The Danse) is in itself the epitome of Turkish atrocities against innocent women. It is an episode related to the author by a German missionary woman who had witnessed a most horrific practice of public violence and incredible utterances of the Muslim murderers£ a dark crowd standing in a vineyard Lashing twenty brides and singing filthysongs. ....................... ‘Dance,’ they raves, ‘dance till you die infidel beauties. with your flapping tits, dance! Smile for us. You’re abandoned now, you’re naked slaves, so dance like a bunch of fuckin’ sluts. We’re hot for your dead bodies,’ These are masterful representations of images that remained unparalleled even in Hagop Oshagan’s Mnatsordats (Remnants). The language befitted the crime, provided a tool, a strategy that worked better than any command from above to turn the mob into the cruelest 9 I have skipped citing excerpts from the translation of this poem. It does not match the original. It is too short and does not do justice to the torrent of imagery, diabolical scenes, and horrifying dialogs Siamanto created in this poem.
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and most sadistic murderers to shore up the Young Turk governmentality. In the case of Zapel Esayan, except for a few instances of cynical utterances by Turkish murderers, such as §You don’t have God! Just as your Christ died by torture, so will each one of you die by torture¦ (p. 169), she takes the language of violence to the level of metaphoric expressions, where objects and symbols signify human behavior. §I have witnessed the arrogant and shameless Turkish quarters standing tall amongst Armenian ruins ... I noticed the cynical expressions of unpunished criminals¦ (p. 18-19). Or, the scene of Muslim minarets §rising arrogantly amongst the ruins of Armenian homes burnt to ashes by the fire of hatred¦ (p. 25). Zapel Esayan too, in her own way tried to explore the character of the Turk and what made him a murderer. She views the Turks with the eyes of orphaned children who have witnessed the killing of their parents as cold-blooded murderers whose eyes burn with evil passion to destroy and kill (p. 40). She attributes this behavior to the nature of the Turk who §nurtures bloody aspirations and destroys.¦10 A woman recounts how the Turks killed her husband and son. §The Turkish neighbor women stood there laughing at my sorrow. The more I cried the louder they laughed¦ (pp. 75-76). A Turkish woman had loaded wounded men, women, and children in a carriage with a promise to take them to safety, but instead, she had pushed them into the river to drown. Another Turkish woman was seen crushing the head of a child kneeling over his mother’s dead body. The two women were brought to court and tried. Ironically, they were sentenced to death by hanging and then pardoned. The thrill of bloodshed had intoxicated women so much, Esayan observes, as to forget the friendship and hospitality of their Armenian neighbors. (p. 218). And now contrast this discourse with its binary opposition the crushing, heartrending, tragic images of the catastrophe the executioners accomplished to fulfill. New literary critics following the Readers Response theory believe that our experience reading a text and responding to it is not so much under the guidance of the text, but more so it is motivated by deep-seated, personal, psychological needs. Yes, it is the psychology of a survivor of a great collective catastrophe that draws us to reread and relive the experience of our predecessors’ dreadful struggle of survival through the hell that burned in Cilicia in 1909 and once again in Western Armenia and the entire Ottoman Empire in 1915. Once again examples from Siamanto’s §Bloody News from My Friend¦ elucidate the flip side of the coin, images of utter tragedy, the unparalleled results of unprecedented atrocities that the language of violence achieves to depict. A man returns to his village to find his house ruined, the body of his wife at the threshold, and his young son still clinging to her. The Turks have noticed him from a distance and are coming to finish him off too to complete the carnage of the entire village. The man has to rescue his son, the only Hope of the future, and bury his wife. The scene describes his morbid struggle giving his dead wife the funereal ritual within the raging waves of the river and fighting with the waves and the incoming corpses to reach the sea holding his son high, clenching his belt by his teeth. He finally reaches the sea and puts his son down on the shore to notice stupefied that his wife’s corpse had accompanied them to the sea shore as if to make sure that her son is saved. Siamanto, §Zavake¦ (The Son).11 The corpses were piled high as trees. and from the from the springs, from the streams and the road,
10 This is an excerpt from a letter written from Mersin to her husband in Paris, discussed in Literary Responses to Catastrophe: A Comparison of the Armenian and the Jewish Experience, p. 107. 11 For the same reasons mentioned in note #9, I have skipped the translation.
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the blood was stubborn murmur, and still calls revenge in my ear. . . . Siamanto, §Pare¦ (The Dance) And the meaningful synthesis of it all in that same poem£ §so people will understand/ the crimes men do to men.¦ a prototype of the renowned and much quoted phrase §man’s inhumanity to man.¦ And another poetic outburst that has endured through time to become the ultimate defiance against humanity, its principles and values£ §Human justice/ I spit in your face.¦ Siamanto’s §Kheghtamah¦ (Strangled) is a classic in the Armenian genocide literature and the embodiment of the Armenian collective suffering. How many wretched Armenian women on the road of deportation have gone crazy after strangling their crying infant to save others or after hurling their daughters in the river to save them from Turkish molesters? How many of these wretched women have wandered seeking death when surviving the horrifying experience had been impossible? In the darkness we heard the flash-dance crackling, flaring in the sun— guns, spears, bayonets, and swords. Corpses like uprooted trees fell on the roof of our cellar. Through the walls we heard shrieks, mute breathing, the ghost given up. Blood seeped through earth ceiling and trickled [down] our faces. This is human tragedy in a sinister landscape of violence and murder. Then another sinister image in that same poem£ In the dark, the mother offered her throat, then her son’s . . . Then like snakes, two arms found the infant, and the silence in the cellar was a storm. I thought we had all died. Then we heard the man above cursing and the killers left. Was this salvation? Can slaves be saved? Every day that mother half-naked stands by the road delirious, Hanging on the skirt of a stranger, the enemy, the passerby [--See these hands of mine? Do you see these hands? It was I who strangled my newborn in that cellar... Believe me, it was I who strangled him, what unfair people you are, strangle me at least. I have no strength in my hands. It was I, in that cellar, who strangled my newborn with all my strength... Have you no heart? Strangle me. My hands
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have no strength any more...]12 Varuzhan’s textualization of the catastrophe is more complex and abstract. In §Kilikean mokhirnerun¦ (To the Ashes of Cilicia), he guides a foreign visitor (otarakan) to the disaster stricken land to show him the wounded left dying, to listen to their painful sighs and moaning, the unburied corpses scattered in the smoking ruins of their houses, crucified men, naked, their blood running down to make streams gushing down the hill. §Behold! The Turk ignited the pyres of his amusement/ Sobbing skeletons are burning grandly.¦ §Arevangiche¦ (The Abductor), is the painstaking struggle of an Armenian man, his fight to save a virgin from her abductor and eventually his victory. The poem ends with the grateful prayers of all the virgins of the same fate whose innocence and purity had fallen victim to the lustful crime. Varuzhan’s synthesis of Turkish Armenian relationship is also captured in §Derenik¦ (a boy’s name in Armenian), a poem that has significantly found its way into the Armenian language primary school textbooks. The mother drives out his son who has come inside crying with his head bleeding. Ali, the Turkish boy has hit him. §Get out, and don’t come home until you hit him back and wash your blood with his...¦ The boy is scared. Ali is Turkish and there is evil in his eyes. §And you are Armenian,¦ the mother replies; §go fight your fight with whichever you want.¦ Surprisingly, however, Varuzhan does not end the poem with the boy’s victory over his Turkish opponent. That would have been too mundane and unrealistic. There, in the yard, a big stone in his hand, the blood flowing down his cheek, Derenik is long awaiting the enemy at his door. And once again, metaphoric images by Esayan and Partevian, synthesized in formulations like §beyond the gallows of Adana, can a road to justice still exist?¦ They both believed that the Turkish-Armenian relationship had suffered a detrimental shock that would never heal. Esayan sees the lingering mistrust for the Turks£ What will not be replaced or compensated in the aftermath of this inexplicable catastrophe is not so much the houses that were turned to ashes, or the ruined orchards, or the vast number of dead. Rather, it is the paralyzing and hopeless sensation reflected in the eyes of the survivors. It is the feelings of a nation trampled and crushed under brutal heels. Those who rose yearning for light and freedom were crushed with pitiless cruelty.13 Partevian doubted if the faith Armenians once had in their Turkish neighbors would ever be restored£ The bodies of the dead will be buried; the wounds will heal, the tears will dry up, the blood will be wiped away, the ruins will be rebuilt, the catastrophe will be redressed. But there is something broken, something sunken in our souls; there is a ravage of faith, a pain of frustration that will remain incurable.14 xxx 12 The translation of this poem too is abridged and schematic. It hardly conveys the tension, the meaning, and the impact building up within the original. Furthermore, some inaccuracies in translation have distorted the original meaning. I have inserted my own translation in brackets in the last six lines. The Balakian-Yeghlian translation goes, "I strangled my baby. It’s true. / Have pity on me, for I’m a coward. / You could wring my neck in a second. / Have you no heart?" 13 Esayan, Averaknerun mej, p. 28. 14 Partevian, Kilikian arhavirke, p. 200, from the essay "Andarmanelin" [The Incurable].
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Norman Holland suggested that when we read, and I would say especially when we read about our people’s tragic past, we find our own §identity theme¦ in the text by using §the literary work to symbolize and finally replicate ourselves.¦ The catalyst in this reading is the language of violence, an aesthetic counter-violence to portray the landscape of the most striking and sinister acts of mob violence, torture, and murder in the literature of atrocity, a shocking encounter for the reader, to see the truth about the nature and the motive of the perpetrators, the magnitude of the atrocities and the resulting disaster. In her study of Wallace Steven’s poetry, Jaqueline Vaught Brogan asserts that §he is acutely aware of .... the constitutive power of language in shaping the structures and experiences of our actual world.¦ By being aware, Brogan meant to say that Stevens achieved that function in his poetry, not many have. The Armenian poets and writers of the Adana massacres, in their difficult, self-imposed task of textualizing the catastrophe sought to achieve that goal and found the solution in devising the language of violence befitting the world of catastrophic atrocities around them. Zapel Esayan did not venture to create art after 1915. She could not surpass the mastery by which she had created the morbid images of the 1909 massacres. Suren Partevian composed two pieces, mediocre in comparison to his Kilikian Arhavirke. Siamanto and Varuzhan did not survive the Genocide of 1915 to immortalize in their greatness, the truth of the Genocide as it occurred. But take any of the pieces they created in response to the massacres of 1909 and change the date they were written, you will have a landscape of the atrocities of the 1915 before your eyes. These literary gems served the survivors of the 1915 Genocide to commemorate and mourn their dead, to express anger, sorrow, and vengeance. It can be easily said that in terms of magnitude, extent, duration, and participation of the populace, the massacres of 1909 present a microcosm of the genocide of 1915. But the literary responses to the massacres of 1909, the poetic tools, the language, and the intensity of images in literature remained unsurpassed and shadowed the immediate responses to the 1915 Genocide. They became powerful sources of inspiration for new art forms to introduce the truth about the Armenian Genocide. They built a paradigm to last and to assist the poets and the writers of the future in their struggle to portray the Catastrophe, the genocide of Armenians at the hands of the Turks. èáõμÇݳ öÇñáõÙÛ³Ý ´éÝáõÃÛ³Ý åá»ïÇÏ³Ý ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ ·ñ³Ï³Ý ³ñÓ³·³ÝùÝ»ñáõÙ ³Ù÷á÷áõÙ Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ Ý»ñϳ۳óíáõÙ ¿ 1909 Ã. ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ Ñ³Û»ñÇ Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ Ã»Ù³ÛÇ ³ñï³óáÉáõÙÁ ·ñ³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ù»ç£ Ð»ÕÇݳÏÝ ³Ý¹ñ³¹³éÝáõÙ ¿ êdzٳÝÃáÛÇ, ¸³ÝÇ»É ì³ñáõųÝÇ ¨ Ñ³Û ÙÛáõë ·ñáÕÝ»ñÇ ëï»Õͳ·áñÍáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇÝ, í»ñÉáõÍáõÙ ¹ñ³Ýù ¨ óáõÛó ï³ÉÇë ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ áÕμ»ñ·áõÃÛ³Ý Ï³åÁ ¹ñ³Ýó Ñ»ï` ѳٻٳï»Éáí ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ 1909 Ã. Ïáïáñ³ÍÇ ¨ 1915-1923 ÃÃ. Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ ³ñÓ³·³ÝùÝ»ñÁ ·ñ³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ù»ç: лÕÇݳÏÝ ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÁ ѳÏí³Í ¿ ¹Çï»Éáõ áñå»ë 1915 Ã. ó»Õ³ëå³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ëï³óí³Í ¹ñë¨áñáõÙ£ лÕÇݳÏÇ ÙÛáõë ϳñ¨áñ »½ñ³Ï³óáõÃÛáõÝÝ ³ÛÝ ¿, áñ ·ñ³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ù»ç ²¹³Ý³ÛÇ Ïáïáñ³ÍÇ ³ñï³óáÉáõÙÁ áñáß³ÏÇáñ»Ý ëïí»ñáõÙ ¿ Ùݳó»É` Ç Ñ³Ù»Ù³ïáõÃÛáõÝ 1915 ÃÃ. ó»Õ³ëå³ÝáõÃÛ³ÝÝ ³Ý¹ñ³¹³ñÓáÕ ·ñ³Ï³Ý ëï»Õͳ·áñÍáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ£
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ì³ñáõÅ³Ý äáÕáëÛ³Ý
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ѻճßñçÙ³Ý ³ÝѳçáÕ ÷áñÓÇ å³ï³ë˳ݳïíáõÃÛáõÝÇó, ÇÝãÁ Ùdzݷ³Ù³ÛÝ μÝáñáß ¿ ûëÙ³ÝÛ³Ý ·³Ñ³Ï³ÉÇÝ ³éѳë³ñ³Ï μ³ñ»Ñ³× ÉáõÛëÇ Ý»ñùá Ý»ñϳ۳óÝ»Éáõ` ·Çï³Ïó³μ³ñ áñ¹»·ñ³Í Ýñ³ ѳۻó³Ï³ñ·ÇÝ£ ²ñ¹ÛáõÝùáõÙ` ÄáñÅ»áÝÝ ³ÝáõÕÕ³ÏÇáñ»Ý ÅËïáõÙ ¿ §μ³½áõ٠ѳ½³ñ³íáñ ѳۻñÇ Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñǦ Çñ³Ï³Ý³óáõÙÁ ÎÇÉÇÏdzÛáõÙ å»ï³Ï³Ý ù³Õ³ù³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ù³Ï³ñ¹³Ïáí:27 öá˳ñ»ÝÁ` ÅËïáÕ³Ï³Ý áõÕÕáõÃÛ³ÝÁ ѳñáÕ ³ÛÉ å³ïÙ³μ³ÝÝ»ñ ·»ñ³¹³ëáõÙ »Ý Çñ³¹³ñÓáõÃÛ³Ý Ù³ëÇÝ å³Ñå³Ý»É ÉéáõÃÛáõÝ:28 »å»ï ·áñͳ¹ñ³Í ç³Ýù»ñÇÝ` Ýñ³Ýó ³ß˳ï³ÝùÝ»ñÁ ãáõÝ»Ý Éáõñç ï»ë³Ï³ñ³ñ ÏßÇé£ Ø»ñ áõñí³·Í³Í, ³ÝϳëϳÍ, ËÇëï ѳٳéáï »ïݳËáñùÇ íñ³, ³Û¹áõѳݹ»ñÓ, ³ÏÝѳÛï ¿, áñ ýñ³ÝëdzóÇ Å³Ù³Ý³Ï³ÏÇó å³ïÙ³μ³ÝÝ»ñÁ 1909 Ã. ÏÇÉÇÏÛ³Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÁ ã»Ý ѳٳñáõÙ Çμñ¨ гÛáó ó»Õ³ëå³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý ·áñÍÁÝóóÇ μ³ÕϳóáõóÇã Ù³ë, ÇÝãÁ å³Ûٳݳíáñí³Í ¿ Çñ³¹³ñÓáõÃÛ³Ý å³ïÙáõÃÛ³Ý Ñ³Ý¹»å Ýñ³Ýó áñ¹»·ñ³Í ѳۻó³Ï³ñ·³ÛÇÝ Ùáï»óÙ³Ùμ, Áëï áñÇ ó»Õ³ëå³ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ Çñ³Ï³Ý³óí»É ¿ 1915-1916 ÃÃ.` »ñÇïÃáõñù»ñÇ áñ¹»·ñ³Í ÃáõñùǽÙÇ ·³Õ³÷³ñ³ËáëáõÃÛ³Ý ÑÇÙ³Ý íñ³, ÇÝãÁ Ù»ñ ÏáÕÙÇó ³ÝÁݹáõÝ»ÉÇ ¿£ ²Ù÷á÷»Ýù. 1909 Ã. ÏÇÉÇÏdzѳÛáõÃÛ³Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñÇ å³ïÙáõÃÛáõÝÁ üñ³ÝëdzÛáõÙ, ÇÝãå»ë ¨ гÛáó ó»Õ³ëå³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý Å³Ù³Ý³Ï³ÏÇó å³ïÙ³·ñáõÃÛ³Ý Ù»ç ÁݹѳÝñ³å»ë, ß³ñáõݳÏáõÙ ¿ ÙÝ³É Çñ³¹³ñÓáõÃÛ³Ý å³ïÙáõÃÛ³Ý Ëáñà ½³í³ÏÁ£
Varuzhan Poghosyan The 1909 massacres of Cilicia in the French historiography (brief observations) Summary This article refers to the elucidation of the 1909 massacres of Cilicia in French historiography. The author divides the French historiographical literature into three main groups£ documentary publications, works elucidating the history of the main event and researches dedicated to the history of the Ottoman Empire where the history of the massacres of Cilicia was interpreted to some extent. The author concludes that the history of the 1909 massacres of the Armenians in Cilicia, in general, remains the step-child of the history in France as well as in the modern historiography of the Armenian Genocide.
27 Georgeon F., Abdülhamid II. Le sultan calife (1876-1909), Paris, 2003, p. 420. ÜáõÛÝ Ùáï»óáõÙÝ ¿ ݳ óáõó³μ»ñ»É ݳ¨ ¹»é¨ë 1989 Ã. è. سÝïñ³ÝÇ ËÙμ³·ñáõÃÛ³Ùμ ÉáõÛë ÁÝͳÛí³Í úëÙ³ÝÛ³Ý Ï³ÛëñáõÃÛ³Ý å³ïÙáõÃÛ³ÝÁ ÝíÇñí³Í ÅáÕáí³ÍáõáõÙ. Dumont P. et Georgeon F., La mort d’un empire (1908-1923).– Histoire de l’Empire ottoman. Sous la direction de R. Mantran, Paris, 1989, p. 583. 28 î»°ë ûñÇݳÏ` Mantran R., Histoire de la Turquie, Paris, 1952 ; Garnier J.-P., La fin de l’Empire ottoman à
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Armenians in the Ottoman Empire¦ ·Çñù¿Ý, (÷³ëï³ÃáõÕûñ Ý»ñϳ۳óáõ³Í Viscount Bryce-ÇÝ.) ÎÇåáÝë, Ð¿É¿Ý î¿õ¿Ýμáñ¹, ³ñëáõëÇ Î³ñÙÇñ ¶áñ·»ñÁ£ ÎÝáç ÙÁ ·ñ³éáõÙÝ»ñÁ 1909-Ç Ð³ÛÏ³Ï³Ý Ïáïáñ³ÍÝ»ñáõÝ . ÜÛáõ ºûñù£1917, ¶ÉáõË 8, ¿ç£ 115-116. ¸áÏï. ð³Ëá îáÝ¿ý, 1909£ Ottoman Archives related to the Adana Massacres, êÇïÝÇ,²õë¹ñ³Édz, 2008
Harutyun Selimyan The Massacre of Adana and the Losses of the Armenian Evangelics Summary This article shows the losses of the Armenian evangelics as a consequence of Adana massacres. The author presents the details of the Adana massacres, human and material losses, the pain and grief of the Armenian people; he exhorts not to be naive in essential national questions, on the contrary always to be realistic and long-sighted, reasonable and wise. The author advises to ask for help from the foreigners, but not to expect a salvation and to acquire rights by own means; to be united and to have will, to evaluate the present and to step towards the future with unshakable belief.
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Hasmik Stepanyan The Representation of the Armenian Massacres in the Turkish Literature Written in Armenian Letters Summary The author highlights the necessity of a research of the Turkish literature written in Armenian letters which includes the Armenian documentary material on the history of the Ottoman Empire, different spheres of its peoples life. He reverts to the role of Turkish in Armenian letters to save it from estrangement, to reestablish the Armenian originality and the speaking of the Armenian language and to be faithful to the apostolic religion. Information about the 1909 massacre in Adana spread in abroad through the Turkish press printed in armenian letters.
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Ani Voskanyan On the Question of the Participation of the Army in 1909 Adana Massacres Summary 1909 Adana massacres during which more than 30 thousand Armenians fell victim were organized and perpetrated by the central government of Young Turks. During the massacres the arsenals were opened and the crowd was armed by the instruction of the government. The second carnage which happenned under the pretext of the establishment of a §law and order¦ was committed by the assistance of the Liberation army, which itself confirmed the direct involvement of the government in the organization of the massacres. Thus, the constitutional liberation army committed Adana massacres by the order of the central government.
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THE ADANA MASSACRE AND THE PEOPLE’S HISTORICAL MEMORY Verjiné Svazlian Beginning from as early as 1955, I have written down, tape- and video-recorded, academically studied and published the testimonies (memoirs, Armenian and Turkish-language songs) communicated by eyewitness survivors, who were miraculously saved from the Adana massacre and the Armenian Genocide, were forcibly deported from about 100 localities of Western Armenia, Cilicia, Anatolia and resettled in Armenia and the Diaspora. The originals of these materials are kept at the archives of the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute NAS RA. These popular testimonies communicated by the eyewitness survivors, become, owing to their historico-cognitive value, authentic, objective and documental evidences, which are not only attestations of the past, but are also a warning for the future. Beginning from as early as 1955, during more than 50 years, I have written down, tape- and video-recorded (remaining faithful to the popular speech), academically studied and published the testimonies (700 units: memoirs, Armenian and Turkish-language songs) communicated by eyewitness survivors, who were miraculously saved from the Adana massacre (1909) and the Armenian Genocide (1915-1923), were forcibly deported from about 100 localities of Western Armenia, Cilicia, Anatolia and resettled in Armenia and the Diaspora (Greece, France, Italy, Germany, USA, Canada, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Egypt, the Balkan countries, Turkey, etc.). The originals of these testimonies are kept at the archives of the Museum-Institute of the Armenian Genocide of the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia. The popular testimonies, narrated by the eyewitness survivors, saturated with expressive depth and descriptiveness has been created under the immediate impressions of those historicopolitical events. The representatives of the senior generation even remembered the establishment of the Turkish Constitution in 1908, which had the motto: “Hürriyet, Adalet, Müsavat, Yaşasın Millet” (Liberty, Justice, Equality, Long Live the People – Turk.). A nationwide exultation prevailed in the country, since equal rights were to be secured by law to all the nations living in the Ottoman Empire. A survivor from Harpoot, Sargis Khachatrian (b. 1903), has told me about this unprecedented event: “I remember in 1908 when the Sultan’s reign was overthrown, people were singing in the streets”:1 “Kalkın, hey vatandaşlar! 1 Sevinelim yoldaşlar! İşte size Hürriyet: Yaşasın Osmanlılar!”2
“Get up, compatriots!2 Let us rejoice, friends! Liberty has come to you: Long live the Ottomans!”3
While a survivor from Bitlis, Hmayak Boyadjian (b. 1902), has testified in his memoir: “... When Hurriyet was declared in 1908, everybody, in the beginning, was of the opinion that Armenians and Turks would live like brothers. There were even festivities in our village and
1 Svazlian, Verjiné. The Armenian Genocide. Testimonies of the Eyewitness Survivors. Yerevan, “Gitutiun” Publishing House of the NAS RA, 2000, Testimony 110, p. 223 (in Armenian).
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fusillades were performed.”2 A survivor from Eskishehir, Hovhannes Gasparian (b. 1902), has added: “…In 1908, when the new constitution was proclaimed, the party of the Young Turks was headed by Talaat, Enver, Djemal, Dr. Nazim, Behaeddin Shakir and thousands of young Turks became government members in 1908. They organized a Parliament. Sultan Reshad was the ruler, but he was deprived of any royal rights…”3 An eyewitness survivor born in Sassoun as far back as in the 19th century, Yeghiazar Karapetian (b. 1886), remembering the historical events of the past, has noted: “...The Hurriyet offered freedom to all the political prisoners, after which the Armenians, Turks and Kurds would have equal rights. Everywhere cries of joy were heard. The law of Hurriyet put an end to the humiliation, beating, blasphemy, robbery, plunder and contempt of the Armenians. Anyone involved in a similar behavior would be subject to the severest punishment; he would even be liable to be sent to the gallows. The two nations were put in a state of complete reliance. The Armenians would have the right of free voting, were allowed to elect and propose their delegate. This was a new renaissance in the life of the Western Armenians...”4 That was the awakening from the obscurity of the Orient. However, the Turkish reactionary forces, dissatisfied with the constitutional orders, began to accuse the Armenians for bringing the “Hürriyet” (the Constitutional orders), which allegedly pursued the object of seizing the power from the Turks and of reestablishing “the Armenian Kingdom.” Taking that circumstance into account the Armenians have woven the following Turkish-language song: Padişah oturmuş tahtından bakar, Tahtının altında al kanlar akar, Baltayı vurunca yattı ölüler, Acayip hallere düştü Ermeni.
The king seated is watching from his throne, Red blood is flowing under his throne, Struck by axes, corpses are falling, The Armenians’ condition is lamentable.
Şefketlim oturmuş tahtından bakar, Gâvurun kanları sel gibi akar, Hürriyet isteyenler derede kokar, Acayip hallere düştü Ermeni.3
The kind ruler is watching from his throne, The gâvurs’ blood is flowing like a torrent, The freedom-wishers are stinking in the valley, The Armenians’ condition is lamentable.7
In the environs of Sis, a Mullah even sermonized: “We can not be brothers with the gâvurs; to get united with them is not possible. The Sharia strictly forbids that. We can not cherish snakes in our bosom, whose biting we have no doubt about.”5 On the 31st of March, 1909, a session of the Provincial Council took place under the chairmanship of the valy (governor) of Adana, where a decision to exterminate the Armenians was made. Special secret orders to start the massacre were sent to the provinces. On the eve of the massacre the authorities distributed large quantities of arms and ammunition to the Mohammedan population. Hundreds of criminals were released from the prisons.
2 Ibid., Testimony 17, p. 77. 3 Ibid., Testimony 205, p. 340. 4 Ibid., Testimony 1, p. 42. 5 Keleshian, Missak. Sis-Register. Beirut, 1949, p. 544 (in Armenian).
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Nevertheless, a year had not elapsed since the declaration of the Turkish Constitution, when the town of Adana and the neighboring Armenian-inhabited villages, which had been saved from Abdul Hamid’s massacres (1894-1896), became the target of the hatred of the Ittihat officials. During the Holy Week of 1909, from the 1st to the 3rd and the 12th to the 14th of April, Adana and its environs were on fire. The blood-thirsty crowd attacked the Armenian-inhabited quarters of Adana and the neighboring villages, plundered all the shops, slaughtered the unarmed and unprotected Armenians, not sparing even the women and the children. The massacre of Adana was premeditated. This fact is testified by the telegram sent by the councilor of Internal Affairs of Turkey, Adil bey, to all the Turkish officials of the region of Cilicia, where it was written: “Great care should be taken that no damage is caused to the foreign religious institutions and consulates.”6 The Turkish government commissioned the Ottoman Armenian deputy of Edirné, Hakob Papikian, to go to Adana, to investigate the situation on the spot and to prepare an official Turkish-language report for the Legislative Assembly. H. Papikian left for Adana, scrupulously investigated the events and noted in his detailed “Report” in Turkish, that “...not only did the number of victims exceed 30,000 Armenians, but it was an evident fact that the massacres had been organized with the knowledge and by order of the local authorities.”7 The eyewitness of that turmoil historian-novelist, Smbat Byurat, has, under the immediate impressions of those sad events, created the following poem of great popularity as a truthful reproduction of the event, which has been communicated to me by the eyewitness survivor from Zeytoun, Karapet Tozlian (b. 1903): “Let the Armenians cry, the cruel massacre Turned magnificent Adana into a desert, The fire and the sword and the merciless plunder Ruined, alas, the House of Roubiniants! Unarmed Armenians, in a moment Fell before the mob under the swords, Churches and schools were lost in flames, Thousands of Armenians ruthlessly died. The merciless Turks deprived The child of his mother, the bride of her groom, Smashed everything on their way, Swallowed and got repleted with Armenian blood. Three days and nights the fire from inside, The enemy’s sword and bullet from outside, Wiped out the Armenians from the face of the earth Blood ran down the Armenian streets…”8
6 Jizmejian, Manuk. History of the Armenian-American Political Parties. 1890-1925. Fresno, 1930, p. 174 (in Armenian). 7 Papikian, Hakob. The Massacre of Adana. “Report.” Constantinople, 1919, p. 28 (in Armenian). H. Papikian had just completed his historical “Report,” when the Young Turks managed to poison and kill him, and thus the report was not published. After the author’s death, the rough copy was translated into Armenian and published in 1919 in Constantinople. 8 Svazlian, V. The Armenian Genocide, Testimony 342, pp. 413-414.
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The Cilician Armenians in distress have formulated the following malediction under these historical events: “May you lose your sight, Satan, You came and entered Adana.” I have succeeded in writing down from the survivors, rescued from the Adana massacre, and thus sawing from total loss also other Armenian- and Turkish-language popular songs, which artistically reproduce those historic events: “In the morning at dawn They encircled us on four sides, Thousands of bullets Scattered like hail. Poor Adana was stained Red with blood, And the corpses of Armenians Were sprawled here and there. They broke doors and windows, Striking with axes, They didn’t leave a resplendent house And burned them all down.”9 Or else, were woven other short notes, depicting scenes of the tragic massacre of Adana, which have been transformed into mournful songs: “Seven girls fled and went away, Ah, alas! They shot three of them and caught the other four, Ah, alas! They burned little Tigranouhi’s house, Ah, alas! A rich girl like her was given to the mullah, Ah, alas! Three mullahs dug the ground, Ah, alas! They buried the Armenian young man all alive, Ah, alas! They took away the boy’s sister and crucified her, Ah, alas! They brought her down the cross and threw her into the sea, Ah, alas! They entered the school and caught the school-mistress, Ah, alas! They opened her mouth and cut her tongue, Ah, alas!”10 Those historico-political events have remained in the memory of the Cilician Armenians 9 Ibid., Testimony 341, p. 413. 10 Ibid., Testimony 347-352, p. 415.
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as “Kıyma (Slaughtered – Turk.) Adana,” and they have composed the following Turkishlanguage song: “Hey, çamlar, çamlar, alnı-açık çamlar! Her güneş vurunca sakız damlar, Sakız damlarsa: yüreğim ağlar: Adana ırmağı sel gibi akar, Íşte geldim sana, kıyma Adana! Of, of, işte gördüm sizi, kıyma çocuklar!
“Hey, cedars, cedars, variegated cedars! The resin drips whenever the sun strikes, When the resin drips, my heart sheds tears, The Adana River flows like a torrent, I’ve come to see you, slaughtered Adana! Alas! I’ve seen you, massacred children!
Adana köprüsü tahtadır, tahta, Ermeni muhaciri gelir bu hafta, Adana ırmağı leş ilen kanlar, Kaldırın leşleri, Adana kokar, Íşte geldim sana, kıyma Adana! Of, of, işte gördüm sizi, kıyma çocuklar!”4
The bridge over Adana is wooden, The Armenian refuges will arrive this week, The Adana River is full of blood and corpses, Take the corpses away, Adana will stink, I’ve come to see you, slaughtered Adana! Alas! I’ve seen you, massacred children!”14
An eyewitness survivor from Adana, Mikayel Keshishian (b. 1904), has told me with emotion about that fact: “In 1909, at the time of the massacre of Adana, I was five years old. That horrible night was named in Turkish ‘Camuz dellendi’ (The buffalo went mad). And indeed, the Sultan had gone mad. According to his order, people were slain, about thirty thousand Armenians were killed, their houses were demolished and burnt to ashes. ...They gathered all the remaining people and took them to the bank of the Adana River, they sent a message to Sultan Hamid, saying that they had gathered all the Armenians and had brought them to the riverbank and were waiting for his orders. There was water on one side and fire on the other. My father was clasping me in his arms. I remember, I was looking over his shoulder. My mother was also with us. We were all gathered on the riverbank. Then an order of pardon came from the Sultan. They compelled us to shout ‘Padişahim çok yaşa!’ (Long live the King! – Turk.). We returned home, but those who were killed were no longer alive.”11 The following popular song also tells about miserable condition of the victims of the Adana massacre: “Şimdi Adana’ya gitmeli değil, Gidip de o halları görmeli değil, Çorekşapti5* günü koçnak6** çekildi, Bütün Ermeniler jama7*** döküldü.
“We shouldn’t go to Adana now, We shouldn’t go and see that condition, On Wednesday* they rang the bell,** And gathered all the Armenians in the church.***
Beni öldüren doydu mu ola? Liralarımı saydı mı ola? Benim burda vurulduğumu Anam, babam duydu mu ola?
I wonder whether my killer was sated, Whether he counted my gold coins, Whether my mother and father Heard that I was shot here.
Adana’nın yolları taşlık, Cebimizde kalmadı beş para harçlık, Aman, Adanalı, canım Adanalı, Cebimizde kalmadı, beş para harçlık.”8
The roads of Adana are stony, We all became stony-broke, Alas, citizen of Adana, my dear, We all became stony-broke.”16
11 Ibid., Testimony 182, p. 318.
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During the massacres of Adana, dozens of Armenian towns and villages were ravaged and burnt down, while Moussa Dagh, Deurtyol, Hadjn, Sis, Zeytoun, Sheikh Mourad, Fendedjak and a number of other localities stopped the attack of tens of thousands of Turks with their heroic self-defense and were saved from the slaughter. A survivor from Moussa Dagh, Tonik Tonikian (b. 1898) has also referred to the Adana calamity: “Respect and honor are the highest values in the world. We, the people of Moussa Dagh, love to live our lives with respect and honor. The massacre of Adana started in 1909. The Turks attacked the Armenians’ houses, shops. They plundered, killed, slaughtered, and raped. They did such things! One could not think of them! We, the Armenians of the seven villages of Moussa Dagh, took precautions; we assigned guards at night. In many places in Cilicia, the Turks attacked, broke-in, and plundered. People escaped with their lives. The Armenians fled and took refuge in churches, but the Turks entered their houses and plundered. They saw that the Armenians had entered their churches, so they attacked the churches and slaughtered them there. First, they slaughtered babies, right before their parents’ eyes, and then killed the parents: men and women. They were slaughtering whole families. Blood flowed like water from the thresholds of the houses. I was in our village when we heard all about it. Until now, Arabs and Turks remember these massacres…”12 Hovhannes Abelian (b. 1903), a survivor from Kessab, has also testified: “In 1909, when the massacres in Adana took place, Shaghban agha gathered a mob of forty thousand people and came to pillage Kessab. They reached Ordu. We started to resist. In the village of Lower Esgyuran a battle waged that lasted four to five hours. At the end, our side said: “It’s impossible to resist any further. There is no ammunition: let’s escape.” We went to the Kessab seashore. I was six years old. “Father, the killers are coming,” I said. And they really came. They captured my father in the bushes, pulled him out, lay him on the ground. I cried out, “Oh, dad, dad,” fell on him and started crying. The men stopped and said: “We also have children: if we kill you, the wild beasts will devour you. We grant your life for this child, you will find your death from someone else. Go, live.”…”13 In actual fact, that was the beginning of the Armenian Genocide, when the Young Turks, following the decisions of the secret meeting, organized in 1911, in Salonica, by the party “İttihat ve Terakki,” feverishly prepared the total extermination of the Armenian nation, waiting for a propitious occasion. That occasion presented itself when the First World War broke out. Turkey entered into the war, having expansionistic objectives and a monstrous scheme of realizing the annihilation of the Armenians. Thus, the popular testimonies: memoirs and songs of historical character, communicated by the eyewitness survivors, saved, in this manner, from a total loss and entrusted to the coming generations, become, owing to their historico-cognitive value, authentic, objective and documental evidences, which are not only attestations of the past, but are also a warning for the future.
12 Ibid., Testimony 159, p. 285. 13 Ibid., Testimony 172, p. 309.
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Photos: 1. Prof. Verjine Svazlian writing down the testimonies from the eye-witness survivor 2. Yeghiazar Karapetian (b. 1886) 3. Tonik Tonikian (b. 1898) 4. Hmayak Boyadjian (b. 1902) 5. Hovhannes Gasparian (b. 1902) 6. Hovhannes Abelian (b. 1903) 7. Karapet Tozlian (b. 1903) 8. Sargis Khachatrian (b. 1903) 9. Mikayel Keshishian (b. 1904) (Footnotes) 1. In the various Turkish-language original songs I have recorded, it is possible to observe deviations from the grammatical and phonetic rules of the Turkish language or to encounter Armenian words and morphemes in them. With a view to keeping unaltered the information communicated by the survivors, I have remained faithful to their oral speech. 2. Svazlian, V. The Armenian Genocide, Testimony 337, p. 412. 3. Ibid., Testimony 339, p. 413. 4. Ibid., Testimony 340, p. 413. * The Armenian word “çorekşapti/chorekshabpti” (Wednesday) has been used in the Turkishlanguage song. ** The Armenian word “koçnak/kochnak” (bell) has been used in the Turkish-language song. *** The Armenian word “jama/zham” (church) has been used in the Turkish-language song. 8. Svazlian, V. The Armenian Genocide, Testimony 458, p. 430.
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Yves Ternon Cilicia 1909. Was it possible to foresee the threat of Genocide? Summary The article tries to find an answer to the important question whether the massacre of Cilicia could have played a decisive role in the prevision of the Genocide in 1915. Several important circumstances such as the initial perception of the massacres, the questions put forward and the probability of being a prelude to the Genocide in 1915, have been taken under investigation.
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Artem Ohanjanyan The Massacres of Adana Summary The article examines the events that took place in Adana vilayet, and were recorded in Mersin in the authentic notifications of the Austria-Hungarian consul who sent them to the Austria-Hungarian official bodies in Turkey. The Austrian records in the article describe the events in Adana in a very accurate and disclosing way.
22 ÜáõÛÝ ï»ÕáõÙ, ¿ç 3460-3464: 23 ÜáõÛÝ ï»ÕáõÙ, ¿ç 36, 88:
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