MArch final thesis Anke Wetzel by Anke Wetzel

EXPLORING THE CONCEPT OF THE KNOWLEDGE NEIGHBORHOOD towards a new Nodality for Cambridge

by Anke Wetzel

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requiements for the degree of MArch Housing & Urbanism ARCHITECTURAL ASSOCIATION SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE Tutor : Lawrence Barth February 2013

CONTENT INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1 - CAMBRIDGE - POTENTIAL AND OBSTACLES Rise and fall of the Cambridge Phenomenon - p.6 Towards a mobility-based development - p.9 Choosing a site - p.13 CHAPTER 2 - PLANNING METHOD Interaction, flexibility and scale - p. 16 Case studies - Train station - p.18 Field conditions - p.27 CHAPTER 3 - INTEGRATED APPROACH The campus model - p.32 Planning the site - p.40 Time-based development - p.44 CONCLUSION

To Lawrence Barth, without whoms leading input this thesis would have not been possible, the support and experience in the team of Deltametropool, especially Paul Gerretsen and Merten Nefs, my mother Ute, my friends and family for their loving support, especially Sebastiaan Leenknegt

INTRODUCTION

This thesis started off from collaborated research work between Nathan Foust, Katsushi Goto, and myself, whereby each of us had different fields of investigation. This led to three individual thesises. I was hereby helped by my summer internship at Deltametropool, for which I am gratefull.

Barry Le Va - Distribution Piece, Particles and Strips

Introduction

This quote points out one of the key characteristics of such knowledge neighbourhoods: knowledge spill-over through

In the recent years, there has been a worldwide shift towards

face-to-face interaction. Therefore, within those agglomera-

what is called “the knowledge economy”; a cause of immense

tions, companies and institutions form strong but flexible

changes in economical and urban systems in the past and

networks that span areas larger than the host city. These net-

future. Very high investments are being made in the educa-

works comprise universities, research clusters, manufactur-

tional and research sector and cities are planning new science

ing sites, but also train stations, airports, ports, and other

clusters or even Science cities to join in on the global compe-

mobility nodes. The knowledge economy is highly reliant on

tition. Especially in Asia immense areas are being developed

mobility infrastructure, not only for their fast and constantly

for this. Recently, through a shift in the value chain, this more

changing logistics, but also to connect centres of excellence

and more involves a merging of knowledge (universities, lab-

and to open up opportunities for knowledge exchange.

oratories, research centres...) and industry, giving rise to the emergence of new high-end products. These new forms of

Through these networks, “smart specialisation” happens

institutional organisation evidently require new forms of spa-

(McCann). Research and industry align goals for a common

tial organisations. Therefore, former isolated industrial and

development, thereby reinforcing one another. This speciali-

research parks are increasingly clustering together to channel

sation happens on a variety of scales; regions may special-

innovation.

ise, but within certain clusters highly specialised companies might coexist as well, sometimes sharing the same building.

These new developments are happening on the periphery

Although the average enterprise within such specialised net-

of cities, but within urbanised regions. University campuses

works is thus relatively small, it is able to operate on a very

tend to be located here, as well as low-cost land for growing

large scale. The network within one city-region is often em-

companies and their required infrastructures. At the same

bedded within a number of worldwide inter-regional net-

time, the proximity of the urban area allows for a close com-

works of competition and exchange. 2 Because of this, these

pany-to-client connection and the availability of a special-

smart specialisation networks, often made up by small to

ised workforce. It also allows for fast adaptation to changing

medium-size companies, have proven to be both successful

needs, customised orders, and flexible work processes. Also,

and resilient in economical terms.

because of the need to connect to industry, 2nd and 3rd tier cities are growing in importance in comparison to what used

In this success, the functioning of these networks defies the

to be the “core” centres. As a result, city-regions tend to be

traditional division of local, regional and global; “A global lo-

strengthened and decentralised at the same time, resulting in

cal paradox seems to exist, in which global competitiveness

dense multinodal patchworks. The advantages of these patch-

is driven by local initiative and characteristics.” 3 This leads

works are described in The Tale of Two Regions:

to both opportunities and challenges for urban planners; cities host a number of attraction factors for knowledge-

“First, dense agglomerations contain large numbers of suppli-

based developments, but need to think on a regional scale

ers and buyers, and provide easy access to needed resources.

to fulfil their potential. “..the awareness of the regional scale

Second, a dense and specialised labour market increases la-

differs from thinking in terms of the compact city, as well

bour flexibility and helps firms avoid the risk of costly delays

as from (economic) thinking in terms of national statistics.

in finding the skills on which they depend. Third, cities, ag-

This is the reason why Amsterdam looks to its wider context,

glomerations and clusters generate learning and innovation

from Haarlem to Almere. This is why the south wing of the

because they are the locus of intense knowledge spill overs

Randstad is often thought of as a continuous urban fabric...

fostered by face-to-face contact. In a globalised economy

Similarly, the City of London has daily commuters, albeit a

they offer proximity, which is a prerequisite for the transfer

minority, all the way from Brighton. Making these metro-

of people and ideas.”

politan areas more viable and more sustainable requires us to

Burdett, R., 2011, The tale of two regions p.10

2 3

Storper, M., Global city region Burdett, R., 2011, The tale of two regions p.16

connect our thinking of the regional economy with its social

In Cambridge, this is especially poignant due to the high-val-

capital and culture.” 4

ued historical structure and morphology, which is now unfortunately blocking the rout towards further development.

Cambridge (UK) makes for an interesting example here. A small, second-to-third tier city located 50 miles north of Lon-

In this thesis, I want to investigate through the case study

don; it has in the past few decades become a world-leading

of Cambridge how a strong knowledge-based environment

centre for IT and Biotech. This it thanks to its university

can be planned that is multiscalar and multidirectional. This

and an impressive number of companies spread out over the

implies the rethinking of patterns of movement based on the

larger Cambridgeshire region. Despite its modest scale (es-

characteristics of the knowledge economy.

pecially when compared to regions such as Silicon Valley), it

The first chapter will point out the challenges faced in Cam-

still upholds an impressive international network and legacy.

bridge by referring to different case studies, this within a broader discussion of the role of the plan. The second chapter

Cambridge is also interesting because it shows exactly the

will look at station developments, and with what graphical

challenges posed by such new developments. The success of

mode we can properly deal with points of intensification. The

Cambridge lies physically spread out over Cambridgeshire,

third chapter will apply this knowledge on site, and make a

and the success of these enterprises is again depending on

hypothetical proposal for a flexible future development.

what is happening in Standsted and London, as much as it is on global economic developments affecting their clients and partners. How can any government deal with this kind of multiscalarity? As Storper claims, “the process of world-wide economic integration and accelerated urban growth make traditional planning and policy strategies in these regions increasingly problematical while more fitting approaches remain in largely experimental stage.” 5 Beyond the political problem, there is also a spatial issue. Although some experiments are already available, a proven approach to plan for the knowledge economy is still lacking. The challenges here are not trivial: integrate research and manufacturing, provide high-quality environments to attract skilled workers, plan simultaneously for specialisation and flexibility, and provide high-cost mobility infrastructure. In these kinds of decisions, the risks are as high as the gains: “Over the last forty years, a phenomenon of many European cities has been the restructuring of inner-city land in order to improve places of connection for different modes of transport and to enhance the value of existing assets... These developments often take decades to complete, have a considerable impact on the character and functions of the surrounding areas, and can be disruptive to the life and energy of the city.” 6

4 5 6

Burdett, R., 2011, The tale of two regions p.18 Storper, M., Global city region Places of connection, 2012, - Learning cities platform p.6

Cambridge, UK

CHAPTER 1 - CAMBRIDGE - POTENTIAL AND OBSTACLES

Summary In this chapter, a first confrontation will be made between the reality of Cambridge and the idea of a mobility-based knowledge neighbourhood. It will firstly describe the potential of Cambridge. This potential has brought about a rapid economic growth in the last few decades, as well as a number of planning strategies to deal with this growth. It will secondly show the mobility problems that occurred because of these strategies, and how new measures are now being taken to mitigate these. Criticism will be based on an understanding of Transport Oriented Development and a comparison with Science Port Holland. Learning from these, this chapter will then move towards a proposal for a site and a mobility-based mode of planning.

drawbacks. One of the major fears was the effect that these economies could have on the historical character of the inner city and the green qualities of its surroundings. This led to the implementation of a “green belt” in the Cambridgeshire Structure Plan as early as the 1960’s; a not-to-touch green zone around the historical city. This had the double goal of protecting the centre, and avoiding the merging of Cambridge with surrounding towns through outward growth. Combined with the land pressure induced by the Cambridge Phenomenon, this led to a dramatic increase in real-estate prices. Median housing price tripled between 1996-2006, evolving from 36% above UK-average in 1996 Rise and fall of the Cambridge Phenomenon In November 1980, Peta Levi coined the term “Cambridge Phenomenon” for the rapid expansion of high-tech economy clusters in the Cambridgeshire region since the 1970’s. Having been a market town amidst mostly rural surroundings, the city’s path changed through the success of some university spin-offs. These then attracted firms specialised in instrumentation, electrical engineering and IT up to the mid-80’s, followed by computer services and biotech companies from the 1980’s onwards. The most spectacular growth was recorded even years after the fore-mentioned article, with the number of high-tech firms evolving from a few dozens in 1970 to slightly less than 1500 in the 2004. High-tech employment reached a peak of 40 000 employees at that time. The success of Cambridge is linked mostly to its university, its (initial) low housing and taxation costs, and, more permanently, its good link to London, the Lower Lea Valley and the high-tech corridor to the East Dock. The expansion of Stansted airport seems to offer an even greater future. However, this rapid growth has not come with out its 6

to 52% in 2001, and finally back to 36% in 2006. As people therefore started to move out of town, commuting traffic became an ever growing burden on the old road network. 1 These consequences have come back to the high-tech economy as important drawbacks on its future performance. Companies are spreading out in mono-functional clusters to the subarea of the city, or to the larger region beyond the green belt in an attempt to avoid high land prices. This new kind of sprawl is even less controllable than previous suburban developments, and is concentrated around motorways, railway lines, power stations and airports within a radius of dozens of miles from central London and Cambridge. This further increases commuting costs and traffic congestion. These extra costs have become a major factor of discouragement for potential labour forces, together with the high house prices that are outweighed by only average incomes. They are also discouraging young start-up companies. Cambridge in particular has been thriving on a network of small university spin-offs rather than very large, monolithic companies; any increase in start-up costs will immediately stunt the development of the former.

Gossop, C. , 2008, The Planning of Cambridge

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5 km

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1. M11 corridor diagram 2. Cambridge University 3. Cambridge Science park 4. Cambridge Station 5. Cambridge: dark grey - knowledge and manufacturing cluster within the city area

1. guided bus Cambridge 2. proposed new station north Cambridge 3. Cambridge - guided bus and p+r system

Beyond a mere increase in costs, this new spatial arrangement has also had its effect on the socio-cultural functioning of the larger area. The new clusters lack the entrepreneurial environment that they would have had in the city center, as well as a good company-to-company connection. As McCann argues, knowledge intensive activities are highly dependent on face-to-face interaction.

It could therefore be argued

that the separation of knowledge and manufacturing is one of the main obstacles for the future economic development of Cambridge. (1) The economical effect is clearly shown in a number of figures; the percentage of outmigration of firms has doubled between 1990 and 2006, and in the same period the new establishment rate has dropped from 0.25 to 0.05. Also, since 2002 the number of university spin-offs has been falling continuously.3 In the recent years, the city of Cambridge has attempted to relink the disparate parts of its success. A new guided bus, running from St Ives over Huntingdon to Cambridge, should relink the monofunctional developments with the centre of Cambridge. Inside of the town centre, a P+R system is being implemented to deal with the congestion. Finally, a new node of development has been proposed in the north of town, next to the science and industrial area that would even have its own station. However, what is evident in all these operations is a certain lack of overarching vision for the Cambridge and the greater area. This vision should consider a reorganisation as a multi-nodal system in which rail integration along the M11 corridor has a central role to play.

2 3

McCann, P., 2011, Smart Specialisation Stam, E., 2009, Decline and renewal og high-tech clusters p.20

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untingdon

St. Ives

Northstowe proposal site

p+r

Towards a mobility-based development

p+r

p+r 5 km

p+r

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How can we rethink the economical and spatial development

2008 and 2011, whereby scholars, industry partners and the

of Cambridge?

general public were brought closer together.4 However, this kind of approach has not gone beyond the campus scale yet;

Strategic business locations are nowadays relying increasingly

a similar method on the scale of the urban region still awaits

on good connectivity through infrastructure. What used to

a more accurate definition.

be a simple alignment along motorways for good distribution of goods, is starting to become a far more complex and

A comparison with the Science Port Holland in the Netherlands

interrelated system of railway, motorway, innovation clusters

might be of help here. Science Port Holland NV, created in

and nearby knowledge clusters. Investment in business

2009, is a corporation set up by the city of Rotterdam, the

locations is now concentrated along railway nodes, especially

city of Delft, the renowned Technische Universiteit Delft and

when in proximity to universities and when a quick access

the Erasmus University. The goal is to create â&#x20AC;&#x153;an international

to other clusters or airports is provided. Still, these clusters

Centre of Excellence for High Tech knowledge exchange

are often not synergetic enough in nature, nor related to the

and innovation, located in the Rotterdam-Delft region,

actual change makers: R&D and the industry. The crossover

one of the most vibrant and dynamic economic regions in

between different companies that form strong economical

the Netherlands and Europeâ&#x20AC;? (site of Science Port Holland)

ecologies is highly dependent on close proximity and face-

For this, it focuses mainly on clean technology and medical

to-face interaction. This is not only for the good of day-to-

technology to ensure itself of a market niche. Geographically,

day operations, but also to channel innovation and let the

the project area spans from the inner harbour of Rotterdam,

unpredictable happen. Well-designed collective spaces are

over Rotterdam city centre and the airport, towards Delft.

an important asset here; we can already see a typological shift

As thus it sits comfortably in the centre of Netherlands and

in building types to create cross-over working conditions, or

Western Europe, within short reach of Rotterdam Harbour,

to engage more with the outside public. A good example here

Rotterdam Airport, and Amsterdam Airport.

is the planning of the ETH campus intensification between

Hoeger, K., 2000, Campus and the city p .30

1. Cambridge historic center 2. Cambridge area and science cluster 3. Science port Rotterdam area with science cluster Moreover, a large range of centralised services is offered, ranging from campus upkeep to support for start-up companies (including the letting of micro-scale office spaces smaller than 30m2). In terms of mobility, the proximity to Rotterdam Harbour and Amsterdam Airport have already been mentioned. Internally, the different clusters are connected through a multi-modal network of highways, railways, subways, trams and cycle routes. Part of this network is already in place, part of it is planned for construction along with the clustersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; growth. In overall, there is an ambition to connect any given point within the network to another with a maximum commute of thirty minutes. Returning to Cambridge, it becomes obvious that this approach will never become feasible within a monocentric frame of mind. The historic centre does not have the flexibility to take in new developments, nor the traffic capacity that these would bring about. This becomes especially obvious when considering the townâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s spatial organisation in relation to the spread-out clusters of high-tech economy. Moreover, (1) Spatially, it focuses on five clusters: DSM, Technopolis,

the public transport creates a sort of bottleneck around the existing railway station, therefore limiting commuting possibilities.

Schieveen, Merwe-Vierhavens, and Hoboken-Erasmus.

Every cluster is given its distinct spatial and economical

Continuing the development at a distance from Cambridge,

character. A high degree of attention is given to a good

as is happening now, is not an option either. A simple plan

connectivity to both motorway and public transport, and

comparison between Rotterdam-Delft and Cambridge

to the presence of companies/institutes already located

reveals one of the latterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s weaknesses: a shear lack of density.

on site (especially universities and hospitals). Despite the

The infrastructure required for the connection of these nodes

differentiation, there is a returning focus on creating high-

would never be in a healthy relationship with the number of

grade campuses, set within attractive, green environments

people it is actually connecting, neither in terms of financial

and provided with pleasant communal meeting places.

feasibility or ecological sanity.

cambridge

stansted

10 km

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leiden

the hague

delft

rotterdam airport

10 km

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site 1 - next to Cambridge Science and Business park site 2 - next to University campus

site 3 - next to Cambridge airport

site 4 - next to Adenbrookeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s hospital

5 km

“The contemporary town is not one but many places. It is a complex, many-layered, multifarious structure, made up of complementary and interconnected ideas, concepts and systems.”1 1

Ungers, M. , 1997, The dialectic city

Choosing a site These observations led us to the rethinking of the strategy for

(especially the proposed new station). The distance to the

Cambridge. Rather than the intensification of the existing,

M11 however seemed problematic. The western option was

we want to propose a speculative development, which will

too restricted by the structure of the existing city centre. Also,

work complimentary with the city but can evolve over time

traffic congestion is already reaching high peaks in this area.

according to market needs.

The eastern option would be problematic if one wants to imagine a new station area here; it is enclosed by residential

We imagined a high-tech area, where manufacturing and

developments, and the orientation of the existing railway

research can effectively work together, and from which high-

line would require an extra branch in the rail network. The

skilled workers can easily travel to different centres. Tis would

southern option was withheld as the most promising one,

have to be planned not in the city centre, nor beyond the

especially because of the proximity of the Adenbrooke’s

green belt, but on the outskirts of Cambridge. An additional

hospital (and its proposed new research facilities), and

station (as is proposed in other plans for Cambridge) could

the possibility of connecting to the M11-corridor towards

start the formation of a multi-nodal urban development

Stansted and London. The abundant natural resources at this

instead of a monocentric one, overcoming the problems of

side of Cambridge were another plus.

the latter. It would also provide the speed, flexibility and spatial differentiation required for the looked-after economic

The chosen southern site, a band stretching from the M11

conversion. This station and its surrounding district should

to the railway line, will be subject to a speculative new

accommodate international, regional and local services, and

development. Hereby the new station will play a key role in

their spatial planning should be adapted to this. The example

terms of quick access and servicing for the area, as well as

of Science Port Holland can serve as a working example here.

connecting existing clusters and mobility infrastructures. The new proposal will not insert itself in the monocentric idea

Four sites for potential development were considered. The

of Cambridge’s development, but will relate to the historical

main arguments for elimination were connectivity to rail-

centre and the high-tech clusters as different parts of a

and motorways, as well as the quality of green space. The

patchwork do. Finally, through different spatial tests and by

northern option was promising because of the proximity of

rethinking Cambridge’s development with a greater ambition,

an industrial cluster, and a good connection to the railway

we will also discuss the role of the plan.

Barry Le Va - Dissected Situations Arrangements According to Function

CHAPTER 2 - PLANNING METHOD

Summary This chapter will treat the question of what design strategies would be appropiate for a mobility-based knowledge neigbourhood on the outskirts of Cambridge. It will first state the requirements for these strategies, then look at a number of case studies concerning railway station area developments, and finally turn towards theories according what pushed forward by Stan Allen.

Interaction, flexibility and scale The economic reality of knowledge neighbourhoods is

time. This decision considers the shifting technological and

defying the potential of traditional master plans or zoning

societal conditions in which the Cambridge Phenomenon

plans to effectively “plan” urban development. Cambridge

first came to being. Transparency is of key importance

itself serves as a fine historical example here. The upstart

here. Only by bringing together different stakeholders can

of high-tech economy was planned nor expected, it came

current technological and societal shifts reflect themselves

through a bottom-up process pushed forwards by a diversity

in the plan. For this to happen, all stakeholders should be

of actors. Over time, these activities have often developed

able to understand the plan without the need of further

despite of planning policies, not because of them. Still, this

interpretation.

does not undue the purpose of urban planning; as stated before, high-tech clusters exist in Cambridge but not in a

To shift from a monocentric development to a multinodal

mutual reinforcing spatial bond. It is here that we wish to

model for Cambridge, it is necessary to look at a larger scale

intervene by focusing on three requirements for knowledge

than just one cluster or neighbourhood. Indeed the method

neighbourhoods; interaction, flexibility and scale.

of design should easily bridge multiple scales, and impose a larger vision throughout without constricting local variation.

As stated in the last chapter, the knowledge intensive

This vision should seek to combine manufacturing and

activities are highly dependent on face-to-face interaction.

research on the same site.

An integrated approach is vital to allow this interaction to happen. We therefore use a morphological plan as a tool to

The requirements of interaction, flexibility, and extended

speculate on the formation of successful future communities.

scale led us to adopt a sort of infrastructural approach focused

This should overcome the weaknesses of the current market-

on movement towards and within the site. In this, the new

based situation, in that synergies can be more easily created.

proposed train stations need to play a central role. It is to be

Our guideline here is that “where elements of the built

expected that the accommodation of international, regional

environment are in their proper place, the whole is greater

and local services, as well as the emergence of new spatial

than the sum of its parts.” This entails the counteracting of

synergies, would not only lead to a transformation of those

the current fragmentation of manufacturing, research and

train stations, but also to the rethinking of the surrounding

residential areas in Cambridge.

station districts. The next section will therefore look at a number of case studies concerning new developments

At the same time this approach should differentiate itself 16

from masterplanning by creating fields that are flexible over

around train stations in the light of the posed requirements.

Rolex learning center - Lausanne

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Case studies Train station developments are again a hot issue in Europe,

therefore tend to look very much like shopping malls.

as is argued in “Railway Station Mega-Projects and The

the project entails a redevelopment of the surrounding urban

Re-Making of Inner Cities in Europe” by Deike Peters and

area, priority tends to be given to retail and commerce in

Johannes Novy. After a downfall in railway investment in the

monofunctional, high-density typologies. Often these are

second half of the twentieth century, when trains were eclipsed

situated in very close proximity to the station, with very little

by cars, cities and investors are now again understanding the

happening (effect) beyond a certain distance.

power of this mode of transportation and especially the effect of its stations on urban areas. A number of causes have been

This tendency to overdevelopment is potentially lethal for

named here; the advent of high-speed rail, the privatisation

any emergent synergies. It begs the question whether it

of railway companies, and urban restructuring towards more

would be possible to address a larger area around the station,

competitivity and more transit-oriented developments.

therefore realising the full potential of the railway stop. Can a multi-scalar mobility network be set-up to spread the

Although the available research is still relatively small in

“energetic point” of the station into a field condition that

comparison to the immense number of projects (at least

connects different clusters? Can different movement patterns

according to the before-mentioned source), a few returning

(pedestrians, cycle, bus, tram, train, high-speed train and

key problems do arise. These all have to do with the very

cars) be merged instead of pressed into a bottleneck around

high investments accompanying these developments, and

one iconic building, so that they could support a more

the fact that they are almost exclusively undertaken by mixed

diversified development?

public-private organisations. This leads to the need for a 18

high, short-term return on investment. A lot of new stations

Peters, D., 2012, Railwaystation Mega-Projects

One of the largest and more recent train station developments in Europe is the Zuidas in Amsterdam. It is a linear development, on both sides of the infrastructural axis formed by the A10 Ring-weg-Zuid and the railway. This railway is composed of three lines; the regular north-south connection, the high-speed HSL connecting to Brussels, and the (future planned) high-speed connection to Germany. The station on Zuidas is appropriately called Amsterdam Zuid. Beyond railway and motorway, a number of tram- and bus lines also converge along this axis. Around it, the spatial development is very much inspired by projects such as La DĂŠfense (Paris) and

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The Docklands (UK). All potential is concentrated in a highdensity strip of office buildings along the mobility axis. Since the financial crisis, no new projects are being initiated, and construction of the station is postponed due to lack of private funding. In its overall setup, this project is a counterexample to what we wish to achieve. It violates the existing fabric, and has been notorious for lacking any integration on a local scale. Some also blame it for deregulating local housing costs. The goal of creating a new business centre for Amsterdam was indeed successful, but at the cost of creating an isolated island within a residential neighbourhood that fails to realise any of the formerly(possible synergies) existing potentials.

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1. Time map Europe 2. Zuidas development, Amsterdam 3. Stratford, London

In Zaragoza, Spain, the new high-speed connection between Madrid and Barcelona gave rise to the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Intermodal Zaragoza Delicias Stationâ&#x20AC;? just west of the historic town centre. Besides the high-speed trains, it also serves the long-distance rail network and commuter trains. Around the station lies a thick network of different transport modalities on several levels; interurban coaches, city buses, a connection with the A2 motorway, a few branches of the extensive cycling network (separated from the motorised traffic) and the first lines of the Zaragoza tram. The station itself houses some extra functions; a meeting area on the western end, and a hotel on the northern end overlooking the waterfront and the Expo site beyond that, indeed the first attempt at implementing programmes other than shopping within the station that weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve come across. In its location, there is an attempt to relink the south-western part of town with the north-eastern. To the west, the master plan projects a business district, and to the east, a formal parc that would blend with the Aljaferia fortress and its parc. A very positive point of this project is the effective bundling of all modes of transport around the station. However, the excessive concentration does seem to hinder the urban ambitions now, rendering the station an impassable obstacle in the overall urban context.

EXPO

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Malmรถ, Sweden, is the town facing Copenhagen across the Oresund sea stretch. Recently, a new city tunnel has transformed Malmรถ Central from a terminus to a transit station, allowing trains to pass by Central, through the tunnel, and over the Oresund bridge towards Copenhagen and its airport. The last stop before the bridge is the new station of Hyllie Meadow. The station itself is quite small, with a small coverage of tracks to reduce costs. It is part of a multifunctional complex, with hotels, office space, an arena and some public space, set up as a new centre for the surrounding, mostly monofunctional residential neighbourhoods. The new developments planned around it are again mostly residential. Here, more possibilities arise for large scale and highrise developments around the station as an open plaza. However, a clear ambition of integration into the surroundings is still lacking; indeed all large scale developments are over concentrated around/on the station itself.

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One of the most famous European train station developments is probably Euralille, undertaken between the mid-80’s and mid-90’s according to a plan by OMA. The project was jumpstarted by the Channel Crossing for the Eurostar train that would stop at the new Lille-Europe station (now also a stop for Thalys and TGV). Just across the site lies the LilleFlandres station, serving regional and national trains, while at the other end the peripheries of Lille passes by. One can also find an extensive pedestrian network, a number of bus stops, one of the largest parking areas of France, and a tram. The strength of Euralille, proven by the numerous followup projects around it, is twofold. Firstly, OMA managed to create an intelligent layout for the different bundles of mobility infrastructure, with a mix between concentrating and spreading. Although the project has a very dense centre, it tends to spread out in all directions and create new opportunities at its edges. Secondly, Rem Koolhaas well recognised the multiscalarity of engagement modes; international, regional, local, etc. This can be seen in the choice of programmes, and in the treatment of different flows:

“Koolhaas sees the logic of flows as an absolutely uncontrollable phenomenon, to which he categorically refuses to give a shape. Yet he acknowledges their indeterminate character and often imagines architectural devices that encase their chaotic fluctuations. His relation to flows can therefore be associated with a “programmatic plasticity” through which he achieves specific forms of urban complexity” (Attali 1996) 2

However, these “architectural devices” tend to have their downsides as well. Especially the shopping centre, as designed

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Delalex, G., 2006, Go with the flow p. 142

Infrastructure sketch Koolhaas

by Jean Nouvel, presents a dead backside to parts of the site. Similar problems can be found on a smaller scale around the Lille-Europe station and the Tour Lilleurope. It raises the question whether such large ensembles, concentrated around the station, can really support the diversified interaction need in a knowledge neighbourhood.

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The last project is the proposal for the high-speed train station Napoli-Afragola in Napels, Italy, as it was proposed by Zaha Hadid Architects in 2003. It was meant to serve the NaplesSalerno high-speed line, but the project the project has been on hold due to disputes over the price. The main concept was to bridge the railway tracks with one continuous â&#x20AC;&#x153;urban linkâ&#x20AC;?. This would have allowed two strips of open space along the tracks to maximise road-to-station connectivity, and to better link the site to the surrounding landscape and business parc.

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It is especially this last quality that makes the project

seem the most viable ones. A start of this would the double-

interesting; a way of stretching the surrounding streets to

sided approach, where both sides of the station profit from

ease integration. Unfortunately, in all other respects it seems

the station proximity instead of just one. Another would be

to again focus all (financial) development effort on the station

conceiving highrise clusters along the main road, and not just

and its immediate surrounding.

in a concentration around the station. This could give rise to new typologies for the knowledge neighbourhood. Still,

Coming back to the diverse and flexible developments we

it seems hard to imagine a multiscalar and multidirectional

invision, the strategies that involve stretching or spreading

approach, away from the centric model focused on the

the interaction between different transportation modes

station.

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1. propositional drawing on morphology while stretching the road, Afragoli/Napoli 2. Cambridge site diagram: diverse field of clusters 3. Cambridge site diagram: rethinking the station district

Barry le Va - Interruptions

Barry le Va - untitled 1983

Field conditions “I propose to turn the dialectical opposition between flows and places into a question of balancing different degrees of connectedness within a spectrum. Places and cities construct themselves from the specific convergence of various networks and relations, respectively relating to different scales of involvement”3 A recurring problem amongst the case studies is that the station (area) is seen as a point or place of intensity, which is distinctly different from its surroundings. One could however argue that the larger area of the station is home to a variety of flows, with different magnitudes, directions and intensities. These flows are what actually shape and drive these urban neighbourhoods. In the context of knowledge neighbourhoods, where interaction and flexibility are so important, this becomes especially poignant. Is there a way so represent these areas as continuous fields of flows, as Delalex suggests? One architect that has been tackling this question is Stan Allen. In Points + Lines: Diagrams and Projects for the City, he argues that “form matters, but more for what it can do than for what it looks like... form matters, but not so much the form of things as the forms between things”. He thus puts the emphasis on the effect architecture can produce in terms of its performance. This evidently leads him to define a more infrastructural approach towards urban planning, that would simply “construct the site” in a flexible and anticipatory way. These infrastructures only need to fix points of service, access, and structure; frameworks that provide the minimal requirements on top of which diverse and unexpected activities can unfold. Station and paths together form a system. Points and lines, beings and relations. What is interesting might be the

To do this, he rejects the master plan and zoning plan as

construction of the system, the number and disposition of

modes of representation and action, and looks towards more

stations and paths. Or might be the flow of messages passing

artistic approaches for inspiration. The Logistical Activities

through the lines. In other words, a complex system can be

Zone (LAZ) Competition in Barcelona, 1996, is an interesting

formally described.... Michel Serres 1

example here:

Points and lines p. 0

Delalex, G., 2006, Go with the flow p. 43

“Although developed initially by means of conventional

codes, zoning, or bureaucratic limits.” What it does imply

representational techniques (plans, sections, and models),

is a complex blend/collage/assemblage of these modes of

the elaboration of the project required new representational

representation in a new framework (here being the User’s

strategies. The diagrams, maps, scores, and scripts that

Manual).

anticipate the event structure of the site over time have been compiled into a User’s Manual.” 4

What is implicit in this project is his interest for what he calls “field conditions”. “The infrastructural elements of the

This does not imply the complete dissolving of these old

modern city, by their nature linked together in open-ended

techniques, after all, “in the infrastructural approach, limits

networks, offer another example of field conditions in the

to future development are set materially, and not through

urban context. A complete examination of the implications of

Allen, S., 1999, Points and Lines, p. 73

field conditions in architecture would necessarily reflect the

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complex and dynamic behaviours of architecture’s users, and speculate on new methodologies to model program and space.”

The search for adequate representational tools for field conditions forms the subject of a number of other papers. In these, Stan Allen makes extensive references to modern art, especially art that lies on the verge of art and mathematics. Moiré patterns therefore make a repeated appearance, as well as Craig Reynolds 1980’s

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Boids algorithm. One particular period of interest is the Postminimalist tradition, and within that, Barry Le Va’s work. Trained as an architect, this artist continuously dissolves the boundaries between the object and the “field” in a series of works called “distributions”. These come about through local rules for only, through “a sequence of events”. The work of Stan Allen offers a way of understanding urbanism in terms of its field-to-field relationships, of its metropolitan flows. The representations explored by him and Barry Le Va allowed us to develop our own drawing methods, methods that unraveled some of the intrinsic

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problems of the case studies shown before. In a classical axonometry, dense aggregations around the station seem to make perfect sense. When drawn as a field condition, the problematic concentrations become immediately evident, as well as the organizational potential of spreading structures into a field rather than a concentrated area. Moreover, the infrastructural approach of Stan Allen gives some hints how these fields could then be further designed, taking into account the multiscalar flows, the required flexibility, and the hoped-for interaction. 5

Allen, S., 1999, Points and Lines, p. 142

1. Stan Allen - drawing for Logistical Activities Zone, Barcelona 2. Barry le Va - Palms Down Bearings Rolled 3. Barry le Va - grey felt length sheets particle

Fitzrovia London 30

500 m

CHAPTER 3 - INTEGRATED APPROACH

Summary In this chapter, we will apply the methods derived in Chapter 2 on the site in Cambridge. The overall ambition is to use a campus model, which will be studied in three case studies. Short excursions will also be made into industrial sheds and their required logistics. A set of possible clusters will then be extracted from these case studies. An overall structure for the site will then be devised, and strategies for its population over time will be given. The argument of potential phasing will be made by looking at Hafencity and Malmรถ.

The study on station neighbourhoods has shown that, paradoxically, to design a station neighbourhood it is best not to start from the station itself (since it gives rise to an excess of attention towards that station). We will rather try to understand the local and regional organisation of the area, and then connect this with the station “flow”. There is also the ambition to better integrate all different programs (instead of planning isolated units). We therefore look at the campus model. (1)

The campus model For the Cambridge site, a campus-based model was chosen. Campuses allow the organisation of multi-layered, knowledge based environments and institutions over large areas. Within them, research facilities and manufacturing locations can easily be combined with mutually strengthening relationships. Often, campuses have a high number of shared public amenities, spaces and infrastructures, allowing for intense interaction between its users. These are often set (2)

within a highly landscaped setting, making for an easy blend with potential natural surroundings (a condition certainly present at the outskirts of Cambridge). Campuses also allow intensification over time, even when initial density is relatively low. This is because they are not street-based, leaving out the necessity of creating the minimal density for “animated” streets (active street life). Instead campus layouts tend to pull facilities to the inside of a cluster. Clusters are groups of interrelated buildings; a phenomenon that is actually relatively new to research and especially

manufacturing areas. The latter have always tended to prefer

1. Novatis headquater, Basel 2. Cheswick park, London 3. Cheswick park, London 4. Science park, Cambridge 5. Park Royal, London

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monofunctional, non-urban set-ups for practical reasons; delivery logistics, building requirements, etc. However, two recent spatial changes have allowed manufacturing clusters to become more urban; the first is a typological shift of the typical â&#x20AC;&#x153;shedâ&#x20AC;?, the second a change in how distribution logistics happen. The knowledge about the industrial shed here presented stems from research on the Lower Lea Valley, London. This

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particular industrial type is a legacy of land use planning. Its primary objective was to facilitate access and to contain the required technological function within a neutral, lowcost envelope. As a result, the sheds are present wherever the land use plan has allocated industrial area. However, monofunctional industrial parks in the Lower Lea Valley and other peripheral areas show that divorcing architecture from interior function leads to inefficient land use. Moreover, it brings forth an exterior environment that is far from conductive for complex urban life. Shortly put, the industrial shed has zero urban ambition.

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Three typological shifts supportive of an urbanised area have been established. The first is an integrated parking approach whereby parking is placed at or below ground level, whilst the core functions are lifted on a plinth. Chiswick Park, London, makes for a good example here; freeing up land previously required for parking allows for building at greater density. The second shift is a stacking of functions, as is seen in the ABB Power Station in Switzerland. Lower value production facilities are here placed beneath higher value offices spaces, allowing for a larger amount of floor area on a (1)

smaller footprint and thus a smaller required amount of land for construction. A third, future typological shift would have to focus on the vertical surfaces of manufacturing buildings. In order to contribute to an urbanised development, these would have to be more than just blank faรงades with nondescript openings.1 1

H&U, Tech-Knowledge Neighbourhood

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1. Lower lea Valley area, London 2. Typological shift industrial buildings 3. Glazed manufaktur, Dresden, Germany 4. Redevelopment, Industrial area, Zurich

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The other evolution that has allowed manufacturing clusters to become more urban is the change in distribution logics. Industries (and research) have always been highly dependent on infrastructure for delivery, but the type of infrastructure has always been linked to the type of products produced. The change towards new technologies is now making our products more and more specialised. These are more and more made by local industries, whose renaissance of production is now augmenting the mass-production imported from foreign countries. Often, these local

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industries rely on a knowledge spill-over with universities, and are made up of interconnected small-sized companies. These are not only able to react quickly to market conditions, more and more they are being able to set the an agenda for global development on a local scale (the performance of Austria during the recent recession is a fine example here). What influence does this economic shift have on the urban

are not necessarily a sufficient condition for real knowledge

structure? A good network of quick distribution, often aided

neighbourhoods. To achieve knowledge spill-over, ways of

by computerized bureaucracy, makes big warehouse spaces

interaction need to be available. Storper and Saxenian here

obsolete. This also changes the mode of delivery. For example,

refer to the importance of institutions (or similar forms of

rail freight is having a revive for its capacity to deliver on time

activity) to allow people to bond, share their knowledge,

to urbanised regions. These are often followed up by home

and find a space for collective learning. This question of

delivery systems (groceries being an already well-known

civic spaces (or collective spaces) goes hand in hand with

application). If warehouses are still necessary, these are

that of qualitative open spaces; both need to be integrated

becoming increasingly automated, and goods tend to spend

into knowledge-based developments in order for these to

less time in between transportation steps within these spaces.

function. Housing then becomes another question, both as

The production centres themselves are of an increasingly

a social support for these civic spaces as a financial backing.

smaller scale, often combined with research laboratories with a rail and road connection. These tend to profit more from a

With these premises in hand, we can now identify some

vibrant, urban surrounding than an isolated, rural one, and

prototypical clusters by looking at three existing knowledge

are also more adapted to these new contexts.

neighbourhoods. â&#x20AC;&#x201C; which will help us to understand the

Although these two developments offer the premise for

types of organisation, hierarchy of elements, distribution

combined research and manufacturing urban clusters, these

system and collective or vital spaces.

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â&#x20AC;&#x153;This attitude seems to me a logical progression from a general concern with the scene of production to this more particular, strategic space between the built thing and the use it then enables and supports: forms between things constitute a site for actions, a staging of a vantage ground from which effects are launched. Neither function nor form is abandoned. Rather, form is reconceptualized as a condition conductive to certain outcomes, certain possibilities of activity and habitation. Form is an instigator of performances and responses, a frame that suggests rather 1. Delft University, Netherlands 2. Delft University, central area 3. Cluster diagram - movement pattern 4. Possible population of diagram

than fixes, that maps or diagrams possibilities that will be realized only partially at any one time. 1 1

Allen, S., 1999, Points and lines, p. 4

Firstly, looking at Delft, we can distinguish a type with

Thirdly, in the Biopolis in Singapore, we can find a sort of

a central spine (here a green space, with cycle paths and a

planned organic organisation, based on a hierarchy of roads

tram), that organises all facilities on either side of the spine.-

and their resulting design. Delivery and access are highly

channelling the activity on the site. In Delft, a process of

organised in this way, helped by the fact that all parking

intensification (extra housing facilities, meeting spaces and

facilities are located below ground. Communal spaces can be

cycle paths) has highlighted this figure even more. Beyond

found in the pockets between these roads. Differentiation of

the bands of facilities lie the secondary roads that service all

activities also happens through the hierarchy in the network.

buildings from the back. Communal facilities (important for

It needs to be said that the density required to implement this

knowledge cross-over) are dotted around the central spine,

model as such is probably not available at Cambridge, we will

thereby holding the network together.

therefore focus on the hierarchy of streets.

Secondly, in Fitzrovia, we see a sort of patchwork of

These three models of clusters will be used for testing how the

collective spaces and institutions, semi-public pocket spaces,

site could be populated. Their diagrams show the different

alleys, and smaller and larger buildings tied in between two

movement patterns and connection to neighbouring clusters.

main roads. These spaces are spread over the area from

The goal is to find a proper way to house the â&#x20AC;&#x153;creative classâ&#x20AC;?,

just north of Kingsland road down to New Oxford Street,

taking into account the integration of manufacturing and

attracting people from the main road at the sides into the

research facilities, the allocation of important civic elements

more pedestrianized network. Delivery happens through a

and the creation of lively interconnected spaces. This might

multi-layered network of service alleys, departing from the

possibly entail a different approach to financing. In any

main roads at the side, moving towards the centre. Points of

case, it would provide a new, diversified center for the city

importance, like the libraries and the British Museum, tend

of Cambridge, based on the constraints of the knowledge

to be situated around open spaces within the patchwork.

neighbourhood. 37

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1. Campus Fitzrovia, London 2. Malet street, Fitzrovia 3. Cluster diagram - movement pattern 4. Possible population of diagram 5. Biopolis, Singapore

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“To maximise development opportunities, connections should be considered across scales, functions and time. Urban connections support social interaction and unlock embedded value by structuring the green, blue and brown landscape systems of planting, water and hard surfaces to create distinctive spaces and local identity.” 3 3 Places of connection, 2012, - Learning cities platform p.13

Planning the site

Planning happened through four steps: 1) Firstly, a grid of 500m by 500m was superimposed onto the site. This size is an often recurring dimension for knowledgebased clusters. This grid serves as a framework for creating variety in the movement across the site.

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2) This grid then becomes a tool to organise different patterns of movement of the site. This refers to Stan Allen’s studies on moiré patterns: “If we think of the figure not as a demarcated object read against a stable field, but as an effect emerging from the field itself - as moment of intensity, as peak or valleys within a continuous field - than it might be possible to imagine figure and field as more closely allied.” 2

3) Local elements are then addressed. Local elements hereby play an important role for the overall organisation. These are, (2)

for example, the Addenbrooke’s hospital cluster, the “green and blue” spaces, and points of connection to the existing street pattern. A special point of interest here is the water stream coming down from the inner city, accompanied by a band of green area. The spatial qualities inherent in this feature could make us imagine a future point of intensity, not so much as a linear movement but rather as a diverse field, capable of containing a diverse set of activities. This is especially so as different movements are cross layered at this

1. Cambridge - green belts in the site 2. Songdo, South Korea 3. Test on site: movement pattern based on established clusters

specific place.

Allen, S., 1999, Points and Lines, p. 97

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1. chosen streetgrid according to movement patterns in the area, highlighting the morphology 2. possible first phase of the development

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4) Road sections are then designed in accordance to the

Time-based development

morphologies that should accompany them. As is learned from the station study, road design will define the identity of

“What the field combinations seem to promise in this context

the clusters, and regulate cluster connectivity.

is a thickening and intensification of experience at specific moments within the extended field of the city. The monument

The high-speed roads would run east-west, taking away

of the past, including the skyscraper, a modernist monument

pressure of the monocentric system and allowing fast access

to efficient production, stood out from the fabric of the city

to the train station. Local connectivity would be ensured by

as a privileged vertical moments. The new institutions of the

linking with regional roads, and a number of additional links

city will perhaps occur at the moment of intensity, linked

running north-south. Most local connectivity, however, would

to the wider network of the urban field, and marked not by

be ensured through bike lanes. This leads to an overlapping

demarcating lines but by thickened surfaces.” 4

of movement systems, highlighting the multiscalarity and multidirectionality of the proposal. This layered mobility

By planning the movement over the area, it is possible to

system includes pedestrians, cycles, cars, buses and trains. By

progressively let potential typologies appear. These would

its engagement with existing green and blue structures, areas

be determined by the spaces in between, the “spaces of

for engagement could arise. The overall result is a high-quality

events”. Planners and investors could use these as guidelines

knowledge-based environment, providing all the services

to determine the placement of companies, living areas, and

and connections that are so important for knowledge-intense

research and industrial clusters.

activities.

Allen, S., 1999, Points and Lines, p. 98

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Hun

A good example of how this would work in practice is the ABC-planning, introduced in 1989 in the Netherlands. The goal here was integrate land use and transportation planning in an attempt to encourage the use of public transport. A double classification was made; locations were graded according to their accessibility, and companies/institutions according to their accessibility requirements. Governments and investors would then try to match these classifications in space as much as possible.5 (1)

Concluding; this type of morphology plan, rather than a typical zoning plan, that concentrates on layering different modes of transportation and speed, would offer a flexibility to develop according to market changes and investorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s needs. Phasing How could the planned infrastructure be phased according to the knowledge neighbourhoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s development? Two examples can be of help here; Hafencity and MalmĂś Western Harbour.

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In HafenCity, the Development Agency takes care of all services and infrastructure, ensures the quality of the public realm, and prepares plots for development. Individual developers can then design and build in collaboration with HafenCity; usually these are mixed-activity developments. Organisations and tenants can then finally start using the area. Infrastructure and public services are only provided as the density goes up, as to ensure it is used immediately. 6

5 6

Burdett, R., 2011, The tale of two regions Places of connection, 2012, - Learning cities platform p.23

ntingdon

St. Ives

Northstowe proposal site

In MalmĂś Western Harbour, a cooperation is set up between the urban planning department, the transport department, real estate offices, environmental agencies, and development companies. Here a value-based urban design model is used. In this a general structure and a set of priority values is described. The content can thus vary over time according to needs and conditions, allowing for dialogue and feedback.

In this proposal, we chose not to start from the station district itself, but chose to intensify it over time. Good connectivity is established throughout the area first, concentrating especially on the green-and water belt. Here a first cluster could be started along the water stream, establishing the first water front activities. This would function with the close-by hospital, and be connected to the city and university through a cycle path.

5 km

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The guided bus system will be extended along the rail line to the new station, connecting the existing Science park and the old station area with the new development. Because of the new connections to the M11, the two southern P+Râ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s will be removed, and extra parking space will be provided next to the new station (as in Napoli/Afragola). The station therefore becomes a new Anker point, and a potential first housing cluster could be installed here. Further intensification will then happen throughout the years. An additional link can over time be implemented, running along the western greenbelt to the campus area. Access points should here take the 500x500 grid into consideration.

1. MalmĂś Western Harbour 2. Hafencity, Hamburg 3. Possible network extension in later phase

Conclusion: This work has been less about offering a final approach to the site than it is about opening up the discussion about how we can start planning it. A number of questions arose here: what are the appropriate drawing tools? How can we capture flows and points of intensity? How can we understand the nature of the site and allow a multi-layered and multiscalar approach, bringing the local, the regional and the international together in on gesture. These questions bear witness to the complexity of networks we are dealing with. Networks that are not just infrastructural, but also social, and that should find a translation into space in the creation of new neighbourhoods. In this dissertation, an approach was chosen that allows for flexibility and, through the cluster study, the integration of civic spaces, new businesses and various institutions. It supports multiscalar connectivity, a mix of functions, and is therefore focuses on the formation of successful communities. This being said, a long way still lies ahead for the design of knowledge neighbourhoods. Questions of further development can be; What dimensions and scales for knowledge clusters are workable? How dense (or sparse) can clusters be, both in terms of connections and/or demographics? How could the ground organisation be conceived of?

BIBLIOGRAPHY ALLEN, S., 1999, Points + lines : diagrams and projects for the city. New York : Princeton Architectual Press BLOW, C., J., 2005, Transport terminals and modal interchanges : planning and design. Oxford : Architectural Press BRAMWELL, A., HEPBURN, N., WOLFE, D., 2012, Growing Innovation Ecosystems: University-Industry Knowledge Transfer and Regional Economic Development in Canada. University Toronto BURDETT, R., Ovink, H., 2011, The tale of two regions. LSE Cities Delalex, G., 2006, Go with the flow: Architecture, Infrastructure and the Everyday Experience of Mobility. University of Art and Design Helsinki DELTAMETROPOOL, 2011, Knowledge cluster, Delft University ESPACE CROISE, 1996, Euralille : the making of a new city : Koolhaas, Nouvel, Portzamparc, Vasconti, Duthilleul, architects. Basel : Birkhauser FUTAGAWA, Y., 2007, Transportation. Tokyo : ADA Edita Gossop, C. , 2008, The Planning of Cambridge. 44th ISOCARP Congress 2008 Hoeger, K., 2000, Campus and the city : urban design for the knowledge society. Zurich : Gta Verlag HOUSING AND URBANISM, 2012, Tech-Knowledge Neighbourhood: towards Industrial Urbanity. Architectural Association LEARNING CITIES PLATFORM, Utrecht, 2012, Places of connection. Academy of Urbanism OMA / EXPERIENCE : New Whitney ; LACMA/Los Angeles County Museum of Art ; Koningin Julianaplein, The Hague, 2003. Tokyo : A+U Publishing OORT, F. VAN, 2011, Enterpreneurship and Regional Development: An international Journal. University Utrecht Peters, D., Novy, J., 2012, Railway stations Mega-projects and the Re-making of inner Cities in Europe, in built Environments. Volume 38, Alexandrine Press PHILIP MCCANN, P., ORTEGA-ARGILÉS,R., 2011, Smart Specialisation, Regional Growth and Applications to EU Cohesion Policy. University of Groningen MERRICK, J., 2012, Transforming King’s Cross. London : Merrell ROSSI, A., 1982, Architecture of the city. Cambridge, Mass. ; London : MIT Press SAXENIAN, A., 2006, New argonauts : regional advantage in a global economy. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press STAM, E., GARNSEY, E., 2009. Decline and renewal of high-tech cluster: The Cambridge case. CBS - Copenhagen Business School Storper, 2010, GLOBAL CITY-REGIONS: AN OVERVIEW THORNE, M., 2001, Modern trains and splendid stations : architecture, design, and rail travel for the twenty-first century. London : Merrell : Art Institute of Chicago UFFELEN, C. VAN., 2009, Factory design. [Berlin] : Braun UNGERS, M. , 1997, The dialectic city. Milano : Skira VIDLER, A., 2011, The scenes of the street and other essays. New York : Monacelli Press 49