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ANG PAMANTASAN
2 NEWS House oks lowering minimum age of criminal responsibility BY MAUREN MERCA
The House of Representatives officially permitted the lowering of minimum age of criminal responsibility to 12 years old last January 28. After the third and final reading, House Bill (HB) 8858 was approved by the committee, receiving a vote of 146-34. The initial proposal was to set to lower the minimum age of ‘social’ responsibility from fifteen (15) to nine (9) years but was decided to set the age at 12 after various lawmakers and children rights group protested. According to Republic Act (RA) No. 9344 or the Juvenile and Welfare Act of 2006 and RA 10630, an act which strengthens the aforementioned act, both laws set the minimum criminal age of
responsibility to 15. However, only through RA 10630, serious crime committed by children aged 12 are to be held in the Bahay Pag-asa which paved the way for HB 8858 to be revised and now to be replaced by it. The House Bill expounds that children with ages 12 to 18 who committed a serious crime such as murder, kidnapping, parricide, violation of Comprehensive Dangerous Act of 2002, or grave illegal detention where the victim is killed or raped are to be held accountable and are to be passed on to youth care facility such as Bahay Pag-asa. Presidential Spokesman Salvador Panelo stated that the administration is leaving the decision to the Congress and
House justice panel chairperson. Nevertheless, according to President Rodrigo Duterte, he was ‘comfortable’ with lowering the age of criminal responsibility because he wants the children to be aware of criminal accountability already at that age, as well as the parents. House Speaker Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo also showed support and assured to pass the House Bill because “the president wants it so.” On the other hand, various organizations such as Children’s Legal Bureau (CLB) and other cause-oriented groups under the Children’s Non-Government Organizations (NGO) Network protested against this bill. Lawyer Noemi TruyaAbarientos, CLB spokesperson,
Street kid sleeping on a ragged foam. Photo courtesy: CNN Philippines
said that lawmakers did not put much effort in looking through the bill since it is supported by President Rodrigo Duterte and that though she did not expect the Congress to listen to their protest, they will not stop fighting it. The Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) however, released a statement saying that the House Bill is not cost-effective. “A lower age of criminal responsibility results in more
children being detained, substantially higher cost of public expenditure, and an even higher social cost of re-offending and grave offending, which simply demonstrates that such measure is not cost-effective,” said DSWD since HB 8858 amended the act to transfer the operations and management of the centers to them Development, which will also provide funding from its annual budget.
Majority of ARMM ratifies the Bangsamoro Organic Law BY MECAELA GUMADE
The Bangsamoro Organic Law (BOL), officially called the Organic Law for the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (OLBARMM) or Republic Act 11054 was deemed ratified as the majority of the people in Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) casted an affirmative vote in the first plebiscite held last January 21, 2019. The BOL will be responsible for creating a new Muslim region called the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) that will replace ARMM. The ARMM was described as a “failed experiment” because of accusations on its mismanagement and corruption, along with its dependence on
the national government in Metro Manila. This new Muslim region will have a wider territory, greater power on its resources and will be given an annual unconditional budget allocation from the national government. Based from the results of the first plebiscite, the majority of the 5 provinces under the ARMM: Basilan (except Isabela City), Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao (excluding Cotabato City), Sulu, and Tawi-tawi voted for the ratification of BOL and agreed to be part of the new Muslim region that will be created by the said passed law. Widened Territory The BARMM proved to have a much larger territory than ARMM. Aside from the five provinces, the results from the second and final
plebiscite held last February 06, 2019 assured that 63 out of 67 barangays in North Cotabato will be joining the Bangsamoro Region while Lanao del Norte opted to be excluded from BARMM as the majority of votes leaned on the opposition to be part of the said region. The barangays in North Cotabato that will be taking part in forming the Bangsamoro Region along with other provinces under ARMM are Midsayap (13), Pigkawayan (12), Kabacan (7), and Carmen (7). It also includes 22 barangays in Pikit and in two barangays in Aleosan. The City of Cotabato will also be joining the Bangsamoro government as it affirmed its place from the results of the first plebiscite despite the strong opposition of its
A woman with her child casts her vote for the Bangsamoro Organic Law in a polling precinct in Cotabato City. Photo courtesy: Jonathan Cellona, ABS-CBN News
City Mayor Cynthia Guiani Sayadi. Sulu opted out to be part of BARMM From the results of the first plebiscite, the majority of the provinces of ARMM voted “yes” for the ratification of BOL except the island province of Sulu. Sulu Governor Abdusakur “Toto” Tan IIhas filed a petition before the Supreme Court to declare the BOL unconstitutional. He claims that Sulu should be given the freedom to vote for the province’s exclusion from BARMM and not to be part of the ARMM provinces’ majority vote. Despite the results that Sulu disapproved of being a part of the BARMM, it will still be included in it due to the stated policy in BOL that the votes in all the provinces under the ARMM would be counted as a collective vote and not per province. Difference between BARMM and ARMM While the government of ARMM is in a unitary form, having its legislative and executive bodies independent, the BARMM government will be parliamentarydemocratic in nature, having its representativesfrom the current ARMM provinces, additional territories that voted to join BARMM, and representatives for women, Christians, and indigenous peoples,more closely related in
enacting their laws. Compared to the dependence of ARMM in terms of funding on the national government wherein officials still have to justify it the same as the other national government agencies, the BARMM will be given an annual unconditional budget allocation, some P60 billion to P70 billion. In addition to this, the national government will be giving the Bangsamoro Region P5 billion annually for a period of ten years, which will be used for the rehabilitation of conflict-affected areas. In terms of territory, the BARMM is proven to have a much wider scope than the ARMM through the second plebiscite held last February 06, 2019 wherein provinces, cities and barangays who petitioned to be part of the Bangsamoro Region were given a chance to vote for their inclusion. Like the ARMM, the defense and security of BARMM will be the responsibility of the national government. It is also possible for the members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) to be part of the police force in region by abiding to the requirements needed.
NEWS
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81 students vye for positions in PLM SSC,CSCs Twenty-three (23) Supreme Student Council (SSC) and 58 College Student Councils candidates who aspire to take positions in councils have filed their certificates of candidacies (COCs) for the PLM Student Council elections last February 6-7, 2019. The candidates are representatives from this year’s two political parties, Ang Partidong Tugon and STANDPLM, with Party Chairmen Kurth Dustine G. Samar and Maria Patricia M. Laygo, respectively. Furthermore, eleven (11) out of the fiftyeight (58) CSC candidates are
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running independently without parties. Meanwhile, on February 2, Saturday, the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila Commission on Elections (PLM COMELEC) released the Election Code as well as the Electoral Timeline for the 2019 election. According to the Electoral Timeline released by the PLM COMELEC, the Office of Students Development and Services (OSDS) has opened their office for the aspiring candidates for the physical copies of the Certificates of Candidacy (COC) on February 4.
BY RAVEN VILLALUNA
The candidates began filing their COCs on February 6 until February 7, the second and last day of filing of COCs. The Electoral Timeline also stated that the release of the final list of the candidates was due on February 8, in accordance to the Election Code Article 5 Section 1,2, and 3 stating that a candidate must be eligible to run as an officer meeting the qualifications, must have filed his/her COC during the prescribed schedule of time and place of the Commission, and must sworn to the candidacy as scheduled and must certify that
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ANG PARTIDONG TUGON
Upang isulong ang positibong aktibismo at natatamang serbisyo.
John Benedict C. Bien BS Architecture SSC President Candidate
Kenneth D. Aawitin BS Accountancy SSC Secretary Candidate
Arnin Aaron D. Mendoza BS Computer Science SSC Auditor Candidate
he/she intends for a particular position of an office while meeting all the requirements. PLM COMELEC issued the official list of candidates for the PLM Supreme Student Council and College Student Councils for the 2019 election on Wednesday, February 12, the start of campaign period. The election campaigns of the candidates must adhere to the Article 6 of the 2019 Amended Election Code, which articulates the campaign election propaganda, its rules, and conditions. During the last day of campaign period, HARAPAN
2019, the annual Miting De Avance of the candidates for the SSC and CSC will take place in the afternoon at the Rajah Sulayman Gymnasium. The event will be organized by the PLM Speech and Debate Society (SPADES) in partnership with Ang Pamantasan (AP), and in coordination with the PLM Commission on Elections (COMELEC). The Election Day will be on February 22, followed by the proclamation of the newly elected CSC and SSC officers on February 25.
STAND-PLM
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Upholding the democratic rights of all constituents of PLM.
Hannah J. Enriquez BS Business Economics SSC Vice President Candidate
Reigm Darrel Wenceslao BS BA-Marketing SSC President Candidate
Adrinne Kate Santos BS Chemistry SSC Vice President Candidate
Regine Louise D. Mendoza BA Communication SSC Treasurer Candidate
Avelino S. Dela Cruz Jr. BS Education Major in Math SSC Auditor Candidate
Jacqueline Ruelo BS Accountancy Treasurer Candidate
Joebert Patrick S. Obien BS Architecture SSC P.R.O. Candidate
Juine Arvie Lavarias BS Chemistry SSC P.R.O. Candidate
4 EDITORIAL
The Politics of Science KEANE ESCOBAR Point of Departure
Owing No One for our Rights: On Long Constitutional Clamors to Education Growing up in a third world country means going home to a family where a diploma is treated as prized possession and being in an environment where people perpetually tell that education is an escape route from poverty and is the way to be elevated to a higher societal disposition. The aforementioned connotation rooted into the infamous phrase that being born poor is not anyone’s mistake, but to die one is an individual’s fault—an utterly obnoxious belief and an insensitive blow to all sectors of the society. There have been long-running protests and demonstrations tackling the grievances of education system in the Philippines. It is repugnant to fight for something which in the first place should have been openly given to us as it is our fundamental human right. It speaks to the level of showing how education is being prioritized by the government, ironically parallel in time where dogmas of being white-collar worker is associated to a higher social disposition in
the country. Moreover, precursor factors of a child before entering an educational institution that are not necessarily being addressed by the government. Education is a basic constitutional right that should be provided by the government before they had the audacity to pass bills which more impede children’s rights. Such bills that blatantly disregard constitutional rights of children is House Bill No. 8858 which was approved on its third and final reading at the House of Representatives—branding a child “criminal” is detrimental to their psychological and social development. On 2013, Kristel Tejada, a then 16-year old UP Manila freshman student, killed herself by drinking silver cleaner over tuition. Tejada was denied of tuition loan, and her mother reportedly even “knelt before UP Manila Chancellor Manuel Agudo and begged that her daughter be allowed to continue attending her classes.” Up until know, there is still a debate on who to blame over Tejada’s death, whether the university costs or excessive
bureaucracy. Nonetheless, let this, not just Tejada’s death, be a catalyst of transforming our grief into actual actions of having our education system accessible and a right of everyone. As stated in Article XIV Section 1 of the Philippine Constitution, the State shall protect and promote the right of all citizens to quality education at all levels, and shall take appropriate steps to make such education accessible to all. However, education is not just something that must be accessible to all, it shall be of high quality. It is not a privilege bestowed by the government or any other body, but a constitutional right every Filipino legally has. It is an entitlement we owe to the constitution, and not a thing we should be grateful solely to people or entities in the higher ups. A public educational institution like PLM is not being subsidized by the government, but only through the government, by the Filipino mass taxpayers. We should owe to the country’s stockholders—to all Filipino people.
Ang Pamantasan EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Shaira Mae Oca MANAGING EDITOR Miles Erichelle Sinfuego NEWS EDITOR Raven Khate Villaluna ASST. NEWS EDITOR Mecaela Mae Gumade LITERARY EDITOR Anne Nicole Carig FEATURES EDITOR Keanne Andre Escobar FILIPINO EDITOR Ina Francesca Gonzales SPORTS EDITOR Kent Marvin Mojica ONLINE EDITOR Nisha Hernandez
The Official Student Publication of the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila
STAFF Alaiza Elaine Manansala / Mauren Merca / Jerome Tresvalles / Peter Gabriel Buntan / Dwight Justley Ulep / Sharmaine Mararac ART/ILLUSTRATION Peter Gabriel Buntan / Michael Jay Manan / Paul Barongan LAYOUT Raven Khate Villaluna / Anne Nicole Carig / Sharmaine Mararac / Nicole Anne Mendoza / Mecaela Mae Gumade BOARD SECRETARY Nicole Anne Mendoza CIRCULATIONS MANAGER Aristotle Castronuevo
TECHNICAL ADVISERS Prof. Luningning P. Gallindez
Prof. Norliza M. Nordan
A year after the Dengvaxia controversy, the Department of Health (DOH) is currently facing the challenge of encouraging Filipinos to get vaccinated. Despite clarifications from Sanofi Pasteur that the vaccine posts risk only in rare cases and there are no direct deaths attributed to it, headlines continued to frame the situation graver than it actually is. The media play surrounding the issue bore adverse effects on public health programs, adding fuel to the fire of the rising anti-vaccine movement. There is a current strugglein identifying who to hold accountable for the fiasco; however, the general consensus is to pin the blame on the Public Attorney Office (PAO), specifically Atty. Persida Acosta, due to wrongful implications that the vaccine was directly responsible for the deaths. PAO’s meddling into the issue by filing charges on DOH and discrediting framed the issue into something graver than it really is. Autopsy reports that are “not logical and do not have basis” were released by PAO disseminated despite refutations from the Department of Health and pathologists combined. The whole situation is a complex web of bylaws and medical ethics—and while the case is clearly politically fueled, it is high time to acknowledge the merit in discussing the intersection of science and politics, and how the former can be weaponized. Science is often held on a pedestal of objectivity that makes its practitioners warrant its distance from political matters. While the scientific method does minimize the bias in any inquiry, it is still important to acknowledge how science is still an instrument, a tool that produces answers capable of shaping a nation and is still vulnerable to societal factors. This is not the case with many, though, and one historical example would be the human experimentation during the Holocaust. Through the findings of Mengele influenced by racial bias rampant during the time, Nazi scientists were able to justify the inhumane human experimentation conducted unto their Jewish subjects. This standpoint has detrimental effects. Aside from funding problems, this culture of discrediting the political nature of science contributes to the problem of better scientific representation in the governmentwhich greatly influencesnational scientific matters. While the Philippines has not observed a scientificallybacked genocide to the Holocaust’s degree, Filipinos do not get to enjoy the very few innovations developed by our own scientists due to lack of
funding from the public sector, or arebought by private companies, which in turn make said innovations inaccessible to the public. Aside from this, our commercialized education system is also at fault. While being geared towards scienceand research development, it is also responsible for widening the gap between science and its political nature. More often than not, students are being taught that scientific thought should be held up and promoted more than anything—implying that science exists in a vacuum, uninfluenced by social issues. This was especially manifested through the shift in the UP GE curriculum in 2017, reducing the number of General Education (GE) units from 45 to 21. Originally, the program was supposed to be able to “keep up with 21st century learners” butthe move was met with strong opposition, with the student body and representatives from the staff asserting that the change was a “neoliberal attack on education” and (destroying) the holistic and interdisciplinary nature of learning offered by the GE subjects. Discrediting the importance of liberal arts in the hard sciences is detrimental to the development of S&T, in general. The humanistic context of science, specifically the ethics and the probable effects innovations have on the human person, should always be explored and taken into consideration before any development. Innovations without a solid education on the humanistic aspect of science always leads to the potential weaponization of scientific innovations of whoever is in power. With this, it is evident how essential it would be to campaign for a nationalist, scientific, and mass-oriented education system for the betterment of Filipino science and technology. In addressing the current gap between science and its political nature, it is important to consider the root cause: a commercialized education system aiming for a “robotic” community that would be left defenseless by the actions of those in the government. Through a nationalist and scientific education system, STEM students and future Filipino scientists would be able to rise up and reform the mindset of working for the international sector; and through a mass-oriented system, the welfare of the masses would always be put into priority. This would be especially helpful for the health sector, a government body most (marginalized) by political decisions through budget cuts (together with the education system). Through these orientations, science would, finally, be able for the benefit of the many and not for the few.
EDITORIAL
5
Free Cheese Can Only Be Found In a Mousetrap MILES SINFUEGO Deerstalker
For the majority, it was as joyous as it gets when the passing of the Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education, otherwise known as the ‘Free Eduk Law,’ was announced. It was as if it is a saving grace for every student currently enrolled and will be enrolling in state universities and colleges, universities and colleges, and state-run technicalvocational educational and training programs because tuition and other school fees will be subsidized by the government. “Finally, a law to solve the disparity between the rich and the poor to everyone’s right to education will be enacted,” said the supporters of the law; “Yet again, a problematic anti-poor law by the government,” opposed by the critics. It is evident that Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila is now receiving the reinforcement of the said law, as no tuition fees were collected by the university starting the academic year. The university welcomed thousands of freshmen students without even a single centavo getting out of their pockets for their tuition fee. Most rejoiced with PhP 7,000- PhP 10,000 being saved, as it really is a big help especially for students whose family income ranges to levels where having to pay school fees is making a hard turn for ends to meet. But looking in a larger sense, despite its aim to democratize access to education to all Filipinos, this law is pervasive, perforating us to the bigger problem that this nation still has to face. The Rich Outnumbers the Poor Education system in the Philippines does not work in a way that an individual directly goes to college after graduating from kindergarten. A student has yet to take primary and secondary education before being eligible to attain tertiary education; in which,
not all, primarily the lower class, are not able to get pass through. Due to this, what seems to be normal and is seen in the society is that the poorest students are being outnumbered in universities by those who, starting in their initial schooling years, have the privilege to provide themselves good quality education – top facilities, adequate supply of education materials, personal tutorial lessons, etc. In contrast, the poor are likelier to struggle to get decent education – congested classrooms conditions, inadequate amount of textbooks, lack of teachers, and other school resources. Only the best and the brightest ones get into state universities, they say – admission policies and requirements is tough to have a slot in an academic institution where not having to pay around half a hundred thousand pesos per semester is an eyecandy to the public; however, how can individuals be the “best and the brightest” when dealing with financially-strapped issues interfere their way to have a spot in universities meant for people who are incapable of getting commercialized education, in other term, for them? The result of the unequal opportunities between the rich and the poor starting on their early years is manifested in the 2014 Annual Poverty Indicators Survey (APIS), which shows that most students from public colleges (SUCs) are from higher income groups—with only 12% from the poorest income groups (5th income quantile) go to public higher educational institutions, 5% lower than the 17% rate of students who go to SUCs from the richest income groups (1st income quantile). The aforementioned figures then show who is really going to be benefitting from the law; we should focus more on the issues of discrepancies
being faced by the poor before going to college, otherwise, it is not shocking that the upper class are the ones going to SUCs and getting subsidized for something they are capable of having themselves provided. Although in the IRR of the Free Tuition Law, it is stated that students can voluntarily opt-out of the free higher education provision, which means that students with financial capacity to pay for their tuition can deny the subsidy, however, still, how can the government be assured that it does subsidize those who are needed to be subsidized— “to give priority to students who are academically able and who come from poor families”? What are the odds that there will be a great amount of financially-capable students concerned with the public realm to pay for their own tuition when they can just get it for free? Misleading Notion of "Free Education" Prior to the release of the Implementing Rules and Regulations (IRR) of the law, CHED Officer-In-Charge Prospero de Vera III said that state universities have their own jurisdiction to implement a “Return Service” program under the Free Tuition Law even without having a respective provision in the act. Now here, to what extent is “Free Education” free when students have to work in order to be able to continue studying? What’s worse therein is what may be the consequence once a person who has benefitted from the Free Tuition Law failed to comply with the Return Service Policy his/her alma mater implemented.Should he pay his/her tuition or double the cost of it during the time of his/her entry until he/she has graduated? The role of youth in nation-building is essential, but having to violate the law’s recognition to free and accessible education for all by requiring a
return service from its beneficiaries strips off the law’s main goal. To date, PLM has not released any information per se regarding whether it will or will not enact a Return Service program for its scholars. Tuition is Just the Tip of the Iceberg Graduating in college is not a two-way step of paying your tuition, then instantly getting your diploma. It is a long process, which involve costs way more than just the tuition itself— allowances, textbooks, projects, etc. Tuition is only a third of the college costs a student has to have pay in order to make it all way through graduation, what makes the greater part of the expenditure of one going to a higher education institute are the expenses for living and study materials, which is not covered in the Free Tuition Law. This does not mean that we demand free everything from the government, as many oppose saying that should not we just be grateful for the free tuition subsidy instead of criticizing the law, but there are still other societal issues that are in need to be addressed first for an accessible education in the country. One of which is the proposed provision for Tax Reform for Attracting Better and High-quality Opportunities (TRABAHO), otherwise known as TRAIN 2, wherein it seeks to put an end to Book Publishing Industry Development Act in 1995; as a result, prices of books, including text books, are likely to increase, making it even more less affordable and accessible. Similar case can be seen with the implementation of the K to 12 program, which changed the basic education cycle from 10 to 12 years by adding two years of senior high school. However, aiming to improve the education system and aid the “education-skills” mismatch in the country, the reform falls short
because of insufficent number of teachers and facilities. Dubbed with the mantra of “anti-tertiary education,” K to 12 program is a cross to bear for Filipinos to be financially-able to go to school, contradicting the notion to people’s right to equal and accessible education, only to produce laborers unwaveringly tied to low-paying jobs, parallel in time when even college degree holders are having a hard time to find employment. With the poor utilization and DepEd’s shortfall of data showing the success of K12’s curriculum towards employability, all students, or should I say, the laboratory rats the government used, have every right to be infuriated for the added two years of education costs only to be found slaves of the same capitalist world of Philippine labor force, or worse, denied of employment because they fail to have any college attainment which was manifested in the survey conducted by Jobstreet in February, 2018; the results showed only 24% of the covered 500 representative companies are willing to hire K-12 graduates, as the majority still opt for applicants who have college degrees. The Free Tuition Law is a step forward but the law alone is nothing but just a damage control to the worsening class struggle and neoliberal education system in the Philippines. Maybe those who are against this law are not insensitive and heartless individuals for not wanting to give everyone a chance to get education, get a college degree, and maybe walk out of poverty? Perhaps, there would always just be something questionable with granting free anything to the society. Yet, another fooled glory and false reform in an attempt to win a victory in abridging the gap of privilege and inequality.
Mind Conditioning in Pre-campaign Tele-biopics JEROME TRESVALLES Reasonable Delusions
In the Philippines, we are well-acquainted with the way politicians and political candidate affiliate themselves with television commercials that portray them as normal people with a big heart and even bigger political aspirations, all the usual jazz. Recently, there is a change in the way a candidate can market their image, and they are capitalizing on it in both film and television, and our prime examples include Former Senator Cynthia Villar, Former Special Assistant to the
President Christopher Lawrence “Bong” Go and Former Philippine National Police Chief Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa. Villar and Go presented their biopics through the GMA and ABSCBN broadcasting companies respectively, with Villar being featured in GMA’s drama anthology, “Magpakailanman” and Go in ABSCBN’s Maalaala Mo Kaya, their TV representation was met backlash because of the timing of its release and the suspicion that they paid these broadcasting companies to
be featured. While these allegations are yet to be confirmed, they are part of a problem that we always fail to see with biopics of public personalities, and that is the fact these biopics, as truthful as they may be, can fool viewers into buying in their public image. The same goes for Dela Rosa’s woeful attempt at a biographical film, “BATO”, despite it being a flop and generally bad overall, the movie can still trick the uneducated into thinking that he can be a viable and effective senator without knowing
first-hand what his platforms are or his political capabilities. The problems these seemingly innocuous films or TV features imposes on us as Filipinos were the same problems that plague us, lack of political and awareness and ignorance are what makes most of us Filipinos quick to believe that politicians can hold up their end of a promise they so proudly wave in our face, and sadly, they are succeeding to some extent. The sad reality is, no matter how much we abhor and condemn politicians
taking advantage of the masses illiteracy, the responsibility lies in us to educate ourselves with the law to call out and reject anyone who dares to use illiteracy as a way to win the election. We still have a long way to becoming a nation of discerning individuals who know the difference between sensationalism and the truth. Thus, these biopics of candidates should be our wake up call to be more vigilant to those who bend the rules as well as face our own illiteracy.
6 NEWS FEATURE PLM witnesses first militant protest in over a decade BY MILES SINFUEGO AND KEANE ESCOBAR
On the surface, Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila (PLM), which is dubbed as the “People’s Caring University,” always seemed to be a passive community when it comes to issues that do not necessarily concern the university—at worse, maybe even university-related matters. This culture is believed to have been cultivated by the PLM students because of the propensity to focus more on academic excellence; only allotting, if not nothing, only a small time to pervasive issues concerning more than what is centered in the four corners of the classroom. Recently, however, the silence has been broken by a series of events, which some students think as a form of “repression” by the university administration— ultimately culminating in what is called the “first militant protest” witnessed by PLM in more than a decade. Led by Anakbayan-PLM, the protest was a quick response mobilization following the crackdown on students that were part of the silent black armband protest, which is in response to the alleged incidents of “repression” and surveillance instigated by the University Administration. Cases of the University Security Group’s taking of photos and listing of names of those involved were reported. The protest called for a challenge to the administration not to be an instrument for fascism emulating the likes of Duterte’s administration, and with the recent arrest of Rappler CEO Maria Ressa—asserting that the students of PLM should be let to voice out their rights and freedom. Discourses on the issues of Med Fund, Tourism Fee, and the abolishment of PLM employees union were also raised. Events that Led to the Protest On 11 January 2019, the university posted on its Facebook page a poster of PLM students’ outstanding performance for the past three (3) years under the leadership and administration of Mayor Joseph “Erap” Ejercito Estrada. With this, the Supreme Student Council (SSC) released an official statement, also on its Facebook page, as a response to the said earlier post by the official PLM Facebook page. This was posted with a disclaimer reaffirming that it did not reflect the views and opinions of the whole
PLM community, the statement challenged the students to be critical in taking in political discourse that may pave the way for PLM being a platform serving the interests of the few. Nine (9) days after the posting of the official statement, a complaint was filed by the SSC Advisers against the Supreme Student Council on the grounds of nonapproval of the agenda of all meetings, the SSC not seeking advisory guidance in creating and releasing the said statement that “they should have done based on their Constitution, and not posting of the Summary of the Minutes of the Meeting in the PLM-SSC page; PLM Student Manual, Sec. 6, SSC Constitution Art. 13, Sec 2, and PLMSSC Resolution No. 1, s. 2018 were cited as references for the complaint. The succeeding day, the OSDS issued a Memorandum (OSDS2019-0125-01) requesting a meeting on January 28 for a preliminary investigation with the twenty (20) members of the SSC regarding the released official statement of the council on its Facebook page last January 15, 2019. In response to this, on the same day, the SSC filed a petition requesting for postponement for the reason that “the subject of the memorandum does not encompass the main clause of the complaint,” thus there was “no specific complaint” stipulated in the memo; citing Title 7, Section 5 item 1 of The PLM Student Manual on Procedural Due Process of Investigation. Four (4) days after the said memorandum was issued and the petition was filed by the SSC, the OSDS issued another memorandum (OSDS-2019-0129-01) in regards to “the recent Facebook posting made by the Supreme Student Council” in approval of SSC’s petition to postpone the meeting on preliminary investigation supposedly to be held last January 28. Dialogue with Student Leaders On the other hand, on 01 February 2019, another memorandum (OSDS2019-0201-05) was issued by the OSDS, requiring student-leaders to attend a dialogue with the university administrators and members of the Board of Regents to be held last February 6, 2019 at Justo Albert Auditorium. The memorandum announcing the program was initially exclusive to SSC Officers, College Student Council (CSC) Officers, SSC/CSC Advisers, University
Students of PLM outside the campus, calling an end to university “repression” to the student body. Photo by Miles Sinfuego
Administrators, and Members of the Board of Regents. There was then a later instruction that the event would be opened to students aside from the initial student leaders who were invited to attend. According to the council members, they were not informed on the nature of the event due to the absence of agenda on the memorandum they received. The program started off with a presentation discussing the improvements in the university’s facilities, and in comparison to other universities. The SSC officers were then requested to come up and be seated on stage. Afterwards, PLMSSC President Ma. Patricia Laygo opened the discussion regarding their official statement on the “misleading” post on the university’s official Facebook page. With this, the SSC clarified that the statement was not an attack directed at the city mayor, but rather at the “misleading” publicity material released. During the dialogue, Mr. Enrique Adolfo “Boogie” San Juan, College of Law Representative and former SSC President, raised that the page’s acknowledgment should have been more comprehensive in its message, acknowledging not just the mayor but also all sectors of Manila, but was met by PLM President Ma. Leonora V. De Jesus’ assertion that the council’s statement was “outright disrespectful”, showing a lack of gratitude from the students, and is unacceptable, especially that the contents of the post from the university’s page was factual and accurate. During the latter part of the program, the speakers entertained a few questions from the audience. The questions addressed certain PLM issues, one of which concerned the 2016 lockdown following the Annual Foundation Week. During the latter part of the program, the speakers entertained a few questions from the audience. Dr. De Jesus, defended the action by
reasoning out that it was done “out of protection for the students against heavy rains”. In addition, a question was raised concerning the “faculty’s privilege” to bring food inside the university buildings despite having prohibitions to do so while students were being reprimanded for doing the same. The President addressed this by responding that the rules are there for hygienic purposes. The program ended with President De Jesus’ pronouncement of cancelling their plans of providing financial assistance to the “real scholars” of PLM and to call off their intent to give food subsidy to PLM students, due to “their actions being met with malice.” Laygo asserted in an interview that the dialogue was a “public humiliation” on their part, as if they were given a trial by public, which they were requested to attend “without having any knowledge on details about it”, as no agenda were stipulated in the issued memorandum by the OSDS regarding it. The day after the dialogue, February 7, a show cause notice was given to the PLM SSC officers regarding, as per the document issued by the OSDS, “alleged misconduct relevant to the posting of the SSC official statement in their official Facebook account”. In addition to this, a separate complaint was filed by the SSC advisers against the officers, stating that “no prior approval was sought and the use of the SSC official Facebook account may constitute publishing or disseminating misleading statements about the University, its officials, employees, and students.” According to the notice, the statement released by the officers “contains malicious remarks that apparently embarrassed or brought dishonor to the University officials”. Due to this, they might face up to 26 days suspension to non-readmission or exclusion. On February 11, the SSC posted
a clarificatory statement on their Facebook page, stating that their post did not intend to personally attack PLM and bring dishonor to the university’s name. The Council restated that they aimed only to give credit where it is due, that they acknowledge all efforts made by the constituents of PLM and would like to protect the university from being an object of political speculation due to the said post. They also acknowledged the hardwork of the current administration, employees, and faculties of the university. Lastly, they do not wish to put malice in anyone’s name, may it be the City Mayor or the University Administration; rather, their only intention was to acknowledge everyone’s efforts behind the success stipulated in the poster. On February 15, the same day of the protest, the university posted on its Facebook page an acknowledgment of the “apologies” of the officers of the Supreme Student Council, posting the actual “apology” letters of the 18 students who submitted to the Office of the University President. The post furthermore stated that the SSC post was a condemnation to the acknowledgment of the support provided by the Mayor and the City Council to the university, “It is good to know that the SSC, in their apology, also recognized the significant improvements in the services, benefits and school facilities enjoyed by the PLM students through the assistance of the Mayor and the City Council”. The hearing regarding the case filed by the OSDS on the “misconduct relevant to the posting of the SSC official statement on their official Facebook account” against the SSC on officers is still ongoing to this date.
LITERARY
7
TAKING STAND BY SHARMAINE MARARAC I must be the poorest person in the world. When I was twelve, a cup of instant noodles was enough to get me through the day, meager amount of coins from Ninongs and Ninangs on mandatory Christmas visits meant that I was over the moon, and losing to the bigger and bolder kids to some child play only purports that I was at least having fun. Now, barely anything satisfies.
DETHRONED BY NICOLE CARIG We have been dethroned. Through the years, it remained a chronic malady that has yet found its cure — an emerging discourse among kinships. We have been dethroned. Repressed of rights, mouths are thwarted, hankering for impartiality under the manipulative utilization of power. We have been dethroned. The same bloodline runs through; familiar family names are after the throne. Political servitude and corruption never ceased.
I remember bawling my eyes out at 7 after getting our next little born. Nene was the apple of my eye; she boasted with porcelain skin and hazel brown eyes. She resembles Nanay’s good male friend back then, although he has been absent too long for me to really remember which one he was. The good friends have come and gone, but the next mouth after Tutoy’s, they all stopped coming at once. Eventually, my happy tears turned lonelier each time. Now, whenever there’s a cup of rice, never again will it be enough. I am eighteen today. For now, Nanay is livelier because I get to be inked. The television reports tell me I hold a power to change, and that I need to know how to choose wisely. But really, I only want to know how to keep filling my household’s cup. Recently, people of different sorts came and gone, asked whoever liked them best and gave them prize. Their mouths full of praise and promise and all things sweet, just like how Nanay’s old friends had been.The public is fooled but not me; I will not be coerced, I will not be harassed, I say. But the costs inflate as people deny and so, I fold the 500-peso bill and take my stand. In the end, I write the names of those who lie. I have filled my cup for now, but it will never be enough. I must be the poorest person right now.
Tyranny is masked by a democratic façade; hierarchal superiority is embarked upon the stigma, impeding the elusive chance for new reformists, imbued with humane values and sensible platforms. Through the dynasties that idly passed, for all the hampered progressive changes and the imperious persistence of political dynasty, we have long been dethroned from our fair entitlement.
SILENCED BY NICOLE CARIG In this place where silence and noise co-exists, where injustice and repression live, where sterile autocracy persists, linger the echoes of the youth’s silent weeping.
Days had always been on the brink of constant fear and distress, thus, everynight before sleeping, we pray for another tomorrow – for many more tomorrows.
Dearest freedom of speech, Voices have faltered in vain; you went higher beyond our sight. grimaces are fired for every word uttered. Sacrificing the peril of being fallible, But never will we succumb to the strain you had gone so far that we could no longer until our outcry against despotism is heard. reach you. Power impels to silence our tongues, to blind the eyes that perceive the truth, to cover the ears that choose to heed, and to kill the living patriarchy.
Amid the heights you’ve come to reach, and the stretching gap forming in between, we will continue this fight, and will never surrender our right to speak.
FOUR COMMANDMENTS OF LEADERSHIP BY SHARMAINE MARARAC 1. Vision – A leader must have a clear view of what to want and what to need for the one that doesn’t turn the blind eye is firm, unfaltering and secure on personal sentiments shall rise together with his group, and crumble everyone in a single stretch when he fails to. 2. Passion – A person who volunteers do so with pride go out their way and do their best. He urges progress and neglects to settle for less. But those forced will onlyproceed with a heavy heart, provoked with selfish advances;they fake their intent. 3. Communication –The team that doesn’t participate in disclosure cannot share efforts in arriving at triumph. He, who must lead, must also be the first to direct his own words to others, and freely express as to freely conduct. 4. Character – To be a great leader is to be innately, irrevocably, and undeniably a captain in all honesty and purity of one’s intentions. And when a personality is projected, The one true question remains, “Am I a Good Leader?”
ISYUNG ISKO 8 FILIPINO