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From the Editor
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vol. 13, ISSUE 10 | JANUARY 2020 Anil Tyagi | editor GS Sood | business editor Sheshadri Chari | roving editor Abhilash Khandekar | consulting editor Alam Srinivas | contributing editor Vivek Mukherji | contributing editor Anish Gandhi | consultant, foreign affairs Rakesh Bhardwaj | editorial consultant Sumit Bothra | Regional Head, Tamil Nadu Ramesh Sharma | bureau chief (north india) Nipun Jain | finance Gautam Das | legal consultant Bushchat Media | edit & design Madan Lal | webmaster Abhisshek Tyagi | director advertising & marketing ANIL SOOD | VICE PRESIDENT, MARKETING +919811639632 PS SURAL | VICE PRESIDENT, MARKETING +919873243950 e-mail: asps@gfilesindia.com up: RAJEEV ANAND | REGIONAL HEAD +91884 023 9980 +91 99363 58161 RAJEEVANANDVOL@GMAIL.COM delhi: e-mail: adv@gfilesindia.com mumbai: 48/C-1, Areshwar, Mhada, S.V.P. Nagar, Andheri(W), Mumbai 400 053 Chandigarh: Jangra Complex, Opp Hotel Ramade Plaza, Ambala Chandigarh Road, Zirakpur-140107, Punjab Mobile +917888591003 e-mail: rameshsharmaemail@gmail.com ANIL TYAGI, PRINTER & PUBLISHER 118, 2nd floor, dda site 1, new rajinder nagar, new delhi – 110 060 +All information in gfiles is obtained from sources that the management considers reliable, and is disseminated to readers without any responsibility on our part. Any opinions or views on any contemporary or past topics, issues or developments expressed by third parties, whether in abstract or in interviews, are not necessarily shared by us. Copyright exclusively with Sarvashrestha Media Pvt. Ltd. All rights reserved throughout the world. Reproduction of any material of this magazine in whole, or in part(s), in any manner, without prior permission, is totally prohibited. The publisher accepts no responsibility for any material lost or damaged in transit. The publisher reserves the right to refuse, withdraw or otherwise deal with any advertisement without explanation. All advertisements must comply with the Indian Advertisements Code. Published and printed by Anil Tyagi on behalf of Sarvashrestha Media Pvt. Ltd at Polykam Offset, C-138, Naraina Industrial Area, Phase I, New Delhi 110028. All disputes are subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of competent courts in New Delhi only
CONTACT: editor@gfilesindia.com FOR SALES: adv@gfilesindia.com FOR SUBSCRIPTION: hrd@gfilesindia.com TEL/FAX: +91 11 2874 4789, +91 99111 10385
HAT is governance? In modern parlance, it implies a government that can marry the critical issues of consistently-high economic growth and development with the crucial responsibilities to provide cheap, even free, roti, kapada aur makaan, as well as education, health, and infrastructure to the poor, underprivileged and exploited sections of a society. The nature of the government can vary—capitalist, socialist, communist or dictatorial. But the tasks essentially remain the same, although their relative importance can change. From the US to China, Japan to India, Malaysia to Middle East, and Russia to Africa, the overall goals remain the same. In this context, no government can waver from its social and welfare duties. Growth and development remain the only means to finance welfare-ism, as this is the only path to raise official revenues to finance the latter. Sadly, across the globe, the policy makers pursue actions which are contrary to these moral and value-based objectives. India is no exception. Over the past 15 years, we witnessed a “lost” decade in which the ship seemed to steer on its own, and an exceptionally hectic half-a-decade, where the vessel ran into rough, violent and huge waves. Growth, development, welfare and social responsibilities lost their relevance. Like it or not, the lofty targets of ‘Health For All’ and ‘Education For All’ have remained slogans. In both rural and urban areas, the quality of education in government schools and several private ones has not improved. This is especially true in higher education. Our youth is educated on paper but has neither the soft nor the hard skills to become employable. On top of this, the economic slowdown has killed jobs. Engineers and MBAs remain unemployed; post-graduates seek low jobs like driver and police constable. The same is true about health. Swachh Bharat has changed the overall environment, but most of India lacks affordable clinics and hospitals. Lack of growth has curtailed development, especially in infrastructure. External and structural problems impact agriculture adversely. Farmers’ incomes have dwindled and their starvation and suicides are common. The less said about manufacturing, the better. Growth is the lowest in four decades. On top of this, inflation has raised its ugly head; food inflation is the highest in five years. Thus, the trickle-down effect has dried up; it is now a case of gush of problems that have hit the poor. The effect on development is logical and obvious. Clearly, the Indian youth has no economic solutions to raise its incomes, prosperity, happiness and living standards. Given this scenario, most governments, especially in the states, resorted to the famous, short-term, vote-winning clichés—free food, free electricity, free health services, freedom from loans, etc. Obviously, this impacts the states’ finances within a few years and leads to a complete inability to invest in growth, development and overall welfare. But only until the next election, when similar and new ‘free’ schemes are announced. Such an attitude only takes a country backwards. For what is required is to build and evolve governance systems and mechanisms so that the social responsibilities of the government maintain a consistent momentum. It requires a vision, an out-of-the-box thinking, which can only evolve if the policymakers can dissociate themselves from electoral politics. If winning elections is the only aim, economics and welfare-ism is easily discarded. This is because in this age of social media-driven politics, voters can be wooed through fears, apprehensions, cares and social disruptions. In the end, the society remains divided along religions, castes, classes, and communities. There is an abduction of the nation-building exercise, which is the paramount driver of good governance. The tools are there to change India and build a New India. The dreams are there too. What is required is a collective will of those who govern us, and those who elect them. ANIL TYAGI editor@gfilesindia.com
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CONTENTS
COVER STORY
Selling Family Silver 18 BRIC-A-BRAC Change is in the air; Shadow of corruption; Dushyant in a hurry; Welcome...
BIRTHDAYS OF CIVIL SERVANTS
56
TRACKING: TRANSFERS & POSTINGS
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BY THE WAY Vacancies galore; Seeking gurus; A Secretary’s Dilemma; Perturbed IAS lobby in UP
CORRUPTION
Capital Drain, Capital Gains
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26
GOVERNANCE 61
10
NSEL, the endgame and guinea pigs
GOVERNANCE
34
Climate crisis knocking on our doors
BOOK EXTRACT
48
The Makings of Dalit Political Power
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TWEETS IAS Association @IASassociation Jan 1 As we welcome a New Year and a New Decade, we wish a Very Happy New Year to all. May we all strive harder in the coming year to make our nation stronger, our society inclusive and our economy vibrant. Happy New Year 2020. Twitter @IAS Association 6th January End of an Era. Sad to learn of the demise of Shri TN Chaturvedi IAS 1950 RJ - one of our most accomplished seniors. He made immense contribution in public life in various capacities. Such a loss for the nation & society. Condolences to family members. Dev Choudhary IAS @DevChoudharyIAS Before I left SDM office and move to another, installed brail signages in the office. It will give better access to differently abled persons. Though its a small step and still miles to go.... @ParveenKaswan @dabi_tina @vidya0279 IAS Association @IASassociation Dec 3 Extremely sad to share the news of the demise of Sri BK Sinha IAS 75 BH. One of the finest, most gentle, simple & exceptional officers - it’s such a loss for the nation & society. Known for his contribution to Rural Development & for poor & marginal farmers. Condolences to family IAS Association @IASassociation Dec 1, 2019 Brilliant initiative of Ambikapur Municipal Corporation and Sarguja District Administration. Bring plastic, deposit it and
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get a meal for free. Kudos to Saransh Mittar IAS @saransh84 and the entire team. #PlasticFree #SwachhBharat @IPS_Association Dec 28, 2019 Proud as @WCCBHQ led by an IPS officer @ TilotamaVarma is commended among 109 countries by @INTERPOL_HQ for its success in #OperationThunderball. #INTERPOL encourages other nations to learn from WCCB India & adopt a similar approach in combating wildlife crimes. Congratulations IPS Association @IPS_Association Dec 26, 2019 Arise, awake and stop not till the goal is achieved! IPS Prem Sukh Delu is an inspiration for all who aspire to turn their dreams into reality. His determination & diligence took him far - from job of a #Patwari to an #IPSofficer. IPS Association @IPS_Association Dec 24, 2019 Gowtham Sawang, #DGP @APPOLICE100 releases a booklet on ‘Mahila Mitra System’, an initiative taken to ensure timely review of women issues every month. The system promises to make all #PoliceStations #Women friendly by the end of 2020. IPS Association @IPS_Association Dec 23, 2019 Meet head constable Rajesh Pandey, the #SherlockHolmes of @MumbaiPolice, who has successfully solved 700 missing persons’ cases in a career of 26 years with his creative and social skills. Truly commendable.
Varun Kumar IPS @VarunKumarIPSTN Dec 20, 2019 Fitness is a great way to bring joy to your life ~ says actor @aamir_khan. At Ramanathapuram district #PoliceStation, he appeals to #youth to stay away from #drugs and contraband, in order to enjoy the gift of #Life. @PoliceTamilnadu @aamir_khan IPS Association @IPS_Association Dec 19, 2019 ‘MP e- Cop’, an app launched by #MadhyaPradesh police, @MPDial100, has SOS facility which triggers a message to dial 100 by a push, and helps police to track the location of victim. The app is specially an aid to women in distress. @DGP_MP https://bit.ly/2rK4zGQ IPS Association @IPS_Association Dec 16, 2019 Adversities cause some men to break down; others to break records ~ believes 22-year-old @SafinHasan_IPS, youngest #IPS who is an inspiration for many. His perseverance and dedication in chasing his dream paid off. IPS Association @IPS_Association 16 December Adversities cause some men to break down; others to break records ~ believes 22-yearold @SafinHasan_IPS youngest #IPS who is an inspiration for many. His perseverance and dedication in chasing his dream paid off. #JamnagarPolice @GujaratPolice
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Bric-a-brac ups & downs
Change is in the air New look for Rajya Sabha
T
he dynamics within the Rajya Sabha will change this year as 69 members of the house will retire in 2020. One nominated member veteran advocate K.T.S Tulsi is retiring in February. As many as 51 members will retire in April while 11 members retire in November 2020. One member will retire in July and 5 members in June 2020. As per the rule, one-third members of the house retire after every two year and new members are elected by the state legislatures. The prominent ones are Sharad Pawar (Maharastra), Ramdas Athawale (Maharashtra), Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s confidant Deputy Chairman of Rajya Sabha Harivansh (Bihar), Vijay Goel (Rajasthan), Laloo’s trusted Lieutenant Prem Chand Gupta (Bihar), Congress’ Adivasi Leader Madhu Sudan Mistry (Gujarat), Andhra’s Congress Leader T.Subbarami Reddy (Andhra), Haryana Congress President Kumari Shailja (Haryana), prominent face of BJP in Bihar Dr. C. P. Thakur (Bihar), and Congress’ Veteran Leader Moti Lal Vohra (Chhattisgarh). Prime Minister Narendra Modoi has to decide who will replace KTS Tulsi as a nominated member. Sharad Pawar has to decide whether he will continue as a
parliamentarian or will lead as a patriarch. Harivansh also will also have a smooth re-nomination from his mentor Nitish Kumar as he has worked hard for balancing JDU and BJP leadership in Delhi. In a short time Harivansh has made a place for himself as a parliamentarian. Vijay Goel a politician from Delhi was hammered by many politicians within BJP, so he surrendered his services to Defence Minister Rajnath Singh. Though he wishes to be the Chief Minister of Delhi, it seems to be a tough walk. Now, It’s up to Amit Shah and Modi whether they would like to send Vijay Goel back to Rajya Sabha or not. Maverick T.Subbarami Reddy doesn’t have any chance as Congress was wiped out in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly elections. The BJP may not re-nominate Bhumihar leader Dr. C.P. Thakur as he is 89 years old. The re-nomination of Moti Lal Vohra entirely depends on Sonia Gandhi, though he is aged but he is an insider and loyal party leader. Digvijay Singh and Shailja’s re-nomination is beyond any doubt as both are very influential in their respective states. Madhu Sudan Mistry is a tribal leader of Gujarat and close to Rahul Gandhi. In the given scenario, it’s to be seen how his victory can be assured in Ahmedabad. g
Shadow of corruption Growing concerns in RSS
C
hintan baithaks’ (concern meetings) are being organised within the RSS. There are two concerns of the top RSS leadership. One, how to deal with the uprising against CAA-NPR-NRC. Two, the menace of corruption and its penetration among the RSS organisation leadership. The top leadership is meeting with influential people from all walks of society and trying to understand how it has misfired and how it can be corrected. The way the uprising is strengthening, it’s feared that the BJP may lose assembly elections which are going for the polls in this year. The RSS is always cautious about the image and ideology and top leadership does not compromise on this score. A complaint related to financial irregularities by few organizational secretaries ries
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reached the top leadership. A committee was immediately formed to investigate the matter which went through minute details. Allegations of corruptions were also proved against several and sources reveal that a dozen organizational secretaries are likely to be changed. It’s noticed that for last six years, the living standards of RSS functionaries have changed. The RSS func functionaries are in demand across the country by the facilitator The RSS functionaries never saw the aura, facilitators. power and wealth in the politics in last sixty years, pow but being part of the ruling dispensation they have started relishing power and reportedly it’s leading to an unabated corruption. It’s aptly said about politics, power powe corrupts; absolute power corrupts absolutely’? But the RSS is a social reform organisation and they have to contain corru corruption by all means!
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Dushyant in a hurry y handles 11 portfolios
D
ushyant Chautala, the Deputy Chief ief Minister of Haryana, appears to be a man in a hurry. He has been allotted the plump 11 portfolios which include excise and taxation, development opment and d and panchayats, industry and commerce, food civil supplies departments, revenue, disaster ster management, public works, labour and employment, civil aviation, archaeology and museum, and rehabilitation and consolidation. These are core departments which makes him the most powerful minister in the state. Haryana collected `7,500 crore from the ‘liquor business’ and around `18,000 crore comes from GST and other taxes. Given the size of the liquor and GST revenue pie, it makes the Excise and Taxation Department most powerful not only a revenue generator but a politically influential tool. As per the Haryana government budget of 2019-20,
water supply, s sanitation, housing and urban develop development has allocation of `9,691 crore, social w welfare and nutrition was allocated `8,645 crore and rural development has a budget of `5,365 crore. This is now under bu the control of Chautala. Insiders reveal that civil servants are finding it difficult to implement the official and so-called unofficial dictates of the Deputy Chief Minister. The ruling BJP leadership is rreportedly keeping a vigil on his movements. It appears Dushyant knows m his real strength; he has a fragmented family and fragile political party which fam has only 10 MLAs out of a house of 90 MLAs. Insiders reveal that BJP’s top leadership may change its course of action after the Delhi assembly elections and Dushyant knows he is running against time. Wait and watch.
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Welcome... ...and unwelcome visitors
O
nce you become a national leader from a local leader, it has its own consequences. BJP’s P’s president Jagat Prakash Nadda hails from om Himachal Pradesh. Though he has been a minister in the cabinet, he has never been a mass leader. He came into prominence due to his proximity with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Today he lives in a big ministerial bungalow. Mr. Nadda likes a very hygienic atmosphere but being the president of a national party, his home is flooded with visitors and political leaders from all walks of life. To cater to the crowds is necessary and that includes making arrangements for water and toilets. Officials at Nadda’s house, however, don’t seem to like common people entering the house, so they have put a urinal van just at the entry gate of the house. Though it’s a good arrangement but clean environment of the road is spoiled by
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van. Home Minister of India Amit the old fashioned fash Shah too faces fa a problem. The Anti CAA/NPR demonstrations have created another issue for him. In demonstrat Home Minister Shushil Kumar Shinde 2014, former for also used to live on this road. When the Nirbhaya rape case agitation was at its peak, the rap youngsters barged in. The security officials who manage VIP security are aware about the seriousness of the movement of CAA/ NPR and they don’t want to take any chances. So they have closed the road by ba barricading Krishna Menon Marg and Sunheri Road. Delhi is now under the National Bagh R Security Act. The Lieutenant Governor of Delhi Securit passed an order conferring the Commissioner of Police with the power to detain under the draconian National Security Act (NSA) for a period of three months — between 19 January and 18 April. Now the kings and queens of Lutyen’s Delhi can sleep in winter with comfort. g
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CORRUPTION capital accounts
FROM RAJ TO RAFALE 16
Capital Drain, Capital Gains
The concept of capital flight changed in the postreforms India. It increased in intensity, enhanced its trajectory and journey. The bulk of the money that was dishonestly parked overseas through different means, came back as legitimate white money after being washed in the tax havens. The owners of black money abroad used it to earn handsome returns on Indian investments
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by ALAM SRINIVAS
I
N the 1980s, the Indian public got to know of two sets of strange offshore entities that were based in global tax havens. One set included names such as Lotus, Tulip, and Mont Blanc that were located in Switzerland, Panama, and Lichtenstein, respectively. The other set comprised Crocodile Investments and Fiasco Investments that were headquartered in the Isle of Man. The first group was allegedly involved in the payments of bribes and commissions in the controversial Bofors case. The second played a dubious role in stock speculations in the Indian bourses. The transactions of these companies established the role they played in the movement of money to favour specific individuals, which included agents and middlemen, industrialists, and politicians. But more importantly, the deals proved two things—one that was evident, and the other that was counterintuitive, i.e. contrary to common sense expectations. In Bofors, it was clear, yet again, that Indians use tax havens as hiding places for illegal money. But in the cases of Crocodile and Fiasco, it hinted that Indians are possibly bringing back the illicit money that was stashed abroad. During the 1990s and 2000s, these trends accelerated, but became intertwined. In essence, the illegal capital flight out of the country intensified, largely to tax havens, but the money wasn’t parked there as was the case in the 1970s and 1980s. In fact, the black money was promptly re-routed through normal banking channels to invest in India—either as foreign direct investment, non-resident Indians’ investment, or as foreign money that was used to buy Indian
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stocks. The black money was washed as white, and used to earn attractive returns in the post-reforms India. Data from the Swiss authorities, for example, adds credence to this re-routing of the ill-gotten money back to India. In 2019, the Swiss National Bank revealed that Indians (which did not include the money they held in foreign names and nonIndian entities) held less than `7,000 crore in its country’s banks. The highest ever was in 2006—`23,000 crore. This was way short of the various claims and estimates. One said that Indians held over a trillion dollars, more than `700,000 crore at today’s exchange rate, in Swiss banks. Another way to analyse the situation is to look at the figures that became public due to the leaks by financial whistle blowers. A few years ago, an ex-engineer at the global bank, HSBC, shared details of over 100,000 bank accounts with the media. These included almost 1,200 Indians, who held `25,420 crore in illegal accounts, i.e. just over `20 crore or less than $3 million at the current exchange rate. The same was true about the latest revelations that were dubbed The Panama Papers and The Paradise Papers. In their book, The Panama Papers, the three Indian Express journalists, who exposed the offshore scandal, say that the government sleuths found that the 500 named Indians held undisclosed assets of just over `1,100 crore. This comes to an average of `2 crore per individual or entity. And this is the biggest problem with the book, which misses the woods for the trees. The three journalists ask the wrong questions, or rather the not-so-right ones, and go ahead with vigour and
During the 1990s and 2000s... the illegal capital flight out of the country intensified, largely to tax havens, but the money wasn’t parked there as was the case in the 1970s and 1980s. In fact, the black money was promptly re-routed through normal banking channels to invest in India
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CORRUPTION capital accounts
In the seminal Vodafone case, the Supreme Court explored the issue of whether a foreign owner, who takes over an Indian company through cross-border investments and through offshore entities, is liable to pay tax deducted at source on capital gains of the seller. In its 2012 order, the apex court said no and ruled in favour of Vodafone’s acquisition of an Indian telecom firm
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enthusiasm to answer them. Instead of a sharp focus on why Indians hold so less money in the offshore entities, they take a deep dive into the specific names. The journey, or the efforts and challenges to trace the beneficiaries and owners of the offshore accounts, becomes the main narrative. The journalists, in effect, become the protagonists, rather than what was openly visible. In fact, the authors breezily mention that they find no names of Indian politicians because the latter are able to hide their identities even in offshore accounts.
the book, they mention about how money stashed abroad is re-routed through tax havens like Mauritius back to the country. They mention jargons and phrases like round tripping and treaty shopping to hint at such trends. And then they keep quiet about it, and get self-obsessed with their efforts and revelations. The fact that offshore entities were registered, whether they had money or not, was enough for them. Fortunately, there are several case studies, and anecdotal and actual evidence to emphasise that Indians now
Manmohan Singh
P Chidambaram
T
HE question should have propped up because the authors mention other instances where the efforts to trace black money failed miserably. Under a one-time voluntary disclosure of foreign assets in 2015, “648 declarations involving undisclosed foreign assets worth over `4,100 crore were made”. This is over `6 crore per disclosure. In 2016, the government gave the option for Indian assets. “At the end, there were 71,726 declarations disclosing `67,382 crore”, says the book, or less than `1 crore per declaration. Unfortunately, the authors implicitly knew the answers, but failed to develop them or deal with them. In
prefer to bring back their ill-gotten wealth through legal banking channels. They choose tax havens for both purposes, to avoid taxes and maintains secrecy so that no one can trace the sources of the incoming money. It is now time to deal with some of these cases and trends. Once Rajiv Gandhi opened the Indian investment floodgates through imports of components and joint ventures with foreign partners, Indians could bring back the black money as direct equity or convertible debentures like GDR (global depository receipts) issued in global stock exchanges. They could also show them as equity investments made by
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NRIs and private parties in overseas joint ventures that were set by Indian industrialists. Given the boom in the Indian economy, especially after 1991, the returns on equity due to shooting valuations were mouth-watering. N the seminal Vodafone case, the Supreme Court explored the issue of whether a foreign owner, who takes over an Indian company through cross-border investments and through offshore entities, is liable to pay tax deducted at source on capital gains of the seller. In its
sold a majority stake (and later the complete stake) to Vodafone, also held its minority stake through entities based in Mauritius. For example, the SC observes, “On 15.03.2007, a Term Sheet Agreement between VIH (Vodafone) and Essar Teleholdings Limited, an Indian company which held 11% in HEL (the sold company), and Essar Communications Limited, a Mauritius company which held 22% in HEL, was entered into for regulating the affairs of HEL and the relationship of the shareholders of HEL.” After the Vodafone deal, Essar
Yashwant Sinha
Jaswant Singh
2012 order, the apex court said no and ruled in favour of Vodafone’s acquisition of an Indian telecom firm. What’s significant is the 2007 ownership structure of how various foreign and Indian entities owned the Indian operational arms in this case. Vodafone’s ownership structure was completely reproduced in the SC order, which we have republished. It will come as a shocker to most readers. It shows a maze of more than fivedozen companies, most of them based in tax havens like Mauritius, through which the various partners held their stakes. What is of interest is that some of the Indian partners, like the Mumbai-based Essar group, which
held 33% in the Indian operational arm; it sold it later when 100% FDI was allowed in the telecom sector. While Essar’s money that came through Mauritius was legal, the experts and Indian tax authorities found hundreds of similar cases where Indian entities held stakes in Indian companies through entities in tax havens. Mauritius became the most favourable investment base for direct investments in companies’ equity, and indirectly through purchases in the Indian stock exchanges. Indian and foreign entrepreneurs took advantage of the double taxation treaty between India and Mauritius, and the several loopholes in it, to avoid taxes, and
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After the leaks of the Panama Papers, India did change its rules to make tax havens less attractive to the global business community. The new rules said that if “the place of effective management” of a company is in India, it is liable to pay taxes as per Indian laws, and not be able to take advantage of double taxation treaty with a tax haven like Mauritius
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CORRUPTION capital accounts
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keep their investments secret. When Indians re-routed their money back to the country through tax havens, the officials dubbed it as “round tripping” for obvious reasons, and “treaty shopping” for not-soobvious ones. The latter term implies that an investor from a third country uses the bilateral double taxation agreement between two nations, only to either avoid taxes or lower them. In tax havens, the tax rates are either zero or extremely low. Now, there are ways to lower instances of treaty shopping through rules that restrict the treaty’s tax benefits.
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T this stage it needs to emphasised, especially to clear the dark clouds of doubts created by The Panama Papers, that bulk of the money invested through the tax havens is legitimate. Avoidance of tax, unlike evasion, is legal, and is a regular feature of tax strategies of large, medium, and small corporations across the world. In fact, Singapore, and earlier London, were known tax havens. In the US, the states of New Jersey and Delaware act as onshore tax havens. To give one example, top Indian private firms remained zero-tax for decades until the introduction of minimum alternate tax. In such cases, the spirit of the law, rather than its letter, is crucial. If an entity in a tax haven is merely used for tax purposes, and serves no other purpose, there is a violation of the spirit. But the fact remains that the two countries deliberately, and with consciousness signed a double taxation agreement. Both knew the differences in tax rates in their respective nations, and that businessmen can use it to their advantages. It is for the authorities to prove their cases, or plug the
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CORRUPTION capital accounts
P-Notes, or participatory notes, are another controversial source of investment in Indian stocks. It is a paper, or a financial instrument, which is issued by foreign portfolio investors that are registered with the Indian market regulator, SEBI. The holders of the P-Notes, however, can invest in Indian stocks through registered foreign investors without disclosing their details under the Indian KYC norms
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loopholes. Not the other way around. After the leaks of the Panama Papers, India did change its rules to make tax havens less attractive to the global business community. The new rules said that if “the place of effective management” of a company is in India, it is liable to pay taxes as per Indian laws, and not be able to take advantage of double taxation treaty with a tax haven like Mauritius. To think that this came into effect five years after the SC order in the Vodafone case points the needle of suspicion at the policy makers, not the businessmen.
Thus, the new owners of these shelf firms do not have to waste time to conduct their secret deals and transactions. They can do it immediately with the help of financial experts and chartered accountants, who have mastered the art and science of tax havens. A shelf company can be a shell company, i.e. it is used for only one specific purpose of tax avoidance. But shelf companies are invariably used for several deals, as the global cases in Panama Papers prove. In such instances, they cannot be dubbed as shell companies.
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NOTHER misconception that most people make, and the authors of the book on Panama Papers also do, is to confuse secrecy with the aim to merely hide the source of undisclosed and illegal money. This is not so in most cases. Secrecy is crucial for corporations in several cases, especially during cross-border takeovers and M&As. This is especially true in the instances of hostile takeovers. Thus, the use of entities in tax havens plays an important role in business strategies. Obviously, tax avoidance is paramount. Obviously, secrecy, as well as speed, in such matters, forces companies to use “shelf ” companies, and not “shell’ companies, as the former are often confused with the latter. A shelf company can also be a shell company, and vice versa. The difference, as the Panama Papers conclusively proves, and which the authors completely missed, was that shelf companies are those that are already legitimately registered in tax havens, and are offered to global buyers on a plate, and almost instantly, if they wish to become the owners.
Pranab Mukherji
Hence, it is banal and immature for anyone to expect the business community to behave in a moral manner. It can only be expected to follow the laws, and routinely find gaps in them to skirt them. In fact, this is the cruel reality of business. This is why the analysis of The Panama Papers seems bombastic and moralistic. “Unsurprisingly, many offshore companies are ‘sham’ entities engaged in tax evasion/avoidance, manipulation of the market, money laundering, round tripping, parking black money, bribery, etc.” However, in the Indian cases revealed in the Panama Papers, those that were dated before 2013 were
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totally illegal. This is because Indian rules did not allow investment in offshore accounts and offshore entities up to that year. It was only in 2013 that the rules were changed a bit. Hence, the revelations of the Panama Papers did serve a legal, and not moral, purpose. Now, it is time to talk about two other ways in which Indians used the money stashed abroad to bring it back into the country’s stock markets. One of these, as we mentioned earlier, is GDR, or instruments that are issued in the European stock exchanges, and
In affidavits, it was said that the patriarch controlled these offshore firms. The managers of the firms took direct orders from the latter. Researchers in several cases, and according to several papers and studies, found common Indian names of global offshore entities that held huge funds, and invested in Indian GDRs as well as ADRs (American depository receipts) that are issued in the US stock exchanges by Indian companies. Both GDRs and ADRs are similar as financial instrument, and are both converted into shares at fixed dates.
speculations, as well as manipulations in some cases. Indian authorities claim that P-Notes are fashionable with Indian investors, who wish to bring back the money stashed abroad. In fact, gunrunners, smugglers, and narcotics dealers use them to launder their money legally in lucrative investments. For the past three decades, India offered one of the best annual returns in stocks, and on a regular basis. Hence, the Indian officials feel that dishonest money comes in through these notes. But most attempts to tighten the norms on P-Notes failed, or fell below expectations.
O Arun Jaitley
Nirmala Sitharaman
which are converted into shares of specific Indian companies. Several years ago, in the Jagatjit Industries; family fight over the business empire between the patriarch’s siblings, the GDR veil was lifted as per the evidence produced in the courts. This author wrote a detailed piece, which said that the patriarch’s personal wealth included the control over entities like Higro Trading and Orissa Holdings, which were registered in a tax haven, British Virgin Islands. “While Higro holds 1.23 million GDRs of JIL (Jagatjit Industries Ltd)— equivalent to 25.1 million shares— Orissa Holdings controls GDRs equivalent to one million JIL shares.”
However, as is expected, the Indian authorities made little efforts to trace the owners of these funds. P-Notes, or participatory notes, are another controversial source of investment in Indian stocks. It is a paper, or a financial instrument, which is issued by foreign portfolio investors that are registered with the Indian market regulator, SEBI. The holders of the P-Notes, however, can invest in Indian stocks through registered foreign investors without disclosing their details under the Indian KYC norms. It is to maintain secrecy, which is crucial for the global hedge funds that operate in the dark world of instant and several legal
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NE of the reasons is obvious: as the governments stepped in to control P-Notes the Indian markets crashed as money instantly flew out due to fear, apprehension, and panic. Only in recent times, India imposed a few curbs on P-Notes. But the savvy investors, like smart and suave entrepreneurs, invariably find a way to skirt the laws. As we mentioned earlier, most tend to comply with the letter of the laws, and do not care about their spirit. On the whole, capital flight today, unlike in the past, is a complex phenomenon. So is the use of offshore entities, offshore accounts, and tax havens. Hence, the financial theatre is divided amongst two contentious sides—one, which claims that tax havens are storehouses of illegalities and criminalities, and the other that says that they serve useful purposes for global business but need to be monitored more effectively. It is for the policy makers to make the correct changes, and make them continuously, to keep pace with the dishonest. To paint everyone with a single brush is fruitless. g
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COVER STORY
railways policy analysis
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SELLING FAMILY
SILVER The recent merger of various Indian Railways services seems to have ruffled many feathers. In the corridors of the Rail Bhawan, it’s being interpreted as a hamhanded approach to address the various problems that plague the world’s biggest railway network. Experts view the latest move by the Railways Ministry as the cynical first step towards privatisation of the Indian Railways, instead of trying to address the systemic issues that have adversely impacted its Operating Ratio, affecting its modernisation plan, expansion and efficiency. The sweeping changes that the ministry is trying to ram through also mark the beginning of the end of a welfare enterprise that provides a cheap means of transport to the country’s poorest of the poor. In a bigger context, this is, perhaps, the first clear signs of the end of a welfare state. It’s also apparent that the government is in no mood to learn from the disastrous consequences of privatisation of Railways in other countries, especially in Latin America and Africa, as it embarks upon dismantling the superstructure of transportation in India, writes Srinand Jha
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ACED with an existential challenge of continuing to shoulder the humungous exercise of operating 22,593 trains (9,141 freight and 13,452 passenger trains) daily, the government has apparently decided to exit from the rail transportation business. Following the December 24, 2019, decision of the Union Cabinet to merge the eight Railway services into a single Indian Railways Management Service (IRMS), the process of the dismantling of the superstructure of the Indian Railways – the last of the monopolies of the India government – has been initiated. Shortly after the BJP assumed power in 2014, the 162-yearold practice of the presentation of a separate Railways budget was done away with in 2016. Subsequently, Zonal General Managers were empowered to take bigger administrative and financial decisions; independent of what had been the all-powerful Railway Board. With the Union Cabinet having simultaneously deciding to provide for lateral entry to private stakeholders and experts as Independent members of the Railway Board, the path seems to have been cleared for the privatisation of the Indian Railways.
Legacy Issues Let this be said upfront: Several committees of experts including those headed by Prakash Tandon, Rakesh Mohan, Sam Pitroda and Bibek Debroy had recommended the unbundling of rail operations as a measure of ramping up organisational professionalism and efficiency. The challenges of India’s state-owned transporter are many: Its Operating Ratio (calculation of paisa earned against each rupee spent) has been hovering alarmingly around 95 percent in the past decade. For the 2018-19 fiscal, the OR was placed at 98.4 percent. This means that for every rupee earned by the Railways, it spent 98.4 paisa. Through past decades, the 68,400-km long network of the Indian Railways have remained hopelessly clogged; with 80 percent traffic continuing to be concentrated along 40 percent of the lines on the national grid. Track and signalling systems need upgrade; rolling stock needs to be modernised or replaced; while infrastructure expansion has not happened at the desired pace. Passenger services have continued to cause a huge dent in rail finances, with annual losses in this segment estimated at around `30,000 crore. At the same time, the rail officialdom has continued to live in a time warp of its “glorious past”, while the organisation’s problems have incrementally multiplied. According to an internal report, of every rupee that the
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Railways earn today, 63 paisa are spent towards salaries, pensions and allowances, while fuel accounts for another 15 paisa – leaving meagre funds for modernisation and capital upgrade. Of the 23 million passengers carried each day on the 13,542 trains, a huge 93 percent of travellers are from the Unreserved or Suburban Class – which contribute only six percent of passenger revenues. A substantial chunk (27 percent) travel in the Sleeper (Ordinary) class, but this category also brings in a paltry 11.6 percent of passenger revenues. Growth in Upper Class, meanwhile, has been falling: From a 9.5 percent in 2014-15 to 5.01 percent in 2015-16, indicating a trend of migration of such passengers to air travel at a time when the price gap between rail and air travel has been narrowing. Correspondingly, the Civil Aviation sector clocked a healthy growth rate of over 20 percent for 2015-16. An even more disturbing figure brought out in the study report: For travel distances of less than 500 Km, the preference of 25 percent rail passengers is for air travel. Tariff rationalisation has remained a problem area. But this is not the biggest of concerns today.
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Board, who will have the additional designation as the Chief Executive Officer. The official version is that the initiative has been taken with a view to end what in railway parlance is called “departmentalism” and expedite decision making, as the turf war between the various departments will get eliminated.
Instead of eight members, the Railway Board will now consist of only four members (Member Infrastructure, M-Rolling Stock and Traction, M-Finance and M-Operations and Business Development), apart from the Chairman Railway Board, who will have the additional designation as the Chief Executive Officer What the merger means Instead of eight members, the Railway Board will now consist of only four members (Member Infrastructure, M-Rolling Stock and Traction, M-Finance and M-Operations and Business Development), apart from the Chairman Railway
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UCH arguments have a converse side as well. For one, what is called departmentalism, also has it’s positives towards encouraging and nurturing the cultural ownership of technology. All technological breakthroughs, innovations or the “jugaad” that have happened in past years have been made possible because officers and employees of a certain department have specialised and invested in such activities. “With the decision to merge the Services in one go and in rather abrupt a manner, a culture of neutrality will set in, which is not such a good thing from the point of view of technological research and advancement”, a senior ministry official said. Meanwhile, there looms the question: Is departmentalism being perceived is a bigger demon than what the current political dispensation seems to be imagining? Facts on record seem to indicate that departmentalism ought to have been the least of the worries of the current dispensation. As former Railway Board member Subodh Jain points out, the radical “Uni-Gauge” policy (converting all Meter Gauge and Narrow-Gauge lines into Broad Gauge) had been adopted and executed in the early 1980s during the tenure of Mohinder Singh Gujral as the Chairman Railway Board despite inter-departmental disagreements.
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In the same period, the decision to abandon the use of the marshalling yards and steam loco sheds was executed without much of resistance.
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ubsequently, following the introduction of the Computerised Reservation System (CRS) Freight Information System) was introduced, a whole contingent of freight booking and ticketing clerks had been up in arms; but the Railway Board was able to get its way through. During Lalu Prasad’s term as the Railways Minister in UPA-I, the controversial decision to increase axle-load of freight trains was executed, despite strong resistance from the engineering department officials. More recently, following the BJP government’s decision to go in for “complete electrification”, the Varanasi-based Diesel Locomotive Works (DLW) – which had developed an expertise of sorts in diesel loco manufacture – was instructed to build electric locomotives henceforth and the decision has been accepted. In 2016, the Railway Board decided to shut down the 132-year-old Indian Railway Institute of Mechanical and Electrical Engineering at Jamalpur and not a whimper was heard.
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Is departmentalism being perceived is a bigger demon than what the current political dispensation seems to be imagining? Facts on record seem to indicate that departmentalism ought to have been the least of the worries of the current dispensation Therefore, the logical question: If departmentalism was not hampering rail development, what could be the motives of the current dispensation in rushing in with the services merger plan in such manner?
The Privatisation Plan The answer to the question is perhaps implicit in the pattern of current developments. For instance, it seems
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blip in the cosmos of the Indian Railway network that operates over 22,000 trains daily, but these are likely to have a significant and adverse impact on the operations of Mail and Express trains that zip across the mainline network of the Indian Railways. According to the terms of the contract being finalised, the Railways will get lesser share of the revenues in case of being unable to ensure punctuality of these trains. The private parties will have complete freedom to fix fares and book tickets in advance. While bookings for trains run by the Indian Railways can be done 120 days in advance, private train operators can book tickets for a year in advance, according to the terms of the contract being finalised. With rail travel in India being supply-driven, it is quite likely that a private train operator can recover lease and other costs on the day of the launch of the train itself! no coincidence that a day before the Services merger announcement, the Railways floated global competitive bids on December 23 for procurement of propulsion systems and electrical peripherals to manufacture 44 numbers of train-sets proposed to be run as the Vande Bharat Express (Semi-high-speeds with a design speed of 160 kmph). The Chennai-based Integral Coach Factory (ICF) had earlier built two rakes of the Vande Bharat in record time at a reported low cost of approximately `100 crores per rake (train). These are having a trouble-free run on the DelhiLucknow and the Delhi-Katra routes. Following the cancellation of the earlier contract, the new bidders, which are likely to include global transportation firms such as Siemens, Alstom or ABB, are likely to demand a higher price for Transfer of Technology (ToT). “With the new Vande Bharat trains likely to cost approximately 20 percent more, it is unlikely that the Railway Board will manage to go through with the project. It is difficult to understand why the Railways have floated the new tender. There is huge uncertainty about the plan. The tenders are unlikely to go through. It seems that the plan has been intractably delayed,” a senior ministry official said. The disproportionate media focus on Railways Minister Piyush Goyal’s plans to allow private players to operate 100 passenger trains on 150 routes also seems flawed. While the Indian Railways expects to generate approximately `17,000 crores by way of haulage charges and other services, the fares in such trains are likely to be steep. For example, the Delhi-Lucknow fares of the Shatabdi Express are in the region of `800, while the tariffs of the privately run Tejas Express—on the same route— are about `1,600. One hundred private trains might well be seen as a
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T
O come to the sum and substance of the matter: If the plan is to incrementally increase the number of private trains in future, one must well prepare for a situation when the option of affordable train travel will become unavailable to Indians in the low-income group bracket.
Bread and butter Issues Services are bad and the Indian Railways might well have the dubious distinction of being among the most corrupt of government organisations, but the public transporter—for all its imperfections— has served at least one big purpose in the decades since Independence: That of integrating the nation by way of providing for affordable travel to all categories of citizens, including underprivileged sections of society. For instance, it takes just a `25 fare to travel the 90-kilometre distance from Delhi to Shamli in the unreserved second class. In the General Class, one can travel the 997 kilometre Delhi-Patna journey for a fare of Rs 255, which is about double the cab fare from Noida to the New Delhi Railway Station. Over past decades, the so-called “populist” Railways Ministers such as Lalu Prasad and Mamata Banerjee also invested in building branch lines to connect remote locations: Khurja-Meerut or Kasganj-Kanpur, for example. These lines are mostly underserved and do not help the Railways generate an adequate Rate of Return on services. But the existence of train connectivity of such sort has had a huge contribution towards national development. If throngs of labourers from Darbangha can today work as masons or carpenters in Kerala, Maharashtra or Karnataka,
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it is the Indian Railways that facilitates such activity. If the option of affordable train travel had not existed, the Green Revolution of Punjab might just not have happened; neither would Capital Delhi have had the glitzy malls and leaping flyovers. Rather than applying itself to the critical but less publicity-generating task of facilitating better amenities to the underprivileged sections of passengers, the BJP government’s focus has seemed have centred around capitalintensive and high- sounding projects. While the speed of ordinary passenger trains actually decreased from 33.9 kmph in 2016-17 to 33.8 kmph in 17-18 (source: Railway Year Book 2017-18), preoccupations of Railways Minister Piyush Goyal seems to centre on the execution of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s pet project of building the Mumbai-Ahmedabad high-speed corridor to run bullet trains at a top speed of 350 kmph. Since the BJP government first assumed power in 2014, the speed of freight trains has marginally come down (from 23.4 kmph in 2015-16 to 23.3 kmph in 17-18), but the official PR machine has been going hammer and tongs about the launch of luxury products such as the Tejas, Humsafar or the Vande Bharat trains.
A
GAINST the desired norm of providing for at least four unreserved compartments in the Mail and Express trains, no more than two such coaches are usually attached to such trains, officials said. Unchlorinated and contaminated water continues to be supplied at major railway stations and in the trains, as several reports have indicated. The problem areas are far too many. Rather than worry about such matters, the current political dispensation appears to have worked itself up to believe that systemic disruptions would cause immediate troubles but would provide for a glorious tomorrow. Official thinking in such matters goes along such lines: “Introduction of private trains will enable the Railways to generate private investments worth approximately `17,000 crores, while the transporter will also reduce its expenses on the manufacture of engines and coaches. From the sale of vacant rail land, it would be possible for the organisation to generate more than `10,000 crores. Disinvestment of public sector undertakings such as the Container Corporation of India (CONCOR) or the Rail Vikas Nigam Limited (RVNL) will fetch thousands of crore. A plan has also been in readiness to hand over 100 railway stations to private parties on a 35-year lease. “Such ideas can come from a Railways Minister who
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is a Chartered Accountant by training. The organisation may well achieve the immediate purpose of balancing the account books to cover up its earnings losses in the short term. But the long-term interests of the Railways cannot be served through such an approach,” former general manager A K Jain said. The point being driven at is this: It is quite in order to look towards emerging technologies in order to meet futuristic needs. Also, important that processes and systems be streamlined in order to maximise revenues and enhance efficient services. But, remarked an official: “Such activity should not turn into a self-consuming and a self-fulfilling affair. The violent way the services merger plan has been imposed amounts to throwing out the baby with the bathwater”.
The U-Turn Shortly into its first tenure in 2014, the Narendra Modi government expanded the composition of the Railway Board in order to provide representation to officers belonging to all the eight cadres. If the Modi government has now taken the U-turn, the question is not why it has chosen to do so? The surprise is about this is the way it has sought to carry out this “surgical strike”. Two weeks into the services merger, there is little clarity on how the decision will get implemented. Reports suggest that an inter-ministerial group comprising officials of the DoPT, Railways and the Niti Aayog—and headed by Home Minister Amit Shah—will work out the modalities of the exercise within a three-month period. Meantime, the 8,401-strong contingent of the Group-A officers have been left to their own devices. Officers of the erstwhile Indian Railways Accounts Service have already petitioned the Chairman Railway Board in protest. “Checking and managing finance is a specialised job that functions under the domain of a dedicated cadre both in the government and the private sector. Providing an entry in the service to the engineering cadre officers will be detrimental to the task of managing rail finances,” the petition says. Officers of the South Western Railways (SWR) have dashed out a memorandum to Railways Minister Piyush Goyal, saying that different roles and skill sets were required to perform the multifarious tasks involved in operating trains. “The merger has provided a disproportionate advantage to the engineering services, as officers of these services exist in bigger numbers. Only three of the existing number of 27 General Managers belong to the Civil Services cadre,
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The disproportionate media focus on Railways Minister Piyush Goyal’s plans to allow private players to operate 100 passenger trains on 150 routes also seems flawed. While the Indian Railways expects to generate approximately Rs 17,000 crore by way of haulage charges and other services, the fares in such trains are likely to be steep
while the remaining belong to the engineering services,” says the memorandum. Decades after the then UPA government decided to merge Indian Airlines with Air India, cases have continued to remain stacked up in various courts involving aggrieved officers fighting for seniority grades or denial of salary hikes. Does the services merger decision provide a fertile ground for the eruption of similar kinds of disputes or litigation
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involving Railways Ministry officials? Should the services merger move have been approached in an incremental manner, rather than a Tsunami of changes having been unleashed at a juncture when the Railways officers are seen grappling with a financial crisis of gigantic proportions? Such questions are continuing to do the rounds of the Rail Bhawan corridors.
The Uncertain Future Faced with a barrage of criticism on the social media amidst hundreds of post-card complaints forwarded on behalf of aggrieved Railways officers to Prime Minister Modi, Railways Minister Goyal is reportedly to have shot back at the officers at a recent meeting: “Such activities are being watched and not being appreciated. I can run the Railways without you”. The ministry spokesperson confirmed that such a meeting was held but maintained that it was held in a “cordial atmosphere” and that Goyal was not rude to the officials. The point, however, is: After having ruffled feathers, the Railways Minister does not seem to be sensitive to the need to build trust amongst disgruntled officers. Such a climate does not seem to be bode well. Another matter of concern: Countries such as Bulgaria, Hungary, Zimbabwe, Ghana and Tanzania have all had a disastrous experience after having privatised rail operations. The Argentinian Railways also merged its services and privatised rail operations in the late 70’s; but the plan flopped. The United Kingdom privatised the British Railways but has continued to heavily subsidise rail operations. Is India heading towards a similar kind of a situation? As on today, rail officials seem preoccupied with such concerns. g
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NSEL, the endgame and guinea pigs More twists have emerged in the `5,600crore NSEL scam. Fresh evidence suggests that many companies and organisations like Apian and IBMA were used as fronts to launder money in the scam by NEERAJ MAHAJAN
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fresh round of evidence indicates how the masterminds behind the `5,600crore NSEL scam allegedly manipulated fronts like the Apian Finance and Investments Limited (Apian) and Indian Bullion Market Association (IBMA)—a consortium of leading bullion and jewellery merchants—as guinea pigs to maximise their own profits. The outcome was that while FTIL/NSEL raked in profits worth crores is a short spell of time, Apian, IBMA and a number of such companies were deliberately left high and dry. Officers investigating the case are in
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particular intrigued at the manner in which the NSEL management ensured that NSEL held 49 per cent shares in IBMA but did not cross 50 per cent, lest IBMA became a subsidiary company of NSEL. This was to ensure that IBMA remained a separate company. The modus-operandi for this was to make shareholders of IBMA sell their shares to NSEL without mentioning it in black and white. NSEL retained the shares without transferring them in its favour and resold such shares in favour of another prospective buyer (PB). Since shares purchase by NSEL and resold to PB did not attract any provisions of companies Act, its holding did not go above 50 per cent as long as shares were not transferred in its favour. Strictly in legal terms NSEL did not become a holding company till the shares were not transferred in its name. However, this involved fudging of NSEL’s books of accounts to disguise NSEL’s role in purchase and sale of IBMA shares. This was as per the path suggested by Naishad Desai and NSEL chartered accountant Mukesh Shah. The detailed strategy behind this was elaborated in an email message dated July 26, 2011, sent by National Spot Exchange Ltd Chief Financial Officer Shashidhar Kotian to Devendra
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Agrawal and copied to Anjani Sinha and Financial Technologies (India) Ltd Director Finance Shreekant Javalgekar. As per financial whirlpool worked out by them in consultation with each other: 1. NSEL paid `2 crore to FTIL towards repayment of loan 2. FTIL paid `2 crores to Apian as Capital 3. Apian paid `2 crore to Mukesh Shah’s company as loan 4. Mukesh Shah’s company paid `2 crore to NSEL for buying 20 lakh shares of IBMA at `10 each 5. NSEL bought `2 crore worth of shares of IBMA from bullion dealers
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HE overall game plan behind all this was to buy stake in IBMA using entities like auditor MP Shah’s company and avoid going over the 49 per cent shareholding in IBMA. It is worth mentioning that out of the total `5,600 crore due to the NSEL investors, IBMA’s liability amounted to approximately 20 per cent. i.e. `1,170 crore. There are a number of issues which suggest an unholy alliance between IBMA and NSEL. The biggest proof that something shady was going on between the two is the manner in which NSEL went out of the way and desperately to arrange an `100-crore loan for IBMA a day before it was asked to close down the exchange. The purpose of the loan is not known but it is evident that IBMA also needed these funds desperately to meet its obligations. Investigations also reveal that NSEL had a login ID in the name of IBMA which it itself used to trade on its own exchange (see box). IBMA reportedly used the login and password of Shiv Sahai for trading on MCX/NSEL. IBMA traded at Kadi for farmers where terminal was operated by NSEL. The motive
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From: Arpan Jain/NSEL/Business Development Sent: Saturday, September 19, 2009 2:59 PM To: Ramalingam M/MCX/Market Operations Cc: Anjani Sinha/NSEL/CEO; Dipak Shah/MCX/Market Operations; Lamon R/MCX/MD & CEO Subject: FW: Trade details of MCX Dear Sir, As you are aware that IBMA is our group company only. IBMA has taken one user ID from oneof the prestigious member of MCX. Please provide the trade details of the following user IDsince 26th August, 2009 to till date. Please note that this User ID belong to IBMA. Member ID: 10170 USER ID: 18767 Thanking you for your kind cooperation. Arpan Jain Assistant Manager - Business Developement National Spot Exchange Ltd. Phone: +91 - 22 - 67619900 Ext.: 9991 Fax: +91 - 22 – 67619931 Mobile: +91 9930267952 E-mail: arpan.jain@nationalspotexchange.com URL: www.nationalspotexchange.com
behind all these was to generate ‘unaccounted’ income. This wasn’t a foolproof option and often backfired, for instance NSEL incurred heavy losses when it made cash payments to farmers to purchase of agri-products through IBMA. IBMA had a VAT registration, which many brokers do not have; hence they used IBMA to trade on NSEL exchange. According to sources NSEL acting as a quasi NBFC and funded IBMA to settle its own payment obligations. IBMA received funds from defaulters without any justified service rendered.
For instance: t -0*- QBJE `22.50 crore as consultancy fees t .PIBO *OGSBDPO QBJE `10 crore to camouflage the involvement of M/s SNP Designs Private Limited (a company in which Anjani Sinha’s wife was a Director) Likewise Apian an NBFC was allegedly used for funding IBMA and NSEL investors. Allegedly Jignesh Shah, Shreekant Jawalgekar and Devendra Agrawal were among the key strategists who devised the plan. Agrawal was a director of Apian.
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According to sources, Apian was used as a conduit to increase NSELâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s shareholding in IBMA and give out loans to NSEL directors Joseph Massey and Sunil Khairnar (`4.5 crore). Khairnar states that he was a director for a short term. He also claims that he was never involved in the deals of NSEL. It is pertinent that fictitious trading was being performed at the exchange using e-trader software. Even Jignesh Shah was aware of the use of ATF software for both agri and other commodities. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Fictitious trading should be stopped, once the software is installed at 10 locations. Instead, IBMA software for hedging accumulated position on MCX should be activated. Hence, this software will create a pipe to distribute money among clients and brokers, extracting the same from MCX,â&#x20AC;? Anjani Sinha wrote in an email to Amit Mukherjee, Arpan Jain, and others on June 28, 2010. The manner in which fictitious trading used to take place include: t $SFBUJOH JOGMBUFE BSUJGJDJBM SFWFOVFT from NK Proteins in the form of delivery charges and pricing mark ups for trading
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Officers investigating the case are in particular intrigued at the manner in which the NSEL management ensured that NSEL held 49 per cent shares in IBMA but did not cross 50 per cent, lest IBMA became a subsidiary company of NSEL. This was to ensure that IBMA remained a separate company
t #BDLEBUJOH PG EPDVNFOUBUJPO UP support artificial revenue t 'BMTJGJDBUJPO PG NJOVUFT BMUIPVHI the auditors were not present in a meeting held on May 26, 2010, they were not only marked present but still the minutes of meeting attributed some statements to have been made by them in course of the meeting t 4FUUMFNFOU (VBSBOUFF 'VOE 4(' inadequacy was not disclosed in the statements from financial year 2010 to 2012. Neither the management nor the auditors (both internal and statutory) disclosed or reported the inadequacy which was a mandatory requirement as per law t *OBEFRVBDZ PG TUPDLT JO XBSFIPVTF was being reported internally to Anjani Sinha regularly. The NSEL management was fully aware of the huge exposure of NK Proteins right from 2011 but did not take any action
N
SEL/IBMA funded a third party called Sunil Pareek, a friend of Arpan Jain, an NSEL employee, to trade on MCX. This was a dead loss and still no action was taken. Pareekâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s KYC reference indicated Jainâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cell numbers as his contact number. In yet another instance, IBMA incurred losses in the sale of gold through another employee Dinesh Pareek and his brother. But despite the case being known to Jignesh Shah, no action was taken. FTIL allegedly wrote off `9 crore recoverable from Apian, while Apian wrote off `4.5 crore from a company called DSRM Embedded Technologies Private limited in FY 2015-16. On July 20, 2011, NK Proteins transferred `2 crore in IBMAâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s client account number 00600340050070. The same day an amount of `1,51,43,239.57 was
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paid to NSEL against settlement obligation (IBMA’s settlement account no. 00990680015779).
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HE available evidence clearly shows that Mukesh Shah, Anjani Sinha, Shreekant Jawalgekar and Jignesh Shah were aware of the irregularities but preferred to remain silent. As per Jai Bahukhandi’s statement before the Internal NSEL Inquiry Committee after the exchange closure, two sets of stock records were maintained, one contained actual figures and the other with inflated figures to entice investors to invest in NSEL. This was corroborated by Anjani Sinha’s email dated May 13, 2011, which clearly mentioned that NSEL suppressed losses, manipulated financial statements and year-end profits. Obviously the intent behind all this was to provide incorrect, inflated and misleading periodic market-related information to FMC and the investors. There were several instances when the volume shown in the reports was higher than the trade data. NSEL’s intention was to use all ethical or unethical practices, to ensure that huge trading took place at any cost and suppress any losses which might prompt investors to leave the exchange. The total amount shown as due to IBMA included a sum of `15.6 crore on account of dubious payments made by IBMA to NSEL investors without any details of the payee, documentary evidence of the dues, and the person who authorised these payments. Likewise, `12 crore ‘idle funds’ placed by Sahara Group with IBMA cannot be placed at par with the liability of NSEL towards all investors for trades on the exchange. Similarly a group of investors called ‘the Raval’ Group traded to the extent of `1,352 crore approximately on the
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exchange. Some of the circular dealings between NKP Group, and Raval Group suggestively appear to be suspicious transactions that may attract the provisions of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act, 2002. La Fin Financial Services Private limited, a company owned by Jignesh Shah, had an investment of `5 crore in M/s Dynamatic Developers Limited in the year 2005, which got diluted to M/s Rupasi Traders Private Limited in January 2014. One of the group companies M/s Tezas Trading Company
of Raval Group. Significantly, when NSEL commenced its trading operations in FY 2008-09 a bulk of the trading on the exchange was carried out by NK Proteins (who became eventually the largest defaulter on July 31, 2013, `969 crore approximately). Subsequently, over a period of 4 years, other sellers started trading on the exchange. According to informed sources a majority of these sellers were starved of finance and were probably not getting finance anywhere else. When these sell-
According to sources, Apian was used as a conduit to increase NSEL’s shareholding in IBMA and give out loans to NSEL directors. One of the Directors Sunil Khairnar states that he was a director for a short term. He also claims that he was never involved in the deals of NSEL Limited held shares in NBHC (a subsidiary of FTIL) which was subsequently acquired by Paras Ajmera (a senior executive in FTIL). Mukesh Shah was the common auditor between NSEL, IBMA and other group companies. His office was also the registered office of the Raval Group. This group stopped trading just before the exchange closed down and did not have any outstanding dues on July 31, 2013. V Hariharana, NSEL director, was a beneficiary and had taken a loan from one of the group companies
ers were permitted to trade, they got a chance to get finance on the exchange and were therefore willing to pay steep interest rates. The exchange permitted them to trade without adequate stocks, at times without adequate margins merely to generate trading volumes. As the volumes grew, more investors were lured into trading through brokers. Because of the financial stress and lack of resources, many sellers were unable to meet their commitments on T+25 (or T +36) dates, but the exchange permitted them to roll over their trans-
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actions by having fresh trades whereby they used the money from the fresh trades to offset the earlier trade commitments. Thus their exposures started creeping up and gradually snowballed into huge proportions. The NSEL exchange did not build up the minimum required corpus (as required by bye laws) for investor protection called (Settlement Guarantee Fund, SGF). Since the margins were also not forthcoming as needed, and adequate stocks were also not kept as security, the trading activity was always
regarding all exchange operations— right from commencement of trading without adequate SGF, permitting sellers to trade with poor diligence, margin waivers, inadequacy of stock and other such matters. Scrutiny of his Bank Account No 02271050005815 HDFC Bank, Vile Parle East, Mumbai branch, reveals an entry of `35 lakh vide Cheque No. 487790. While the NKP group claims that this was a personal loan, this does not dilute his role and suggests a serious conflict of interest.
course of visits to Delhi, Amit Mukherjee was using high-end cars like Bentley, Porsche, etc, and would stay at the Hotel Radisson Blue (owned by Mohan India),” he alleged. Amit Mukherjee happens to be the first NSEL employee to be arrested by the EOW for his involvement in the scam. Mukherjee allegedly was on the payroll of NK Proteins, and played a part in backdating/ fudging of official documents, as well as generation of pre-decided trades. His bank account contains deposits in cash of `50,000 at ‘Kadi’ which is NK warehouse location. He is also believed to have received cash amounts from Prakash Bhalotia, a trader on NSEL who had also been a member of the Magadh Stock Exchange (MSE).
T vulnerable. Thus what happened on July 31, 2013, was bound to happen. However, it was not just an open and shut case of reckless trading and misjudgment of sellers’ credentials. Available evidence suggests active connivance and collusion of the NSEL management with the defaulters. For instance, NSEL MD & CEO Anjani Sinha’s bank statements reveal that he was hand in glove with NK Proteins Limited Group which transferred huge amounts in his account. He was the principle architect and decision maker
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In his statements to the investigators Anjani Sinha blames Amit Mukherjee and a few other officials for the conspiracy. According to him Mohan India Pvt Ltd purportedly paid `18 lakh (dated 11 Feb and 22 March) to NSEL’s AVP business development Amit Mukherjee and his wife Bonhi Mukherjee. Sinha also disclosed in his affidavit that Jai Shrivastava, a director of Mohan India paid `35 crore to Amit Mukherjee,in a meeting in Delhi on September 7, partly in cash and partly by cheque. “I also came to know that in
HIS is where the story takes an interesting turn as Sinha was at one point of time the Chief General Manager and Chief Executive of MSE, which was one of the 25 regional stock exchanges in India and closed down under mysterious circumstances after several complaints of irregularities in the dealings of physical shares. Sinha, who was at the helm of affairs of MSE, apparently did not take any action against defaulting traders who were found to be using stolen, forged and fake shares. As a result, the MSE also faced a massive payment crisis and collapsed. Though Sebi superseded the board of the exchange, and despite legal proceedings initiated by brokers against him, Sinha was allowed to walk away. It is not a mere coincidence that Sinha also happened to occupy the top seat at the Ahmedabad Stock exchange which too suffered a physical shares-induced payment crisis during his tenure. As usual, SEBI superseded
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the Ahmedabad Stock exchange’s board, but not before the money was lost and all the investors were left with just papers. However, just a few months after the Ahmedabad fiasco, Sinha resurfaced – this time on the board of the Multi Commodity Exchange (MCX) and Financial Technologies before being handed over complete control as the MD & CEO of NSEL and Director, of MCX. Jai Bahukhandi played a part in maintaining dual stock records for personal enrichment. As per his statements before the investigators he maintained dual records of NSEL, one of which depicted the figures of ‘actual’ stock and another with inflated stock entries.
global accounting firm. Allegedly they allowed manipulations of profits for showing a healthier financial position and facilitated suppression of huge exposures and stock shortages. Mukesh Shah allegedly issued a bogus certificate of fund utilization to ICICI bank to support NSEL’s loan
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NOTHER dramatis personae in the NSEL scam, Shashidhar Kotian facilitated manipulation of accounts, fictitious invoices and billings. Being the CFO of NSEL he was involved in every act or omission relating to manipulation of accounts. All the emails relating to exposure, stocks, dealings with NK Proteins were known to him. It is worth mentioning that Late Shankarlal Guru, chairman of NSEL’s Board of Directors, was the father-inlaw of Nilesh Patel, Director of NK Proteins. This was one of the reasons why Sinha offered him a borrower advance to trade on the NSEL platform. NK Proteins and its auditors helped NSEL in suppressing losses and showing greater profits. The auditors of NSEL and NK Proteins offered no resistance and in a way supported the conspiracy by taking a soft stand. It is relevant to mention here that the auditors of N K Proteins and NSEL were SR Batliboi and Co, and SV Ghatalia and Associates, group concerns of E&Y, a
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NSEL/IBMA funded a third party called Sunil Pareek, a friend of Arpan Jain, an NSEL employee, to trade on MCX. This was a dead loss and still no action was taken. Sunil Pareek’s KYC reference indicated Arpan Jain’s cell numbers as his contact number
application for purchasing cotton seed wash oil on behalf of NK Proteins. ICICI bank supposedly turned down the request because the supporting audit documentation was incomplete and unsatisfactory. It is highly unlikely that Mukesh Shah, a relative of Jignesh Shah and a qualified Chartered Accountant, did not know how to prepare the documents to support purchase bills for fund utilisation, stock statement as well as their movement and location details. Arguably Mukesh possibly had the widest and most prominent role, not just in the FTIL group but also in Raval group of investors, in which he was the internal auditor, external auditor, tax auditor, and financial advisor. Apart from this, he provided certification services for enabling finance and loans for NSEL. Mukesh Shah’s wife and his CA partner Ketan Shah’s wife owned a company called Subras Software Private Limited (Subras), which provided investment broking services to NSEL. According to sources he was also the auditor of Abhishek Bansal’s Abans Group of Companies. In fact, Sunil Sagar Pawar, one of his ex-employees, is now a shareholder and Director in certain companies owned by directors of NSEL/FTIL and is absconding. According to sources, till the last minute before the exchange was formally asked to close down and exposure had gone over `5,600 crore, the NSEL management kept trying to make arrangements to get loans for the defaulters from third parties. This only substantiates NSEL’s personal interest and collusion with all the sellers since NSEL being an independent party had no reason to go into loan requirements of external parties. This also indicates NSEL’s full awareness about the poor credibility of the sellers. g
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Climate crisis knocking on our doors Drawing attention to the latest efforts being undertaken to conduct systematic observation and understanding of the impacts of climate change in India through initiatives such as long term ecological observatories programme, Lokesh Chandra Dube suggests a framework for systematic and coordinated research in this direction.
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NDIA is a developing country with limited financial resources. The country is striving to provide basic amenities to its growing population. Climate change, a global problem, further adds to its already growing developmental challenges. Majority of the country’s production/economic sectors are vulnerable to the impacts of climate variability and change. This article presents an overview of the recent evidence of the impacts of climate change in India. The article starts with a general discussion on climate change including observations and projections cited in recent IPCC reports and national reports. Thereafter the discussion moves on to the observed impacts in the identified key sectors of national significance namely, Himalayas and Glaciers, Water resources, Agriculture, Forests, Marine and Coastal ecosystems. These sectors rea-
sonably represent the major sectors that face the impacts of climate change due to inherent vulnerability. Figure 1 shows the relationship of these climatesensitive sectors and the ‘worst-hit’ groups. These groups have high exposure to the worst impacts of changing climate as they are dependent on the climate-sensitive sectors for their livelihood, food and shelter. These groups also have the low adaptive capacity that makes them vulnerable to the risks posed.
Climate change and its impacts A greenhouse maintains temperature conditions optimum for the growth of plants. Similarly, the planet earth also has a natural greenhouse cover made of certain gases known as Greenhouse gases (such as CO2, CH4 , N2O, H2O) which maintain temperature conditions optimum for the sustenance of life on earth. Continued and overwhelming
emission of greenhouse gases due to human activities causes additional warming and long-term changes in the components of the climate system, increasing the possibility of severe, widespread and irrevocable impacts on society and ecosystems. United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) defines Climate Change as “Change in Climate attributed directly or indirectly to human activity that alters the composition of global atmosphere and is in addition to natural climate variability over comparable time periods.” To assess scientific, technical and socio-economic information concerning climate change, its potential effects and options for adaptation and mitigation, World Meteorological Organization (WMO) and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) jointly established the
Figure 1: Climate Sensitive sectors and worst hit groups
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Due to its varying physical features, diverse socioeconomic profile and a wide range of climatic conditions India is vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Out of India’s 36 States and Union Territories in the country, 27 are disaster prone. Around 12 per cent land is prone to flood and river erosion, of the around 7,500 km coastline, 5,700 km is prone to cyclones; 68 per cent of the cultivable land is vulnerable to drought; hilly areas are at risk from landslides and avalanches; and 15 per cent of the landmass is prone to landslides
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Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 1988. The IPCC assesses research on climate change and synthesizes it into ‘assessment reports’ every 5–7 years. The latest in the series of such reports are the volumes of the Fifth Assessment Report (AR5) of IPCC released in 2013 and 2014. The Special Report on ‘the impacts of global warming of 1.5°C above preindustrial levels and related global greenhouse gas emission pathways, in the context of strengthening the global response to the threat of climate change, sustainable development, and efforts to eradicate poverty’, is the first publication in the Sixth Assessment Report (AR6) cycle of IPCC. Key highlights from IPCC SR 1.5 are given in the following bullets: a. Average global temperature has increased by about 1.0°C as compared to pre-industrial levels due to anthropogenic actions. Extreme weather events have increased, both in severity and in occurrence b. The effects of temperature rise on people and ecosystems at 1.5°C are much greater than previous scientific reports originally expected c. The overall impact at 2°C is well above 1.5°C and will be disastrous for the developing countries d. The Paris Agreement’s objective of limiting temperature increase to 2°C needs to be reviewed. The target now needs to be strongly set at 1.5°C for a safer world e. To remain under 1.5°C temperature rise, the world will have to reduce CO2 emissions by 45 per cent from 2010 levels by 2030 and attain net zero emissions by 2050 f. Even with a warming of 1.2°C, which is slightly higher than the annual global average, India is severely impacted. The impact at 1.5°C would increase significantly and be devastating for farmers and coastal communities at 2°C
g. The report highlights a number of climate change impacts that could be avoided by limiting global warming to 1.5°C compared to 2°C, or more. For instance, by 2100, global sea level rise would be 10 cm lower with global warming of 1.5°C compared with 2°C. The likelihood of an Arctic Ocean free of sea ice in summer would be once per century with global warming of 1.5°C, compared with at least once per decade with 2°C. Coral reefs would decline by 70-90 per cent with global warming of 1.5°C, whereas virtually all (> 99 per cent) would be lost with 2°C h. The report finds that restricting an unnatural weather change to 1.5°C would require “quick and expansive” advances in land, vitality, industry, structures, transport, and urban communities. Worldwide net humancaused emanations of carbon dioxide (CO ) would need to fall by around 45 per cent from 2010 dimensions by 2030, achieving ‘net zero’ around 2050. This implies any residual outflows should be adjusted by expelling CO from the air.
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a basis for any liability or compensation’, it nonetheless, does not rule out the financial support for other elements of Loss and damage. Finance has always been one of the focal issues in the negotiating process of UNFCCC. It is closely linked to mitigation, adaptation, technology transfer and capacity building. It is an important criterion to judge whether developed countries have effectively assumed the historical responsibility or not, and hence a core concern of developing countries.
P How impacts are placed in negotiations The Convention sets an ultimate objective of stabilizing atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases at a level that prevents dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system. Such levels, which the Convention does not quantify, should be achieved within a time frame sufficient to allow ecosystems to adapt naturally to climate change, to ensure that food production is not threatened and to enable economic development to proceed sustainably. To achieve this objective, all countries have a general commitment to address climate change, adapt to its effects, and report on the action they are taking to implement the Convention. As per Article 3.1 of the Convention: “The Parties should protect the climate system for the benefit of present and future generations of humankind, on the basis of equity and in accordance with their common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. Accordingly, the developed country Parties should take the lead in com-
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bating climate change and the adverse effects thereof.”
Warsaw International Mechanism (WIM) on Loss and Damage The mechanism was established at the COP19 in Warsaw, Poland. It addresses losses and damages associated with the impacts of climate change, including extreme events and slow onset events in developing countries that are particularly vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change. Article 8 of the Paris Agreement addresses the issue of Loss and Damage. The Article calls for the WIM to be subjected to authority and guidance of the Conference of Parties serving as Meeting of Parties to the Agreement (CMA) and the latter shall collaborate with other bodies to enhance understanding, action and support in areas such as early warning systems, emergency preparedness, and risk insurance facilities. Although paragraph 52 of the decision 1/CP.21 states that Loss and damage under the Paris Agreement will not ‘involve or provide
ARIS Agreement states that “developed country achieve the goal of jointly providing USD 100 billion annually by 2020, and set a new collective quantified goal from a floor of USD 100 billion per year prior to 2025”. However, the Agreement does not specify how developed countries share the financing responsibility in the future, nor it plans a clear road-map to realize the annual financing goal of USD 100 billion per year by 2020.
India’s vulnerability Because of its enormously diverse socio-economic profile; a topography that includes some of the world’s highest glaciated peaks and a long coastline; and a climate ranging from cold to hot tropical, India is especially vulnerable to climate change. The unique geo-climatic circumstances also make the country vulnerable of floods, droughts, cyclones, urban flooding, landslides, avalanches and forest fire. Out of India’s 36 States and Union Territories in the country, 27 are disaster prone. Around 12 per cent land is prone to flood and river erosion, of the around 7,500 km coastline, 5,700 km is prone to cyclones; 68 per cent of the cultivable land is vulnerable to drought; hilly areas are at risk from landslides and avalanches; and 15
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According to the Global Climate Risk Index 2019, India ranked 14th in the list of 181 countries for the climate risk index. According to the report, India lost 13,789.86 million USD of its GDP (PPP) in 2017 due to extreme weather events. Average annual loss for the period of 19982017 was 12,822.71 million USD which was third largest after the USA and China
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per cent of the landmass is prone to landslides. Climate change risks in India are further compounded by changing demographics and socio- economic conditions, unplanned urbanization, development within high-risk zones, environmental degradation, natural disasters, geological hazards, epidemics and pandemics.
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NDIA has a long coastline of around 7,500 km and the coastal region comprises 78 districts in the nine maritime states. There are around 1,238 large and small islands in India which are vulnerable to the impact of climate change. The coastal populations and their livelihoods are vulnerable to sea level rise. The rate of sea level rise in India is comparable to the global mean sea level rise trend (3.2 mm yr- 1). The sea level along the Indian coast increas-
es from 0.33 to 5.16 mm per year and the pattern is projected to continue. As an emerging economy, India has a strong global focus on mitigation and adaptation. India needs to meet its growing demand for energy in the backdrop of increasing greenhouse gas emissions. Though 16 states have achieved 100 per cent household electrification, a sizable population in remaining states remains without access to electricity. HSBC Global Research report ranks 67 developed, emerging and frontier market countries for their vulnerability to climate change risks. Overall vulnerability of countries were assessed by assigning equal weights (25 per cent) to each of four indicators: (1) physical impacts; (2) sensitivity to extreme weather events; (3) energy transition risks; and (4) a country’s potential to
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Figure 2: Significant weather events during 2017 (IMD n.d.) JAMMU & KASHMIR SNOW AVALANCHE 26 JAN, 27 JAN, 30 JAN 24 PEOPLE DIED HIMACHAL PRADESH MASSIVE LANDSLIDE 13 AUG 46 PEOPLE DIED
UTTARAKHAND LAND SLIDE 20 MAY 13 PILGRIMS DIED
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UTTAR PRADESH FLOODS & HR 4 - 10 SEP 110 PEOPLE DIED THUNDERSTORM 23 APR & 27 MAY - 26 PEOPLE DIED BIHAR LIGHTNING 28 MAY - 18 PEOPLE DIED 6 JUN - 10 PEOPLE DIED 8 JUL - 23 PEOPLE DIED FLOOD & HR 13 - 23 AUG 107 PEOPLE DIED
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RAJASTHAN FLOODS & HR 24-28 JUL 18 PEOPLE DIED
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GUJARAT FLOODS & HR 1 JUL - 27 JUL 120 PEOPLE DIED MAHARASHTRA LIGHTNING 5-9 OCTOBER 39 PEOPLE DIED FLOODS & HR 30 AUG - 15 PEOPLE DIED KARNATAKA LIGHTNING 2-23 MAY 26 PEOPLE DIED ANDHRA PRADESH HEAT WAVE 1 MAR - 29 JUN 236 PEOPLE DIED
ARUNACHAL PRADESH LANDSLIDE 11 JUL - 15 PEOPLE DIED
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ASSAM FLOODS & HR 1- 24 JUL - 64 PEOPLE DIED 10 -21 AUG 72 PEOPLE DIED
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WEST BENGAL FLOODS & HR 21 - 31 JUL 46 PEOPLE DIED 8 - 14 AUG 32 PEOPLE DIED ODISHA LIGHTNING 8 APR - 14 OCT 408 PEOPLE DIED CHHATTISGARH FLOODS & HR 29 JUL - 24 PEOPLE DIED
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TELANGANA HEAT WAVE 9 MAY - 21 APR - 100 PEOPLE DIED
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respond to climate change, covering financial resources and national governance indicators. Based on the assessment, India was found to be the most vulnerable to climate change. Germanwatch, a German non-governmental organization published Global Climate Risk Index 2019 which analyses the extent to which countries and regions have been affected by the impacts of weather-related loss events (storms, floods, heat waves, etc.). The most recent data available — for 2017 and from 1998 to 2017 — were taken into account. According to the report, India ranked 14th in the list of 181 countries for the climate risk index. According to the report, India lost 13,789.86 million USD of its GDP (PPP) in 2017 due to extreme weather events. Average annual loss for the period of 1998-2017 was 12,822.71 million
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LIGHTNING / THUNDER STORM
HEAT WAVE
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USD which was third largest after the USA and China.
Extreme weather events India is experiencing extreme weather events resulting in enhanced exposure to multi-hazard vulnerability with adverse impact on ecosystems, natural resources, agriculture and socioeconomic profile. Nearly two-thirds of India’s agriculture – the mainstay of its economy – depends on the monsoon. The erraticism of monsoon rains is increasing, with more frequent and intense extreme events such as drought and floods. Minimum temperatures are changing across India, far above changes attributed to natural climate variability. In line with the increasing trend witnessed in global surface temperatures, the average yearly temperature over
India for the period 1901-2017 also showed a significantly rising trend of 0.66°C over 100 years. Extreme events like heat waves have risen in the last 30 years.
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NDIA’S vulnerability to natural hazards can be gauged from the fact that it experienced 431 major natural disasters during the period 19802010, resulting in huge loss of human lives, property and resources. India suffered an absolute loss of USD 79.5 billion during 1998-2017. There have also been 19 major earthquakes of 6.5-9.2 magnitude on the Richter scale during the period 1819- 2016, which further increases the vulnerability in the phase of climate change. Figure 2 gives a national map of significant weather events during 2017. Increasing frequency and intensity of
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disasters related to climate change impacts on weather systems, ecological dynamics and natural resources, reflect the need to adopt measures for disaster management and climate change adaptation. Climate change is known to increase people’s vulnerability by intensifying underlying factors, besides aggravating frequency and intensity of hazards. The action plans to combat climate change and natural hazards should have dual objectives of Climate Change Adaptation (CCA) and Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR). For both CCA and DRR, the major shared objectives include protecting developmental goals through effective planning, managing risks and uncertainties. Early warning of extreme weather events is one of the critical components of DRR. For this purpose, the country has developed modern meteorological observation systems (Satellites, Doppler Weather Radars, GPS Radiosonde, AWS/ARG, Wind Profiler Radar).
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HE Earth System Science Organization-India Meteorological Department (ESSO-IMD) and the Indian National Centre for Ocean Information Services (ESSOINCOIS) are responsible for monitoring, detecting and forecasting severe weather events and for issuing flood warnings to India’s rivers.
Projected impacts The Government of India had conducted a scientific study to assess the impact of climate change and a report entitled “Climate Change and India: A 4X4 Assessment - A Sectoral and Regional Analysis for the 2030s” was published in 2010. This is the most recent report of the Government of India dedicated to the projection of impacts. Based on literature review, modelling, projections
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and evidence-based research, the study has assessed impacts of climate change on four key sectors of Indian economy namely, Agriculture, Water, Natural Ecosystems and Biodiversity and Health in four climate- sensitive regions of India namely, the Himalayan region, the Western Ghats, the Coastal Areas and the North-East Region. The report projects climate parameters and related impacts on the mentioned sectors. The report projected changes in agriculture production including losses in some crops, change in the composition of the forests and Net Primary Productivity and spread of Malaria in new areas. Other projections include: 1. Climate projections: Climate change scenarios in the 2030s show an increase in temperatures in all the regions concerned. The net annual temperature increase in the 2030s varies from 1.7oC to 2.2oC compared to the 1970s, with extreme temperatures rising by 1-4oC and a maximum increase in coastal areas. 2. Sea Level Rise and extreme events: Extreme rainfall events, average and extreme precipitation during monsoon will increase. The sea level along the Indian coast has increased at a rate of 1.3 mm per year (20 years average) and is likely to rise in future as the global sea level increases. For the east coast, extreme events are expected to be more catastrophic. 3. Projected impacts on Agriculture: Irrigated rice is likely to gain slightly in yields due to changes in temperature compared to rainfed rice, as irrigated rice tends to benefit from the CO2 fertilization effect. Wheat yields in Indo-Gangetic Plains will be reduced. Maize and sorghum are projected to reduce yields in all regions. Monsoon sorghum yield will reduce by 2 to 14 per cent by 2020, with worsening yields by 2050 and 2080. The western coastal
coconut productivity is projected to increase and decrease in the eastern coastal area. Observations show a reduction in the production of apples in the Himalayan region, which is likely to continue in the future. Evidence also suggests shifting of apple belts from lower to higher altitudes. Some species gain in yields in the case of marine fishing, as the warming trend favours their productivity, such as sardines. Some species, such as Indian mackerel, probably move up to the higher latitudes to maintain their production rates. Species like Threadfin breams can change their breeding seasons to the season that support spawning temperatures adequately. Thermal humidity index is projected to increase in all the regions, especially in the months of May and June, leading to stress to the livestock and hence a reduction in milk production. The agricultural loss is estimated to be more than USD 7 billion (INR 49 billion) in 2030; severely affect the income of 10 per cent population.
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snow cover products shows no significant increase or decrease in snow cover during the 2004-2016 timeframe. The glacier inventory carried out on 1:50,000 scale using Resourcesat-1 AWiFS and LISS III satellite data shows 34,919 glaciers covering 75,779 sq km area in Indus, Ganga and Brahmaputra basins of Himalayan–Karakoram region. Changes in 2018 glaciers of Himalayan region have been observed for the timeframe between 2000 and 2010/2011 using multi-date satellite data. The analysis depicted that 87 per cent of the glaciers showed no change, 12 per cent retreated and 1 per cent glaciers have advanced.
4. Projected impacts on water resources Water yields depend on rainfall, total surface area, evapotranspiration as well as soil properties. In Himalayan region the water yields are expected to rise by 5-20 per cent in the 2030s. In the 2030s, moderate to extreme drought severity in the Himalayan region is forecasted in comparison with the other regions. All regions are likely to face floods that exceed existing magnitude by 10-30 per cent. 5. Projected impacts on forest productivity Over one-third of the areas under forest will witness change mostly from one forest type to another by 2100. A 23 per cent increase in net primary productivity in the Western Ghats, 20 per cent increase in the north-eastern region, 57 per cent increase in the Himalayas and 31 per cent rise in the coastal region are expected in the 2030s.
Evidence of observed climate change from India Changes in surface air temperature in
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India between 1956 and 2005 are attributed to anthropogenic forcing mainly by greenhouse gas emissions and counterbalanced by other human-induced forcings, such as aerosols and land use, land cover change. The following are findings from various studies by research scholars and scientists.
Himalayas and Glaciers There are a few regions in the world where climate change might be as rapid as found in case of a Himalayan region, and even very low where the penalty of climate change is likely to be as severe for biodiversity, ecosystems services and human well-being. Himalayan Cryosphere plays an important role as a sensitive indicator of climate change and as a major source of water for northwest to northeast Indian region. Himalayan snow cover monitoring for 33 sub-basins of Indian region is being carried out since 2004 (from October to June) using AWiFS data of Resourcesat-2 satellite at every five-day interval. The analysis of the
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N addition, six hundred and seven (607) glaciers of the Karakoram region were also monitored using satellite data of 1977-2013. Around 341 glaciers exhibited no change throughout the 36 years of the study. In remaining glaciers, fluctuations have been seen, however no sustained pattern of retreat or advance was observed. The Indian Himalayan Region has many glaciers that are directly affected by climate change. Over the course of 14 years (1999–2013), the Chandra basin has lost 5.01 ± 2.48 Gt of ice mass, providing a clear indication of the impact of climate change on the Himachal Pradesh district of Lahaul– Spiti, India, and how climate change could cause glacier health imbalance. Others found that the Leh’s climate shows a warming trend with lower precipitation.
Water resources Stream flow in most river basins in the Indian subcontinent is more susceptible to changes in precipitation during the monsoon season than air temperature. Climate change can substantially
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affect water availability in India. Climate change projections of the monsoon season precipitation are largely uncertain. The severity of droughts is projected to increase in many parts of India under climate change.
Agriculture Due to an increase in the minimum temperature of upstream waters of the Ganges river by 1.5 °C over a 30-year period, the Indian Major Carps suffered a breeding decline. Increase in temperature and decrease in precipitation have influenced apple cultivation in Himachal Pradesh. The decrease in chill units in the normal apple growing zone (1200- 1800 amsl) has led to a reduction in area under apple orchards. Rising temperatures and changes in weather conditions are affecting apple production and is a matter of serious concern in Himachal Pradesh thus apple farmers have shifted to crops like kiwi and pomegranate. The climate for rice, tobacco and groundnut significantly affects crop yields. Crops grown in Rabi are more susceptible to climate change than in Kharif, while drought crops such as jowar are better off than others. During 1966–2002, drought and extreme rainfall negatively affected rice yield in predominantly rainfed areas. Yield would have been higher if monsoon characteristics, especially drought frequency and other meteorological changes (warmer nights and lower rainfall at the end of the growing season) had not occurred during this period. Wheat yield in the northern parts of the country is affected by the temperature extremes coinciding with flowering and grain filling period.
Forests Monsoon precipitation and land surface temperature over the Indian sub-
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continent landmass have a significant impact on the distribution of vegetation. In Sikkim, many endemic plant species have migrated to higher elevation in two alpine valleys between the mid19th century and the present. Mundra forest on the western coast of Gujarat state is famous for its unique mangrove biodiversity. An analysis of the meteorological variables indicates high pressure and changes in mangrove density during the period of 1994 to 2010. Mundra mangroves are at high risk of climate change- induced habitat loss.
mentions that the sea level rise in the North Indian Ocean has accelerated to 2.3 ± 0.09 mm per year during 1993– 2015. Analyses of long-term climate data sets and ocean model sensitivity experiments indicated that significant increase in North Indian Ocean sea level during last three to four decades is accompanied by a weakening of summer monsoon circulation. The increase in sea surface water
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HE decline of subalpine forests and treeline elevation was coincident with weakening monsoonal influence and increasing anthropogenic interferences. Altitudinal movement of temperature sensitive plant species is being observed in the state of Jammu and Kashmir.
Coastal areas and Marine ecosystems Based on the 5th Assessment Report (AR5) of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the mean sea level rise in the global ocean was estimated to be about 1.7 [1.5 to 1.9] mm per year between 1901 and 2010, and it increased to 3.2 [2.8 to 3.6] mm per year between 1993 and 2010. Longterm sea level estimates using tide gauge records show a rate of sea level rise of about 1.06-1.75 mm per year in the Indian Ocean during 1878-2004. However, altimeter data analysis over 1993–2012 period reveals that the rate of sea level rise is rather spatially homogeneous over most of the north Indian Ocean, reaching values close to global mean sea level rise trend (3.2 mm per year). This indicates that the rate of sea level rise has accelerated. It is reinforced by a 2017 study which
temperature (up to 34°C) in the summer of 2010 resulted in bleaching of about 74 per cent to 77 per cent of corals in the South Andaman. Several coral species such as Acropora cerealis, A. humilis, Montiporasp., Favia pallida, Diploastrea sp., Goniopora sp., Gardineroseries sp., Porites sp., were severely affected. The recovery of coral cover observed after bleaching was 21.1 per cent at Port Blair and 13.29 per cent at Havelock Island. The mortality rate of coral cover at Port Blair Bay and Havelock Island was estimated at 2.05 per cent and 9.82 per cent, respectively.
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Coral bleaching due to thermal stress was also reported in summer months of 2016 along the Andaman coast. The Government has prepared adaptation- oriented missions under the National Action Plan on Climate Change, recognizing the potential threats of climate change to hydrological systems, ecosystems, sea levels, crop production and other related processes.
Change Action Programme (CCAP). Long Term Ecological Observatories (LTEO) programme is funded and operated through the Climate Change Division at the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC), Government of India. As the programme is complex and spread over a large geographical area, the network of scientists involved in the programme would inevitably come from scientific
includes creating a network of field sites to assess the health of eight different biomes of the country namely; Western Himalaya, Eastern Himalaya, NorthWestern Arid Zone, Central Indian Forests, Western Ghats, Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Jammu & Kashmir and Sundarbans. India’s LTEO programme, through a network of scientific institutions, aims to understand the biophysical and anthropogenic drivers of ecosystem change in selected biomes and their impact on social-ecological responses. Activities include experimental work to assess the change of structure and function in the natural ecosystems, identification of patterns and drivers of change in the natural ecosystems by monitoring populations of freshwater fish, birds, mammals, herbivores and carnivores, animal movements, soil processes in forests and grasslands, biophysical climatic variables, etc.
T Progress on the evidence-based research on systematic observations of impacts India is a vast country endowed with great variations in climate and vegetation, showing a wide variety of ecosystem types. It is high time to initiate long-term ecological observations in different ecosystems in India to record the long-term large-scale response of ecosystems in the changing environment scenario in the 21st century. Recognizing the need explained above, the science initiatives are planned by the Ministry as part of the Climate
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institutions and research groups across the country.
Long Term Ecological Observatories Long Term Ecological Observatories (LTEO) for climate change studies are one of the components under the ‘Climate Change Action Programme’ with an outlay of INR 40 crore in the 12th Five Year Plan Period. A Science Plan of LTEO was released during the 21st Conference of Parties to the UNFCCC at Paris in December 2015. The first phase of the LTEO Programme
HERE are examples of countries participating in long term ecological research. National Science Foundation of United States has initiated establishing Long Term Ecological Research (LTER) station network since 1980 from 5 sites to collect detailed information on various ecological patterns, processes and phenomena that vary over a long-term and on a large scale to acquire knowledge and predictive understanding that is necessary for the proper management of ecosystems and their services. In 1993, the establishment of International LTER (ILTER) stations was initiated to cover a greater range of ecosystem types over the world and it has become the ‘network of networks’ by joining a total of 39 countries (each having number of LTER stations). About half of the existing networks are located in the European countries having relatively
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similar climatic conditions and degrees of anthropogenic stress and the remaining half are distributed in North America, South America, Australia, Africa and quite a few in Asian countries like China, Japan, Thailand and Philippines. The ILTER Coordinating Committee, the governing body of the ILTER Network, convenes annually at a meeting hosted by one of the Member Networks.
Indian Network for Climate Change Assessment (INCCA) To increase capacity at the institutional level for conducting research into Climate Change science and making necessary assessments, MoEFCC has set up an evolving and dynamic network, namely the Indian Network for Climate Change Assessment (INCCA) comprising of 127 research institutions tasked with undertaking research on the science of Climate Change and its impacts on different sectors of economy across various regions of India. INCCA has helped the Ministry put together its Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Emissions Inventories and in carrying out other scientific assessments at more frequent intervals. Efforts need to be made to make INCCA a part of ILTER. This will help to strengthen Indo-US and other international cooperation on climate change. Most ILTER members are national or regional networks of scientists engaged in long-term, site-based ecological and socio-economic research (known as LTER or LTSER). The data gathered from the above-mentioned network can be suitably linked / exchanged with the ongoing ILTER programme. The expansion of LTER network in countries like India would make it possible to represent a greater range of ecosystem types that are being influenced by changes in climate, biogeochemistry and biodiversity.
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Coordinated Studies on Climate Change for North East region (CSCCNE) Another effort in the direction of evidence-based research on Climate Change in India, being steered at the government’s level is the CSCCNE programme under CCAP. The Northeastern region can be physiographically categorised into the Eastern Himalayas, Northeast Hills (Patkai-Naga Hills and Lushai Hills) and the Brahmaputra and the Barak Valley Plains. The Northeastern region of India is characterized by diverse climate regimes. The region is highly dependent on the southwest monsoon (June–September), with over 60 per cent of the crop area is under rain-fed agriculture, and so is in areas highly vulnerable to climate variability and climate change. The region has two main river basins (the Brahmaputra and Barak), a large dependence of the population on natural resources, and poor infrastructure development. The powerful hydrological and monsoon regime of the region, especially the Brahmaputra and the Barak (Meghna) river system are both a resource and source of vulnerability.
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HUM cultivation, a traditional agricultural system, is often cited as a reason for the loss of the region’s forest cover. This primary agricultural economic activity carried out by local tribes reflects the use of 35 crop varieties. The area is rich in medicinal plants and many rare and endangered taxa. Its high endemism in both higher plants, vertebrates and avian diversity has qualified it as a ‘hotspot’ for biodiversity. In 1995, the International Union for Conservation of Nature identified Namdapha in Arunachal Pradesh as a centre of plant diversity. The following figures highlight the significance of the region:
a. Fifty-one forest types are found in the region broadly classified into six major types — tropical moist deciduous forests, tropical semi- evergreen forests, tropical wet evergreen forests, subtropical forests, temperate forests and alpine forests b. Out of the nine important vegetation types of India, six are found in the North Eastern region c. These forests harbour 8,000 out of 15,000 species of flowering plants. In floral species richness, the highest diversity is reported from the states of Arunachal Pradesh (5000 species) and Sikkim (4500 species) amongst the North Eastern States d. According to the Indian Red data book published by the Botanical Survey of India, 10 per cent of the flowering plants in the country are endangered. Of the 1500 endangered floral species, 800 are reported from North East India e. Most of the North Eastern states have more than 60 per cent of their area under forest cover; a minimum suggested coverage for the hill states
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the intensity of precipitation events may lead to an increase in the occurrence of landslides, affecting agriculture activities, including tea plantations. This might lead to morbidity among the workforce dependent on this d. Also, there is a likelihood that the windows of transmission of malaria may increasingly remain open for at least for 7–9 and may even remain open for a larger number of months (10–12 months) in a year.
National Mission on Sustaining the Himalayan Ecosystem
in the country f. North East India is a part of IndoBurma ‘hotspot’. The hotspot is the world’s second largest, next only to the Mediterranean basin with an area 2.2 million sq km. among the 25 identified g. The Eastern Himalaya and the Assam plains have been identified as an Endemic Bird Area by the Royal Society for Protection of Birds.
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HE INCCA 4x4 assessment report has made assessments in the national and regional level regarding climate projections and vulnerability. Some of the north-east specific results as extracted from the report are as follows: a. The trend in precipitation in the north-eastern region exhibits considerable spatial variability with respect to the predictions for the 2030s. The northern part shows a reduction in precipitation varying from 3 per cent in the north-western portion to about 12 per cent in the north-eastern portion. In the remaining part of the north-east,
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there is an increase in precipitation varying up to 25 per cent for the central portion of the north-east. The majority of the north-eastern region, but for some parts of Mizoram, Tripura, Manipur and Assam, shows an increase in evapotranspiration during the 2030s scenario. It is interesting to note that even those parts of Arunachal Pradesh that were showing a decrease in precipitation show an increase in evapotranspiration The trend in water yield in the north-eastern region is similar to the precipitation trend. The areas that have shown less increase in precipitation show a correspondingly low water yield. The reduction in water yield in Arunachal Pradesh is up to about 20 per cent. An increase in water yield is seen in Assam and Manipur and the magnitude is up to about 40 per cent b. The projected increase of nighttime temperature may lead to a decrease in the production of rice and hence affect the nutritional health of the population c. Soil erosion due to an increase in
There is a serious lack of systematic studies and empirical observations about species-level impacts of climate change in the Himalayas. The main goal of NMSHE is to assess scientifically the vulnerability of the Himalayan region to climate change in physical, biological and socio-cultural context. Major initiatives include the establishment of a Centre for Himalayan Glaciology at the Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology, Dehradun. Under the mission, State Climate Change Cells (SCCC) in the Himalayan States have been set up. These cells provide support for vulnerability and risk assessment studies at district and sub-district levels as well as for institutional and capacity building. At the state level, a training institute or a university has been designated for conducting the capacity building programmes. A training manual has also been developed following a consultative process. The manual provides information on climate change impacts and risk mitigation and adaptation measures in the Indian Himalayan region.
National Mission on Strategic Knowledge for Climate Change One of the NAPCC’s mission is on ‘Strategic Knowledge for Climate Change’ which is being coordinated by
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the Department of Science and Technology, Government of India. The main objectives of this mission are as follows: a. Formation of knowledge networks among the existing knowledge institutions engaged in research and development relating to climate science, and facilitate data sharing and exchange through a suitable policy framework and institutional support b. Establishment of global technology watch groups with institutional capacities to carry out research on risk minimized technology selection for developmental choices c. Development of national capacity for modelling the regional impact of climate change on different ecological zones within the country for different seasons and living standards d. Establishing research networks and encouraging research in the areas of climate change impacts on important socio-economic sectors like agriculture, health, natural ecosystem, biodiversity, coastal zones, etc e. Providing an improved understanding and awareness of the key climate processes and the resultant climate risks and associated consequences f. Building alliances and partnerships through global collaboration in research and technology development on climate change under international and bilateral S&T cooperation arrangements. Two National Knowledge Networks viz., a Network on Climate Change, Human Health and Climate Modelling have been set up. Two more networks are being launched shortly: Network on Climate Change and Agriculture and a Network on Coastal Vulnerability. Three new National Knowledge Network Programmes were launched in areas including climate modelling,
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climate change and human health, and climate change and coastal vulnerability.
Alpine Treeline Ecotone a. ISRO has also established a multisummit approach based on long-term ecological record sites, known as a network of “HIMADRI” (Himalayan Alpine Dynamics Research Initiative) in partnership with subject expert institutions to study changes in the Alpine treeline ecotone due to climate change. This will map species level migration. The archived satellite data (from 1976 to 2014) show that the alpine ecosystem is definitely undergoing changes and alpine treeline has shifted upward with the positive greening trend observed at the alpine treeline ecotone b. The satellite information thus collected will contribute to strengthening the country’s scientific response towards addressing the impacts of climate change.
The way forward The Earth system is complex and longterm policy direction can only be based
Figure 3: Framework for integrated assessment in climate change area
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of institutions. A combination of longterm observation and anticipatory investigations would be helpful in the context of climate change. A schematic diagram of the broad framework discussed in this section is given in Figure 3.
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on long-term observations and comprehensive assessments of the best available science. The UNFCCC calls on Parties to promote and cooperate in research and systematic observation of the climate system, including through exchange of information and supporting international programmes, networks and organizations. Parties are also called upon to cooperate in improving the capacities of developing countries so that they can participate in research and systematic observation activities (Articles 4.1(g,h) and 5). Parties regularly report on their national and cooperative research activities and their contributions to climate science, as well as emerging research needs and priorities through their National
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Communications. Under the National Communication periodically submitted by the Parties to the UNFCCC, information on National Inventories, Climate Change Vulnerability and adaptation, Mitigation Actions, Research and Systematic Observation and other details are provided. India has already submitted Initial and Second National Communications in 2004 and 2012, respectively. There are certain gaps identified in both the reports in existing knowledge which need to bridge with a better understanding of issues related to climate change. This will require longterm ecological monitoring and research through monitoring stations and/or observatories through a network
NDIA’S climate variability trends need to be compiled followed by climatic projections using multiple models and impact assessment in different sectors in different climate scenarios. Model ensembles such as CORDEX and CMIP5 may be used for projections. These sectors and regions should be subjected to quantitative assessment of vulnerability by constructing a ‘vulnerability index’ for each sector. The vulnerability index is a key indicator for measuring the vulnerability of a sector/ region. This index may be based on several sets of indicators that assess vulnerability of a region/sector. Vulnerability indices may be developed for different sectors such as water vulnerability index, agriculture vulnerability index and forest vulnerability index. Vulnerability indices developed at the sub-regional level for different sectors and subsectors may be ranked on an ordinal scale. Based on vulnerability indices, GIS-integrated spatial vulnerability profiles and maps need to be prepared. A composite vulnerability index could be developed after integrating all sectoral indices in a scientific manner. It will serve as a single number, which can be used to compare different regions. Adaptation strategies will be developed based on the identified vulnerability profiles and maps. Vulnerability indices will be calculated in each core sector and a composite index will be estimated for states and for the country as a whole. g
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BOOK EXTRACT
ambedkar, gandhi and patel
The Makings of
Dalit Political Power
Even in today’s India, dalit politics continues to be shaped by the ideas and struggles of BR Ambedkar against an unjust social system that had its roots in orthodox Hindu caste structures. Raja Sekhar Vundru provides a historical perspective to the emergence of dalits as a distinct political force
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MBEDKAR hailed from a family of military men. His father Ramji Sakpal was a Subedar Major in the British Indian Army. Ambedkar’s maternal grandfather and six uncles were also Subedar Majors in the British force. Subedar Major was the highest post any Indian could rise to in the British Army. The valour, loyalty or spiritual liberation did not break the shackles of centuries of untouchable status for the dalits. The untouchables were treated with unqualified disdain and hatred:
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physically, socially, economically, spiritually just as the Hindu social order demanded, upon its inhabitants. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, born in a military cantonment in 1891 and received his initial education at a lessstigmatic military environment. In his first exposure to the society, he was treated as an untouchable as brutally as it must be, despite his different military background. As a child, he was denied water, beaten up for drawing some water and could not ride a cart even after he paid for it. Ambedkar later shifted to Bombay and was a city
boy where he pursued high school and college education. He won a scholarship to study abroad and was the first ever untouchable to do so. After his education at the Columbia University, New York in 1916, he was appointed as the Military Secretary in July 1917 to his benefactor Maharaja of Baroda. The lowest class of officials and peons refused to serve him for his untouchable origin, despite his rank as a military secretary. He was denied accommodation by every lodge and was beaten up for hiding his caste at a Parsi lodge in Baroda. The Columbia-
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educated Military Secretary of Princely state of Baroda had to go back to Bombay in September 1917 solely for the reason that he couldn’t find a rented accommodation to live. He went to London with the help of the descendant of Sivaji, the Maharaja of Kolhapur, Chatrapati Shahu Maharaj. He finished studies at the London School of Economics and was called to the Bar in 1923. He was conferred Doctor of Science in Economics in 1923 and had earlier received his Doctor of Philosophy from the Columbia University in 1917. After he returned as one of most erudite and qualified Indians of his times, his untouchability pulled him down. His expertise in finance and markets was useless as no one wanted to do business with his stock brokering firm after they became aware of his dalit origins. In 1919, Ambedkar made his first political foray by appearing before the Southborough Commission for submitting a plea for untouchable representation and civil rights. He sought universal adult franchise even when Europe was grappling with the same question. He desired representation for dalits as per their population percentage in legislative bodies. Ambedkar’s rise to pre-eminence as a dalit leader came due to his democratic principles, that dalits should be allowed to represent their issues themselves, meaning that they do not need any other community or any non-dalit to represent their problems, by the principle of self-determination. Ambedkar’s consistent position was that instead of leaving the untouchables at the mercy of the higher castes, the wiser policy would be give power to untouchables themselves who are anxious, not like others, to usurp power but only to assert their natural
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place in the society. Therefore, he sought political representation for the dalits and sought that such representation be on the basis of population percentage of the dalits. But none of his demands were accepted by the British. His education at the Columbia University and the London School of Economics and his skilful articulation of democratic principles, self-determination and representation in legislative bodies won him many followers, including accolades from none other than the Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj.
legislative bodies in British India to Indians brought forth the issue of integrating Indian society ridden with caste hierarchy and religious minority issues. Muslims through the Minto-Morley reforms and later in 1919 through Montague-Chelmsford reforms secured separate seats with the electoral method of Separate electorate in the Legislative Councils in all the British Provinces. Ambedkar catapulted to greater prominence by repeatedly exposing the regressive mindset of the high-caste leaders of the Congress, who claimed to be reforming the society, including Gandhi, when it came to agreeing to a share in the representation in political bodies.
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In 1920, at the Nagpur Depressed Classes Conference, Ambedkar wrested the initiative and leadership of the dalits from the high-caste leaders of the Congress party, who claimed to be fighting for their cause. He exposed the plans of upper castes of nominating one or two dalit to the legislative assembly by a body of upper caste elected representatives of the assembly. The policy of gradual opening of
ROUND the same time, as Ambedkar made his political foray, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi—a Gujarati lawyer, who was later called the Father of Independent India, arrived in India from South Africa in 1915 on the invitation of his political mentor Gopal Krishna Gokhale of the Indian National Congress. Gandhi by then was known for his struggle for the rights of Indian community for 21 years in South Africa. Gandhi recreated his tested South African formula in India in his initial campaigns for the rights of farmers and textile mill workers in 1917-18 with great success. His strategy of Satyagraha and non-cooperation were put to test successfully in Kaira in Gujarat and Champaran in Bihar and it brought him two staunch followers in Rajendra Prasad, who became the first President of Independent India and Vallabhbhai Patel, who became the first Deputy Prime Minister of India. Gandhi’s rise to pre-eminence in the leading political party, came when his strategy of
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BOOK EXTRACT
ambedkar, gandhi and patel
non-cooperation was passed to be deployed across India at the Calcutta Special Congress Session in 1920. Before this, Gandhi ensured that his followers passed the resolutions in Provincial Congress Committees of Bihar and Gujarat in favour of noncooperation. On September 2, 1920, in the Subjects Committee of the Congress Session, Gandhi proposed a resolution of non-cooperation in the form of boycott of foreign goods and elections to the Legislative Councils after the reforms of 1919. His refusal to attend government functions; gradual boycott of schools, colleges and courts, refusal to serve in the British army in Mesopotamia and surrender of all British titles and honorary offices were some of the methods that Gandhi deployed to broad-base his non-cooperation movement.
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OTILAL Nehru, a prominent lawyer from Allahabad along with the Muslim leader MA Jinnah and others opposed Gandhi’s proposal. Though, Motilal later changed his stance. Gandhi’s resolution was passed by 144-132 votes in the Subjects Committee and in the open Congress Session by 1826-884 votes. Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, a prominent Hindu leader of the Congress from Benares, who was to later sign the Poona Pact with Ambedkar in 1932, opposed Gandhi’s resolution of non-cooperation at the session. At that time Gandhi’s victory was also ascribed to his endearance of Muslims as a result of his support to Khilafat movement and the support of prominent Muslim leaders like Shaukat Ali and Muslim delegates of this Congress Session. As the British started opening up legislative bodies to the Indian natives,
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Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
the issue of untouchability and removal of this scourge became a prominent social and political matter. Among the dalit leaders, Ambedkar singularly rose to prominence by questioning the attitude of the Congress towards the removal of untouchability; the attitude of high-castes to representation of dalits to elected bodies and mainly the attitude of the British government towards the dalits. His tirade against the British on not focusing on 60 million untouchables and leaving them to the vagaries of the Hindus and the Indian social systems brought an attitudinal shift in the British government. He found a major support from the likes of Winston Churchill, who was a great critic of the Indian
caste system and supporter of the untouchable cause. By 1919, when Gandhi entered the political landscape in India, the electoral system that existed had a limited franchise and the British by then granted reserved seats to the Muslims with the separate electorate method of election since 1909. Gandhi’s idea of non -cooperation rejected the concept of contesting the Legislative Council elections and the Congress did not contest elections of 1920. To the contrary, the dalits under Ambedkar were looking for a political opportunity to claim representation, which they thought would be one of the methods by which they could uplift themselves from their lives of
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slavery and oppression. After Gandhi’s arrival, though not through his involvement, Hindus and Muslims entered into a crucial electoral pact called the Lucknow Pact in 1916. The pact had arrived between the Indian National Congress led by Balgangadhar Tilak representing the Hindus and the All-India Muslim League led by M.A. Jinnah on behalf of the Muslims. This was done in the name of Hindu -Muslim unity, but was more of an agreement to electoral sharing of the seats in the Legislative bodies. Primarily, the Hindus and Muslims decided on sharing the
Muslims got weightage under the Lucknow Pact far greater than they had in 1909.
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HIS Lucknow Pact was incorporated into the 1919 Government of India Act. But the most important concession the Muslims and Hindus agreed upon was that if any Bill or a clause or resolution affecting the Muslims should be passed in any provincial Council, it will need the consent of three-fourth of Muslim members in the Assembly. This being the camaraderie between the Muslim and Hindu leaders in the
Indians. This process involved consultation with the representatives of political groups and also social organisations. A similar exercise was done in 1917, which resulted in the Montague Chelmsford electoral reforms, based on which elections were held in 1920. In anticipation of further reforms, Jinnah organised a meeting of all Muslim parties in Delhi in March 1927 and put forward demands known as Jinnah’s 14 Points. The demands were similar to the Lucknow Pact: the Central Legislature to have not less than one third Muslims members; representation in elected
In 1919, Ambedkar made his first political foray by appearing before the Southborough Commission for submitting a plea for untouchable representation and civil rights. He sought universal adult franchise even when Europe was grappling with the same question elected seats in the legislative bodies between them; prescribing the proportion of Muslim representation and allowed Muslims a separate electorate. Together they demanded from the British for a higher share of elected seats in provincial legislative councils, seeking at least 80 per cent of elected seats and twenty by nomination. The pact also fixed the percentage of seats to be reserved for Muslims in each of the provinces: Punjab (50 per cent); the United Provinces (30 per cent); Bengal (40 per cent) Bihar and Orissa (25 per cent), the Central Provinces (15 per cent), Madras (15 per cent), Bombay (33.3 per cent), Assam (no provision) and the Central or Imperial Legislative Assembly (33.3 per cent).
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Congress and the Muslim League, Gandhi’s resolution of not contesting election for the Legislative Councils in 1920 perturbed many. Jinnah, who would eventually seek and achieve a separate country for the Muslims called Pakistan in 1947, was sidelined in the 1920 Congress Session at Nagpur and left the membership of Congress Party. The Legislative concessions agreed for the Muslims under the Lucknow Pact remained intact and Gandhi never opposed them. The Constitution of India under the British was to be reformed every 10 years and in 1927, the British Government announced the appointment of Simon Commission for further electoral reforms for native
seats through the separate electorate method provided it was open to the community to seek common or joint electorates; adequate share for Muslims in jobs; safeguards for religion, culture among others and at least one-third of the Cabinet should have Muslim ministers. Simon Commission was truly a turning point in deciding electoral reforms of India. Despite the Congress’ opposition to the Commission, Ambedkar represented through his organisation Bahishkrit Hitkarni Sabha on behalf of the dalits and Jinnah representing the Muslims, appeared before the Commission and placed their demands for the Constitutional framework and rep-
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BOOK EXTRACT
ambedkar, gandhi and patel
resentation of their communities. Several other dalit and Muslim organisations also gave evidence before the Commission. Opposing the Simon Commission was a decision of the Congress and Gandhi went with the flow of his Party. Gandhi’s stance to the Simon Commission was not very vociferous. Gandhi’s position of non-cooperation to the 1920 elections had a bearing on the way he looked at the Simon Commission as an insignificant event, even though the Commission proposed further electoral reforms. But the Congress galvanised forces and converted the opposition to the
seats with right to vote for all dalits failing which he sought a separate electorate. Eighteen dalit organisations appeared before the Simon Commission and 16 of them sought separate electorates for dalits. The majority of the Dalit organisations sought political representation as per their population percentage and put across the political stand of the dalits as a minority community and that too with the lowest social status. For the dalits, it very clearly dawned upon that all those persons and organisations who were talking about the removal of untouchability, removal of civil disabilities of access to water and
not invite any dalit organisations or individuals. Yet, they suggested in the Report, without consulting with any dalit group, that they could be taken care of by special electorates or by nomination. The report finally recommended that these suggestions of special electorates cannot be carried out and only the general ‘Declaration of Rights’ for all the people will be extended to dalits also and that will suffice. For dalits, the Nehru Report was an eye-opener to realise the stand of all political parties, especially the Congress, regarding the seriousness with which they dealt with the
The Simon Commission Report came out in May 1930 and it recommended continuation of separate electorates for minorities. Dalits for the first time were recognised as a distinct political group but were allotted reserved seats with Hindus and with a special provision Commission into a major political event. ‘Simon Go Back’ was a successful slogan and Congress workers were pitted in front of the buildings where the Commission started meeting various political leaders, including Jinnah and Ambedkar. The latter was dubbed as a British stooge and a traitor for his cooperation with the Simon Commission. Ambedkar, who was nominated as a Depressed Classes member of the Bombay Legislative Council in 1926, was elected to work with the Simon Commission in a Committee of the Bombay Legislative Council in August 1928. Ambedkar in his claim before the Simon Commission sought reserved
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roads and schools were merely paying a lip service. Regarding their political demands, dalits found no supporters. Ambedkar on his behalf emphasised in his statement before the Simon Commission that dalits should be treated “as a distinct and independent minority”.
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EANWHILE, the Congress, which was opposed to the Simon Commission, called an All Parties Conference and appointed a Committee under Motilal Nehru to draft a new Constitution in May 1928. The Nehru Committee invited representatives from all over, including the Sikhs but did
demands of the dalit electoral aspirations and rise in politics. The report primarily aimed at nullifying the Lucknow Pact in 1916 and discarded the provision of separate electorate for minorities. Jinnah opposed the Nehru Report on this ground. The report also rejected the plea of the Akali Dal and the Central Sikh League for separate representation, which was sanctioned to them for the first time by the Montague-Chelmsford reforms and incorporated in the Government of India Act, 1919. Naturally, the Sikhs also rejected the Nehru Report. The Simon Commission Report came out in May 1930 and it recommended continuation of separate
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electorates for minorities. Dalits for the first time were recognised as a distinct political group but were allotted reserved seats with Hindus and with a special provision. Any dalit could contest election only if he was declared fit to do so by the Governor of the State. Ambedkar declared that dalits cannot leave what is good for them to the authority of the Governor and launched a scathing attack on the British government as the costliest government in the world. Congress naturally rejected the Simon Commission Report as it was not a part of the negotiations. Ironically, the Congress and the national movement originally opposed the Simon Commission for not having a single Indian representation on the Commission. It created its own Nehru Report, which never invited dalits for their opinion. Such partisan behaviour of the Congress gave enough ammunition to Ambedkar to attack those who denied political rights to dalits. The political situation of 1930 paved way for a wider discussion for further constitutional and electoral reforms for a self-governing India through the Round Table Conference. But in August 1930, Ambedkar declared that the dalit movement “will result in emancipation of our people and the establishment of such a state of society in this country of ours in which one man will have one value in all domains of life-political, social and economic.” Definitely by August 1930, dalits declared their political independence and in the next few decades under the leadership of Ambedkar they were seen to attain and sustain their political independence. After Gandhi’s ascendancy to power in the Congress and Ambedkar’s rise as a leader of dalits in 1920, the following decade saw several significant
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tenced to six years of imprisonment. While Gandhi was in jail, Motilal along with senior leaders of the Congress such as Madan Mohan Malaviya, Vithalbhai Patel and C.R. Das revived the issue of contesting elections and it was promptly opposed by the faction loyal to Gandhi. By then, Motilal had already contested the elections of 1920 under the Swaraj Party and became a member of the United Provinces Legislative Council and later in 1923. He was elected to the Central Legislative Assembly (similar to the Central Parliament under the British). After his release from jail due to illness in 1924, Gandhi pacified the warring groups by accepting the proposal to contest the Legislative Council elections as a legitimate political activity of the party. This eventually paved way for the Congress contesting the 1937 elections.
Chatrapati Shahu Maharaj
events until the 1930 Round Table Conference. Gandhi had Muslim leaders in the Congress firmly on his side except for Jinnah, who left the membership of Congress after the Congress Session at Nagpur in 1920. Motilal flip-flopped on his allegiance to Gandhi on the question of contesting the Legislative Council elections in 1920. The Congress Party bowing to Gandhi’s wishes and the noncooperation resolution did not contest elections. Motilal initially supported Gandhi in the 1920 Calcutta noncooperation resolution after their discussion and he undertook to win over C.R. Das also. In March 1922, Gandhi was tried for sedition and was sen-
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CCORDING to Gandhi, the 1920 Nagpur Congress Session also passed a resolution for removal of untouchability. But in the next decade, it was Ambedkar who led stirring agitations against untouchability and politically awakened the dalits. After his return from the London School of Economics in March 1923, he started legal practice. He was nominated as a dalit member of the Bombay legislative Council along with his dalit friend Dr. PG Solanki in December 1926. In July 1924, he established the Bahishkrit Hitakarni Sabha (Organisation for the welfare of the excluded) and eventually took up two agitations. First was about the rights of dalits to draw water from a common drinking water pond in Mahad in 1927 and the other was the entry of dalits in a temple, the Kalaram temple in Nasik. Mahad municipality in a resolution
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BOOK EXTRACT
ambedkar, gandhi and patel
threw open the drinking water tank to all the people in 1923, but no untouchable was allowed to draw water. During a dalit conference at Mahad on March 20, 1927, Ambedkar along with a large number of followers decided to draw and drink from the tank as matter of right and did so. Following this, riots broke out in the Mahad town injuring several dalits. The next day, Brahmins performed religious rites to purify the water “polluted” by Ambedkar and his followers. Dalits under Ambedkar’s
and also in a report of the Congress’ anti-untouchability Sub-committee, submitted by Madan Mohan Malaviya and a Marwari businessman from Wardha, Jamanalal Bajaj. Gandhi, on his part, supported Vaikom temple agitation in Kerala initiated by dalits and a few other castes and negotiated in Vaikom with the temple administrators in March 1925, but failed to get to the public roads around the temple opened. Ambedkar, under his leadership attempted to enter Kalaram temple in Nasik in 1930 and
Justice Party and others was successful under the 1919 reforms in securing reserved seats for non-Brahmins. The Government appointed Lord Meston to arbitrate on the seats to be reserved for non-Brahmin. He heard the Brahmin and non-Brahmin groups and rejected the plea of the nonBrahmin to put a limit on the seats in which Brahmins could contest. The Meston Award granted only 28 seats out of 98 elected seats despite a plea by non-Brahmins that they were sevenninth of the population.
The non-Brahmin movement in Western India in the Bombay Province included today’s parts of Maharashtra, Gujarat and Karnataka was founded by Jotirao Phule (1827-90). His writings and his movement sought social justice and equality in a society dominated politically and culturally by the Brahmins leadership, assembled again in Mahad town on December 25, 1927, to claim their rights on water. On December, 12, 1927, the upper castes of Mahad filed a case in a local court against dalit rights to draw water and obtained an injunction prohibiting dalits from doing so. Keeping in view the Court orders, Ambedkar did not press agitation but burnt a copy of Manusmriti, the codified law of caste system of the Hindus. Dalits took the Mahad struggle as the beginning of their political awakening. In 1929, a four-month agitation led by the dalits of Poona inspired by Ambedkar tried to enter into Parvati temple, but failed. This attempt was criticised by Gandhi
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was injured in an attack by the upper castes. This agitation went on till1935 only to prove a point by Ambedkar that neither Gandhi nor the Congress were serious about removal of untouchability. The breach between Gandhi’s Congress and the dalits widened.
Non-Brahmin Movement The preponderance of Brahmin caste persons in jobs and politics swayed a non-brahmin movement in 1916 in the Madras presidency areas. In Madras, 3.1 per cent of Brahmins occupied 88 per cent (and never less than fifty per cent) of all the jobs in the government. The Madras presidency non-Brahmin movement lead by the
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HE Justice Party won the November 1920 Council elections with an overwhelming majority by winning 68 seats and formed the Government. Out of the 98 seats, non-Brahmins had 28; Muslims 13; Indian Christians 5 and European and Anglo-Indians had 6. There were no seats reserved for dalits. The Government nominated five dalits to the Council, including MC Rajah, an adi-dravida (dalit) leader from Madras, who later became the first dalit member of the Central Legislative assembly in 1926. The non-Brahmin movement resulted in the Dravidian movement later in Tamil Nadu. The parties professing non-Brahmin Dravidian ideologies
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are in power in the state of Tamil Nadu even today. The non-Brahmin movement in Western India in the Bombay Province included today’s parts of Maharashtra, Gujarat and Karnataka was founded by Jotirao Phule (1827-90). His writings and his movement sought social justice and equality in a society dominated politically and culturally by the Brahmins. He had the greatest influence in shaping the politics of Western India. He founded the Satyashodhak Samaj (truth seekers society) in 1873. This movement influenced Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj, Maharaja of Kolhapur and a direct descendent of Chhatrapati Shivaji. Shahu Maharaj was mistreated by the Brahmins as a low-caste shudra at a ritual earlier. The Samaj peaked between 1910-30 and lead the non-Brahmin movement and opened its doors to dalits. Ambedkar always considered Phule as his guru. The political movement initiated by Ambedkar in 1920s had the support of Shahu Maharaj and the leaders of the non-Brahmin movement. This helped to create a congenial atmosphere and support for Ambedkar to emerge as an undisputed leader of dalits and provided space for creating a special identity for dalits in their political struggle. The non Brahmins themselves in 1920s were looking for a voice in the Legislative Councils and they also sought reserved seats under the 1919 reforms. This resulted in seven reserved seats to ‘Marathas’ and 13 other similar castes in 1920. The western India and southern India non Brahmin movements were closely coordinated through efforts by Shahu Maharaj and the Raja of Panagal in Tamil Nadu. The Marathas rose from the non-Brahmin movement and held power in the state of Maharashtra and continued to rule the political scenario
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and power. If today in the Legislative Assemblies, there were reserved seats for non-Brahmins, it would have been similar to a proposal for reserved seats of the Backward Castes. Such an arrangement exists in Panchayati Raj institutions and urban local bodies along with one-third reserved seats for women.
Struggle for Representation The legislative bodies under the British evolved in the electoral representation over a period of time by not only giving space to Muslims to start with, but also to other minorities such as Indian Christians, Anglo Indians and eventually to the Sikhs under the 1919 reforms. The Indian National Congress under Lucknow Pact, 1916 agreed for reserved seats with separate electorates for Muslims and also allowed reserved seats for Muslims even in those Provinces where Muslims were in majority. The 1916 agreement between the Indian National Congress and Muslims was accepted by the British Government and was made part of the Government of India Act, 1919. This situation was well-settled until Gandhi arrived on the Indian political scene in 1920. But Gandhi unsettled all those in the Congress aspiring to contest 1920 elections by pushing his non-cooperation plan, which included not contesting 1920 elections. The elections of 1920 gave opportunities to various groups under the unequal society, which India created over the centuries. Sustained struggle, which was started by Dalits for civil rights in the colonial set up, demanding access to water, roads, education, jobs and for the removal of disabilities imposed by centuries of untouchability, continued, and ignited dalits to fight for
their rights. The national movement demanded a high moral ground from its leadership and the dalits always questioned the national movement leaders as to what they had done for the removal of untouchability and remove the centuries of disabilities imposed upon them by the Hindu social order.
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ORE importantly, the success of the dalit political struggle lies in the fact that they were recognised as a separate element by the Muslim movement, the non-Brahmin movement and by the caste-Hindu organisations. This got a final stamp on the Indian polity in the Government of India Act 1919, where the Act recognised untouchables as a political class by appointing them to the Legislative Councils, albeit as nominated members. The nominated dalit members were in all 10, in British Provinces of Bombay, Madras, Bengal, United Provinces, Bihar and Orissa and Central Provinces. Specifically, Ambedkar in Bombay and MC Rajah in Madras were successful in raising issues about the plight of the untouchables with the government. These nominated members were able to showcase as to how representation in legislative bodies could bring in such a sweeping change to ameliorate the wretched condition of untouchables. This unified the aspirations of dalits of 1930s in seeking a political status which they displayed by supporting and consolidating Ambedkar’s leadership across the length and breadth of India during the Round Table Conference in London in1931 vis-a vis Gandhi. g (The writer is a 1990 batch IAS officer of Haryana Cadre. He holds a PhD on Ambedkar’s ideas from the National Law School, Bengaluru. Views expressed are personal)
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birthdays IAS officers’ birthdays Jan 20, 20120— Feb 19, 2020
IAS officers’ birthdays Jan 20, 2020 — Feb 19, 2020
Pankaj Jain
Vijayakumar J
Rathan U Kelkar
Neha Sharma
CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH
CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH
CADRE: KERALA
CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH
pankaj.jain83@ias.nic.in
vijayakumarj.ias11@ias.nic.in
rukelkar@ias.nic.in
nehasharma.ias2010@ias.nic.in
Ashish Vashishth
Sentiyanger Imchen
Rajeev Chawla
Sudhir Mahajann
CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH
CADRE: NAGALAND
CADRE: KARNATAKA
CADRE: UNION TERRITORY
ashish.vashishth@ias.nic.in
imchensy@ias.nic.in
chawlar@ias.nic.in
sudhir.mahajan@ias.nic.in
Parag Gupta
Otem Dai
Debashish Chakrabarty
Shashank Sethi
CADRE: ODISHA
CADRE: TAMIL NADU
CADRE: MAHARASHTRA
CADRE: WEST BENGAL
guptap1@ias.nic.in
daio@ias.nic.in
chakrab1@ias.nic.in
sudhir.mahajan@ias.nic.in
Praveen P Nair
Shunchonngam J Chiru
Dilip D Pandharpatte
Varnali Deka
CADRE: TAMIL NADU
CADRE: TAMIL NADU
CADRE: MAHARASHTRA
CADRE: ASSAM - MEGHALAYA
praveenpnair.ias2010@ias.nic.in
chirusj@ias.nic.in
dd.pandharpatte@ias.nic.in
varnali.ias09@ias.nic.in
Avinash K Srivastava
Isha Khosla
Ashwini M Joshi
Archana Varma
CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH
CADRE: UNION TERRITORY
CADRE: MAHARASHTRA
CADRE: ASSAM - MEGHALAYA
savinash@ias.nic.in
isha.khosla@ias.nic.in
ashwini.ias@ias.nic.in
varmaa@ias.nic.in
Ravi Jha
Chander Shekhar
Raj Kumar Dinesh Singh
JVN Subramanyam
CADRE: UNION TERRITORY
CADRE: HARYANA
CADRE: MANIPUR
CADRE: ASSAM - MEGHALAYA
ravijha.ias11@ias.nic.in
chander.s@ias.nic.in
singhrd@ias.nic.in
javvadi.ias09@ias.nic.in
Anshaj Singh
Sunil Kumar Barnwal
Deepak Arya
Mohammed Hanish APM
CADRE: HARYANA
CADRE: JHARKHAND
CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH
CADRE: KERALA
anshaj@ias.nic.in
barnwals@ias.nic.in
deepak.arya@ias.nic.in
hanishma@ias.nic.in
Gayatri A Rathore
Ragapriya R
Sandhya V Sharma
Aditya Prasad Padhi
CADRE: RAJASTHAN
CADRE: KARNATAKA
CADRE: TAMIL NADU
CADRE: ODISHA
rathoreg@ias.nic.in
ragapriya.ias11@ias.nic.in
sharmasv@ias.nic.in
padhi@ias.nic.in
Narain Lal Meena
Kalpana Shrivastava
Neena Sharma
Arun Sekhri
CADRE: RAJASTHAN
CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH
CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH
CADRE: PUNJAB
narainlal.meena@ias.nic.in
skalpana@ias.nic.in
sharman@ias.nic.in
arun.sekhri@ias.nic.in
Jagdish Chander
Amit Tomar
Chandra Bhushan Singh
Karthikeyan KP
CADRE: HIMACHAL PRADESH
CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH
CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH
CADRE: TAMIL NADU
chanderj@ias.nic.in
amittomar.ias09@ias.nic.in
chandra.bhushans@ias.nic.in
karthikeyan.kp@ias.nic.in
Mrityunjay Kr. Baranwal
Sukh Lal Bharti
T Venkatesh
Isha Duhan
CADRE: JHARKHAND
CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH
CADRE: KARNATAKA
CADRE: UTTAR PPRADESH
mrityunjay.baranwal@ias.nic.in
sukh.bharti@ias.nic.in
t.venkatesh@ias.nic.in
isha.duhan@ias.nic.in
N Nagambika Devi
Ajay Prakash Sawhney
Om Prakash Shrivastava
Barun Kumar Ray
CADRE: KARNATAKA
CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH
CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH
CADRE: WEST BENGAL
devinn@ias.nic.in
sawhneya@ias.nic.in
op.shrivastava@ias.nic.in
raybk@ias.nic.in
Sushil Khodwekar
Dharmendra Kumar
Abdul Samad
CADRE: MAHARASHTRA
CADRE: BIHAR
CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH
sushilkhodwekar.ias11@ias.nic.in
kr.dharmendra@ias.nic.in
abdul.samad@ias.nic.in
21-01-1983
21-01-1988
22-01-1962
23-01-1985
23-01-1960
24-01-1986
25-01-1980
26-01-1975
26-01-1962
27-01-1962
27-01-1984
28-01-1962
28-01-1979
29-01-1979
29-01-1967
30-01-1962
30-01-1973
31-01-1985
31-01-1981
01-02-1974
01-02-1986
02-02-1964
02-02-1983
03-02-1965
04-02-1962
04-02-1987
05-02-1976
06-02-1962
06-02-1962
07-02-1963
07-02-1980
08-02-1975
08-02-1984
09-02-1971
10-02-1970
10-02-1966
11-02-1961
12-02-1965
13-02-1984
14-02-1961
15-02-1984
15-02-1979
16-02-1970
16-02-1980
17-02-1969
17-02-1960
18-02-1966
18-02-1986
19-02-1990
19-02-1967
13-02-1962
For the complete list, see www.gfilesindia.com
56
gfiles inside the government vol. 13, issue 10 | January 2020
gfiles Jan 2020.indb 56
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IPS officers’ birthdays Jan 20, 2020 — Feb 19, 2020
IPS officers’ birthdays Jan 20, 2020 — Feb 19, 2020
Ashish Kumar Singh
Pradip De
Gurinderpal Singh
M Stephen Raveendra
CADRE: ODISHA
CADRE: TRIPURA
CADRE: JAMMU - KASHMIR
CADRE: TELANGANA
aksingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
pradipd@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
gsingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
msraveendra@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
Maman Singh Yadav
Sudhir Kumar Singh
Dipanshu Vijay Kaabra
TS Anbu
CADRE: RAJASTHAN
CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH
CADRE: CHHATTISGARH
CADRE: TAMIL NADU
msyadav@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
sksingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
dvkaabra@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
tsanbu@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
Navdeep Singh Brar
Anant Shankar Takwale
Praveen Kumar Abhinapu
SN Siddaramappa
CADRE: AGMUT
CADRE: UTTARAKHAND
CADRE: TAMIL NADU
CADRE: KARNATAKA
nsbrar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
astakwale@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
pkabhinapu@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
snsiddaramappa@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
Charu Bali
Dinesh Pal Singh
Mainul Islam Mondal
Sanmeet Kaur
CADRE: HARYANA
CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH
CADRE: ASSAM-MEGHALAYA
CADRE: NAGALAND
charu@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
dpsingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
mimondal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
sanmeeetk@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
Vipin Tada
Ambarkishor Jha
Jaipal Singh Rathore
Sumanjit Ray
CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH
CADRE: TELANGANA
CADRE: GUJARAT
CADRE: WEST BENGAL
vtada@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
ajha@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
js.rathore@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
sumanjitr@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
Amit Pathak
Pradip Pujari
Prasanta Kumar Bhuyan
Chinmoy Biswal
CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH
CADRE: ASSAM-MEGHALAYA
CADRE: ASSAM-MEGHALAYA
CADRE: AGMUT
amit@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
ppujari@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
prasanthakb@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
c.biswal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
Malgaveri Narain Reddy
Pushpendra Kumar
Ashwini Kumar Sinha
A Sema Rajan
CADRE: KARNATAKA
CADRE: AGMUT
CADRE: JHARKHAND
CADRE: BIHAR
mnreddy@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
pkumar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
aksinha@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
asrajan@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
Rakesh Kumar Gupta
Rajesh Chawla
MK Tiwari
Gangeswar Singh
CADRE: WEST BENGAL
CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH
CADRE: PUNJAB
CADRE: WEST BENGAL
rkgupta@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
rajesh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
mktiwari@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
g_singh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
Bipin Bihari
Nishant Kumar Tiwari
Raghubir Lal
Manvinder Singh Bhatia
CADRE: MAHARASHTRA
CADRE: BIHAR
CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH
CADRE: JHARKHAND
bb@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
nktiwari@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
rlal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
manvinder@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
Arun Balagopalan
Saravanan A
Vidya Jayant Kulkarni
Maneesh Chaudhry
CADRE: TAMIL NADU
CADRE: TAMIL NADU
CADRE: TAMIL NADU
CADRE: HARYANA
arunb@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
saravanan@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
vjkulkarni@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
maneeshc@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
Amit Kumar Sinha
Ashok Kumar-iii
PL Mal
Immanuel K Muivah
CADRE: UTTARAKHAND
CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH
CADRE: GUJARAT
CADRE: MANIPUR-TRIPURA
aksinha@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
ashokk@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
plmal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
muivah@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
Navin Gulati
Manjunath H
Ranjana Chauhan
Debasish Roy
CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH
CADRE: KERALA
CADRE: HIMACHAL PRADESH
CADRE: WEST BENGAL
ngulati@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
manjunath@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
rchauhan@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
droy@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
Rani Bindu
Mukesh Agrawal
Amneet Kondal
Balakrishna K T
CADRE: HIMACHAL PRADESH
CADRE: ASSAM-MEGHALAYA
CADRE: PUNJAB
CADRE: KARNATAKA
ranib@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
magrawal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
amneet.k@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
bkt@mail.svpnpa.gov.in
20-01-1984
20-01-1962
21-01-1982
21-01-1970
22-01-1984
22-01-1979
23-01-1960
23-01-1961
24-01-1961
25-01-1985
25-01-1972
26-01-1974
27-01-1968
28-01-1963
29-01-1963
30-01-1977
31-01-1963
31-01-1983
01-02-1961
01-02-1973
02-02-1964
03-02-1979
04-02-1981
05-02-1961
05-02-1983
06-02-1963
06-02-1988
07-02-1974
08-02-1980
08-02-1968
09-02-1981
10-02-1967
11-02-1969
11-02-1962
12-02-1970
12-02-1971
13-02-1968
13-02-1971
13-02-1984
14-02-1973
14-02-1974
14-02-1964
15-02-1981
15-02-1967
15-02-1979
16-02-1963
16-02-1962
17-02-1969
17-02-1981
18-02-1970
19-02-1966
19-02-1963
For the complete list, see www.gfilesindia.com
www.indianbuzz.com
gfiles Jan 2020.indb 57
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gfiles inside the government vol. 13, issue January 2020
57
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birthdays Lok Sabha Members
Jan 20, 2020 — Feb 19, 2020
Lok Sabha Members
Jan 20, 2019 — Feb 19, 2020
R Vanaroja
Dharmendra Yadav
Neelam Sonker
Bidyut Baran Mahato
AIADMK (TAMIL NADU)
SP (UTTAR PRADESH)
BJP (UTTAR PRADESH)
BJP (JHARKHAND)
r.vanaroja@sansad.nic.in
d.yadav@sansad.nic.in
neelam.sonkar@sansad.nic.in
mpbidyutmahato@gmail.com
Ravindra Kumar Pandey
Chhedi Paswan
Maulana Badruddin Ajmal
Shrirang Appa Barne
BJP (JHARKHAND)
BJP (BIHAR)
AIUDF (ASSAM)
SS (MAHARASHTRA)
rkpandey@sansad.nic.in
chhedi.paswan@sansad.nic.in
b.ajmal@sansad.nic.in
sc.barne@sansad.nic.in
Rahul Kaswan
Krishan Pal Gurjar
Kirit Somaiya
Gopalakrishnan Chinnaraj
BJP (RAJASTHAN)
BJP (HARYANA)
BJP (MAHARASHTRA)
AIADMK (TAMIL NADU)
rahul.kaswan@sansad.nic.in
palkrishangurjar@gmail.com
kiritbjp@gmail.com
c.gopalakrishnan@sansad.nic.in
Darshana Vikram Jardosh
KC Venugopal
Ram Prasad Sarmah
Pritam Gopinath Munde
BJP (GUJARAT)
INC (KERALA)
BJP (ASSAM)
BJP (MAHARASHTRA)
darshanajardosh@sansad.nic.in
kc.venugopal@sansad.nic.in
rp.sarmah@sansad.nic.in
pritam.munde@sansad.nic.in
Kanwar Singh Tanwar
Nihal Chand Chauhan
Vincent H Pala
Vinod Kumar Sonkar
BJP (UTTAR PRADESH)
BJP (RAJASTHAN)
INC (MEGHALAYA)
BJP (UTTAR PRADESH)
ks.tanwar@sansad.nic.in
nihalchand@gmail.com
vincent.pala@sansad.nic.in
vinod.sonkar@sansad.nic.in
Srinivas Kesineni
Shrikant Eknath Shinde
TDP (ANDHRA PRADESH)
SS (MAHARASHTRA)
kesineni.srinivas@sansad.nic.in
shrikantshinde87@yahoo.in
20-01-1959
20-01-1959
20-01-1977
21-01-1961
21-01-1961
22-01-1966
03-02-1979
04-02-1956
04-02-1957
04-02-1963
04-02-1971
04-02-1987
Kaushal Kishore
Santosh Kumar
BJP (UTTAR PRADESH)
JD(U) (BIHAR)
kishore.kaushal@sansad.nic.in
santosh.kumar19@sansad.nic.in
25-01-1960
Hari Manjhi 28-01-1963
05-02-1976
Upendra Kushwaha 06-02-1960
BJP (BIHAR)
RLSP (BIHAR)
hari.manjhi@sansad.nic.in
upendra.kushwaha19@sansad.nic.in
Nishikant Dubey
Maheish Girri
28-01-1969
08-02-1974
BJP (JHARKHAND)
BJP (NCT OF DELHI)
nishikant.dubey@sansad.nic.in
maheish.girri@sansad.nic.in
Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore 29-01-1970
Dasrath Tirkey 09-02-1967
BJP (RAJASTHAN)
AITC (WEST BENGAL)
rajyavardhan.rathore@sansad.nic.in
dasrath.tirkey@sansad.nic.in
Gopal Chinayya Shetty 31-01-1954
Krishna Pratap Singh 09-02-1977
BJP (MAHARASHTRA)
BJP (UTTAR PRADESH)
gc.shetti@sansad.nic.in
kpsingh.jnp@gmail.com
Manoj Kumar Tiwari
Kulamani Samal
BJP (NCT OF DELHI)
BJD (ODISHA)
tiwari.manoj@sansad.nic.in
kulamani.samal@sansad.nic.in
Sukender Reddy Gutha
Rao Inderjit Singh
INC (TELANGANA)
BJP (HARYANA)
guthas.reddy@sansad.nic.in
rao.inderjit@sansad.nic.in
01-02-1971
02-02-1954
10-02-1949
11-02-1950
For the complete list, see www.gfilesindia.com
58
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11-02-1973
12-02-1950
12-02-1954
14-02-1955
14-02-1968
Rajya Sabha Members
15-02-1963
16-02-1964
17-02-1962
17-02-1983
18-02-1970
Jan 20, 2019 — Feb 19, 2020
Achyutananda Samanta
Samir Oraon
BJD (ODISHA)
BJP (JHARKHAND)
Achyukta.samanta@sansad.nic.in
samir.oraon@sansad.nic.in
PL Punia
Amar Shankar Sable
INC (UTTAR PRADESH)
BJP (MAHARASHTRA)
pl.punia@sansad.nic.in
amar.sable@sansad.nic.in
Partap Singh Bajwa
Sanjay Seth
INC (PUNJAB)
SP (UTTAR PRADESH)
bajwa.ps@sansad.nic.in
sanjay.seth@sansad.nic.in
Prakash Javadekar
Sambhaji Chhatrapati
BJP (MAHARASHTRA)
BJP (NOMINATED)
prakash.j@sansad.nic.in
sambhaji.chhatrapati@sansad.nic.in
Prem Chand Gupta
GC Chandrashekhar
RJD (JHARKHAND)
INC (KARNATAKA)
pgupta@sansad.nic.in
gcchandru.mp@sansad.nic.in
Ronald Sapa Tlau
Ahamed Hassan
INC (MIZORAM)
AITC (WEST BENGAL)
rs.tiau@sansad.nic.in
ahmed.hassan@sansad.nic.in
20-01-1964
23-01-1945
29-01-1957
30-01-1951
03-02-1950
04-02-1954
04-02-1970
07-02-1963
10-02-1961
11-02-1971
12-02-1963
14-02-1953
SEND YOUR GREETINGS…
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1/22/2020 11:24:43 PM
Tracking
Vice President M. Venkaiah Naidu with trainee-diplomats from Bangladesh, in New Delhi.
BIPIN RAWAT
Services Selection Commission (UPSSSC).
The Chief of Army Staff has been appointed India’s first Chief of Defence Staff (CDS).
ALOK KUMAR
LT GEN MANOJ MUKUND NARWANE
The 1984-batch IAS officer has been appointed State Election Commissioner in Assam.
Lt General has been appointed new Chief of Army Staff.
ARVIND AGRAWAL
HARSH VARDHAN SHRINGLA The 1984-batch IFS officer has been has been appointed the 33rd Foreign Secretary of India. He previously served as the Ambassador of India to the United States, the High Commissioner to Bangladesh and Ambassador to Thailand.
The 1984-batch IAS officer has been appointed CMD of the Gujarat State Fertilisers and Chemicals Ltd.
AMIT KHARE The 1985-batch IAS officer of the Jharkhand cadre has been appointed Secretary, Department of Higher Education.
K VIJAY KUMAR
ARUN GOEL
The former 1975-batch IPS officer of the Tamil Nadu cadre, has been appointed senior security adviser in the Union Home Ministry.
The 1985-batch IAS officer of the Punjab cadre has been appointed Secretary, Department of Heavy Industry, Ministry of Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises.
GIRISH CHANDRA CHATURVEDI
R SUBRAHMANYAM
The former 1977-batch IAS officer has been appointed Chairman of National Stock Exchange of India Ltd.
The 1985-batch IAS officer of the Andhra Pradesh cadre has been appointed Secretary, Social Justice.
PRAVIR KUMAR
KUMAR SANJAY KRISHNA
The 1982-batch retired IAS officer has been appointed Chairman UP Subordinate
The 1985-batch IAS officer has been appointed Chief Secretary, Assam.
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gfiles Jan 2020.indb 59
KSHATRAPATI SHIVAJI The 1986-batch IAS officer of the Maharashtra cadre has been appointed Secretary, Department of Administrative Reforms and Public Grievances.
RAVI MITTAL The 1986-batch IAS officer of the Bihar cadre has been appointed Secretary, Ministry of Information & Broadcasting
VIKAS SWARUP The 1986-batch IFS officer has been appointed Secretary (West) in the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA).
N PRATEEP KUMAR The 1986-batch IFS officer of the AP cadre has been appointed Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (Head of Forest Force), Andhra Pradesh.
ANIL KUMAR KHACHI The 1986-batch IAS officer of the Himachal Pradesh cadre has been appointed as Chief Secretary of Himachal Pradesh.
SANJAY BHATTACHARYYA The 1987-batch IFS officer has been appointed Secretary (CPV & OIA) in the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA).
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Tracking BV UMADEVI
MANOJ JOSHI
The 1987-batch IFS officer of the Chhattisgarh cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary, Ministry of Environment, Forest & Climate Change.
The 1989-batch IAS officer of the Kerala cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary, Ministry of Food Processing Industries.
RAJESH BHUSHAN
CHANDAN SINHA
The 1987-batch IAS officer of the Bihar cadre has been appointed Secretary, Department of Rural Development.
The 1989-batch IAS officer of the West Bengal cadre has been appointed Director General, National Archives of India.
VP JOY
RAJESH AGGARWAL
The 1987-batch IAS officer of the Kerala cadre has been appointed Secretary (Coordination), Cabinet Secretariat.
The 1989-batch IAS officer of the Maharashtra cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary & Financial Advisor, Ministry of Petroleum & Natural Gas.
SUNIL KUMAR
MANOJ JOSHI
The 1987-batch IAS officer of the UP cadre has been appointed Secretary, Ministry of Panchayati Raj.
The 1989-batch IAS officer of the Kerala cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary, Food Processing Industries.
PRAVEEN KUMAR
ANITA PRAVEEN
The 1987-batch IAS officer of the Tamil Nadu cadre has been appointed Secretary, Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship.
TV SOMANATHAN The 1987-batch IAS officer of the Tamil Nadu cadre has been appointed Secretary, Department of Expenditure, Ministry of Finance.
BARUN MITRA The 1987-batch IAS officer of the Manipur cadre has been appointed Officer on Special Duty, Department of Justice.
Rajasthan cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary, Ministry of Power.
NITEN CHANDRA The 1990-batch IAS officer of the Odisha cadre has been appointed Secretary, Central Information Commission in the rank of Additional Secretary
BA GAGARANI The 1990-batch IAS officer of the Maharashtra cadre has been appointed Principal Secretary to Chief Minister of Maharashtra.
MEETA R LOCHAN The 1990-batch IAS officer of the Maharashtra cadre has been appointed Member Secretary, National Commission for Women.
GUDEY SRINIVAS
The 1989-batch IAS officer of the Tamil Nadu cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary, Department of Telecommunications.
The 1990-batch IAS officer of the Odisha cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary & Financial Advisor, Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Food & Public Distribution
PANKAJ JOSHI
KAMRAN RIZVI
The 1989-batch IAS officer has been appointed Additional Chief Secretary, Finance Department with additional charge of Energy & Petrochemicals in Gujarat.
The 1991-batch IAS officer of the UP cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary, Ministry of Housing & Urban Affairs.
SANJAY MALHOTRA The 1990-batch IAS officer of the
RAJIT PUNHANI The 1991-batch IAS officer of the Bihar cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary & Financial Advisor, MHA.
Moving On: IAS officers retiring in January 2020 ASSAM
GUJARAT
ODISHA
UTTAR PRADEESH
Roshan Ara Begum (2004) Manoj Kr Deka (2006) Honmillee Teronpi
Dina Nath Pandey (1985)
Surendra Nath Tripathi (1985) Pratap Chandra Dash (2005) Madhusudan Mishra (2005)
Avinash K Srivastava (1982) Yashvant Rao (2003) Vijay Kumar Yadav (2006) Chhote Lal Pasi (2008)
BIHAR
HIMACHAL PRADESH Gopal Sharma (2009)
Sanwar Bharati (2005) Khurshid Alam Khan (2005) Bharat Kumar Dubey (2005) Binod Kumar Singh (2006) Ranjan Kumar Sinha (2006)
JHARKHAND
CHHATTISGARH Dilip Kumar Wasnikar (2002)
Dilip Kumar Jha (2004) Ashok Kumar Singh (2006) Badrinath Choubey (2006)
RAJASTHAN Hanuman Sahai Meena (2000) Sube Singh Yadav (2005)
TAMIL NADU
UNION TERRITORY Arvind Ray (1984) BR Singh (2005)
VP Thandapani (2009)
WEST BENGAL
BS Shekharappa (2004)
TRIPURA
Debashis Sen (1985) Arup Kumar Pati (2005)
MADHYA PRADESH
Ngurchawikunga Darlong (2002) Dr. Debasish Basu (2004)
KARNATAKA
SP Singh Parihar (1986)
60
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...by the way Seeking gurus
H
Fading sheen of Delhi Darbar
T
he graveyards are full of indispensable men, said Charles De Gaulle. This apparently appears to be true with the central government. Raisina Hills is facing an acute shortage of IAS and IPS officers. Sources disclosed that senior officers who used to join on deputation and serve as Joint Secretary are no longer enthused about coming to Delhi. Senior civil servants report that an atmosphere of fear pervades Raisina Hills and there appears to be trust deficit. This vacuum has opened unthinkable opportunities for allied service officers who, though, are designated at the end of their career as Secretary or Additional Secretary, never get an opportunity to run the ministries directly. As one can observe from the list of Ministry of Home Affairs, most Joint Secretary-level officers are from Central Secretariat Services, Indian Defence Account Services (IDAS), and Indian Postal Services. Even Joint Secretary Police 1, which used to be headed by an IAS officer has now been allotted to an IDAS officer. There is a shortage of 1494 officers against the sanctioned strength of 6699. The Central Government requires 1494 officers to run the system efficiently but only 511 officers are available with the Department of Personnel and Training. One Secretary who has been just superannuated felt that it is the loss of IAS services that officers are not opting for central deputation. If this persists, other service officers will not yield to the IAS fraternity in the future. g
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ow to penetrate the ‘steel frame of India’? This question puzzles everybody – whether it’s businessmen, politicians, NGOs, diplomats or so called self-proclaimed ‘Gurus’. The edifice of the Government of India is so humongous that it’s difficult to know where to start. The latest entrant to breakthrough the ‘steel frame of India’ is none other than Bharat Ratna aspirant Sri Sri Ravi Shanker of ‘Sudarshan Kriya’ fame. His newly launched Government Executive Programme (GEP) is Art of Living’s flagship offering for Government organizations – Central Government, State Governments, Subordinate Departments, Autonomous Bodies, Public Sector Undertakings, Armed Forces / Police Forces, and Training Institutes. His website artofliving. org explains after conducting some workshops of civil servants, “Our internal feedback mechanism reports that more than 90% participants feel more energetic, free from stress and achieve greater mental focus and clarity. The impact on working environment is evident from the fact that more than 90 per cent participants report higher preparedness to take new challenges and improved efficiency and interpersonal relationships. A significant 80 per cent feel that the programme creates a positive work environment, is likely to lead to more ethical behaviour and contributes to organisational growth”. What is so peculiar in this news? Nothing! The punchline of the story is that Bhagwan Ravi Shanker disciples are not able to get the requisite number of civil servants for their programme. Sources disclosed that Sri Sri has deputed many of his followers to contact joint secretary-level and senior officers from North and South block and ministries located on both sides of Boat Club. It’s difficult nowadays to even enter government offices without appointment. So, the disciples of Sri Sri are searching for gurus who can facilitate their introduction to top ranking civil servants. It’s a tough job, indeed. g
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gfiles inside the government vol. 13, issue January 2020
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...by the way Perturbed IAS lobby in UP
T A Secretary’s Dilemma
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verybody wants their sons/daughters to be gainfully employed and that too with a top ranking institution. This becomes easier if the son/ daughter happens to be the ward of a top-ranking civil servant. But the opening up of the economy has made it difficult for senior civil servants to pursue multinational organisations and convince them to concede to their requests for favour to a family member. There is a top-ranking secretary in the government who has tremendous clout in private sector companies by virtue of his position. His son is working with a private bank in a very senior position. The Chairman of a private bank recently took over a beleaguered controversial infrastructure company for assets management. The controversial company has a balance sheet of more than `1.15 lakh crore. The said secretary desired his son to gain experience in a topranking multinational private equity (PE) firm. They chose a company and pursued his son’s case; even a very influential banker from Mumbai personally called the chairman of PE firm, but the PE firm did not pay any heed to the request of a private banker. Meanwhile, the banker is on the spree of selling assets of a beleaguered company without bothering about consequences as he has a mentor in the secretary, who is reportedly always ready to help. g
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he Uttar Pradesh government recently introduced the police commissionerate system by posting two additional director general (ADG) of police rank officials as the first police commissioners of Lucknow and Noida, Sujit Pandey and Alok Kumar, respectively. The IAS officers of UP see the move as an attempt to “undermine the superiority of the cadre”. A total of 15 functions, which were earlier administered by the district magistrate office, will now be taken care of by the police commissionerate. While almost all serving officers said they disapproved of the commissionerate system but were unwilling to say anything on record. The Uttar Pradesh IAS Association has decided not to comment on the development. There is fierce discussion going on in Lucknow. As one IAS officer explains, “there are several occasions when protests are of civil nature and can be dealt with by the District Magistrate. Police action in such matters can complicate the situation. Another opined that “in the administrative system, the civilian authority is considered supreme. The common man also prefers to approach the district magistrate with his problems rather than police officers. There is an element of fear of the uniform which creates a barrier. A balance should be maintained between the District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police.” IAS officers are asking in a hush tone, “The state government should have clarified what was the need for implementing the commissionerate system and where did the old system go wrong.” g
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