Torch Bearer of Your Rights
Volume:01, Issue:01, February, 2013
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India's Orphans FOR EXPORT ONLY?
30
¥çŠæ·¤æÚU ¥æ·¤æ, ¥æßæ•æ ¥æ·¤è A Monthly Magazine ` 30
Direct Cash Transfer and Voting behavior
44
Arab Spring yet to blossom!
Why All Rights?
W
ith the recent proliferation of TV, Radio and Newspapers in the country, the expectation was that the overall role, reach and relevance of media would have also expanded much beyond what it is now. Also, the range of coverage of the news media should have expanded beyond metro cities. However, there is hardly any change in both the respects. This was because the competition within and across the media has been for the same sections of people, the one’s having deeper pockets. Despite proliferation of media, increased competitiveness and run up for exclusivity, the choice in the content package to readers and viewers is neither inclusive nor distinct, this is where All Rights take the opportunity to keep pace with the public demand for independent news and analysis. All Rights is a monthly news magazine and an online community which seeks to develop an alternate model of journalism to confront the failures of corporate media. Since the very inception of All Rights, our objective is to inspire public action and advocacy on the issues of Environment, Human Rights and Civil Liberties, Social Justice, Media, Health Care, Education and more. Our aim is to provide content to readers, to keep audience well-informed and engaged, helping them to navigate a culture of information overload and providing an alternative to the commercial media onslaught. The attempt is to highlight grassroots success stories and inspirational narratives alongwith hard-hitting critiques of policies, investigative reports and expert analysis. We emphasize on workable solutions to persistent social problems. Our editorial blend emphasizes on commitment to fairness, equality and community stewardship, thus establishing connections across generational and ethnical lines. With opportunities to make change, through specific campaigns, signing petitions, or by learning about the grassroots efforts of groups engaged in the work the idea funnel community’s energy into change. n Gopal Chandra Agarwal
·¤ßÚU SÅUæðÚUè Torch Bearer of Your Rights
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A Monthly Magazine VOLUME: 01, ISSUE: 01, FEBRUARY 2013
ÁØ Âý·¤æàæ °âôçâ°ÅU÷â çÜç×ÅUðÇ ·Ô¤ Âÿæ ×ð´ ·¤ôÅUæ, ÂǸÚUÀ, ÂÙæÚUè, ×æÚU·¤é´Çè ·¤è ·é¤Ü }w®.®{ ãð€UÅUðØÚU ¥õÚU ×æÚU·¤é´Çè »æ´ß çSÍÌ ·ñ¤×êÚU ß‹ØÁèß çßãæÚU ·¤è wzx.v|{ ãð€UÅUðØÚU Öêç× Öæ.ß.¥. ·¤è ÏæÚUæ-y âð ¥Ü» ·¤è »§ü ãñ Áô ·¤éÜ v®}x.wxv ãð€UÅUðØÚU ãñÐ §ââð ©âð ·¤éÜ y®~.®~ ·¤ÚUôǸ L¤ÂØð ·¤æ ȤæØÎæ ãé¥æ ãñÐ 04
The Violence of Knowledge Cartels 49
Fight for Jal, Jungle aur Zameenthe Saga continues
22
Book Review Revolution or Rebellion?
52
MORE CONTENTS
Rapes & Juvenile Justice 15 In Struggle, we unite
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Editor: Gopal Chandra Agarwal Executive Editor: Pankaj Shukla News Editor: Vivek Pathak Senior Correspondent: Shivdas Copy Editors: Yogesh Pandey & Subodh Kumar Contributers: Anant Asthana (Lawyer at Supreme Court, Works for Child Rights) Minna Kabir (Delhi based Child Right activist) Kanchi Kohli (Social & Environmental activist) Roma (Forest Right Activist) PV Rajgopal & Jill Carr Harris (Social Activists) Abhinav Tripathi (TV Journalist) Praveen Kumar (Graphic Designer) Edited, Printed & Published by Gopal Chandra Agarwal
Whose Land Acquisition? 36
17, Maurya Complex B-28, Subhash Chowk, Laxmi Nagar Delhi-110092, Phone: 011-42147246, Email: info@allrights.co.in Write us at: letters@allrights.co.in
Half of world food produced ends up as waste! 40
55
Theatre of Justice
Printed At: Neeta Press, Shed No. 19, D.S.I.D.C. Indl. Complex Dakshinpuri, New Delhi- 110062 The views expressed by authors are personal and do not necessarily reflect views of All Rights. The magazine is protected under copyright laws, all Content, unless stated, is owned by All Rights and its content providers and may not be used in any form without prior consent. The jurisdiction for all disputes concerning sale, subscription and published matter will be settled in courts/forum/tribunals at Delhi. DCP No. F.2 (A-41) Press/ 2012
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¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅUâ÷ U UȤÚUßÚè 2013
SPECIAL STORY
India's Orphans FOR EXPORT ONLY? Business of selling children in the garb of “Adoption” goes on and it is hard to dismantle this adoption-mafia which has come up in India. by Anant Asthana
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SPECIAL STORY
M
e: I don’t understand you guys' opposing inter-country adoption. You are extremists. Arun: Anjali! Give that book to Anant. Anjali: But I have brought that book for registrar. Arun: No, give it to him. It makes more sense to give it to him rather than giving it to the registrar. Anjali: Ok! So that’s how I got hold of this book called " The untold story of the Romanian orphans" which carries a bold tag of " FOR EXPORT ONLY". Anjali is a friend of mine, based in Pune, Maharashtra and works exposing hind side of foreign (inter-country) adoptions. Arun is from Germany where he was given into adoption from India when he was a child. He grew up in Germany with a huge crisis of identity, which led him to search his mother in India. Since then, exposing the cruel side of intercountry adoptions is something very personal to him, having been a survivor of it. Their tireless campaign on this particular issue is inspirational and their anger is provocative. My first encounter with Arun was on Skype when he told me that I should not be feeling very proud of having been part of a Committee which drafted Bill for Indian Secular Adoption Law. As he was concerned that the law permitted intercountry adoptions without even understanding what it was. He was feeling that the Bill could never see the light of the day. At that point of time I felt miserable while facing the truth, but then I kept on meeting Anjali, Arun's Indian counterpart and listening to scary stories of children given into foreign adoptions from her. This made me to rethink about the issue. And now I have this book which gives me an opportunity to look at "Foreign adoptions" in Romania. Thankfully Romania got rid of it as it stopped foreign adoptions completely but in India, it remains a debatable issue. The very basic question which Anjali-Arun duo poses is- How Adoption is a Child Welfare Instrument? They ask me to think about it. I think and think deeper into it. I meet people and ask them about their opinion. Bharti Ali, a teacher whom I met during my child rights work, says that she is yet to see a family who went for adoption because they wanted to help a child. Each one of them tried to have their own child, went to doctors, took all medical measures and after failing to have one, ended up in adoption. Therefore the concern of Anjali-Arun is valid and makes a lot of sense. Adoption is not always a measure to help a child who needs better care. More often it is about adults' need to have a child. This book also says the same. As I move further, let me just tell something about this book and its author. Author is Roelie 13
Post and this book is the result of her diary which she kept writing during her work for the European Commission. Romania needed to reform its child rights policy as one of the conditions for its future membership in EU. Book says that Roelie, during her work, finds that the inter-country adoption system in place was nothing short of a market for children, riddled with corruption. Book tells us that after Romania redrafted its laws putting in modern child protection alternatives, a ferocious lobby that wanted to maintain inter-country adoptions stepped out of Romania in search of new avenues. In India, this lobby is at its best. No wonder when India's Juvenile Justice Law was being amended, a clause which restricted adoption to Indian parents, got deleted just before it was notified in August, 2006. The December, 2005 report of Parliamentary Committee which examined the draft did not contain any comment in favour or against this clause. How it got deleted? I am trying to find out with no success so far. Then Bharti tells me that this happens all the time when anything is done on adoption. Things change without even one notice it or get to know about it at the very last moment. She tells me that when guidelines for regulating adoptions were being drafted, a consultation was called and inputs were taken. But when the final guidelines came out, it contained provisions which were not suggested during consultation. From where did those provisions came in? Lobby? I don’t know. What I have come to know so far is that there are parents, extremely poor, living in villages and small towns of India, hoping that their children are getting educated somewhere in a foreign country, oblivious of the fact that they were made to sign adoption deeds in the name of education papers. They don’t know that their children are never going to return and that they will die with hope only. Anjali helps such people in finding their beloved ones, conducts private investigations to expose culprits and also approaches courts seeking punishment to those culprits. Anjali tells that the fight is not easy and no one supports these kinds of initiatives. No charity or funding organisation comes ahead to financially support such causes. She depends on individual help to sustain her work. Same is the story of Arun. He works as an insurance agent, earns money from his job, feeds his family and saves money to be able to come to India occasionally to do advocacy and meet people. When I met him just few days back at my house, when he was in India for a short while on a similar visit. This time when he met me, he reminded me of the need of exposing the “AdoptionALL RIGHTS
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SPECIAL STORY Mafia” in India. eign parents, lest the child may be neglected or Now, I am beginning to understand that every- abandoned by the adoptive parents in the foreign thing done in the name of "Child Rights" is not al- country or the adoptive parents may not be able to ways the same and there is also market and provide to the child a life of moral or material seeconomy involved into it. Charity is not always curity or the child may be subjected to moral or charity. There is a politics involved in it. "Compas- sexual abuse or forced labour or experimentation sion" is not always "Compassion", there is "Need" for medical or other research and may be placed in and "Greed" involved in a worse situation than it. It disillusions me. But that in his own country.” then I also know that it is Then in 2010, once better to know rather than again Supreme Court reremain apathetic as the minded about creating a later is more dangerous. law to regulate adoption Rolie in her book has narin India. It said in August rated an experience: 2010: “Friday, 7 January “We also request the As anyone else I had Law Commission to confollowed during Christsider recommending legmas the Tsunami victims. islation on the matter of When I saw on CNN a inter-country adoptions blond-blue-eyed boy who as at present there is no lost his parents, described legislation on the subject as a Swedish ‘orphan’, I and there is a pressing thought: need for the same. The ‘No, not again, no orLaw Ministry, Governphans please, no trade in ment of India, may also "Child Rights" is not always the children.’ look into the matter.” It was then I realised I The question which same and there is also marprobably was overreactarises now is as to why ket and economy involved ing and had become oversomething so emphatisensitive to the word cally being raised by the into it. Charity is not always orphan. Not long after, Supreme Court of this charity. There is a politics innewspapers reported country time and again is volved in it. "Compassion" is child traffickers were not being attended seripreying on Tsunami orously by our Governnot always "Compassion", phans. There was eviment. Why there is yet no there is "Need" and "Greed" dence of traffickers, law on regulating adopchildren were being taken tion in this country? We involved in it. illegally out of the area must ask as to who is and children had been ofreaping benifits from the fered for sale. UNICEF, absence of such law? Why UNHCR and Terre des Hommes urged no way there is a hesitation on this issue? If Romania (and children should be adopted from this area…I could recently Russia) can stand up for its children, why only conclude I was not over-sensitive after all, but can’t India ? Are we just ok with our children being rather over-experienced.” sailed away to foreign hands? There is no pride in Business of selling children in the garb of saying that we as a nation cannot take care of our “Adoption” goes on and it is hard to dismantle this children and that’s why they should be given adoption-mafia which has come up in India. It is away. We must stand up in full responsibility for not that no one has ever noticed it. Way back in our children and we must give our children their 1984 , Supreme Court of India put a caution in Lak- right to retain their identity and to let them remain shmikant Pande Case , observing: with their soil, families, community and culture. n “But while supporting inter-country adoption, it is necessary to bear in mind that the primary ob- (Author is a lawyer in Supreme Court of India. This ject of giving the child in adoption being the wel- column is narration of his experiences and views while fare of the child, great care has to be exercised in he is now looking into adoption issue in India. He can permitting the child to be given in adoption to for- be contacted at anant.asthana@gmail.com) ALL RIGHTS
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OPINION
Rapes & Juvenile Justice by Minna Kabir
T
hough India has seen, read about and heard about all kinds of ghastly rapes, murders, and sexual violation and abuse of women, girls and even little children, December 16th 2012 was probably a turning point in the way the general public and people all over India reacted to this type of an incident. There has been such a mass out-pouring of seething anger, grief, frustration, helplessness, and a whole gamut of unexplainable emotions, that one wonders what are the positives, and what are the negatives, that will come out of the whole ghastly incident, which should shame all of us who call ourselves human beings and all of us who call our-
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selves Indians. There is no doubt that the total violation of the young girl and her friend, and her death thereafter, is a terrible incident. There is also no doubt that the whole country has beenshocked to its senses, and shaken out of the apathy with which we usually react to these kind of incidents. But if one were to stop and think, one realises that a near hysteria has also been created, and a mass mentality and a “mobocracy” is in danger of taking over the whole “show”, and this is developing into a confused, uncontrollable, monster of opinion and reaction, so that reason and sanity are forgotten in the groundswell of mixed positive and negative emotions and reactions. One must differentiate between the complete retrogressive opinions that are coming about
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OPINION women, their dress, their liberation, their education, their changing roles in society, and their growing independence from men, being blamed for the increase in violence against women, and the equally retrogressive feeling of revenge and the bloodcurdling cries for burning, lynching and hanging the accused, regardless of the rule of law, and regardless of a Code of Criminal Procedure which says that :(i) every person is presumed to be innocent until he is proved guilty, (ii) every person has a right to defend himself in a court of law, (iii) every person has a right to be represented by an advocate, (iv) every person has a right to be tried by a law applicable to him and applicable to the crime he is alleged to have committed (v) every person, if he has to go to the gallows, and have the death penalty pronounced
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against him, has also got to have the satisfaction that he has had a fair trial which every civilized nation has the duty to provide him. The first opinion, which I have mentioned above, has to, and must be opposed vehemently, if it seeks to put the onus of sex related crimes on women and their being liberated from conservative notions and habits. The second opinion should however be condemned equally strongly as in the words of Amartya Sen “street protest is one thing, and street justice is quite another. The punitive system has to work through our judicial system.” We in a thinking society must stop to put things in perspective, we must strike a balance in our thinking, and we must realise and understand that there is a failure on the part of the entire system which led to such a heinous crime, which is not the first such crime and will not be the last.
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n It is a failure on the part of the police, who more often than not are responsible for breaking the law rather than enforcing the law, n it is the failure of the public who is always too reluctant to react, to respond and to help in situations like this one, n it is the failure on the part of our leaders who are hesitant to lead at times like this,and instead say, or do not say, what the public and the media demands of them to say, n it is a failure on the part of a sluggish judicial system, which does not bring the perpetrators of such crimes to speedy justice so that it acts as a deterrent for other such crimes, n it is a failure of the values and aspirations of many in our country who are consumed by a voracious consumerism, taken up by commercialization and advertisements that all speak a message of possessing material goods at all costs, and also use
OPINION sexual messages, of how one is to obtain these goods, it is a failure of our educational system n which no longer imparts value based education to its children, but instead teaches each child that he has to be the best and succeed at all costs, n it is a failure of an educational system that exists in a society and country that has passed a Right to Education Act, which though it guarantees education to every child in the country, in reality has a different quality of education for children depending on the economic background they come from, n it is a failure on the part of all of us in society who fail to see the large disparity in wealth, opportunity, facilities for food, education, medical care, shelter and housing,and employment opportunities between different segments of our society, so that we close our minds, hearts and eyes to the fact that 40 % of our people do not have even the basic necessities for living a human existence, while a few of us wallow in un-necessary luxury and vulgar wealth, and still want more! One can go on and on about what failures are responsible for such incidents. It was very good and very important that there were spontaneous protests and candlelight vigils all over the country, it was very important that there was an awakening among one and all,and an outpouring of anger, grief, and indignation, but there also has to be realization that if things have to improve then there is a very difficult job to be done by one and all. One must stop and take a holistic view about the reasons for such incidents occurring, and must think of a multipronged approach to the problem, so that instead of knee jerk reactions, we can work out a way together with all concerned people in society, a way to tackle all the root causes which lead to such incidents in a supposedly civilized society. This mass outpouring of grief and anger should be channelized constructively so that reactions should all be constructive and not destructive. It should be channelised so that we will not have people taking the law in their own hands, crying for blood and revenge, and wanting to do summary justice as they think fit, disregarding all laws relating to the criminal justice system. We must think in terms of n Tackling the problem culturally and ideologically by evaluating the values that are prevalent in our society. Tackling the problem institutionally by n looking inward at the executive, legislative, judicial, police system, and educational system. n There should be a careful evaluation of the way the media, the social networks, the advertising system, the entertainment system are creating a 17
culture of consumerism, sexually explicit messages, and generally using the female body as a means of drawing attention to whatever it thinks it is important to draw attention to! n There should be a soul searching as to how not only the police, the government, and the judiciary should implement or enforce or interpret laws, but as to how common people in every area and community, should become aware of the injustices and problems faced in their respective areas, and there should be an effort on the part of every citizen to see that justice, equality, fraternity, and respect of every human being man or woman should be the cornerstone of everything we do within the communities where we live regardless of the caste, creed, or religion we belong to. We have to realise that not only do we have to join candle-light vigils and protests, that not only do we have to tweet and comment at our laptops and computers, that not only do we have to attend panel discussions and write articles, but that we have to make a conscious effort to take action in whatever field we work in, to stand up for values and efforts that will prevent such incidents happening in our country. n While there should be no tolerance of antiwoman statements and actions, there should be at the same time tolerance and respect of both the sexes, so that both can complement each other in healing wounds that have been created. n Proper parenting models, changes in the ways families bring up their male and female children, and value based education, has to replace the consumerist, sexist, and materialistic ambitions that are being propagated among young people these days. n Finally those who are more fortunate in society to have secure livelihoods and secure lives, have to begin to think of the people in our society who do not have available to them even the basic necessities of a human existence. We have to begin to think that they even have a right to a share in a “Shining India”, and we have to work towards that end. Voluntarily a child rights worker for many years I have been working on routine basis in the yards of the Juvenile Justice Boards and in the Legal Aid rooms in order to provide assistance to children who come under the purview of the Juvenile Justice Act. I have worked in the last seven years, both with children in need of care and protection and children in conflict with the law, and I believe in the philosophy of Juvenile Justice which says every society is responsible for the well being and care of its children up to the age of eighteen years, especially if they are marginalised, helpless and powerless to do anything for themselves. I beALL RIGHTS
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OPINION of care and protection before they come into a world of crime, has not been implemented fully because of the failure of the Government and society to implement it in its true spirit. Can we then say that the Act is not sufficient to reform children and ought to punish them instead? About the controversy about age being changed from 18 years to 16 years, there has been a long evolution and a great deal of deliberation and thinking which went into the process of changing the age from 16 to 18 years in the year 2000. With the occurrence of just one ghastly incident, should we disregard all the study and thinking that went into the earlier change? If those in the 16-18 year age group are put into adult jails and dealt with harshly by the adult criminal system, society will be failing them in giving them a chance to rehabilitate and reform themselves. When it comes to our own children making mistakes do we not want to give them a chance to make amends and reform themselves? It just happens that one has to have a cut off date at some point. Further the Statistics and Data that are being given out by people who have their own interests in changing the age from 18 to 16 years, in their frenzy to convince society that the age needs to be changed, are not portraying a true and complete picture that actually exists on the ground. In the first instance the increase in the number of children coming to the Juvenile Justice boards has increased not because crime amongst juveniles has increased, but because people have become more aware about juvenility, because of complaints filed in various courts especially the PIL in the Delhi High Court, the Police have realised that they cannot bluff their way through about the age of children they put in adult jails, as it is easier to do that and forget about them. The children who used to languish in adult jails for years on end are now coming to Juvenile Justice Boards, as they should, and so the impression is that juvenile crime has increased. As a result of the ongoing PIL in the Delhi High Court teams from the National Commission for the Protection of Child Rights, and the Delhi Legal Services Authority, have visited Tihar Jail and processed applications from a number of inmates who claimed to be below 18 years of age on the date of commission of offence. The process is ongoing and enquiries are still going on, but of 295 applications where the age enquiry, has been completed by the legal aid advocates, 168 turned out to be juveniles who had been wrongly put in Tihar as adults, and 123 turned out to be adults in the enquiry. The increase in juveniles coming before Juvenile Justice Boards is therefore not because of an increase in juvenile crime, but because they
“street protest is one thing, and street justice is quite another. The punitive system has to work through our judicial system.” -Amartya sen, Nobel laureate lieve that society has to protect its children upto that age, rather than protect itself from its children, and if we look deep into ourselves we will see that when it comes to our own children we would like to protect them till they are even twenty-one years old! I happen to be the wife of the Chief Justice of India, but that has not made any difference to my working on a full time daily basis for the children I have spoken about above, and those who have been associated with my work and who know me, will bear me out I hope! I am not sharing this perspective as wife of the Chief justice of India, but as a person who has worked very closely with children in conflict with the law and children in need of care and protection, at the grass root level, on a daily basis for many years. It is because of the daily work I have been doing in the field of Juvenile Justice that I felt I needed to speak out in defence of the Juvenile Justice Act, because I felt I had to be a voice for the thousands of children who have touched my life,and whose lives I feel I have touched in the course of my work. I feel to have a right to speak out in support of the Juvenile Justice Act as a special law for children as a person who for many years, has walked withthese children and their families, through the problems they face when they come into conflict with the law. By providing legal aid which is the right of every woman and child, to them, we who have worked in the legal aid room of the Juvenile Justice Boards, have fought against all odds of an apathetic and uncaring society and Government, to give back to these children their lost childhood. Most of these children as our data will prove come from the poorest sections of our society, and because we have failed to provide them with even a basic support system, they come into crime because of poverty, because of a drug habit, because of a faulty peer group, because of dysfunctional families, because of an empty stomach, and because of adults who use them because of their conditions. The Juvenile Justice Act, which is to provide the Government and Statutory bodies with the instruments to rehabilitate and restore children in need ALL RIGHTS
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OPINION were masked as adults all these years, before an awareness of Juvenile Justice was created by child rights workers and activists. In the second instance about rapes among juveniles increasing I have the data of four thousand nine hundred and six children, whose enquiries came before the Juvenile Justice Boards in Delhi, and who have been assisted by the legal aid lawyers from the Delhi Legal Services Authority since the year 2007-2008 till date. n The data available with me is that of the 4906 enquiries done in legal aid since the last five years, there are 266 enquiries where the alleged accused is charged with rape. n Of the 266 rape charges, 69 were acquitted, 18 were adults, and 3 were discharged. These add up to 90 being removed from the 266 rape enquiries, so that we have 176 rape enquiries out of 4906 juvenile cases in Delhi! n This translates into 3.5 % of the enquiries in legal aid, which handles most of the enquiries in Delhi, and it means that of the crimes committed by 4906 juveniles only 3.5% were of rape. Again if one were to tabulate this data, one would realise that the number given in the Data with the National Crime Records Bureau relates to the numbers when the FIR is lodged. It does not reflect how many of these FIRs are of runaway underage lovers, where the girl’s Father has lodged a complaint of rape against the boy, and where the girl has consented to run away with the boy. It does not reflect how many of these end up with the boy being acquitted, or the charge being changed from rape to kidnapping, as the girl was underage. A further study would show that of the 176 rape enquiries with legal aid, about 50% would be of love affairs. About a further 30% would be of exploratory sex by boys in the age group of 12-14 years. Here the cause can be attributed to inadequate sex education, because of no support system of sex values and correct information, and because of too much exposure to sexually explicit messages on advertisements, movies, social networks and the media. In addition to this of the remaining few that could be of violent rape, as in adult rape, there are no repeat offenders, so one cannot say that they repeat their acts because the Juvenile Justice System deals them with lightly. Another point I would like to make is that there have been a number of statements that say that a juvenile who reaches eighteen, cannot be kept in a special home if he is convicted of a heinous offence and will have to be let out. This is not correct. A look at the Juvenile Justice Act will show that Section 15 (g) of the Juvenile Justice Act says that the maximum punishment for a juvenile is three 19
years, and Section 16 that he cannot be imprisoned for life, or given a death sentence. Section 15 (g) of the 2000 Act was amended in 2006, so that it reads differently from the same Section 15 (g) in 2000. Even if a juvenile has crossed 18 years when his enquiry is over but if he was under eighteen on the date of commission of the offence, the Board has the discretion to put him in a special home or a place of safety for three years after his enquiry is over. Finally I would like to add that every benevolent law made for a special group of people, whether for women, or children, or the elderly, or the differently abled, will always have some lacunae and will always have something missing. As society goes along implementing these beneficial and benevolent legislations, society evolves new thinking,society makes mistakes, and society has to rectify the mistakes and improve upon the law. Very often it is not the legislation that is wrong, but the implementation of the law that has failed and gone wrong. This does not mean that we throw the baby out with the bathwater. Society has to strike a balance and have a healthy debate about how best to implement a benevolent law so that it benefits the target group it was meant for, and ultimately benefits society who has to protect its vulnerable population. More than revisiting the age limit in the law, we need to look seriously at the implementation of the law, at preventive community awareness programmes for children and their families, not only in the cities but also in the rural areas, at rehabilitation and reformatory programmes for juveniles in the form of vocational trade-oriented training, open schooling where possible, availability of good counseling and probationary services for them, drug de-addiction programmes, and at better conditions in institutions when they have to be institutionalized in Observation Homes, in Special Homes or in Places of Safety. Instead of advocating that these young lives, which have come in conflict with the law, be locked up for the rest of their lives with adult criminals, we have to think of how we can reform them and give them a chance to rehabilitate themselves. We should not let our failure of implementing the laws come in the way of providing support to these children, and we should try to turn their lost childhood around, so that they have a chance to become responsible citizens. After they turn eighteen and then commit an offence, then it is up to them to either reform, or to face the consequences in an adult criminal justice system.n (Author is Delhi Based Child Rights activist.) ALL RIGHTS
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COLUMN
In Struggle, we unite Encountering women in social movements
Unless there is a churning which is transformatory in nature, agriculture will continue to be plundered just like the feminine bodies are assaulted with pride as is regularly reported in the media.
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by Kanchi Kohli
W
e were all gathered together under the shade of huge old tree. I can't seem to remember what species it was, as perhaps my mind was on to something else that day. If I had asked one of the women grouped together in conversation standing right besides me, they would have perhaps told me. But somehow it wasn't of much consequence that day as there were bigger worries to comprehend. As I took out my mobile to see if there was a signal in this remote village in rural Odisha, I felt a tap on my shoulder with a feeble voice which asserted itself. One of the many women gathered together protesting against the setting up of a steel plant and captive port in Jagatsinghpur district gently asked; “do you think we will be arrested today? And will the po20
lice beat us and mishandle us again? You are from the outside world, surely you know what is happening” I just watched them spellbound, and shook my head as I had no clue how to respond to them. They had all come together with small sickles and sticks ready to march kilometres so that they could make one more effort to save their farms and forests from industrial take over. While they were ready for the uncertain, my fellow striders could have done with some assurance. As I write today, many of them are back on guard, with their men and children saving their livelihood, cultures and lives from constant threat of the south Korean major POSCO winning against their eight year old struggle. The bewildered minds and disapproving resolve of the women of Dhinkia continue to strengthen the struggle even though they would
COLUMN much rather be back sorting out the beetle leaves, or living their everyday routines. But the designs of the government of Odisha and the highest offices of the Government of India (GoI) is just not willing to let go. POSCO today has become a significant landmark and a critical struggle representing the resolve of men and women alike, challenging the notions of the national government that land can be grabbed cheap and thriving livelihoods compromised. More often than not, women have their own way of viewing the world. Be it their reasons to join the struggle against agencies like POSCO aided by the state, or even proactively being the visionaries to find solutions in situations of crisis. The leadership of dalit women farmers in Deccan Andhra presents one such determination. When I met the dalit women farmers of Medak district over ten years ago, I knew little about their millet philosophy. For them, reviving biodiverse millet farming on their small farms under the harshest of soil conditions was not just about ascertaining economic well-being. It was an effort to reassert a way of life where the feminine view of the world took precedence. The agricultural farm was no longer the place where machines drilled monoculture crops which went straight to the market to be sold which is exactly where the fresh seeds for the next season's crops were procured. Women such as those in Deccan Andhra and many other communities across India who understand millets as a concept and not just a crop articulate its importance in resolving the widespread agricultural crisis in India. It is millets which are the key addressing issues of farmer suicides and rampant soil degradation. They say this because over the years millets have time and again withstood challenges and provided people with food, water, fibre, health, nutrition, livelihood and ecological balance. The millet based mixed farming system had an inbuilt food security. It ensured food security for rural households as the failure of one crop was balanced by the survival of another. Every farmer who has practiced mixed farming will tell you that it allows different crops to complement each other’s requirements of nutrient content in soils and gives us examples of how people’s logics and science operates successfully. Today, even though the government policy has begun talking about farming of major millets like jowar, bajra and ragi; it is only toward creating more monoculture farms and replacing biodiverse farming knowledges. It is not a system driven towards achieving people's food sovereignty but creation of large land holdings which can be under contract and corporate 21
farming. The injustice to the core value of millet led farming systems is exactly what the women farmers of Medak continue to challenge. If it has not been obvious till now, here is my attempt to emphasise. Both the above examples bring out both the contextual realities where modern industry and science have sought to transform landscapes and how people connect to their natural environments. In the first instance the take over of the villages in Jagatsinghpur seeks to disenfranchise communities from what they call home and where they find work. Their way of life is to pave the way of large foreign investments which is what the governments have envisioned as being essential to realise India's industrial dreams. In the second, there is an inherent disregard to the high nutrition and resilient nature of millet crops by mainstream agriculture policies which firmly believes in creating a business out of it. In such a vision farming and farm inputs like seeds are not to be in the custodianship of small and marginal farmers. They are to be refrained from free exchange and sharing. What is viable in the agribusiness dream is large farm, propriety inputs and food controlled by a few transnational corporations. It might appear that I am attempting to present binaries where the caring, cultivating, fertile ways of viewing nature are being taken over by mechanised, extractive and domineering forms. It would treat natural elements are objects which can be used as and when required as if it would be a rightful act. There is a possibility that sometimes these binaries blend into each blurring the way one can judge the way human beings decide to relate with nature or ecosystem. It is not always that custodians remain responsible or extractors are entirely insensitive. But is that might be an exception rather than the rule. As the world speeds ahead to conquer the mantle of economic supremacy which waits for no-one; country's are being challenged with their own internal loss of values. When millets are turn into commerce, women protesting to hold on to their homes “man”handled and when patriarchal ways of viewing the world take over, there is bound to be a churning. Unless there is a churning which is transformatory in nature, agriculture will continue to be plundered just like the feminine bodies are assaulted with pride as is regularly reported in the media. At the same time our social ethos continue to crumble under the weight of the political unwillingness to address the reasons why an act of exploitation is allowed to occur in the first place.n (Author is Social and Environmental activist.) ALL RIGHTS
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SPECIAL ARTICLES
Fight for Jal, Jungle aur Zameenthe Saga continues by ROMA
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istory repeats itself, it is said. However in India history is recalled often with little bit distortion here and there. The controversy surrounding dilution of Forest Right Act (FRA) when transferring forest land for mega projects has already created a buzz in the power corridors even when the mainstream media remain lackadaisical in its approach. Union Tribal Affairs and Panchayati Raj Minister Kishore Chandra Deo, has expressed his reservations over the Forest Rights Act, 2006 being modified in order to accommodate mega projects. Mr Deo, in a letter to Minister of State, Environment and Forests (MoEF) Jayanthi Natarajan, has demanded that there be no dilution in the MoEF order of August 2009, which makes forest clearances conform to the FRA. Withdrawing or modifying the order would weaken the Government's case for cancelling the diversified resources MNC Vedanta's mining rights in Odisha's Niyamgiri Hills. The company appealed against this move in the Supreme Court. The outcome of government versus Vedanta case has a bearing on the entire forest people and mining industry, as it may bring more clarity on mining permissions. The apex court decision will also testify the violation of assent proviso of FRA which was cited as a reason for cancelling the mining rights of Vedanta. It is more than six year since 23
the special Act for forest dwelling community “The Scheduled Tribe and Other Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Rights) Act, 2006, most popularly known as “Forest Rights Act (FRA)” has been enacted. But the troika of business-politics-elite which seeks control over resources continues to infringe the rights guaranteed to the “forest dwellers” in FRA. The preamble of the Act firmly states that “An Act to recognize and vest the forest rights and occupation in the forest land for the forest dwelling Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest dwellers…And whereas the forest rights on ancestral lands and their habitat were not adequately recognized in the consolidation of State forests during the colonial period as well as in independent India resulting in ‘historic injustices’ to the forest dwelling Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest dwellers…” Our Parliament for the first time after independence admitted on the floor of the house that the ‘historic injustices’ have been committed on forest people and hence their forest and land rights should be recognized. The intention of the Act is to recognize these rights, yet the historic injustices are not defined properly in the Act. The livelihood of forest dwellers is directly linked with the political economy of natural resources on the contrary it is also a source of earning billions of revenue for the state practiced since colonial days. This paper attempts to explore this issue through the lens ALL RIGHTS
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SPECIAL ARTICLES of historic injustices, while the struggle of forest people undergoes a sluggish but significance phase. Historic Injustices and Forest movements The process of historical injustice started from colonial rule when the colonial state initiated an economic process for accumulation of capital by encroaching upon natural resources (forest, land, water), in the 19th century. Although the annexation of the forest started in 18th century, at the same time when colonial power also started annexing political power in various states in Indian subcontinent. The section of Indian merchant class joined with the British colonial power in accumulating capital and thus became a big partner of exploitation of natural resources and using adivasis and moolniwasis as cheap labour to strengthen the colonial power. There is strong linkage with the concept of modern Indian State with this exploitative economic process. The concept of modern Indian nation-state grew with this exploitative system very strongly during the period of national movement. However, seldom the relationship between the exploitive colonial system and growth of Indian nationstate concept was questioned. Whenever such questions were raised even in embryonic form it was brutally crushed. The mainstream national politics never ushered in fundamental change in colonial administrative system and more importantly in the socio-economic structure which was based on reactionary feudal and Bhraminical ideology. The history of the forest struggle in India is around 250 years old. The torch bearers of this struggle were illiterate, poor, simple adivasis and forest dwelling people. The British ALL RIGHTS
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Colonial Empire faced resistance with these struggles ever since they invaded and started massive exploitation of forests for their commercial interests. This series of historic struggles for past 250 years were fought under the leadership of tribal leaders like Tilka Majhi(Jabra Pahadia), Sidhu Kanhu, Birsa Munda, Tana Bhagat (now in Jharkhand), whose struggle not only forced British to keep off from the forest but also forced them to enact such legislations that ensured community governance. These historic Acts such as Chhota Nagpur Tenancy Act1908, Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act-1912, Vanpanchayat Rules 24
(Uttarakhand)-1931 are few examples of such Acts passed after the historic struggles. But such Acts were enacted in a piecemeal way and they were weakened further after independence. On the contrary the colonial Acts that were anti people and anti environment like Indian Forest Act-1927 (which were enacted primarily to earn the revenue from the forest) were strengthened to give more power to the colonial institution Forest Department (FD) that became the biggest landlord in independent India. The power usurped by FD through appropriating million hectare of forest and revenue land after independence was
SPECIAL ARTICLES against the spirit of Constitution of our Country. At present the control of land is the major conflict between forest dwelling tribals and dalits and state. These historical injustices are still to be defined is a big challenge for the forest people. The historical injustice committed on forest villages are of more serious in nature. These villages were settled by the Forest Department in order to plant and regenerate the forest in 1920’s. Many of the existing revenue villages situated in deep forests were converted into forest villages by Britishers. These villages somewhere are also known as ‘Taungiya villages’, fixed demand or any other type of village were settled in UP, Uttarakhand, MP, West Bengal, TN, Maharashtra, Tripura, Assam, Gujarat, Jharkhand etc. Official record put them as 2474 villages but they are around 7000 of them (according Late Dr. Chattrapati Singh, an environmental lawyer. But unfortunately State has not done any effort till now to do a proper survey of these villages who have contributed tremendously in planting thousands and thousands acres of forest. The fraud committed by State on Forest People Indian society for thousands of years has remained divided in hierarchical caste system, which created two very distinct classes- privileged and under privileged. While the privileged (elites), through their control over the kingdoms owned the resources and while the under-privileged had virtually no resources of their own and thus remained dependent on the elites for survival. However, indigenous societies (adivasis) remained outside the hierarchical Hindu social structure and this was one of the main reasons for conflict with the mainstream. Therefore one needs to challenge the very root of continuing historical injustice. Why there is continuing conflict between Indian State and adivasis & moolnivasis? The post independence governments have always brushed aside the issues of agrarian reforms and tribals in India. Before effective Land reform act could be enacted in the country, vast tracts of forest vested with the erstwhile Princely estates, Zamindars, Talukdars were transferred to FD without processing the settlement of rights. These included the forest and forest land in the boundary of the Gram Sabha. To list an example of Bihar and UP, where the movement against Zamindari system was very strong, just before Landlord and Land Reform Act (ZA Act) could be enacted, the forests of both these States (that included Uttarakhand and Jharkhand also) were vested with FD by bringing a new legislation Private Forest Act in 1948, that was enacted hurriedly in respective Legislative Assemblies of Bihar and UP. In 1955 these 25
lands were again notified as protected forests according to Indian Forest Act-1927. The Land reform act came into effect in 1952 but enforcement of this act took another eight to ten years in these states. Before the land reform legislation could come into force Indian State strengthened F.D. to become a biggest land lord in the country that was very much against the spirit of the Constitution. ALL RIGHTS
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These were all illegal transfers of land, as none of the State revenue laws has any provision of transfer lands under the jurisdiction of Gram Sabha to FD. In a study conducted by National Forum of Forest People and Forest Worker (NFFPFW) in U.P. on transfer of land to FD in between 1947 to 2000, it was found that more than 30 lakh acres of land has been transferred to FD through notifications done in gazette in this period. A glaring example could be traced in Khunti district of Jharkhand which is “Khuttkatti” area (the area under the control of Munda tribes, the land records of these lands is still with Munda tribes and not with the state), where Chhota Nagpur Tenancy (CNT) Act is applicable since 1908. Around 450 villages had the control of forest land and forest according to this Act. The land record are with the tribal Munda, but here also in 1955 FD demarcated its own boundary in this very area without going for verification of rights and demarcation and without the consultation of ALL RIGHTS
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Munda tribe. The Revenue Department notification dated July 1, 1955 read that “The forest and the waste lands comprised in this notification shall be called Protected Forests. The nature of extent of rights and government and of private person in and over the forest and waste lands comprised in this notification has not been enquired and recorded as laid down in sec 29 of the IFA 1927, but as the State Government thinks that such enquiry and recording will occupy such length of time as in the 26
mean time to endanger the rights of the Government and as the enquiry and record-of-rights will hereafter be made this notification is issued subject to all existing rights of individuals or communities.” This happened in the area where communities were already in possession and CNT Act was powerful but even then by applying IFA-1927 the land was acquired fraudulently by FD without settling the claims. To cite some more examples from other states, in Himan-
SPECIAL ARTICLES chal Pradesh people of the State enjoyed rights from these forests well recorded in Wajib-ul-urz, which is a document of record of rights existed before British period in Urdu. This record of rights mentions the rights such as timber for house construction, grazing rights, timber for making agricultural implements, grass for thatched roof, fodder, fuel wood, looping trees for cattle, Chirgoza and Kail dry leaves for bedding of cattles, wood for ceremonies, dry wood for dead etc. These rights are known as ‘Bartandari Rights’ in local language in HP. In 1927 (according to Indian Forest Act) settlement of 24 rights were recorded. But over the years these rights have been transformed into concession. While entering into twenty-first century all these concessions were eliminated too. The landless and other poor communities who depended on forest and commons were termed as “encroachers” in independent India. The Timber Distribution (TD) rights that people enjoyed from the commons was taken over by the forest department who controls the TD rights of the villages. The fact is that despite the FRA legislation that strongly advocates community rights the act has not been implemented in non schedule areas of HP. The land that belongs to community is being diverted to big multinational companies and mega hydro projects such as Jaypee, Lafarg without giving forest and environmental clearance. The cement factory in Majathal sanctuary in district Mandi, Renuka Dam in district Sirmour and hydropower projects in district Kinnaur to name the few are proposed to be halted by the various committee reports due to its nonviability. Similarly, in Uttarakhand (previously U.P. Hills) 65 percent of the total land is forest land where after historic struggles two types of forest management were being practiced since the British Raj. Van Panchayats in British Garhwal areas used to manage the forest adjacent to the villages which would provide fuel, fodder and other MFPs for daily use. Van Panchayats were under revenue department and not under FD but over the years various amendments were done in Van Panchayats rules and gradually taken over by FD and virtually they became nonfunctional except in some areas where women have taken some initiatives. This had a very adverse impact on the communities since large scale commercialisation of forest produces and commercial plantation was started. The famous Chipko Movement started in the 70s in the tribal areas of Nanda Devi to stop commercialisation in forest. The Van Panchayat rules were never converted into Act despite a strong movement by local residents. Even then the FD and the Uttarakhand Govt are both opposing 27
the implementation of FRA in the hilly region saying that the FRA is not applicable in Uttarakhand. Such fraud has been done in other states also by the FD in connivance with the Revenue department in order to expand its territory. The fraud by State in Orissa has been totally exposed in the case of Vedanta in Niyamagiri hills and Posco in Jagatsinghapur where State is hand in glove with the multinationals in the loot of nation’s natural wealth and biodiversity. The corporate loot was exposed by strong and sustained movements by the local community and supported by other people’s movements forced the central government to take some positive steps. Two committees formed for evaluation of these projects Saxena Committee and Meena Gupta Committee brought forth the facts that in both the cases Forest Rights Act, Forest conservation Act and Environment Protection Act were grossly violated. Following these reports the Ministry of Environment and Forests’ (MoEF) cancelled the Vedanta mining permit because it violated the assent proviso. The August 2009 order of MoEF makes forest clearances conform to the FRA. The struggle continues Ramchander Rana, a member of Tharu tribe and Tharu Adivasi Mahila Mazdoor Kisan Manch, resident of Surma village in Dudhwa National Park says very clearly that “aab jungle ke andar sarkar aur logo ke beech mein sidhi takkar hai.” (Now there is a direct conflict for forest, between the government and the people living inside the areas). The adivasis residing in the forest are quite clear that this conflict is over the control of natural resources and minerals, the conflict is of community governance vs corporate interests. “ Tum apni sarkar Dilli me chalao, hame hamara jungle wapas de do” (You rule your government in Delhi and give us back our forest) said Hulsi in a public hearing. Hulsi belongs to Darma, a tribal village of Sonbhadra district in U.P. where the women under the banner of Kaimur Khhetra Mahila Mazdoor Kisan Sangharsh Samiti reclaimed about 500 acres of land from the clutches of FD in 2005 and initiated and continuing collective agricultural production since then. The period of year 2002 to 2006 is very important in the struggles of forest people that resulted into enactment of FRA in the year 2006. In 2002 following the FD order, supported by the Supreme Court, large scale evictions took place inside the forest areas across the country and a strong resistance movement started in almost all the forest areas at that time. To name few of them are the struggles in Rewa of MP, Assam, Orissa, Kerala, ALL RIGHTS
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SPECIAL ARTICLES Jharkhand, Bihar, UP and Uttarakhand. Just before the enactment of FRA in many areas such as in Kaimur area of UP, Jharkhand and Bihar, where the forest land conflicts are most complicated, the forest people started reclaiming their lost land that was robbed away from them during the colonial and post-colonial period. Around 20,000 acres of land were reclaimed in the leadership of dalit and adivasi women in Kaimur of these three States. Similar movement also started in Rewa district of MP where tribal and other forest dwellers reclaimed around 4000 acres of land. In both the areas the struggles were branded as Maoist struggles and unabated State violence started. Many were arrested, sent to jail, beaten, false FIRs were filed on thousands of tribal men and women, but this did not lessen the spirit of people and not an inch of land that was reclaimed was relinquished. The forest dweller movement in Assam evolved after the brutal eviction by FD by using elephants in 2002. The organization of OTFD (Other Traditional Forest Dweller) has emerged as a major political force under the leadership of Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS) that is not only addressing the issue of forest rights but also the question of ‘big dams’ that will devastate the entire landscape, culture of Assamese people. Munnilal, a prominent community leader from (Taungiya forest village settler of Uttarakhand) Van Gram Avam Bhumi Adhikar Manch recalls, “we the forest people have attained independence only on December 15, 2006 and not on August 15, 1947, when FRA was enacted in Indian Parliament. This is independence from tyrant rule of Forest Department (FD) which is the carrier of colonial legacy”. Noor Alam, leader of the nomadic tribe Van Gujjar community of Rajaji National Park had to say something further “why there is so much of hue and cry of saving the environment, no climate can be protected without ensuring the rights of the people living in the forest, nobody talks about that. Even the animals are talked about but we the human beings who have a very symbiotic relationship with the forest are not consulted in any of the conservation programme and no one discusses about us as if we do not exist”. The Central and the State governments are still hesitant in showing their political will in implementing this historic Act. But at the grass-root level this act has given voices to the forest dwelling communities to spell out what these historical injustices are. The enactment of new legislation FRA has opened up a debate about these historical injustices and intensified struggles in various forest ALL RIGHTS
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areas on the issue of land reform inside the forest areas that remained unaddressed since last six decades. The forest area that remained in the eminent domain of FD, which is 23 percent of the total land area of the country raises a big question, how FD became biggest landlord in independent India? The Parliament, the Supreme Court and the government needs to answer these questions now and reveal the truth to the nation regarding theft of the natural resources under the garb of colonial laws. Then only these historical injustices can be undone and real power could be delegated to people of this country who are considered to be ‘outsiders’ or ‘encroachers’ by the Indian state. Now the forest people are challenging not only the FD and the local administration but also the local feudal forces and mafias and thus creating new alliances in the region. In this course, a formation of new composite class is emerging. Activist Soumitra Ghosh of National Forum of Forest People and Forest Workers and Campaign for Survival and Dignity, while hailing the passage of the 2006 Bill as “a watershed event”, displayed foresight in making the following comment : “One thing is however clear. The Act — however well-meaning it may be — by itself solves nothing and just because it is there, the State is not going to hand over forest rights to people on a silver platter.The Forest Department and its coercive bureaucratic apparatus and its cronies like the timber mafia won't just vanish, and neither will big conservation NGOs cease to raise a stink each time people really get some rights. The development menace would remain, and both forests and people will be destroyed as usual, for dams, factories, roads and mines. The Act changes nothing until forest struggles lend it teeth and turn it into a weapon”. There is a growing fear among observers that forcing clearances for mega projects that involve concerns going beyond investment has ominous implications for the nation's security and ecology. Therefore Souparna Lahiri of All India Forum of Forest Movements castigates MoEF for considering “any vegetation of more than one hectare with more than 10 percent canopy density, including tea and coffee plantations” as forest cover. Even so, the maximum amounts to 23 percent forest cover. He points out that “huge tracts of forests have been diverted for industrial and allied purposes”, leading to loss of biodiversity, livelihoods and food for animals.n (Author is Forest Rights activist. she can be contacted at romasnb@gmail.com) 28
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Direct Cash Transfer and Voting behavior ALL RIGHTS
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by SUBODH KUMAR
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o solution is without 10 problems in India. You can always find ten problems for one solution. The key to avoiding corruption at the beneficiary end is to give the beneficiary the choice of business correspondents- Jairam Ramesh, Union Minister for Rural Development. Aap ka paisa, aapke haath (your money in your hands) is the slogan coined by UPA II to promote the “Direct Cash Transfer”(DCT) scheme which has been rolled out in phases, initially covering 20 districts (out of 51 announced earlier) from 1 January 2013 and the entire country (640 districts) by end 2013. Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government on January 8, finally bite the bullet and kicked off the
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Brazil has the largest cash transfer scheme in the world and it has had a measure of success in fighting poverty.
direct cash transfer scheme. It has been expected that there will no change in the schemes for the direct cash transfer; rather method of payment to beneficiaries would be changed. As a pilot project, the schemes like pension, scholarship and rural employment guarantee scheme beneficiaries having bank, Adhar cards will get direct cash transfer to their respective bank accounts. The scheme has been severely criticised by various political parties including the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), terming a scheme to lure voters and to get mileage in the 2014 general election. The big question rises, is the scheme of direct cash transfer launched in hurry? Since, most of the villages even lack banks and beneficiaries have no bank account, how the cash to be transferred and in what time it is going to achieve the complete set up. For the current fiscal year, the government to pay the subsidies of around 1.8 lack crore for food, fertizer and fuel subsidies. The number of subsidies beneficiaries may be high in number count. In practically, it is very hard to have 31
that much infrastructure and administration to cop up with the proper implementation of the cash direct transfer scheme. The major drawback would be the implementation of the direct cash transfer in the mega schemes related to food, fertilizer and fuel. It seems that UPA II wants to left no stone unturned in exerting effort towards implementing cash transfer scheme on a mass scale before 2014 general elections. Brazil has the largest cash transfer scheme in the world and it has had a measure of success in fighting poverty. Its experience shows that cash transfers, when implemented properly, are at best a necessary condition for poverty alleviation. Supply side constraints have to be removed if the increased purchasing power is not to lead to unbridled inflation that will hurt the poor badly.
DCT is the silver bullet for poverty reduction? If we discuss the current perception the question arises- can cash transfer scheme replaces public provision of basic goods and services and become a ALL RIGHTS
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SPECIAL ARTICLES catch- all solution for poverty reduction? The answer is NO, if cash transfers have helped to reduce poverty, they have added to public provision, not replaced it. For crucial items like food, direct provision protects poor consumers from rising prices and is part of a broader strat-
magazine)opposing government plan for accelerated mass conversion of welfare scheme to Unique Identification Authority (UID)- driven cash transfers. Raising doubts to the Congress-led UPA government’s strategy and efficiency to implement the much hyped cash
be voluntary, not compulsory. (7) UID should be kept out of the PDS, National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) and other essential entitlement programmes for the time being as essential services are not a suitable field of experimentation. Many of the people have been part of struggles to expand social security pensions and improve their delivery and they must be having serious reservations about the government’s rush to link these cash transfers to “Aashaar” because the linking of the schemes can cause huge disruption.
PDS system
egy to ensure domestic supply. Problems like targeting errors and diversion from deserving recipients are likely to be even more pronounced with cash transfers and cannot be eliminated through technological fixes like the UID. Describing the direct cash transfer scheme as the “largest experiment” to reform a “broken down delivery system the Union Minister Jairam Ramesh has also said that it was no magic wand and more work was needed to make it successful on ground. Earlier in the first week of January,2013 few social activists comprising M.S. Swaminathan, Aruna Roy, Amiya Kumar Bagchi with 205 others shot a letter which was published in Economic and Political Weekly (a weekly ALL RIGHTS
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transfer scheme without surfacing any plan in public domain which confirm its fruitfulness, the intellectuals and activists in their letter say that the plan could cause havoc and massive social exclusion. In the letter they demanded that: (1) No replacement of food with cash under the public distribution system (PDS). (2) Immediate enactment of a comprehensive National Food Security Act (NFSA), including universal PDS. (3) Cash transfers should not substitute for public services. (4) Expand and improve appropriate cash transfers without waiting for UID. (5) No UID enrolment without a legal framework. (6) UID applications should 32
The introduction of cash transfers in lieu of food and other commodities supplied through PDS, for many reason, have been opposed by many people. Subsidies food from the PDS is a source of food and economic security for millions of poor families for whom life is a tale of constant struggle. It may possible that further revamp and reform to the PDS may alter the perception but hardly there is an iota of truth that the system is worthy to fulfill the assurances of the incumbent government with the expectations of the people in the society. However, in 2009-10, implicit transfers from the PDS wiped out about one-fifth of the “poverty gap” at the national level, and close to one half of it in states like Tamil Nadu and Chhattisgarh.
Banking System Sri Kshetra Dharmasthala Rural Development Project (SKDRDP) Executive Director Dr L H Manjunath says- Inclusive financial growth can be attained if the banks touch upon
SPECIAL ARTICLES the bottom of the pyramid which consists of 75 per cent of the Indian population. Banking displays a significant gender gap in the developing countries and there is a big difference between banking in the West (where is 89% of adults have accounts) and the developing world (41%). The difference is wider still when it comes to credit and debit cards. How a system (PDS) can be a game changer despite of the fact that 51 per cent of the Indian population do not possess bank accounts and lack access to financial facilities and it shows potential for the banks in the rural market. Evidently, the banking system in rural areas is not ready to handle large volumes of small transfers. Banks are often far and overcrowded. The alleged solution – banking correspondents – is fraught with problems. Post offices could possibly be converted into useful payment agencies, but this will take time.
Rural Markets Markets in India are truly homogeneous in nature and rural markets are often poorly developed. Dismantling the PDS would disrupt the
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flow of food across the country and put many people at the mercy of local traders at middlemen.
Concern of special group There are concerns of special groups such as single women, disabled persons and the elderly who cannot easily move around to withdraw their cash and buy food from distant markets.
PDS would be inflationary? There are many talks about whether the scheme would spur inflation or not would eventually depend on the Government's overall “budgetary position”. Few activists and intellectuals consider that inflation could easily erode the purchasing power of cash transfers. When the government refuses to index pensions or NREGA wages, how can it be trusted to index cash transfers to the price level? Even if some indexation does happen, small delays or gaps in price information could cause significant hardship for poor people. However, the consideration had shunned by
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SPECIAL ARTICLES T.C.A. Anant, Chief Statistician of India who said that the Union Government's flagship direct cash transfer (DCT) scheme is “not inflationary” and termed it “a step in the right direction” to reduce leakages in the subsidy system.
Voting behavior The scheme has been severely criticised by various political parties including the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), terming a scheme to lure voters and to get mileage in the 2014 general election. With this BJP has set the ball rolling for a hectic political debate whether voters will re-
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spond to targeted cash transfers and how far these transfers can foster support for incumbent government. With designing political and legislative mechanism incumbent government can get political mileage by bringing cash transfer scheme into effect, says a study from the World Bank. The Indian government’s ambitious direct cash transfer scheme using the UID or Aadhaar number as a base may provide rich benefits to the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government in next general elections. The report says, at present over 40 countries use conditional cash transfer (CCT) pro-
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grams to provide money to poor families, mostly through women. However, several of these countries saw the incumbent who has started the CCT programs reaping political mileage in next election. According to a policy research working paper prepared by the World Bank , there is a political economy aspect of such conditional cash transfers or CCT programs. “In theory, anti-poverty programs such as CCTs may play a role in influencing individual political participation—in the form of voting—and preferences, strengthening democratic representation but also producing electoral rewards. For instance, by partly changing the economic circumstances of households, transfer receipts could persuade participant households to exercise their right to vote,” the study ‘Conditional Cash Transfers, Political Participation, and Voting Behaviour’, says. The much hyped CCT programs, started over 15 years ago in Latin America, are now used in over 40 countries across the world. Even though certain program characteristics vary from country to country, in general, standard CCTs provide money to poor families, through women, contingent upon investments in the human capital of their children, such as regular school attendance, basic preventive healthcare and better nutrition. The finding focuses that a large number of CCTs have been subject to rigorous valuations, most of which show that they have fuelled the twin primary objectives of alleviating poverty in the short term and building the human capital of poor children. The possibility of reaping electoral returns by strategi-
SPECIAL ARTICLES cally allocating targeted transfers to strengthen political prospects is not only a theoretical prediction but also an issue that has caught the attention in current public debates. Conjectures on possible political rewards linked to participation in CCTs have been reported in the media following presidential elections in Ecuador, Peru, Mexico and Brazil. In the specific case of Colombia, different media outlets speculated right before the 2010 presidential election that the official government had used the expansion and allocation of Familias en Accion (FA), a large scale CCT program to systematically increase its votes. More recently, and perhaps due to current debates on the possible misallocation of program benefits by local politicians, the government of Colombia has passed laws to make of Familias en Accion a formal national poverty reduction program. To further avoid political capture of the program, the law bans enrolling new beneficiaries three months before major elections. The study points out that despite potential interactions between government policies and voter decision making, little evidence is available to assess whether conditional social transfers encourage people to vote and influence their political choices. Rigorous evidence on the subject however, is starting to emerge. Using individual level self-reported data, Manacorda et al (2011) find that beneficiaries of PANES—a large and temporary unconditional Cash Transfer Program in Uruguay—express larger support for the incumbent that implemented the program. The authors attribute that extra support to the inference
of beneficiaries on the politicians’ redistributive preferences as well as from reciprocity. Similarly, evidence for Romania shows that incumbents gained political support through a program aimed at helping poor families purchase a computer, the World Bank study says. The World Bank says it studied the effect of enrolment in FA, a Colombian CCT program, on the intent to vote, turn out and on electoral choice during the 2010 presidential election. “We provide evidence that relative to non-participants, FA beneficiaries of voting age are 1.6-2.5 percentage points more likely to register to vote. A standard deviation increase in the proportion of FA beneficiaries, at each booth, results in a 1.6-1.8 percentage point increase in the probability of casting a ballot and a 1.5 percentage point increase in the probability of voting for the incumbent party under which the program was expanded. This effect is stronger for women, who are the direct recipients of the cash transfer as established by the program rules. The elected candidate won in the run-off election with a large margin (69% of the votes), thus our results are unlikely to explain the final outcome. However, they show that voters respond to targeted transfers and that these transfers can foster support for incumbents, thus making the case for designing political and legislative mechanisms that avoid successful anti-poverty schemes from being captured by political patronage,” the study pointed out. If we talk about India, the congress-led union government is facing criticism with several allegations over 2G 35
telecom scam, Coalgate and many others. The UPA, under the leadership of Manmohan Singh was able to retain power at the Centre twice since 2004 and 2009. With the country slated to go for next general election in 2014, the UPA is facing difficulties on several fronts. The country has witnesses its citizens’ rage following the New Delhigang rape case. Manmohan led-UPA government also facing uphill on the diplomatic fronts with the present ceasefire continues from the Pakistan side and spar erupted between both countries over the barbaric mutilation of two Indian soldiers along the Line of Control (LoC). Now, the situation opposite parties and several citizens are raising questions on the intention of the union government to roll out its ambitious direct cash transfer (DCT) scheme, using the UID or Aadhaar. Opposing the move, Communist Party of India (Marxist) or CPI(M) has said that the Union Government's direct cash transfer scheme is “antipoor” as it would actually cut subsidies due to the high inflation rate and not cover the rising prices of foodgrains. India has been divided into two parts, one group consisting of the privileged class of people who have access to the best of the financial facilities and another India where the disadvantaged and vulnerable live. Surely it will be a litmus test for the UPA government to make the DCT scheme effectible so that it reach out to identified beneficiaries and can plug leakages in PDS and how it can be a “game changer” for congress. n subodh@bdtv.in ALL RIGHTS
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LAND ACQUISITION
Whose Land Acquisition? by P.V. Rajgopal & Jill Carr Harris
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n the yearlong tour around India in 2011-12 we were able to document 800 land struggles in 334 districts, and this seemed to give an indication of the scale at which land transfers are going on in rural India today –probably there are many more that remain undocumented (See EktaParishad’s 2012 publication, Whose Land?). Most of these 800 can be grouped under what we would call “Land Acquisition”, meaning that the government has assisted the buyers in acquiring the land, by extracting small plots of land from farmers
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and aggregating these plots into large holdings which are then sold to buyers with substantial power and influence. This according to the government will reap benefits for all. Actually our observation tells an opposite story: this leaves the small holders without land, and with few other options of getting back into the land market. It is for this reasonwe have 800 land struggles going on around the country. These arestruggles, because of the potential conflicts that are generated; when land is extracted at a cost from group and given to a second groupas a benefit, this leads to discontent. In this
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LAND ACQUISITION case many small and big farmers are in a state of discontent. The Government of India’s response to these conflicts was to amend (and later reframe) the 1894 Act on Land Acquisition, a law under British colonial India that was used to extract land from local Indian people. This passed recently in late 2012 as theLand Acquisition Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, after much wrangling by different interest groups. It is symptomatic of the kind of commodification of rural landscapes that has happened in the recent past and how land has become valorized, even in far-off places. The Act does ensure that 80% people have to give their consent to any land
being acquired, which in itself is a great achievement. This however has to be taken with a grain of salt because corporate practices in India are able to circumvent laws to get land resources given the weak regulatory systems and level of corruption in the administrative services. The bureaucrats and political representatives work in defense of their own interests to suppress the voices of opposition groups. These voices whether in public or in organized non-violent opposition forums,need to be heard, if democratic rights are to prevail. It is the opinion of the author that to work to solve these problems through a process of dialogue rather than leaving it to the police forces “to bring order” through organized suppression is a far better option. Land acquisition in India is somewhat of a “euphemism”; in many other countries it is termed as land grabbing. Recently we have returned from Europe where in France many hundreds of acres of land are being acquired to build the airport near Nantes at the expense of a large number of farmers. In Belgium and France, reportedly 800 people committed suicide in recent years because land is being taken by various kinds of investors, leaving the small-scale holder in a precarious if not fatal position. In Senegal, a state in western Africa, 100,000 acres of land is going to a Saudi Arabian investor on the Senegal River threatening 40,000 farmers to begin to demarcate their lands in defending their traditional land rights. In Canada, the ‘Idle No More Campaign’ of First Nations people (mostly indigenous and grassroots youth) are defending their treaty land rights in the face of rapid natural resource extraction, leading dozens of small land struggles. One brave woman galvanizing all these 37
struggles is Attawapasat Chief, Theresa Spence who is on her 39th day of a fast until deathin front of the Canadian Parliament building. Her gradual death symbolizes for her, that First Nation peopleare dying at the hands of companies that are not recognizing their land rights, and this is being fomented by the Canadian state. In light of increased land grabbing in Ethiopia, Tanzania, DR Congo, Senegal, South Africa and other countries for mining, bio-fuels, and farmland expansion, the protection of the small food producer has come to the forefront. Recently in October 2011, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) has galvanized support for the implementation of Guidelines on Land Tenure for purposes of maintaining local food production and consumption. Also there is a strong emphasis on getting full and prior consent from indigenous communities for any landbased activity like mining or any land transfers. The Rights of the Peasants to Land has been accepted by the Human Rights Commission and there are groups looking at including land more forcefully within the ambit of economic, social and cultural rights. India being an agricultural country with such a vast rural population is a special case in point. With the trends towards urbanization it still cannot be denied that 65% people live in rural areas, and in such a situation, it makes no sense to create incentives to curtail small and medium scale agriculture as this is the base of India’s food security and it remains the primary livelihood option. As we work to mitigate global warming, it is obvious that agriculture remains a more sustainable carbon footprint than the foot-print created by large-scale power, agriculALL RIGHTS
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LAND ACQUISITION tural and industrial production. Employment, food security and reducing global warming are national priorities that must be considered jointly with land acquisition. As a result of fundamental rights of the Constitution guaranteeing the right to life for every citizen of this country, we are advocating for the government to implement immediately a comprehensive National Land Reform Policy. This lays out how much land can be used for agriculture, how much good agricultural land can be converted to non-agricultural purposes, and how to provide additional protections to our food producers, which are mostly women, and forest dependent societies. This is currently being done as one of the key items of the Agra Agreement on a National Land Reform Agenda that was made on October 11th, 2011, and which is to be implemented before the summer of 2013. If a comprehensive national land reform policy can be brought into place, this will provide a normative framework of kinds of land available for distribution to the poorer sections. This will give the local administration the wherewithal to get land to the landless populations or to provide restoration of land rights to those displaced unfairly, and not simply having them to work full-time to gain consent of populations for large-scale industrial projects. I return to the fact that we documented 800 land struggles around the country. This indicates that there has not been a sufficient effort of putting into effect laws and policies that safeguard small holder’s land rights. The Land Acquisition Act falls short of carrying this out and therefore it is necessary to put into immediate effect a National Land Reform Policy. Additionally as set out in the agenda, it is also necessary to pass a law for people to access adequate shelter land and land for subsistence. These are to be done in line keeping in mind the forestland rights of forest dwelling communities, mostly adivasis. This means thatany land reform agenda involving distribution should not divide different sections of the poor on a land agenda. At this stage then,it is the moral responsibility of the Government of India not to acquire land for industrialization and infrastructure before it fulfills its original commitment to the land tiller. From this point of view there is a large number of adivasis, Dalits, nomads, fisherfolkand other visible minorities that have lost their livelihood resources. It is a matter of great urgency that the Government uphold the Constitution of India and guarantees the right to life of every citizen of this country. This cannot be done without looking deeply at the land reform agenda today.n (Both Authors are associated with Ekta Parishad which spearheaded Jan Satyagrah ) ALL RIGHTS
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The new LARR
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MEDHA PATKAR
he Bill amending Land Acquisition Act’s legacy passed by the cabinet has left many basic issues of conflict over forcible land acquisition unresolved ignoring and bypassing the report and recommendations by the all party Parliamentary Standing Committee on Rural Development has left the new Bill with serious flaws that would compel the farmers and others dependent on the land and affected by the projects, to continue with their ongoing resistance in many situations. It is also against the parliamentary democracy that a unanimous report of the Standing Committee is not given due importance before finalizing the draft and approving by the cabinet. The whole process since Standing Committee gave its report has been extremely opaque and other stake holders have not been shared any detail whatsoever, even after repeated requests. The pre-legislative process must involve the stake holders at all levels, rather than media being the only source of information. There is no doubt that the union government was compelled to bring in certain provi-
OPEN LETTER
Bill will not end British legacy sions to control the unjustifiable forcible acquisition of land and associated Natural Resources, such as minerals, for the private companies and their projects. The consent of 80% of affected land losers in the case of private projects and of 70% for PPP projects has now become a precondition, which no doubt is a major change. However, why not for the Government projects? Infact, excluding the Government projects & all Infrastructure projects, has left the Bill lamed, and not applicable to land acquisition in many conflict ridden projects. It is also unacceptable that out of 16 different acts in India under which there are provisions for forcible land acquisition, only 3 acts are brought under the purview of the new Bill i.e. SEZ Act, Defence Act and Cantonment Act, against the standing committees recommendations. This also means that most of the private or public projects where land is being acquired under Mines and Minerals Act or State wise Industrial Development Acts or National Highway Act, Coal Bearing Area Act; etc will remain outside the ambit of this Bill. There is only a recommendation made that all necessary laws will be amended and brought under this act within a year. So, the remote possibility of its retrospective application will not have much impact and only in cases where only LAA is being used will get some relief. All this indicates that the British legacy is mostly to continue. The UPA has lost the opportunity to make the development planning democratic and bring in the role of Gram Sabhas and the Urban Basti Sabhas in planning all the projects, including government projects. The Bill also rejects the Standing Committees recommendation to leave out any kind of agricultural land under cultivation out of the purview of land acquisition. Instead it puts certain preconditions such as bringing in alternative land under cultivation for acquiring multi crop land as the last resort but that does not prevent acquisition of single crop land. Thus 75% of India’s farmers engaged in rain fed agriculture will continue to have sword of forcible acquisition hanging on their heads. The Bill also gives State Governments undue freedom to decide what percentage of irrigated land in a district can be acquired. There is no doubt that while Resettle-
ment & Rehabilitation is linked with Land acquisition and for the first time, been brought into a single act. However, the R & R provisions are more cash based and seem not to be providing for an alternative Livelihood as a mandatory measure. There is a strong doubt therefore that the increased offer of cash compensation including 100% solatium, will act as a luring force to make the farmers loose land. In the present situation of inequity between the prices for the agricultural produce vis-à-vis industrial products and services this is surely to happen. Provision of one hectare of land for SC/ST or 1 acre of land in the command area for irrigation project affected SC/ST Families is highly inadequate and will neither ensure alternative livelihood nor better standard of living after rehabilitation. It is also unnecessary that the Bill leaves Resettlement and Rehabilitation responsibility for the Private project proponents, to be decided by the State Government. Returning of land if not used for five years, to the original owners was the Standing Committees recommendation while in the Bill, the land will go to the state land bank, that too after 10 years. The farmers must have the first right especially when they are not provided with alternative livelihood. The monitoring is certainly bureaucratically loaded. The role of Gram Sabhas necessary for democratizing the planning to monitoring process is certainly lacking. The much awaited Bill that was pooh poohed by the UPA as a solution to the enormous injustice and related resistance to land acquisition, is therefore to disappoint many. No doubt there is some change that has come as a result of strong peoples’ movements across the country, inspite of unprecedented pressure tactics from the Corporates. However it is unlikely that the new Act will resolve the serious conflicts between the State and Farmers to Fishworkers, as also Labourers, unless the above flaws are removed and many basic amendments are made. May we hope that the Country would witness not the unethical alliance politics of the kind seen during the FDI debate, but a serious discussion that would pave a way for resolution of conflict over land and all natural resources? n 39
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FARMS & FOOD
Half of world food produced ends up as waste! The "staggering" amount of wasted food never reaches a human stomach as varied as inadequate infrastructure and storage facilities through to overly strict sell-by dates, buy-oneget-one free offers and consumers demanding cosmetically perfect food, study says. by ABHINAV TRIPATHI
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alf of world food produced ends up as waste! Every year the world produces around four billion tons of food. And between a third and half of it goes to waste, a new report claims. The study, by the Institution of Mechanical Engineers (IMechE) suggests as much as half of all the food produced in the world, up to 2 billion tons, goes to waste every year due to poor harvesting practices, consumer habits and, in developing nations, inefficient storage and transportation. The "staggering" amount of wasted food never reaches a human stomach as varied as inadequate infrastructure and storage facilities through to ALL RIGHTS
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overly strict sell-by dates, buy-one-get-one free offers and consumers demanding cosmetically perfect food, study says. It’s clear that as world population grows and resources become scarcer, we need to address this to ensure food security for all. The challenge of food security & food safety is concerned with ensuring that all people, at all times, have access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life. The IMechE report pointed to a number of areas where wastage occurs. To tackle this type of situation we have to think to reduce microbial 40
spoilage of food U.K. based Institute of Food Research (IFR)is contributing its role in the same. IFR also includes studies to understand how three major foodborne bacterial pathogens of the greatest concern to the UK (Salmonella, Campylobacter and Clostridium botulinum) survive and grow in the food chain. In the UK alone, food poisoning presently affects millions of people per annum, with significant morbidity and mortality, and an annual economic cost of more than £2 billion. We need to reduce the present level of foodborne illness, and understanding more about the bacterial pathogens
that cause food poisoning will help achieve this. At the same time as ensuring food is safe, can we find ways of reducing waste? The IMechE report points to how consumers are throwing away uneaten food due to it passing its use-by date. It is required to fathom that we need to develop or to find out safe, sustainable ways in which shelf-life can be extended, thereby contributing to reducing food waste. Ensuring the future sustainable supply of safe foods will include meeting consumer demand for greater food choice, including higher quality foods, and providing food for an in-
creasing number of susceptible groups such as the elderly that require products made to a higher safety specification. This will need to be achieved against a background of climate change, increased global population – predicted to increase from seven billion to nine billion by the middle of this century – and potential limiting resources (e.g. water, minerals, energy). We need to develop new ways of increasing sustainability in the food chain through using waste materials. Some waste streams are inevitable at all parts of the food chain, and there are many inedible components that have the potential 41
for exploitation. For example, using industrial biotechnology approaches to take such waste streams and turn them into valuable products or resource can be a fine method. Field waste has the potential to be used for the production of renewable chemicals and biofuels and materials such as packaging and plastics. Another technique to avoid wastage of stuffs- fruit and vegetable trimmings discarded by food processors are being developed as sources of valuable nutrients and bioactive chemicals that may be used in the treatment of disease and to improve health. The IME report also blames ALL RIGHTS
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FARMS & FOOD "poor engineering and agricultural practices," is the key issue which leads to food wastage. Well use of high-quality fertilizer, with adequate water irrigation, producing genetically cereals can alter the wastage occur at the time of production. Among countries that once belonged to the Soviet Union, the wastage is highest in Ukraine, with between 25 to 50 percent losses, or about 6 to 12 million tons of grains annually. The study also found that in Britain up to 30 percent of vegetables go unharvested because of their physical appearance. Dr Tim Fox, Head of Energy and Environment at the Institution of Mechanical Engineers says the reasons for this situation range from poor engineering and agricultural practices, inadequate transport and storage infrastructure through to supermarkets demanding cosmetically perfect foodstuffs and encouraging consumers to overbuy through buy-one-get-one free offers. “As water, land and energy resources come
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under increasing pressure from competing human demands; engineers have a crucial role to play in preventing food loss and waste by developing more efficient ways of growing, transporting and storing foods. “But in order for this to happen Governments, development agencies and organisation like the UN must work together to help change people’s mindsets on waste and discourage wasteful practices by farmers, food producers, supermarkets and consumers.” By 2075 the UN predicts that the world’s population is set to reach around 9.5 billion, which could mean an extra three billion mouths to feed. A key issue to dealing with this population growth is how to produce more food in a world with resources under competing pressures – particularly given the added stresses caused by global warming and the increasing popularity of eating meat – which requires around 10 times the land resources of food like rice or potatoes. The world produces about four billion metric tonnes of food per year, but wastes up to half of this food through poor practices and inadequate infrastructure. By improving processes and infrastructure as well as changing consumer mindsets, we would have the ability to provide 60-100% more food to feed the world’s growing population. To reduce the global food wastage the report recommends that: 1. The UN Food and Agriculture Organisation works with the international engineering community to ensure governments of developed nations put in place programmes that transfer engineering knowledge, design know-how, and suitable technology to newly developing countries. This will help improve produce handling in the harvest, and immediate post-harvest stages of food production. 2. Governments of rapidly developing countries incorporate waste minimisation thinking into the transport infrastructure and storage facilities currently being planned, engineered and built. 3. Governments in developed nations devise and implement policy that changes consumer expectations. These should discourage retailers from wasteful practices that lead to the rejection of food on the basis of cosmetic characteristics, and losses in the home due to excessive purchasing by consumers. Many aid agencies and charities welcomed the report for highlighting the huge amount of waste at a time when millions of people suffer from malnutrition. Aid agency Save the Children says there is 42
FARMS & FOOD
enough food in the world to feed every child but still 2.3 million children die as a result of hunger every year. Tips to reduce food waste: 1. Make a list and stick to it. Experts recommend taking inventory of the food items in your home before heading out to the grocery store. This can prevent duplication. 2. Re-purpose over-ripe fruits and vegetables. Over-ripe bananas make a wonderful banana bread. Fruits and veggies that are close to spoiling can be used in a smoothie, as pie filling, or as ingredients in a soup or stew. 3. Serve smaller portions. If you're still hungry, help yourself to a second serving. 4. Donate. Food banks and soup kitchens will gladly take your unwanted canned and pack43
aged goods, provided they aren't expired. 5. Freeze your leftovers. If you don't plan on eating your leftovers right away, freeze them for another day. This approach ultimately reduces the overall amount of waste, but also adds extra value to the food chain. Through an understanding of the chemical structure of this waste material, and research into how to fractionate it, we can turn this into valuable products. Biofuels, for example, can be used to power the farm or food processing factory, reducing inputs and the overall carbon footprint.n (Author is TV journalist can be contacted at abhinav456@gmail.com) ALL RIGHTS
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Arab Spring by VIVEK PATHAK
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n 17 December 2010, a 26-year-old ordinary street vendor, Mohammed Bouazizi, in Tunisia set himself ablaze and thus ignited an uprising, popularly known as the ‘Arab Spring’. There were high aspirations in the Arab world and elsewhere on the globe that democracy will be institutionalized and the human values will be sustained. Since then much has happened to the Arab world, some iron-fist dictators have been dethroned, some stepped down and some are still engaged in fighting to retain power. But the moot question is whether democracy has been established and human rights values have been really upheld? And unfortu-
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44
nately answer is hard to admit that there is a slow or no progress forward. On the other hand the transition shows that one set of dictators are replaced by another. The countries influenced by the Arab Spring can be categorized into three groups: First, the countries where old regime has successfully been dethroned that is in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya; second, the countries where uncertainty looms large that is in Syria, Yemen and Bahrain; and third, the countries across the Arab world from Morocco to Saudi Arabia and Jordan where the Arab Spring has compelled governments and rulers to adjust course for survival.
yet to blossom!
BEYOND BOUNDARIES
The Key Players: Mohamed Morsi (Egypt), Abd Rabbuh Mansour Hadi (Yemen) , Basher-al-Assad (Syria) ,Moncef Marzouki (Tunisia).
Tunisia: Challenges of combating impunity and ensuring security In an Arab world marred by bloody transitions, Tunisia still stands out as an exception. It was the Tunisia where the seeds of Arab Spring sprouted and now it is struggling to define what role Islam should play in its entire statecraft. Ever since January 2011, when President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, was overthrown from power, and the Troïka, led by the Islamist En-Nahda party, overwhelmed the entire system with the support of a fairly broad con-
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sensus. But the system is yet to be overhauled. Therefore disturbing signals impend over a relatively peaceful transitional nation. Its security is fragile. Many suspect that members of the security forces are still loyal to the former regime. The EnNahda is accused by its rivals of behaving in ostrich-like manner over certain acts of violence with religious connotations. Many moderates and liberals both form the Arab World as well as in Tunisia are increasingly worried at what they call a betrayal by hard-line Islamists that goes largely unpunished by the incumbent ruling dispensation, although there were arrests of some ultraconservative Islamists called Salafis who had gone on a rampage, and attacked bars selling alcohol in several towns and torched police stations. The liberals worry that the new government, led by the Islamist EnNahda party, is unwilling or unable to hold the Salafis to the rule of law. There is growing impatience among the victims of the dictatorship who demand justice and protest impunity. And the judicial system is unable to cope with mounting aspirations. The new National Constituent Assembly established in the wake of Tunisia’s first transparent and pluralist election has been hampered by continuing instability. ALL RIGHTS
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and secularists do not represent vast majority of Egyptians. Now when the referendum is done and the Egyptians have ratified Islamist-backed constitution, the tactics used by President Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood to win the passage have galvanized the opposition, confirming political brawling and longstading bloodshed leading the state on the verge of collapse. People of Egypt have aspirations and demand which have long been denied to them under Mubarak regime. It is the responsibility of a democratic leader to create those opportunities which actually cater public needs rather infringing them.
Egypt: Towards autocracy in the name of democracy
Libya: Stands divided in undergoing conflicts
Egypt, the most populous country in the Arab world, and its revolution of February 2011 which deposed Hosni Mubarak, was the most remarkable event of the Arab Spring, which inspired millions of demonstrators in Arab world. But its transition to democracy has never been smooth, as the country has lurched from one crisis to another. In a three-sided tussle, Egypt seems to break repeatedly into three groups: (1) the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) and other supporters of the Mubarak regime; the (2) Muslim Brotherhood – the hardliners that had been officially banned but continue to enjoy the tag of country’s largest political force; and (3) the young liberals, secular activists who initiated the revolt. The recent revival of riots and violence in the backdrop of certain decisions taken by the newly appointed president Mohamad Morsi has brought despair to the fore of Egypt. In an unprecedented way, Morsi precipitated the deepest political crisis since the revolution, when he issued a decree granting himself broad powers beyond court’s review. But Morsi assured that he will give up this extraordinary power once the new constitution is approved by referendum. This action resulted in a widespread discontent not only among judiciary but also among the supporters of leftist, socialist and liberal parties. The port city of Alexandria and capital Cairo has been reeling after recent rioting. But at the same time supporters of Morsi, mainly belonging to Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist parties say that he is first democratically elected president and argue that liberals
The collapse of Libya’s police and armed forces in the wake of Colonel Gaddafi’s bloody end has left an armed population with 42 years worth of contained grievances. Therefore even after fall of odi-
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ous Gaddafi regime, Libya still reels in the throes of ‘warlordism’. It is presently in a state of semi-disintegration. The euphoria of establishing ‘democracy’ and restoring ‘freedom’, largely fostered by some sections of prejudiced Western press and social media, has completely disappeared. There is no denying the fact that the country holds a successful elections and recovering faster than expected. But intercommunal strife where gun-toting groups roam freely and continuing violent attacks are also pulling the region and locality in different direction. The 11 September 2012 killing of the US ambassador and three of his colleagues during the course of nation-wide anti-US riots has exposed the limited control of the government. The battle between central government and armed groups is yet to be won. Libyans want stability. They want to live in a clean, safe, free society where rule of law and justice is paramount. However, given the turmoil of the past few years and the weakness of the government, opinion is clearly divided over the best way to en46
BEYOND BOUNDARIES strife.
sure where such a state can blossom.
Syria: State repression and proxy-war of Yemen: Breaking up great powers In November 2011 following 11 months of The uprising in Syria has taken numerous ugly turns, and it will continue to do so in near future. The Alawite-led Syrian government has been proved difficult to topple and its foes led by Sunni axis Saudi Arab, Qatar and Turkey are even harder to eliminate. It would not be an exaggeration to say that there are three wars being fought at a time on the Syrian soil. Not only is there a civil war being fought on sectarian line between the ruling Alawites and its adversaries, but a proxy war between Iran and Saudis as well as the between the super powers of world is also on the offing. The conflict in Syria has divided the entire international community into two camps of great powers with the US-Saudi led group on one side and the Russia-China including Iran led group on the other. Determined to oust the Alawite-led Syrian government, the Sunni Axis of Arab monarchs are busy fuelling the conflict by sending lethal weapons to the socalled dissenters. There are reports that the centre of distribution of arms is in Turkey in the presence of CIA there. Syria is strategically and geopolitically important to Russia; it is also one of the biggest buyers of Russian weapons. Backed by two big powers Russia and China the beleaguered Assad regime remain defiant and still chooses a military solution to the entire
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popular protests, President Ali Abdullah Saleh brokered a deal with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) accompanied with a set of mechanism. The agreement outlined a two-phase process. In the first, Saleh transferred his three decade of rule to his Vice-President, Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi. The sparing politician clouts then formed an opposition-led national consensus government with cabinet portfolios split equally between the former ruling party, the General People’s Congress (GPC) and the opposition bloc, the Joint Meeting Parties (JMP). Not only the government was split into various factions, but also there were persisting tension and division within the armed forces splitting it between pro- and anti-Saleh factions during the uprising. The first phase of transition witnessed early presidential elections, in which Hadi was the consensus candidate. In phase two, Hadi and the government are given two years to, restructure the Yemen’s security apparatus, address issues of transitional justice and launch an inclusive dialogue with all factions aimed at revising the constitution before new elections in February 2014. By mid-2012, those demonstrators supporting a unified democratic Yemen were out-maneuvered by separatists who now dominate the movement on ground. Hence the independent
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BEYOND BOUNDARIES Islamists take over
youth movements feel excluded and view the transition agreement with skepticism. The security vacuum create by the void in absence of rule of law is being enjoyed by Al-Qaeda and other militant groups. Socio-economic needs remain unmet. The new government must rapidly show tangible progress (security, economic and political) to contain centrifugal forces pulling Yemen apart, while reaching out to stakeholders and preparing the political environment for inclusive national dialogue.
Bahrain: Adjusting with masters About 16 months ago thousands of Bahrainis, who were mainly Shiites, rose up demanding political liberties, social equality and an end to corruption. The Bahrain Sunni monarchy, which is seen as a conventional ally by United States and Saudi Arabia as well as a bulwark against Iran’s Shiite stewardship. Unlike other dictators the Bahrain monarchy never faced the public disgrace. More than a thousand Saudi troops helped put down the uprising and remain in Bahrain, making Yemen a virtual Saudi fiefdom. To be fair, the United States has called for political reform, although last month the Obama administration resumed arms sales to Bahrain. The United States could not overlook its strategic requirements. In Yemen, the long-serving dictator finally was ‘persuaded’ by the Saudis and the West to leave and the transition is mere eyewash in which protesters are sulking in lieu of thuggish behavior of so-called custodian of democracy.
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Moreover the most common outcome of the Arab Spring has been the rise of the Islamists in the region. For many decades, Islamist movements were brutally suppressed by the region’s dictators. Now, they are emerging as a major political force in the entire region. There is also a widespread expectation that as and when regime change occurs in Syria, the hardliners could be a prominent part of the new system. It all started with Tunisia and is ending with Tunisia. A movement spearheaded by youth while the old reaped the real benefits. But what actually went awry? The uncontrolled, unorganized peaceful demonstrations went on challenging the odious dictators. Their demands were simple: a better life and a better future. Their demands were devoid of religious connotations. No one ever demanded a return of Sharia. They demanded a real democracy, an end to corruption and a fair economic establishment. But then Islamists suddenly took over and harvesting the fruits of the Revolution. Who are the Islamists and what was their origin? To understand this, we need to grasp the consequences of the cultural pogrom doctored by Western Europe and the United States during the post-Second World War Cold War era. It was the phase when Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser and the ideology of Marxist-oriented Arab Socialism monopolized the political arena of liberated Third World. Military takeovers happened in Iraq, Yemen, Syria, Sudan, Mauritania and Libya. Even rebel groups in different countries also adopted one form of Marxism as their official ideology and a religious man had no place within such circumstances. The modern stream of scientific thinking of Marxism posed main challenge to Western Europe and the United States. The entire picture of third world liberation prompted Western capitalist forces to encourage religious centres and radicalization of both Asia and Africa as a main tool against the spread of Communism. These are the Islamists who are byproduct of Western warlords who sponsored radicalization of third world. The unexpected takeover of these forces in the Arab world connotes that Arab Spring is yet to blossom and is turning into a bad winter. n (vivek.pathak03@gmail.com)
48
INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY
The Violence of Knowledge Cartels
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by NISHANT SHAH
e are all struck with a sense of loss, grief and shock since we heard of the death of Aaron Swartz, by suicide. People who have been his friends have written heart-felt obituaries, saluting his dreams and visions and unwavering commitment to a larger social good. Colleagues who have worked with him and have been inspired by his achievements have documented the quirky intelligence and the whimsical genius that Swartz was. His fellow crusaders, who have stood by him in his impassioned battle against the piracy centred witch-hunt have helped spell out the legal and political conditions, which might not have
directly led to this sorry end, but definitely have to be factored in his own negotiations with depression. All these voices have enshrined Aaron Swartz, the 26 year old boy-wonder who was just trying to make the world a better place where information is free and everybody has unobstructed access to knowledge. They have shown us that there is an ‘Aaron sized hole’ in the world, which is going to be difficult to fill. These are voices that need to be heard, remembered, and revisited beyond the urgency of the current tragedy and it is good to know that this archive of grief and outpouring of emotional support will stay as a living memory to the legend that Swartz had already become in his life-time. However, I want to take this 49
opportunity to not talk about Aaron Swartz. I am afraid that if I do, I will end up either factualising him – converting him into a string of data sets, adding to the already burgeoning details about his life, his achievements, and of course the gory court case that has already been the centre of so much rage and debate. I am also afraid that if I do talk about Aaron Swartz, I will end up making him into a creature of fictions – talking about his dreams and his visions and his outlook and making him a martyr for a cause, forgetting to make the distinction that Aaron died, not for a cause, but believing in it. I, like many people who were affected, in many degrees of separation and distance, am taking the moment to mourn the death of somebody who should have lived longer. ALL RIGHTS
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INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY But I want to take the moment of Aaron’s death to talk about heroisms and sacrifices and everyday politics of what he believed in. Let me talk about Shyam Singh, who is as far removed from Swartz as possible. Shyam Singh is a 74 year-old-man in India, who runs a corner photocopying shop on the Delhi School of Economics campus in New Delhi. Singh is not your young, charismatic, educated, tech-savvy oracle. He spent a large part of his life – 3 decades – working at the University’s Central Research Library and the Ratan Tata Library, operating unwieldy machines that were panting to keep up with new innovations in technologies of digital reproduction. It took him thirty years of work to muster enough savings so that he could buy a couple of photocopying machines and start a small photocopying shop at Ramjas College in New Delhi. After his retirement, the Delhi School of Economics actually invited him to come and set up the Rameshwari Photocopying shop on the campus, for the students at the school. He had an official license from the University, for which he paid a sum of 10,000 Indian Rupees, to work on a profit model that depended on high volume and low costs. The shop was more or less a landmark for students and professors alike, who would come to get their course material photocopied out of books that they could almost never afford to buy and were not easily available in public lending libraries. The shop keeper also compiled course-packs, which allowed students to buy all the texts prescribed for their curricula (but not necessarily available in multiple or digital copies in the library), at affordable rates. It came as quite a shock to Singh, when one day, he was told that a consortium of publishers – Oxford University Press, Cambridge University Press, and Taylor and Francis Group – had filed a case in the high court of New Delhi against him, claiming damages of 6 million Indian Rupees for wilful copyright infringement for commercial gains. Singh did not have the ideological apparatus that was available to Swartz, nor the competence to talk about the unfairness of the legal claim. He did, in several interviews, talk about India’s avowed policy on universal education and how he had always thought of himself as helping in that process of equal access to students who would otherwise have been unable to afford the education. The case against Singh is already in the courts, and the High Court has issued an injunction restraining him from providing copies of chapters from textbooks published by the three international publishers who have moved the court. And while he has found support from the academic, legal and student community from around the country, there is no denyALL RIGHTS
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ing that he is going to be fighting an expensive battle against a large Intellectual Property protection conglomeration of publishers who are all ready to make a ‘scapegoat’ and an ‘example’ of this small photocopy shop, in their efforts at enforcing paid access to scholarly and academic material in the country. I desperately hope that Singh shall not find himself as persecuted as Swartz did, by the publishers, by the public prosecutors, and by an indifferent citizenry who is quite happy to benefit from the fruits that might fall out of this case about loosened Intellectual Property and symbolically support the idea that knowledge should be free, but do not think that this is a problem that affects them in particular. True, in both these instances, we have seen people oscillating between rue and rage, expressing their dissatisfaction with these market driven information cartels which refuse to unleash the information and knowledge that we all believe should be made free. But in those expressions of anger and shock, is also a denial of the fact that we have all been complicit in building, supporting and sustaining these worlds because doing otherwise would inconvenience our schedules, lives and careers. Swartz and Singh, in their own way, had to become the posterchildren, the martyrs, for us to take notice about a battle that affects us uniformly but doesn’t feature in our everyday practices and conviction. Intellectual Property and Openness are seen as legal battles for somebody else to fight. Even with academia and research, which is the most complicit in building these exploitative knowledge industries, there is very little discussion or even recognition of the untenable behemoths that we have been feeding in our quest for tenures, publications and popularity. For an everyday person, as you can imagine, this is even more removed from their quotidian life practices. The distancing and alienation gets even more acerbated by the fact that these battles are often fought silently. We have legal stalwarts fighting it out in court rooms. Academic scholars and researchers are drawing their pens and swords in academic journals. Political activists are championing their causes in conferences and summits. And in all of this, we have produced a gated activism, where the threshold of engagement and investment is so high that unless there are these dying and the wounded to hold out for public scrutiny, the world moves on, grumbling slightly at the restriction on torrent downloads or the unavailability of its favourite book in the local markets, but thinking that it has nothing to do with them. They are not even an audience to these battles. And if indeed, they are audiences, they are the kinds that go to a play, eat loudly out of crinkly 50
INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY wrappers, talk on their cellphones in the middle of the denouement and leave before the play ends, because they don’t want to miss their favourite TV show about dancing animals back at home. I do not want to hyperbolise and so I will not endorse the often suggested idea that knowledge should be as free as air and water – for a lot of us who have been looking at the private-public nexus in developing globalised countries already know that free air and water are a myth and that there are heavy prices to be paid for them. But I do want to suggest that it is time to think of the knowledge wars as human wars, as deeply implicated in our understanding of who we are, what kind of societies we want to live in, and what worlds we want to build for the future generations to inherit. These are fights that are not only about getting things for free – they are about understanding what is sacred and central to our civilization impulse and disallowing a small clutch of private bodies to make their profits by selling it to us. It is time to maybe look around and see how manipulations of power and the algebra of survival has made us support corrupt and corrupting systems that restrict free information and knowledge. It is time to learn about the issues at stake – from providing cheap drugs to those in underprivileged areas to offering conditions of affordable education for the masses – when we talk about intellectual property regimes. It is time to organize, question, re-evaluate our own everyday practices, and realise that the fights against intellectual property are not battles that are fought once-every-heroic-death. That these are things that we need to strive for on a daily basis, without the need of an external catalyst or a dramatic death of
somebody who died believing in a cause that was supposed to make the world a better place for those in the audience. The next time, let us not wait for shame, guilt, horror, or surprise to catalyse us in taking note of the growing restrictions on information and knowledge in our world. Let us not wait for the emergence of another Swartz or Singh, persecuted by exploitative knowledge cartels that do untold harm to our sense of being human and being free in information societies. And let us keep 51
our fingers crossed, that wherever he is, Swartz has found peace, solace, and the freedom that he was fighting for, and that Singh does not suffer a fate that might denude him of his livelihood and life’s savings.n (Author is an International Tandem Partner at the Centre for Digital Cultures, Leuphana University, Lueneburg, and Director-Research at the Centre for Internet and Society, can be contacted at nishantshah@latelyontime ) ALL RIGHTS
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ECONOMY
Why the decline of the West is best for us – and them
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by R VAIDYANATHAN en years ago, America had Steve Jobs, Bob Hope and Johnny Cash. Now it has no Jobs, no Hope and no Cash. Or so the joke
goes. Only, it’s no joke. The line is pretty close to reality in the US. The less said about Europe the better. Both the US and Europe are in decline. I was asked by a business channel in 2008 about recovery in the US. I mentioned 40 quarters and after that I was never invited for another discussion.Recently, another media ALL RIGHTS
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person asked me the same question and I answered 80 quarters. He was shocked since he was told some “sprouts” of recovery had been seen in the American economy. It is important to recognise that the dominance of the West has been there only for last 200and-odd years. According to Angus Maddison’s pioneering OECD study, India and China had nearly 50 percent of global GDP as late as the 1820s. Hence India and China are not emerging or rising powers. They are retrieving their original position. The dollar is having a rollercoaster ride at present. 52
In 1990, the share of the G-7 in world GDP (on a purchasing power parity basis) was 51 percent and that of emerging markets 36 percent. But in 2011, it is the reverse. So the dominant west is a myth. Similarly, the crisis is a USEurope crisis and not a global one. The two wars – which were essentially European wars – were made out to be world wars with one English leader commenting that ‘we will fight the Germans to the last Indian’. In this economic scenario, countries like India are made to feel as if they are in a crisis. Since the West says there’s a crisis, we swallow it hook, line and sinker. But it isn’t so. At no point of time in the last 20 years has foreign investment – direct and portfolio – exceeded 10 percent of our domestic investment. Our growth is due to our domestic savings which is again predominately household savings. Our housewives require awards for our growth not any western fund manager. The crisis faced by the West is primarily because it has forgotten a six-letter word called ‘saving’ which, again, the result of forgetting another six letter word called “family”. The West has nationalised families over the last 60 years. Old age, ill health, single motherhood – everything is the responsibility of the state. When family is a “burden” and children an “encumbrance,” society goes for a toss. Household savings have been negative in the US for long. The total debt to GDP ratio is as high as 400
ECONOMY percent in many countries, including UK. Not only that, the West is facing a severe demographic crisis. The population of Europe during the First World War was nearly 25 percent and today it is around 11 percent and expected to become 3 percent in another 20 years. Europe will disappear from the world map unless migrants from Africa and Asia take it over. The demographic crisis impacts the West in other ways. Social security goes for a toss since people are living longer and not many from below contribute to their pensions through taxes. So the nationalisation of families becomes a burden on the state. European work culture has become worse with even our own Tata complaining about the work ethic of British managers. In France and Italy, the weekend starts on Friday morning itself. The population has become lazy and state-dependent. In the UK, the situation is worse with drunkenness becoming a common problem. Parents do not have control over children and the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregation in London said: “There are all signs of arteriosclerosis of a culture and a civilisation grown old. I have taken precedence over us and pleasure today over viability tomorrow.” ( The Times: 8 September ). Married couples make up less than half (45 percent) of all households in the US, say recent data from the Census Bureau. Also there is a huge growth in unmarried couples and single parent families (mostly poor, black women). Society has become dysfunctional or disorganised in the West. The government is trying to be organised. In India, society is organised and government disorganised. Because of disorganised society in the West the state has to take care of families. The market crash is essentially due to the adoption of a model where there is consumption with borrowings and no savings. How long will Asian savings be able to sustain the western spending binge? 53
According to a recent report in The Wall Street Journal (10 October 2011), nearly half of US households receive government benefits like food stamps, subsidised housing, cash welfare or Medicare or Medicaid (the federal-state health care programmes for the poor) or social security. The US is also a stock market economy where half the households are investors and they have been hit hard by bank and corporate failures. Even now less than 5 percent of our household financial savings goes to the stock market same in China and Japan. Declining empires are dangerous. They will try to peddle their failed models to us and we will swallow it since colonial genes are very much present here. You will find more Indians h e a d i n g global corporations since India is a very large market and one way to capture it is to make Indian sepoys work for it. A declining West is best for the rest and also for the West, which needs to rethink its failed models and rework its priorities. For the rest—like us—the fact that the West has failed will be accepted by us only after some western scholars tell us the same. Till then we will try to imitate them and create more dysfunctional families. We need to recognise that Big Government and Big Business are twin dangers for average citizens. India faces both and they are two asuras we need to guard against. The Leftists in the National Advisory Council want all families to be nationalised and governed by a Big State and reform marketers of the CII variety want Big Business to flourish under crony capitalism. Beware of the twin evils since both look upon India as a charity house or as a market and not as an ancient civilisation. n (Author is Professor of Finance, IIM Bangalore, can be contacted at vaidya@iimb.ernet.in. Article was first published in Firstpost) ALL RIGHTS
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Book Review
Revolution or N rebellion?
o less a person than our prime minister has repeatedly called it “the greatest menace to our democracy and our path of development”. Yet the author of this first-hand report on the activities and inspiring vision of the Maoist party in its bases in the Dandakaranya region of central India shows Maoists developing and empowering the poorest, the most neglected and oppressed group/s in our society, in a determined and systematic manner. The present finance minister had remarked that the Maoists were blocking development and conspiring to keep the poor tribals of the region out of the ambit of development that unhindered mining would have brought about, an observation that is likely to be challenged by “civil society” groups familiar with the region and its people. Indeed the “development” promoted by the Indian state is apparently regarded by the tribals as the greatest menace to their lives and livelihoods, and has been grimly resisted by the putative beneficiaries in Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, and Jharkhand with unconcealed hatred and uncompromising tenacity. The first 25 pages of the book are devoted to deflating various myths floated by the ruling-class media and the government against Maoists. It turns out that at bottom the fighting in the area has arisen out of the eagerness of bureaucrats and politicians to promote the interests of greedy corporates, resulting in hundreds of memoranda of understanding (MOUs) that threaten to evict millions of tribals from the region they have inhabited for millennia and drive them to destitution and death. At stake is a mineral-rich land from where 30 million tonnes of coal worth $3.2 billion had been exported by illegal mining companies in the five years up to 2009. Operation Green Hunt is not so much against Maoism as against resistance to this enormous plunder, now to be legalised through the MOUs (p 44ff). (Navlakha has bluntly called it a “war” by a state on its own people and from the other side of the barrier it is perceived as a justified armed struggle by an oppressed
Days and Nights in the Heartland of Rebellion by Gautam Navlakha (New Delhi : Penguin), 2012;pp 272, RS 299.
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by HIREN GOHAIN
54
Book Review and deeply aggrieved people to preserve their lands, their identity and their dignity.) The Maoists have been the catalytic agents in the process of empowering the tribal people to work and fight for their own security and development, about the success of which the report does not leave the reviewer in any doubt. The Maoists, of course, have a broader and more forwardlooking agenda and the tribal armed struggle is only an initial phase in the programme of a protracted revolutionary war. Personally I cannot see how the programme is to be extended to other regions of the country, for the same tactics are unlikely to succeed – in vastly different environments, and I am not privy to methods of mobilisation and struggle they might have worked out for other regions. A lot depends on their success in that task, even the ultimate sustainability of the success in Dandakaranya. Honest Account The agrarian programme is directed not only at feeding members of the party but also at improving the standard of living of the tribal villagers who had lived below a subsistence level. Further, members of the party uncluttered by the prejudice of learning were prepared to learn from facts and realise that some truths go against the learning found in books!. One wonders if government schemes in their most successful versions have done any better in such a short span of time, and with so little waste and leakage. The narrative gives details of his arduous itinerary, and the author spares very little of his waking hours for any business except observing the process of transformation in the tribal society under the leadership of the party, ranging from improvement of agriculture through security of tenure and application of modern knowledge, through enhancing the status and power of women to spread of education and ideas of hygiene and sanitation and eradication of harmful old customs and beliefs. But Maoists seek not to impose their views dogmatically and dictatorially on the people, and allow them to discuss all new changes and innovations among themselves and take their own decisions. Contrary to the impression created in and by the mainstream media, the author makes it clear that the party is not steamrolling its objectives and programmes on a hapless population but patiently earning their trust by taking part in their struggle for survival physically and culturally in an environment where genuine indigenes are beginning to feel surrounded by forces bent on robbing them of their ancestral hearths and homes and denying them their chance to a decent life. This again is not copied out of an orthodox Marxist (or Maoist, for that matter) copybook, but a lesson learnt specifically in circumstances peculiarly Indian. But there is some doubt in my mind about the programme of cultural education which 55
teaches pupils from the early age of 10 years the tribe’s heritage as well as the party’s objectives and ideology not out of any liberal prejudice, but because such programmes entail some rote learning which might backfire later on (pp 165-66). While Navlakha had no opportunity during his 15 days’ visit, when he was also constantly on the move, to independently verify the claims made by cadres and leaders, the reader realises that the questions raised by him were sharp and searching enough to elicit from the party information on all aspects of an issue. Where the party itself had no answer they frankly said so. He also saw with his own eyes the paddy fields and the frugal medical service in operation as well as the cultural functions where the tribal people celebrated their traditional culture (suitably adjusted and modified to fit the moment of social transformation) with zest, to feel convinced that the party’s claims were not phoney but quite realistic. The impression assiduously created by the powerful bourgeois media that the Maoist programme was through and through militaristic is apparently a fraud, warfare being only the apex of a constant struggle to transform society from the bottom up, neglecting no vital aspect of life. At this point their military campaign is largely defensive, protecting the new land rights and other gains of the people against the armed forces of the state and the thoroughly illegal and monstrous Salwa Judum, a living retort to those who think the state is committed to the rule of law. He pointedly asserts that the state has forfeited its right to claim legitimacy in the region precisely because it seems bent upon depriving the people by force of the very benefits it promises in its role as an impartial agency. True, in certain areas the state is desperately trying to prove its sincerity by implementing welfare schemes through the bureaucracy, but once the pressure is off such schemes are bound to regress into corruption and red tape. Navlakha, who admits to being partisan in his views, since he does not see in the present Indian “predatory state” any genuine intention of coming to the rescue of the pitilessly exploited and oppressed tribal people defines his findings thus: “Theirs is not a nihilistic project even when I concede that there are serious and inexcusable crimes they have committed” (p 224). The present reviewer tends to agree, though he has greater reservations because if at this stage the crimes are just shrugged off or overlooked in haste, in future they might become magnified to an extent that would put a question mark against the project itself, as happened in Russia and China. Parliamentary Institutions Navlakha observes that “entering an area overlooked by the Indian state for decades, where political parties were marked by their absence, provided them with a tremendous advantage” (p 180). But by the ALL RIGHTS
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Book Review same logic their task would be incomparably more difficult in areas where parties representing various interests and patronised by various factions of the ruling classes have struck roots. Further, the future may well bring about challenging situations in the national and the international scene which the party might have to confront without notice requiring immediate major changes in tactics. Two questions arise at this juncture: (1) How does the party propose to cobble together a broad alliance of social forces representing the great majority of the people, without which success is inconceivable? (2) What is going to be its attitude to and handling of the established parliamentary institutions? Granted that those institutions are corrupt and of little use to the people at large, it is significant that on many occasions the party’s appeal to boycott the polls had sometimes been ignored even in areas where it had strong roots and a solid base. Would it not serve its purpose better to use election times to explain to the people the futility and disservice of formal bourgeois democracy? Perhaps even a limited use of such institutions like the use of courts under strict control of the party ought not to be dismissed off hand. As for alliances it has followed disastrous principles that prescribe that the enemy’s enemy must without exception be cultivated as a friend regardless of class and ideology. It has paid the price by forming an opportunist alliance with the Trinamool Congress in West Bengal against the Left Front government and losing an important senior leader in a police ambush in consequence. In the north-east, it is cultivating militant secessionist groups that repeatedly massacre Bihari workers as an act of revenge against “Indian colonialism”. One’s concern is aggravated by the leaders’ admission in Bastar that they have no authoritative knowledge of the party’s decisions and acts in other regions like West Bengal’s Junglemahal and Odisha’s tribal enclaves. There is the further chilling prospect of the state’s success in infiltrating their ranks through unavoidable contacts with the world outside the base area. Navlakha makes a spirited defence of the party’s unreserved commitment to violence, which one must point out is an instrumental necessity rather than an integral part of socialist doctrine. The one-sided stress on violence had actually distorted and besmirched the heritage of the socialist camp that finally withered away in the early 1990s. It has also prevented the party from studying seriously and exploring extra-parliamentary mass movements for widening its social base and influence. He discusses with responsible senior members the reports in the media about people’s courts handing out sentences of summary executions to suspected police informers and “enemies of the people” and comes to the conclusion that the reports are highly biased and exaggerated. Such death senALL RIGHTS
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tences are carried out only on rare occasions, provided several warnings are ignored by the alleged culprits who do not mend their ways (pp 70; 134-35). But one might still wonder if real justice is delivered in courts where the accused is not given freedom and scope to defend himself. An element of exaggeration indeed occurs in media reports about the Maoists’ alleged addiction to burning down schools, which are actually already taken over by the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) who turn them into military camps. Further, a teacher in a Ramakrishna Mission school that was allowed by the party to stay on and continue teaching in a Maoist base area smiled when asked about the government’s propaganda that in Bastar 385 residential schools had been burnt down by Maoist wreckers and quipped, “I did not know there were that many schools in Bastar” (p 157). Not for the Entire Country It is therefore my contention that the example of Dandakaranya which Navlakha has so faithfully and meticulously presented cannot set the pattern for the country as a whole. But the sacrifice, dedication and untiring work of the Maoists there certainly inspires hope for people all over the country, and the introduction of a certain degree of flexibility in the programme of the party for a country that has such a bewildering variety of social forms as well as forms of production under the general rubric of “semi-feudal and semicolonial” appears to be the need of the hour. The pages on “Janatam Sarkar” composed of the revolutionary people’s committees (RPCs) of the directly elected village governing council, who in turn select higher levels of the people ’s government (and not panels dictated by the party and without direct links with the people) should also interest readers (pp 12135). Navlakha concludes his fascinating observations with this timely and judicious comment: “they (Maoists) will have to respect the fact that they may become a leading force but not the only force spearheading change” (p 223). The reviewer would like to qualify it with the insistence that there must be a patient struggle to make themselves theleading force ideologically and politically, but not with the drastically simple method of assassination. That may require a searching critique of the received wisdom, including the teachings of Mao Tse-Tung, and a distancing from certain rigid Naxalite tenets. Meanwhile, all praise to Navlakha for lifting the pall of darkness cast by magicians of the state and letting in a flood of clear and radiant light full of promise and hope. n (Author is a distinguished Assamese literary & social critic, he can be contacted at hiren. gohain@gmail.com. The original review was first published in EPW ) 56
Art of Activism
Theatre of Justice T
by YOGESH PANDEY
heatre is an extraordinary tool for transforming monologue into dialogue, solutions to problems of the oppression connected to all sort of society “dysfunctions” like unemployment, domestic violence, racism, poverty, homelessness. Who can practice all these better than Sanjeeb. Born in Kanpur Sanjeeb Kumar Katiyar alias Sanjeeba is a poet and theatre actor of young blood generation who has taken vow to provide a remedy to the ailment like graft and lethargy present at the various tiers of society. Sanjeeb through his theatre group Sanjeeba has picked up the gantlet to get common people justice by raising their issues in public, in the roadside teashop or alike public places some people called it as an “art of activism” For over 15 years now, Sanjeeb becomes a well recognised face in Kanpur not just because he took his theatre as art but because of his understanding that inspired him to pick ideas from the public to mix it with art to do something together - it is a creative art form. His plays are on the face of injustice meted out to the public. For his relentless fight against various government departments, including the police recently received the Crusade Against Corruption award by Sitaram Jindal Foundation. Sanjeeb, a graduate from DAV College Kanpur, doesn’t write plays. He picks up incidents from local/national newspapers, especially about atrocities on the vulnerable sections of the society.How an incident can turn someone’s life adding meaning to it. The same happened with Sanjeeb too. He was about to complete his post graduation in English literature but then an incident altered the equation of his life inspiring 57
him to foray into activism for the welfare of the society. Sanjeeb’s recalls’ “one day my neighbour’s young son committed suicide, in his suicidal note he wrote that he was committing suicide against the country’s anti-poor economic policies.” After the very incident which moved Sanjeeb into the core, he pledged to dedicate his life for helping people get justice from the rotten system. Since then, he staged many plays starting with “Wardi Wala Kutta” based on a reporter being beaten up by a local BJP leader when the former tried filming polling booth capture at Shikshak Park in the city. Each play has drawn the attention of a large section of people in Kanpur. By that time he had fathomed that it was necessary to make aware public about their rights, their duties, public knows how to act, nobody will need to tell them what is right and what is wrong. Sanjeeba became a household name when an entire police station in Nawab Ganj was suspended after he staged the play “Ladki Lut Gayi Thane Main” eight years ago. A Dalit woman was sexually assaulted by policemen inside the police station in the middle of night. “I was outraged by this shameful incident. I enacted the play right outside the police station. MP Subhashini Ali sat on a dharna outside the station and 5,000 people joined me in this movement. In no time, the entire police station was suspended.” Further, Sanjeeba continued with plays like “Biryani Mange Thanedar”. The play was framed on a policeman asking for free biryani for his family everyday from a biryani seller who did business on a cartwheel outside the police station. When the seller once asked for money, the policeman smashed the cartwheel, and for months did not allow him to sell biryani. ALL RIGHTS
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Art of Activism
If his play one “Police Achcchi Ya Kutta” exposed a police personnel asking for sexual favours from a young boy preparing for medical exams, another play “Gunda Ji Hume Roti Do” made mockery of political leaders. One of his play “Bapu Katha Band Karo” was based on Asharam Bapu’s sermons on peace. The recent play “Nyay Do” that pleads for justice against sexual abuse of a minor girl by a local superintendent of police continuously for two years, has further strengthened his bond with the people. The play outlines how a woman’s parents struggled and made unsuccessful attempt for 28 days to lodge an FIR against him. Tired of the constant humiliation, they approached Sanjeeb. He explains: “I fought for her for 16 days; when it didn’t help we staged dharna and performed at Ram Ashray Park close to the police station where that SP was posted. The play gathered enormous local support and within six days, the SP was suspended. He is still lodged in Kanpur jail. This happened just six months ago.” But Sanjeeb was unaware of the fact staging such plays could often costs him dearly. He says, ALL RIGHTS
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“The local administrators regularly arrest me and my group for ‘creating nuisance, provoking violent sentiments, causing traffic jams and violating peace. Even my mobile has been tracked many times to see who ‘funds’ my ‘projects’”. Even though, Sanjeeb was not ready to give up. The authorities’ intimidation could not daunt his spirits. Though he started alone, his group now has over two dozen people, comprising daily labourers, shopkeepers,vegetable/fruit sellers and rickshaw pullers among others. Admiring his work some people from the administration lend him support, says Sanjeeb. Art of Activism Interestingly, the cultural tree is an idea of a parallel culture. Most people visiting the cultural tree will never go to a gallery. A social activist can develop activism into an art form. What Sanjeeb is doing shows his resolution to help hapless victims so that they can get justice against the atrocities of the administration and can take breath of respite from the red tapism present in the bureaucracy of the system.n (yogesh.pandey901@gmail.com) 58
TOTAL RECAP
Verma Verdict
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hree-member panel committee headed by former chief Justice Jagdish Sharan Verma which was set up to suggest ways to make rape laws more stringent in the wake of national outrage over the gang-rape of 23year woman in Delhi, submitted its report to the Union Government on January 23. The report, admirably prepared within a month calls for shedding patriarchal notions of honour and shame about women. It suggests plugging the holes in process of probe, trial and prosecution into the cases related to sexual violence underlining the need to overhaul the existing laws pertained to incidents like rape, molestation, stalking etc. The Committee recommends amendments to existing criminal laws suggesting minimum 20 years imprisonment for rape and murder. The report doesn’t favour castration or death penalty to rapists Some of the JS Verma committee’s key recommendations: Make the state responsible for failure to protect women Punitive measures for non-registration of FIRs Stalking, voyeurism, stripping, sexual harassment be recognized as crimes with appropriate punishment Scrap the demeaning ‘two-finger test’, and spells out the protocol for medical examination and care of a rape survivor Police officers allowing custodial rape under their command be given rigorous imprisonment between 7-10 years. Review Armed Forces Special Power Act (AFSPA) Fast-track courts to deal with cases pertained to violence against women Reforms to make Police accountable
Members of the armed forces charged with rape be tried in a civil court of law The report is not in favour for lowering the age of juvenile under the Juvenile Justice Act from the present 18. n (All Rights Bureau)
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Line of no-control
ensions escalated between India and Pak after a skirmish on the Line of Control (LoC) on January 6 which left two Indian and three Pakistani soldiers dead. It has been alleged by the Indian Army that Pakistani forces beheaded one of the dead soldiers, Lance Naik Hemraj, an accusation bluntly denied by Pakistan. The incident jolted the peace talks and bilateral trade between the neighboring countries triggering a series of bellicose statements. Leader of opposition in Lok Sabha Sushma Swaraj went to extent of saying that if the head of dead soldier was not returned then Indian Army should be allowed to behead 10 Pakistani soldiers. Army Chief Bikram Singh said that what Pakistani side did was as “unpardonable” and “gruesome”. Indian Air Force chief Air Chief Marshall N.A.K. Browne condemning the heinous act threatened Pakistan that India can use “other options” to ensure the sanctity of the LoC and the truce along it. Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, speaking on the sidelines of the Army Day on January 15, told media that “it cannot be business as usual” with Islamabad after the “barbaric act” committed by the Pakistani forces “What has happened is unacceptable. Those responsible for the crime should be brought to book.” In the past couple of years, ties between the two countries had shown signs of improvement with LoC remained calm since both sides signed 2003 ceasefire agreement. n (All Rights Bureau)
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Change of Guards
haratiya Janata Party’s Gadkari crisis finally ended on January 23, as Rajnath Singh, senior BJP leader from Uttar Pradesh elected as new party chief after dramatic turn of events unfolded to decide on his name. Rajnath Singh took party’s charge as the party and its ideological parent, the RSS could not built consensus on Nitin Gadkari’s re-election. . The flip-flop on decision for reelecting tainted Gadkari kept media and party leaders agog. The fresh I-T raids on Gadkari owned Purti Ltd is said to have marred his chances at the very last moment. Senior leader L K Advani-led the opposition against Gadkari. Rajnath Singh, according to the political analysts will act as a bridge between the BJP and RSS. Gadkari’s re-election faced stiff challenge from senior party leaders like Ram Jethmalani, Mahesh Jethmalani, Yashwant Sinha after reports of alleged anomalies in the functioning of Purti group surfaced. These leaders were of the opinion that party’s continuation with Gadkari as president will spoil its campaign against corruption. n (All Rights Bureau) 59
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TOTAL RECAP
Srilanka towards dictatorship!
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rilankan Parliament on January, 11 impeached Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake over allegations of official and financial misconduct, putting the island country into a constitutional crisis. Bandaranayake, 54, was slapped with 14 misconduct charges out of which she was found guilty in three by a parliamentary committee late last year which investigated the charges against her. The impeachment was voted in favour even as Srilanka’s Supreme Court held that Parliamentary committee had no legal powers to probe the allegations. The court hearing an appeal also cancelled the guilty verdict forbidding any further action by the Parliament. Bandaranayake, however has denied the charges and said that the government led by Mahindra Rajapaksa had not given her a fair hearing. Bandaranayake has said the allegations against her are "blatant lies" and that she is being persecuted because she "stood for an independent judiciary and withstood the pressures". Parliament’s non-compliance with the court rulings is seen as a violation of constitution by activists and law fraternity, which according to them could be “disastrous” for country’s judiciary. It is also viewed by the critics of President Mahindra Rajapaksa as an attempt to remove the “last hurdle” to absolute power. Registering their protest, the main lawyers association boycotted the inauguration of the new Chief Justice Mohan Peiris. n (All Rights Bureau)
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fter UN Security Council’s resolution expanded sanctions against North Korea for the launch of last month long-range rocket, North Korea responding to the sanctions has threatened to conduct another nuclear test that will “target” its arch enemy, the United States of America. North Korea’s National Defence commission, said the rocket launches would continue and warned the country would conduct a third, "high-level" nuclear test. "We are not disguising the fact that the various satellites and long-range rockets we will launch, as well as the high-level nuclear test we will carry out, are targeted at the US, the arch-enemy of the Korean people," the commission said in a statement carried by the official Central Korean News Agency. This appears as a confirmation of the US and its allies claims that the purpose of North’s space programme was to test its ballistic missile technology. Though, North Korea had been insisting that its space programme is meant for peaceful purposes. The threat coincided with a visit to South Korea by the US's special envoy on North Korea, Glyn Davies, who called on Pyongyang to abandon plans for the test. North Korea previously went for nuclear tests in 2006 and 2009 in the wake of the imposition of UN sanctions in response to rocket launches. North Korea has enough plutonium to build between four and eight nuclear weapons, according to Siegfried Hecker, a nuclear scientist who visited the country's main Yongbyon nuclear complex in 2010. China, the North's only diplomatically and its biggest trading partner, is likely to have angered Pyongyang by backing this week's UN resolution. n (All Rights Bureau)
Tumultuous Mali
tier town. French and Malian troops have captured the town of Hombori, Diabaly in northern Mali, pushing towards the town of Lere with the aim of taking control of Timbuktu further north. Meanwhile, US president Barack Obama has backed France's military intervention during a telephone conversation with the French president Francois Hollande.Last year coup by the group of disgruntled soldiers had given chance to the ethnic Tuareg rebels, fighting for independence since 1960 to take advantage of the power vacuum. Rebels captured some parts of Northern Mali. This in turn led to a power struggle with local Islamists group and the rebels. Islamists toppled the tribe and held control of two-thirds of the North. Now, the Tuareg rebels have vowed to fight against the Islamists. The Tuareg want their own country in the north, which they call Azawad. n (All Rights Bureau)
ali, the country once hailed as a model democracy for Africa has been reeling under instability as Islamist militants seized control of two-thirds of northern Mali, an area the size of France. Militants taking advantage of the coup last year destroyed ancient shrines and banned music, smoking, drinking and watching sports on television. The reports of human rights abuses have gone up in the war-stricken Mali. According to the UN, number of refugees who have been fleeing to the Malian-Mauritanian border will reach around 700,000 by the ongoing strife.Keeping in view the condition going out of hand, UN Security Council in December authorized a peacekeeping mission. French troops last month joined the battle against the militants after they held control Konna, a fronALL RIGHTS
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Defiant North Korea
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NOTES
From a bachelorette party in New India
that would have made many women of another generation collapse in horror. At the end of the party, everyone was slightly drunk and a good deal of time had been spent asking the bride-to-be embarrassing questions and cracking dirty jokes. I realized that our revelry had a close parallel in the cult classic “The Hangover”, a story of four men who go to Las Vegas to cele-
by SWATHI SUKUMAR ast week, I went to a bachelorette party. The party props were unbelievable to the point of being ridiculous—shot-glasses shaped like body parts, kinky trinkets, balloons in unmentionable shapes and sizes—and other items
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61
NOTES brate a very eventful bachelor’s party. Our party shared common themes from the script of the movie, including inebriation and the obsession with bodies, both perfect and imperfect. We missed the tiger and the stripper from the movie, but I am told that strippers are a very common feature in bachelorette parties in India. Tigers are not common, I hope. I was looking at a new class of Indian women: upper middle-class, educated professionals, several holding advanced degrees from reputed foreign Universities, self-aware and confident. A group of women who pay their own bills and are economically empowered. Many from the group will make it to the top of the organizations that they work at, and we will celebrate their success as an indicator of the empowerment of women. Despite all of this, at the end of the party, I was left with some unanswered questions: What is the origin of this particular brand of fun that we have evolved that involves objectification of bodies? And what does this mean for the battle for equality that we are fighting on a daily basis? We know that capitalism has deep links with patriarchy. Since capitalism prioritizes the value of income generation over other values, women in their traditional roles were marginalized. This lead to women, like us, who are trying to obtain legitimacy from the system through earning their keep. However, the struggle for economic independence has become a smokescreen that often conceals the misogyny of our everyday lives and social practices, which have remained largely unquestioned. Now, in the name of equality, our interactions, ideas of recreation and entertainment often mimic those associated with men, particularly when it pertains to objectification of the human body. Men who visit a strip club on an international vacation are “just being men”, and women who have a stripper in attendance for a bachelorette party are considered empowered. Our mimicry of dominant masculinity is problematic because it disguises the inherent misogyny within. We have adopted objectification as one of the tools to assert ourselves, to prove that we are no less than the men, without questioning this model of empowerment. We have and will continue to perpetuate the same inequities that we fight against, which become increasingly difficult to recognize as they are hidden under layers of pseudo-feminism. Ultimately, through this flawed process, we may be able to relax norms on how little we can wear without being victimized, but we will not succeed in changing patriarchal notions of what our bodies mean and what they are meant for. 62
Perhaps, mimicry is a form of survival. In the natural world, some species of snakes, spiders and butterflies have all evolved to look like other, more dangerous species, to ward of predators. This is called Batesian mimicry, a good example of which is a fly mimicking a bee. Birds will not attack bees, because they sting. A fly is easy prey for a bird, unless it looks like a bee, so some species of flies have evolved to mimic bees. Similarly, women have often found a way to mimic men, perhaps to feign strength and to avoid falling prey to a system run on the strength of male privilege. All of this is not to suggest, of course, that women are asexual, and that everything sexual is masculine. However, to claim that we’re challenging patriarchal norms when we are actively propagating them would be untruthful. All people, irrespective of whether they are male or female, must be allowed to express their identity equally. However, equality is not achieved in translation. As assertive and independent women, we need to evolve new ways in which we can celebrate femininity. The current political climate echoes deep discontent with the status of women in India, and the glaring lack of safety in our lives. At this juncture of unrest, it would be worthwhile to think about what it means to be an independent woman today. What and who will define our identities? How do we reconcile the various social forces that operate on us? What would a world that is equal look like? The scary truth is that in some respects, we haven’t progressed ideologically in several decades, and the fight for empowerment of women has been prematurely thwarted by the fat bank account. Our fading commitment to the real ideals to equality should be revived. This time, let’s try originality.n (Author is a lawyer in New Delhi. The post was first published on kafila.org.) ALL RIGHTS
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DCP No. F.2 (A-41) Press/ 2012