Urban Difference + Change Final Projects 01

The information provided in this Report illustrates an assignment in a course offered at Morgan State University School of Architecture and Planning and Yale University School of Architecture. We make no warranties, express or implied, regarding the work performed by students participating in this course. The reviewers of the information contained in this Report hold harmless the two Universities against any claims made in the whole or in part of materials developed by students. Efforts were made to ensure a quality product but it is important to recognize that this Report illustrates student learning outcomes conceived primarily for academic purposes.

URBAN DIFFERENCE & CHANGE YALE ARCH 4247 + MORGAN STATE ARCH 418 Faculty: Justin Garrett Moore, AICP, NOMA and Samia Kirchner, Ph.D. Teaching Assistant: Lilly Agutu Our cities and their socioeconomic and built environments continue to exemplify difference. From housing and health to mobility and monuments, cities small and large, north and south—like New Haven and Baltimore—demonstrate intractable disparities. The disparate impacts made apparent by the COVID-19 pandemic and the reinvigorated and global Black Lives Matter movement demanding change are remarkable. Change is another essential indicator of difference in urban environments, such as disinvestment, disaster, or gentrification. Cities must navigate how considerations like climate change and growing income inequality intersect with politics, culture, gender equality and identity, immigration, migration, and technology, among other conditions and forms of disruption. In Urban Difference and Change, we explored some key questions: • How are cities and their environments shaped by difference, including the legacies and derivatives of colonialism and modernism?

• How do the structures and systems of difference operate in our spaces, places, and cities?

• How might we better understand and find agency in the past, present, and future of urban contexts using an anti-racist and decolonial approach to design and urbanism?

• How can frameworks like cultural heritage, environmental conservation, and social equity and inclusion challenge dominant narratives or unjust past and present conditions?

The course operated as an online (via Zoom) trans-institutional collaboration between Yale University SoA in New Haven, Connecticut, and Morgan State University SAP in Baltimore, Maryland.

This partnership allowed for interaction among students from different backgrounds and fields of study in order to share a learning environment and bring diverse experiences and perspectives to our work. The format of the course included readings, presentations, conversations, and case studies in the first half of the semester. The second half of the semester focused on the development of students’ independent research and design for place-based or issue-based projects or research focused on difference and change in the urban environment. Our collective work from the seminar is compiled, in an unedited and in-process state, in this online publication.

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01 ___WHY ARE CITIES LIKE NEW YOR 02 ____ FORGOTTEN LIBERTY CITY__Syd 03 ___EXCLUSIONARY PUBLIC SPACES 04 ___VOTER SUPPRESSION THROUGH 05 ___DECENTRALIZING POWER__Eliot

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RK CITY PUTTING MORE ATTENTION AND FUNDING TO WELL-KNOWN PARKS?__Garrett Hicks dney Maubert S IN LOS ANGELES__Alicia Jones H URBAN FORM AND INFRASTRUCTURE__Andrew Spiller Nagele

Why are cities like New York City putting more attention and funding to well-known parks?

Garrett Hicks

New York City is a well-known metropolis for travel and enterprise. Its tourism is one of the town’s number one supply of economy with it havinga complete profit of 34.6 billion. The metropolis’s park finances are $468 million from a 2019 study. That is a tiny proportion of the town’s standard price range of ninety-two billion. The branch employs around 7,500 to 8,000 humans and the New York City authorities’ direct employees in general of 390,000. With the money it makes from this New York City will spend it on businesses and parks that will assist the income with tourism since travelers wouldn’tvisit low end neighborhoods that barely have sufficient green area and urban masses which might be parks.

With the corona pandemic it made the income from tourism lessen to where the maximum of the money it does get is going to large named parks like Central Park in Manhattan and Bryant Park in Midtown.

While the well-known park receives attention and renovation from the city, parks in low-income neighborhoods don’t get the equal treatment because the parks cited earlier than. According to the New York Times, “city officials are extremely joyful on the generosity of the public toward conservancies which includes Central Park, as it ensures that New York’s signature parks have the assets to house thousands and thousands of tourists and their wealthier citizens.

“But the donations have also highlighted the disparity between parks in Manhattan’s excessive hire districts and people, like Flushing Meadows Corona or Van Cortlandt Park in the Bronx, which are in less prosperous groups. In those parks, conservancies and businesses should conflict to elevate any money at all”.

Many parks have been left preservation or in want of a redesign to preserve up with the growing metropolis and the main question rise up “why doesn’t the city positioned investment into small lesser acknowledged parks” the solution is to not ship too money on an area that is now not going to carry in the equal level of earnings as if a visitor in which to go to central park concerning the residents of the neighborhood. Although New York City parks make up 14 percent of NYC’s land, the Parks Department gets most effectively 6 percent of the City’s overall budget which is set at 85 billion.

This disparity has left parks and gardens overlooked and ignored as important infrastructure for a hit and healthy neighborhood. This hassle of New York City neglecting its town parks in lower regions can be dated to go as returned to the Nineteen Seventies.

During New York City’s tax disaster within the 1970s, parks had been left unkempt and substantially degraded, which caused the introduction of nonprofits that nowadays assist, keep and help the metropolis’s public green spaces that the town overlooks. The document says there are extra than 25 non earnings organizations for parks and nearly 600 formal and informal collectives across the metropolis.

Parks in city regions offer financial benefits to neighborhood governments, residents, and business businesses. An examination by means of the National Recreation and Parks Association did a record on the financial effect of parks in the course of the United States and found that parks aren’t just public facilities or enrichments to the best of lifestyles in their neighborhoods and parks provide financial benefits to the community. They take a look at how they concentrated on the direct, indirect, and caused results that local parks have on their local and nearby financial system.

According to the document, again in 2013, “America’s

neighborhood and nearby public park companies generated almost $140 billion in monetary interest and supported almost 1 million jobs from their operations and capital spending on my own”. Therefore, urban parks maintain terrific economic cost by facilitating economic pastime.

Economic and Community For the various residents in New York in low earnings neighborhoods, the covid 19 has made it hard for them to visit the nearest park because of the small parks overcrowding. Some of these parks don’t have enough room for quite a few humans to work out or socially distance. City officials have additionally stated that they’d expanded the right of entry to parks incurrent years by refurbishing parks and remaking large parks intocommunities.

There are nonetheless many parks that were left untouched via the metropolis. Many small community parks have been overlooked for decades, while Central Park and different well-known parks have conservancies that assist pay for their operations and preservation. In New York City many large parks are heavily used by black groups but, throughout the metropolis, parks in terrible black neighborhoods are smaller and have to serve a long way more human beings than in wealthy neighborhoods. There are many that lack and actually quantity of inexperienced space within the parks in low profits neighborhoods.

Adrian Benepe, a former commissioner of city parks and senior vp on the Trust, told the New York Times, “Not all parks are created identical”. Small parks do not now have room for lots of human beings to exercise or socially distance. A report from the IBO shares maps of park areas with the aid of residents. It changed into a location where parks cover more than 16,000 acres of land throughout the city, however they aren’t similarly allotted. Analysis discovered that neighborhoods like Bensonhurst and Borough Park in Brooklyn have two square feet of park area consistent with residents. The parks in low profit neighborhoods throughout the town are often smaller, making it greater hard to spread out and keep a distance from others. The common park size Black neighborhoods is 7.9 acres whilst white neighborhoods, the average is 29.8 acres. Howard Frumkin, a professor of environmental and occupational fitness sciences at the University of Washington School of

Public Health, stated in the Trust for Public Land document. “The statistics are obvious parks and greenspace soothe and console us, loosen up and repair us, lessen our tension, depression, and pressure. In this and in future pandemics, we’ll want to combine bodily distancing and other contamination-control measures with customary get admission to parks and greenspace, to assist absolutely everyone get thru tough times as accurately as possible.” Northern Manhattan is the house of beautiful parks, but many much less visible obstacles continue to be, restricting people’s right of entry to those areas for surrounding citizens.

Another latest evaluation found out “parks serving primarily nonwhite populations are half of the size of parks that serve majority white populations and are extra crowded.” This poses large protection challenges to city residents of coloration who’re turning to those public inexperienced areas to exercise social distancing amidst the covid 19 pandemic.

SUMMARY In a metropolis with some of the most well-known inexperienced areas within the world, many low-profits New Yorkers live in park deserts and are largely close out of a sprawling network of extra than three hundred parks that has emerged as greater essential than ever for physical and intellectual well-being.

Many black and hispanic families which might be in cramped apartments within the South Bronx, one of the poorest sections of the metropolis I might upload, need to combat for each little bit of inexperienced space, at the same time as much less than 5 miles away, residents of the Upper West Side of Manhattan have both the lawns and ball fields in the 840-acre principal park, and the playgrounds, canine runs and

waterfront views inside the 310-acre riverside park.

During the pandemic, greater than one million New Yorkers didn’t have get right of entry to to any park inside minutes’ walk of where they lived, according to an evaluation by the (TPL) or the Trust for Public Land, a conservation organization that helps create public parks across the United States of America.

Many of those without access have been in densely packed and occasional earnings black and hispanic neighborhoods out of doors Manhattan. Nearly these kinds of New Yorkers misplace the only outside space they’d while the city close down playgrounds and small exercise areas to save you the virus from spreading. Since then, playgrounds have formally reopened, but many parents stated they’ve stayed away because of crowding. They have added parks to public housing complexes and pressed more schoolyards into providers as neighborhood parks. The pandemic also allowed the city to open sixty-seven miles of streets for strolling and cycling to shield the health and safety once they had to temporarily shut down playgrounds and different park services, but opened up miles of streets across the town for pedestrians to revel in, with a focal point on neighborhoods that did no longer have get entry to open space.

Even though New York City’s network of parks is one of the USA’s largest, it turned into created piecemeal as real estate builders constructed up neighborhoods. The end result changed into some of the town’s most crowded neighborhoods hadbeen

left with no parks or with handiest pocket size parks and playgrounds squeezed among buildings. Small parks regularly lack the facilities which might be discovered in larger parks, like athletic fields, strolling and biking paths and natural areas like woodlands and many small neighborhood parks continue to be overlooked for many years.

According to the Trust for Public Land or TPL, almost all New Yorkers live inside a 10-minute walk to an inexperienced space. While this may appear equitable, better costs of White residents generally tend to live close to large parks with a more degree of desired functions and in comparison, low-earnings and groups of color are much more likely to lack access to inexperienced areas of great and to face disinvestment in nearby parks, which often do no longer encompass basic amenities like lavatories or basketball courts. Even without thinking about the multiple influences of the cutting-edge health disaster, getting right of entry to parks and open areas of pleasant are not identical for New York’s diverse groups. The use of city green area depends on more than just who’s inside bodily proximity to parks, but what services the ones areas provide, how properly they in shape the needs of the network, and who feels secure and welcome to apply the park. In a Citywide Social Assessment conducted with the aid of NYC Parks and USDA Forest Service in 2014, researchers confirmed that park visitation correlates with park length, centers, and the ability to participate in recreational sports and interact with the nearby environmental and in a observe analyzing NYC park utilization through social media statistics, researchers found the key determinants of visitation are linked to park centers, get admission to public transportation, the scale of the park, and socio demographics of the community.

INTERVIEWS AND SURVEYS In the South Bronx, Rick Francis said he had to look at 3 of his 8 grandkids play at the concrete pavement due to the fact there was no top park close by. “You’re type of simply stuck strolling across the community,” he said.

Leaders of some of the city’s signature parks have recounted the inequities in park get right of entry to. The Riverside Park conservancy has changed its annual spring gala with a month fundraising

marketing campaign for applications and sports in the north give up of the park, which attracts nearby residents of decreasing profits communities inclusive of Harlem and Washington Heights. The park additionally reached out to coordinators to work with those groups. Further south, Hudson River Park runs unfastened technology and generation camps which have long gone virtual this summer season for children from two public housing projects. Though the island attracts human beings from all around the city, a substantial percentage comes from affluent neighborhoods, along with Brooklyn Heights and Park Slope in Brooklyn, and Lincoln Square and the Upper West Side in Manhattan, in keeping with recent surveys.

Urban inexperienced spaces have long been a refuge for city dwellers, in particular in times of disaster, however the covid 19 pandemic affected the use and the significance of urban inexperienced areas. In a metropolis like New York, which had the hardest influences of the pandemic. Reports of accelerated park use in a few areas signaled a shift in mobility and called for offerings as communities tailored to new social distancing policies and mandates. With some parks and natural regions closed, while others partly confined, the Urban Systems Lab in collaboration with The Nature Conservancy in New York, Building Healthy Communities NYC, and the New York State Health Foundation released a social survey from May 13 to June 15 to higher understand the shifts in use, significance, andperceived get right of entry to city green areas across the five boroughs. In overall there have been 1,372 responses to a NYC survey with 1,145 human beings completed over 70 percent of the survey questions used for the analysis.

The results of the survey display New Yorkers continued to apply urban inexperienced and open areas for the duration of the pandemic and considered them to be greater essential for intellectual and physicalhealth. Urban parks add social blessings to their neighborhoods. Facilities within urban parks can be utilized as network improvement gear through constructing a sense of community and delight for nearby residents. “In addition to real property, tourism, and environmental benefits, parks additionally provide fitness, community or social, and “direct use” benefits”. Urban parks generate social benefits in a

variety of methods. First, city parks genuinely construct an extra livable social environment to inner town neighborhoods. They are locations wherein low-income children may have an area to play and take part in recreational activities. Many parkshighlight an urgent want for additional investment, and regular and realistic guidelines to meet transferring needs, and to ensure the protection of the citizens.

Urban green areas offer a host of intellectual and physical fitness benefits.

Multiple researches show how they promote and increase bodily interest, enhance air excellent, and reduce respiration contamination, and enhance widespread intellectual fitness, and lowering pressure and mental issues. This is in particular for communities living in dense urban regions with multiple and interdependent influences of the pandemic that have introduced new means to the concept of urban green spaces as a sanctuary or area of refuge. What changed into discovered specifically thrilling in the results of the take a look at changed into that the respondents commonly considered urban spaces to be more critical for mental than physical fitness. This turned into to signify the many exclusive roles that urban green areas can provide for communities particularly as a covid spreads via the state. Urban green spaces can be critical for decreasing intellectual pressure and fitness, and factor to the need of providing continued entry to those areas for the duration of instances of crisis to prevent in addition inequities in public health.

Approximately seventy five percent of the respondents said that they had “safe and easy” admission to a city inexperienced starting from 53 percent in Staten Island to having 20 percentage in Brooklyn. In Queens and Brooklyn, it has lower perceived park right of entry to, as well as receive less of their favored functions from city green spaces.

This is especially concerning as research points to neighborhoods in Queens being disproportionately impacted by way of the pandemic, which is likewise at better risk and occurrence to conditions which include diabetes, hypertension, publicity to extreme warmth, negative air great, and heart failure. As many current reports advocate, the increased use of city inexperienced spaces is taking a toll on the renovation and ability of parks to meet the evolving wishes of customers. Even though visitation to urban

inexperienced areas improved for some in the course of the pandemic, we found that moving needs of New Yorkers can also result in a decrease in park visits.

CONCLUSION

In truth, city parks are meant to be symbols of freedom within New York City. Experts accept as true that city parks represent equity and civic virtues within society. In other words, city parks provide society with public places in which the rich and the negative can meet as equals and be one with none extreme problems. However, this symbol of freedom becomes warped while private fundraising is the primary supply of upkeep and renovation. When city parks are maintained via personal price range, they handiest cater to the wishes of the rich. Therefore, positive businessesnow not experience being welcomed in these publicspaces.

From my non-public view of the topic at hand, I have even seen many parks in exceptional positions mainly positioned in low earnings city areas have parks that are left unattended and unnoticed for future years. From my time working for the NYC parks branch I changed into assigned to paintings at Windmuller Park in Woodside, Queens. At the time I started out work there compared to the park now there are little to no adjustments to the park today.

I reached out to my old manager Gary Sullivan who managed the park and he had told me that the parks department began to tear down the entire park for a redesign and park new trees for them to make it extra stay. That became said to him lower back in 2017 and became scheduled to appear in 2018 wintry weather to which no changes have been made.

Even the hassle with New York City price range cuts can be related to me as I attend university. I attend Morgan State University, one of the 107 traditionally black faculties and how it relates to the topic at hand is how the federal authorities put greater investment for othercolleges except HBCUs and has us college students pay for some of necessities for our important out of pocket then offer. This shows me how people with power chooses to spend the money and how it benefits them in making more income rather than spend on issues that low-income people face by spending what they got out of pocket. With

New York City it chooses to spend its budget on green space on high end parks in wealthy neighborhoods than spend it on neglected degraded parks in low-income communities unless it involves revenue.

For the future strategies I propose that the residents of low-income neighborhoods seek help from the nonprofit organizations to have their messages out to the NYC Parks Department regarding the neglecting of the parks in their neighborhood and more money is being funded for larger parks.

WORK CITED “About the High Line.” Friends of the High Line. 2016 Web. March 2016 http://www.thehighline.org/about.

“Bronx River Greenway Master Plan.” Bronx River Alliance. Web. April 2016. http://bronxriver.org/?pg=content&p=aboutus&m1=1&m2=3&m3=81.

“Conservation Benefits.” East Cooper Land Trust: Our Present for the Future. 2016. Web Feb 2016.http:// eastcooperland.org/preservation/benefitsconservation/.

“Parks Without Borders.” The Brian Lehrer Show.

WNYC. Mitchel Silver.https://www.wnyc.org/radio/#/ ondemand/547873.

“Physical activity facilities have economic as well as health benefits.” Economic Benefits of Trails. American Trails. March 2010. Web, 15 Feb 2016. http:// www.americantrails.org/resources/economics/EconomicBenefitsTrailsOpenSpaceWalkableCommunity. html “The Economic Impact of Local Parks: An Examination of the Economic Impacts of operations and Capital Spending on the United States Economy.”

National Recreation and Parks Association. 2015 Web. Feb 7 2015.https://www.gocolumbiamo.com/ ParksandRec/About_Us/documents/2015EconomicImpactStudySummary.pdf.

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Image Caption The above is a map of Greater Miami, with its relevant sites marked out and images of Liberty City’s existing conditions.

Image Caption The above image is an overview of Liberty City Square, and its respective religious sites, and one notable takeaway is that this neighborhood is situated in a food desert.

Image Caption The above image are studies of the urban density, field notes and racial, education and occupation demographics.

Image Caption HOLC Map, lead poisoning and racial makeup.

Image Caption The above are stats on poor viral suppression in Liberty City, another HOLC map and the AIDs/ HIV concentration in Liberty City.

Image Caption The above is thermal mapping and tree canopy mapping.

Image Caption The images shown are tree vs concrete density maps and pediatric asthma rates.

Image Caption The images shown are sea level rise and gentrification maps.

Image Caption The above image is the proposed site plan, showing the islamic seminary, the Christian seminary, the kiosks and farming areas.

Image Caption The above image is the proposed site plan, showing the islamic seminary, the Christian seminary, the kiosks and farming areas.

Image Caption The above is an axon of the Black Mecca.

Image Caption The above is a rendering of the proposed Black Mecca, with kiosks in front of the Islamic seminary.

Image Caption The above is a rendering of the proposed Black Mecca, with kiosks in front of the Islamic seminary.

Image Caption The above is a rendering of the proposed Black Mecca, entering beside the Islamic seminary, leading to the larger market and courtyard.

Image Caption The above is a rendering of the proposed Black Mecca, entering the larger market, looking towards the Christian seminary.

Image Caption The below image is a rendering of the proposed Black Mecca, entering the courtyard, looking towards the larger market, flanked by the Christian seminary, Islamic seminary and gardens. The goats are alluding to the significance of goat farming in Caribbean and African countries.

Decentralizing Power:

Lessons Learned from Public Participation Efforts in NYC Eliot Nagele ABSTRACT Democracy is founded on the principles of public participation in government. Throughout the history of the United States, public participation has taken many forms, but has been rooted in the democratic process of voting. In theory, citizens vote for representatives who in turn convey their interests in larger authoritative bodies of government, from city councils to congress. However, following the government expansion post-World War II and the subsequent Civil Rights Movement, new legislation (e.g. Administrative Procedure Act and Economic Opportunity Act) required more active measures of public participation. The public meeting/hearing platform became a staple of the administrative rule making process and permeated all other forms and levels of government. Though effective at disseminating information, this practice has been highly critiqued due to its lack of public engagement in the decision-making process. Critics have often called for more robust decentralized forms of decision-making, which proactively incorporate community concerns during the construction of policies and programs. In addition, as a result of the current COVID-19 pandemic and outcry regarding police brutality, more people are calling for the decentralization of power in community planning. Uniquely, since the 1950s, NYC has experimented with decentralizing power by incorporating community groups in its municipal government, specifically by instituting Community Boards, which partake in neighborhood zoning, and Community Education Councils, which guide education/school reform efforts. Understanding how these programs have and continue to shape the City is important for guiding future decentralization efforts nationwide.

Through this paper, I review the function, composition and impact of NYC Community Boards and Community Education Councils and highlight how decentralized forms of government can be used to both include more voices and perpetuate existing power dynamics.

INTRODUCTION Public participation is at the root of American democracy and is often used to defend its claim as the “governmental system best capable of responding to citizen needs” (Castillo, 2013). The Greeks, specifically Athenians, are considered to be the founders of the democratic system and the first to formally value citizen control of government. Though most likely false, given the Eurocentric focus of political history, it is important to highlight some key similarities between the Athenian model and that which developed in the United States. The Greeks believed that a healthy government consisted of citizens with equal access to power; and they believed this system was most effective when implemented in homogeneous societies, based on the assumption that one cannot operate in a democracy if their personal needs conflict with those of others. Though Athens was by no means homogeneous, by withholding the title of citizenship for only a select few and labeling slaves as property (not citizens), the Greeks were able to maintain their beliefs of equality without conceding power. Though unaware of the Greek contributions to democracy,

the developers of the US constitution too held beliefs of equal participation, largely a reflection of their Puritan values (Dahl, 1989). Similar to the Athenians however, in order to maintain control without challenging their beliefs, the founders deemed only those like to themselves (white men) worthy of equal rights and the power to participate in government.

Throughout US history, various groups have challenged this conception of equality and have fought for access to government. Debates over participation have been commonly centered around two questions 1) who is recognized as a “person” in the eyes of the government, and 2) who has the privilege to vote for representation. It is this fight for recognition which most notably fueled the Three-Fifths Compromise and current debates over the US Census’ inclusion of undocumented peoples. The fight for voting rights was continually challenged until the passing of the 15th & 19th Amendments, which outlawed voting discrimination based on race or sex. Though by 1919 all adult citizens had acquired the right to vote; and therefore, to participate in government, as the pow-

ers of government grew larger during the new deal era following World War II, more began to question whether shear voting was a sufficient form of participation. This led to the passing of the 1946 Administrative Procedure Act (APA), which outlined the first concrete requirements for public participation in the administrative rule making process. Though quite minimal, the APA was the first piece of legislation to require the government to inform impacted persons before passing new administrative rules (Bryner, 2001). In 1964, directly following ratification of the Civil Rights Act, congress passed the Economic Opportunities Act (EOA) which worked to create more equitable health, educational, employment and social welfare programs. Expanding upon the participation efforts outlined in the APA, the EOA mandated “maximal possible participation”, specifically focusing on disenfranchised communities (Castillo,1989; Economic Opportunity Act, 1964).

Since then, the most commonly manifested form of public participation is the public meeting/hearing.

This model operates as a space for government officials to outline upcoming plans and for the public to air grievances and concerns (Bryner, 2001). Though efficient at disseminating information and receiving feedback, the public meeting/hearing model has been largely critiqued because of its distribution of power, or lack thereof. The hierarchical nature of the model places the public furthest from the development of the “issue” being discussed and offers no true power in crafting solutions (King, 1998). This has lent itself to be called a “hollow ritual” in which “the architect of the game [government] constructs both the barriers to entry and the terms of engagement” (Guinier & Torres, 2002). Once again, the ideals of equality are met without power truly being distributed. Acknowledging this disparity, citizens, activists and public officials alike have called for more authentic participation in which the public is given access to real power and is continuously involved in the decision-making process (King, 1998). This calls for a dismantling of power-over dynamics and the establishment of power-with models, as outlined by Guinier & Torres.

“Power-with...is relational and interactive. It requires participation”. “If power-over, in the modernist view, can be symbolized by a pyramid, then power-with might be symbolized as an egg. Because of its oval

shape, an egg has two centers of gravity, suggesting the possibility of shared and circulating power” (Guinier & Torres, 2002).

Uniquely, since the 1960s, New York City, the most populated city in the nation, has continuously experimented with decentralizing power through the public participation process. This is most notably seen in the establishment of NYC Community Boards and Community Education Councils. These are formally recognized bodies comprised entirely of community members who work alongside elected officials and government agencies to craft policies and solutions for their communities.

As a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and outcry regarding police brutality, which have both disproportionately impacted poor communities of color, more people are demanding the development of power-with models reflective of those implemented in NYC (Jean, 2020). As communities look to develop more horizontal power structures, understanding how these models have worked in New York provides a great opportunity for guiding future efforts nationwide. This paper will focus on analyzing the function, composition and impact of Community Boards and Community Education Councils in NYC, in an effort to highlight what lessons can be learned from these models to help guide the development of future decentralization efforts nationwide.

CASE STUDY 1: NYC COMMUNITY BOARDS (CBS) HISTORY OF NYC COMMUNITY BOARDS The City of New York has a long history of government corruption and use of discriminatory land use practices that, as a result, fractured many low-income communities of color (Fullilove, 2004; NYC Department of Investigations). This is commonly tied to the powers of eminent domain, which, very simply, allow the government to seize private land for public use (Legal Information Institute). Many cherished NYC landmarks were developed using eminent domain, including Central Park, which in 1857 displaced the black community of Seneca Village (Central Park Conservancy). The use of this practice heightened however in the 1950s, following the establishment of the Housing Act of 1949 and subsequent Housing Act of 1954. Known as Urban Renewal, these acts expanded the powers of eminent domain and allowed

Above: NYC Urban Renewal Project Sites Source: Title 1 progress :quarterly report on slum clearance projects under Title 1 of the Housing Act of 1949 as ammended / by the Committee on Slum Clearance; https://archive.org/details/slumclearancepro00newy

city planners nationwide to demolish entire neighborhoods for the development of private businesses, not just public spaces, which were perceived to be increasing the quality of the City (Fullilove, 2004).

The only requirement for utilizing this program of redevelopment was that a neighborhood be considered a slum or blighted, terms often used as code for poor communities of color. Once deemed a slum, it was considered more cost-effective to demolish and redevelop the buildings in the neighborhood rather than repair them. The character of many neighborhoods was fully destroyed as office buildings and highways took their place and tenants were moved into dense housing complexes (Fullilove, 2004). As Fullilove describes, “conspicuously absent from the picture, and from the decision-making processes, were poor people, black people, and women” (Fullilove, 2004). By 1959, NYC led the country in Urban Renewal projects, leveraging billions of dollars of city, state, federal and private investment. This resulted in the construction of 16 projects and the displacement of over 100,000 low-income residents, 40% of whom were Black and Hispanic (Schwartz, 1993). It was for this reason that writer, activist and local New Yorker, James Baldwin once stated that “Urban Renewal…means negro removal” (James Baldwin Interview).

Urban Renewal and uses of eminent domain still impact NYC today; however, the commonly understood end to Urban Renewal in NYC was the fight against the construction of the Lower Manhattan Expressway (LOMEX) which lasted throughout most of the 1960s. Following the release of her popular 1961 essay The Life and Death of Great American Cities, author and activist Jane Jacobs led a large organized campaign against LOMEX, which was slated to destroy the homes and places of employment of thousands of New Yorkers. Though LOMEX was not officially stopped until 1969, the work of Jane Jacobs and fellow organizers progressively changed the way in which many New Yorkers, inside and outside of government, viewed the value of citizen participation in city planning (Dory, 2018). In her book, Jacobs critiques the top-down approach of Urban Renewal and argues that effective planning takes place on the district (community) scale, in which residents can develop organizations with real planning power and influence (Castillo, 2013). She also routinely critiqued the public hearing model, which she acknowledged did nothing to distribute real power and only served

as “masks of democracy” (Dory, 2018). This approach to planning was reflected in the 1963 NYC Charter which developed 62 Community Planning Boards, focused on guiding participation efforts on the district scale. This charter was expanded in 1968 to provide more power to communities in the city planning and design process (Queens CB1).

NYC COMMUNITY BOARDS TODAY Today, the NYC municipal government consists of 59 Community Boards across all 5 boroughs of the city: 12 in the Bronx, 18 in Brooklyn, 12 in Manhattan, 14 in Queens and 3 in Staten Island (Queens CB1). This is effectively the most decentralized form of city governance (Hum, 2010). Boards are established in each community district containing more than 250,000 residents (Queens CB1). Community board positions are unpaid, nonpolitical and comprised of individuals who work and/or live in the community. 50% of the members on each board are chosen by City Council and the remaining 50% apply through the Borough President’s office and are selected based on merit (Hum, 2010). The primary role of Community Boards is to identify fiscal needs, ensure sufficient utility provision and provide feedback regarding proposed land use and development changes effecting the community (Pecorella, 1989). Community boards are legitimized through their position as the first step in the NYC Urban Land Use Review Procedure (ULURP).

Developers submitting projects for approval must first present to the local Community Boards who then inform the public, hold public hearings and provide recommendations for the developer, Borough President, Borough Board, and City Planning Commission (NYC Department of City Planning). Though not mandatory, reports show that the City Planning Commission incorporates 80 - 98% of Community Board recommendations. For this reason, developers often rework design concerns with the community before continuing the review process (Pecorella, 1989). In addition to these roles, Community Boards also control many local decisions regarding affordable housing, traffic safety and liquor licenses (Kilgannon, 2016).

COMMUNITY BOARDS AND INEQUALITY All Community Boards across the City have the same responsibilities and roles; however, despite this, large disparities still exist. Pecorella‘s 1989 report found that boards representing low income communities and people of color (POC) were statistically less likely

Above: Location of NYC Community Boards Source: CB 13, Brooklyn https://www1.nyc.gov/site/brooklyncb13/about/maps.page

Above: Land use and demographic statistics for CB 7 in Queens. Board used in study by Hum et al.

Source: NYC City Planning Commission, https://communityprofiles.planning.nyc.gov/queens/7

Above: Land use and demographic statistics for CB 7 in Brooklyn. Board used in study by Hum et al.

Source: NYC City Planning Commission, https://communityprofiles.planning.nyc.gov/brooklyn/7

Above: NYC Urban Land Use Review Procedure (ULURP) Source: NYC City Planning Commission; https://www1.nyc.gov/site/planning/applicants/applicant-portal/step5ulurp-process.page

to receive financial assistance. This was largely associated with the process in which boards request funding. Boards prepare District Needs Statements (DNS), which outline their fiscal needs for the upcoming year.

Then, based on the quality of these statements, the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) determines which districts receive funding in the executive budget. Pecorella found that the largest predictor of board success at acquiring City funding was district income and the inclusion of agency co-sponsors on the DNS (Pecorella, 1989). Boards with more time to prepare a DNS and with more knowledge of agency needs and operating procedures had a marked advantage when requesting district funding. In this case, access to power directly resulted in access to money. Similarly, Pecorella also found that boards representing high income districts were more likely to successfully resist the pressures of development and gentrification during the ULURP due to their increased access to community experts (those living in the community, specializing in law, architecture, urban planning, and land use) (Pecorella, 1989). Therefore, wealthier communities were more capable of preserving the character of their community.

In addition to disparities among Community Boards, large disparities within Community Boards have also been witnessed. Though boards are entirely comprised of community members, many reports have shown that their composition does not fully reflect the communities they serve (Kilgannon, 2016). For many years this disparity has been difficult to prove since board members, as non-government officials, were not asked to provide demographic information.

However, a ballot proposal passed in 2018 required a provision to the NYC Charter, which mandated that each Borough President publish Community Board member demographic information on their website.

Though not comprehensive, since surveys were optional for members to complete, this data revealed large disconnects between communities and their Community Board representation. Utilizing the analysis of this data performed by Measure of America, the Queens Daily Eagle reported in 2019 that all 14 Community Boards in Queens were over represented by white males. This is especially surprising given that Queens is considered the most diverse county in the country (Brand, 2019). In fact, younger residents, women and POC were found to be underrepresented on boards across the entire City, specifically in Brook-

lyn, the Bronx and Manhattan (Smith & Choi, 2020).

It is clear that, in many districts, Community Boards operate as mere symbols of inclusion without meaningfully engaging disenfranchised communities; however, some studies have shown that even within this structure, substantial inclusion is feasible. Acknowledging this disparity between communities and their representation, in their report Planning in Neighborhoods with Multiple Publics, Hum et. al identify the origins of this disconnect and outline potential solutions for more active engagement. Through their long-term study of two of the most diverse Community Boards in the City (CB7 in Flushing, Queens and CB7 in Sunset Park, Brooklyn), Hum et. al identified English proficiency and lack of trust as key barriers to board participation. As a result of their inability to reach diverse communities, these Community Boards did not reflect the people they served and often failed to equitably address community needs. However, these barriers were overcome when the boards themselves coordinated with local non-profit organizations and civic associations throughout their districts. Through their established networks and trusted relationship with the community, these organizations were able to foster more effective and extensive conversations with diverse stakeholders. By working within existing trusted networks, Community Boards were able to develop larger public buy-in and support; and thereby more effectively serve the members of their community.

CASE STUDY 2: NYC COMMUNITY EDUCATION COUNCILS (CECS) FROM BUSING TO EDUCATION COUNCILS The largest reform of the nation’s public-school system most notably occurred as a result of the 1954 supreme court case, Brown v. Board of Education (BOE). In this case, the court ruled that racial segregation of public schools was illegal. This was in stark contrast to the Jim Crow ideology of the time and the prior 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson ruling which coined the phrase “separate but equal” (Kucsera & Orfield, 2014). Though many have questioned its effectiveness at providing equal education, Brown v.

BOE allowed for the development of the civil rights movement and legitimized African Americans’ legal demand for equality (Carter, 1968). Directly following this supreme court ruling, the NAACP released a re-

port highlighting the severity of segregation in NYC public schools. This was later reaffirmed in 1958 when NYC Domestic Relations Court ruled that the NYC BOE was failing to offer equal education to black students. In defense, the City routinely deemed school segregation an issue of neighborhood segregation, which was often considered a natural phenomenon seemingly outside of the City’s control. To address this, the tactic of busing, driving black students often long distances to white schools, was used as a school desegregation tool and experimented with for many years. However, in 1964, new plans to increase the level of busing citywide, resulted in one of the largest civil rights demonstrations in the nation’s history, with over 500,000 students staying home from school.

Protestors demanded equal education and enhanced community participation in neighborhood education planning (Kucsera & Orfield, 2014). Black communities throughout the City were pushing back against this ideology “that blacks must gain access to white schools because “equal educational opportunity” means integrated schools” (Bell, 1995). As Bell describes, “this theory of school desegregation…fails to encompass the complexity of achieving equal educational opportunity for children to whom it so long has been denied” (Bell, 1995).

Driven by this call for equal opportunity, coupled with decades of failed desegregation efforts, in 1969 NYC established Community Education Boards. The goal of these boards was to decentralize education reform efforts and to place decision-making power in the hands of individual school districts who, theoretically, would be better suited to address community needs (Kucsera & Orfield, 2014). As elected officials, board members had the power to hire school administration and set budgets for the schools in their community.

However, despite their involvement in public education, members were not required to have children enrolled in the public-school system. In 2002, reports revealed that this system was largely ineffective at providing equal education throughout the City.

Instead of decentralizing power, each district developed its own government structure and low-income communities and POC continued to receive lower quality education. As a result, NYC’s school system was entirely restructured. Control over the school system was passed down from the state to the municipal government, many Community School Board responsibilities were transitioned to the City and Community

Education Councils were established (Castillo, 2013).

Though still operating as a form of decentralized power, CECs have more direct communication with and oversite by the City as oppose to the prior Community School Boards.

COMMUNITY EDUCATION COUNCILS TODAY Today, Community Education Councils are responsible for guiding education reform at the district level.

There are 31 CECs throughout the City, each consisting of 12 members: 9 parents of public-school children in the district, 1 current high school student and 2 Borough President appointees. All members, besides appointees, must apply, present at a public meeting and be selected by the district PTA president, secretary and treasurer (NYC Department of Education).

Though CECs have less outright power than their predecessors, Community School Boards, they continue to function as important components of education reform (Castillo, 2013). The power and importance of CECs is primarily legitimized through their role in the development of annual school “report cards”.

These report cards highlight school performance and fiscal needs, and are used in statewide assessments of public-school education. Through various media outlets, school report cards help inform public agencies and community members about the quality of public-school education and, by comparing districts throughout the City and state, illuminate underlying disparities. As part of their annual assessments, CECs also provide annual reviews of the district superintendent, chancellor and other administration.

In addition, throughout the year, CECs routinely hold public hearings to provide further public participation opportunities and work to review the district’s education programs and student academic success (New York State Senate).

INEQUALITY IN NYC PUBLIC SCHOOLS Though NYC schools were officially desegregated in 1944, long before Brown v. BOE, school segregation in the city has been a continuous concern. Despite efforts to decentralize power through the development of Community School Boards and Community Education Councils, to this day, NYC continues to have one of these most segregated school systems in the nation. Nearly, 75% of Black and Hispanic students attend schools that are over 90% Black and Hispanic (NYC Council). Past efforts have focused on race-conscious integration, such as busing and the

Above: Community School Districts throughout NYC Source: NYC Department of Education; https://video.eschoolsolutions.com/udocs/DistrictMap.pdf

Image Caption Source: NYC Coucil: Diversity in NYC Public Schools Report

development of magnet schools. Since, nationwide, these efforts have mostly failed, City officials have shifted their focus from integration to providing equal education and opportunity. When reviewing access to quality education, schools are continuously divided along lines of race and class (Kucsera & Orfield, 2014). Black and Hispanic children make up the majority of NYC public school students (approximately 65%) and are significantly more likely to attend schools where over 75% or more of the students live in poverty. Conversely, though White and Asian students are in the minority citywide, they represent the vast majority of specialized high school students (NYC Council).

Neighborhood inequalities, which in part have resulted in widespread school segregation, have significantly impacted the work of Community Education Councils. In his study Public Participation, Mayoral Control, and the New York City Public School System, Castillo highlights ways in which various boards throughout the City have been successful at implementing reform beneficial to their community. Castillo reviews three CECs throughout the City: CEC 30, a largely low-income district, CEC 2, a mostly high-income district, and CEC 3, the most diverse district based on income and background of students. What this study revealed is that, though each board was effective at implementing important reforms, what topics they focused their energy on was reflective of the needs of their community. CEC 30 focused on child safety and health by upholding air quality regulations and tightening regulations regarding sex offenders in their community. CEC 3 focused on providing equal access to gifted programs in their district and increasing resources and support non-English speaking families. Only CEC 2, the wealthiest of the three, had the ability to focus on education reform. Through their efforts, CEC 2 focused on increasing the quality of their math program and providing opportunities for community education. Of all three CECs, Castillo found that the reforms instituted by CEC3 were the most impactful for the district and City on a whole.

Similar to what Hum et al. witnessed with Community Boards, Castillo found that CEC 3’s ability to partner with civic associations and local non-profit organizations, made them more effective at fostering community support. This network of community support was specifically tied to CEC 3’s high immigrant population, which was known to have greater social cohe-

sion. Lastly, Castillo found that because the power of CECs is partially centralized at the municipal scale, reforms adopted by individual communities were implemented citywide, benefiting those communities which lacked the power or social cohesion to advocate for reform.

DISCUSSION MERIT & COLORBLINDNESS NYC, through the development of Community Boards and Community Education Councils, has legitimized public participation in neighborhood planning and education reform. CBs and CECs are entirely comprised of community members and both contain real power and influence in municipal governance. Compare to City Council and the various City agencies, CBs and CECs have significantly less barriers to entry. This allows more individuals to partake in shaping their communities, resulting in governance that works in tandem with the public. However, despite these accomplishments, both CBs and CECs have made little impact on diminishing racial and economic disparities throughout the City (Neckerman, 2009; NYC Council). Their lack of progress in effecting change can be attributed to the concepts of merit and colorblindness, both which serve to obscure underlying inequalities.

CBs and CECs function as active forms of public participation that allow all members of the community to voice their opinions. Access is explicitly open to all, regardless of background or identity. However, despite being formally non-discriminatory, this colorblind approach has resulted in disproportionate board representation. There are two ways in which community members can serve on a CB or CEC: 1) be appointed by a political appointee: City Council and/ or Borough President; or 2) apply for the position and be selected based on merit. Each of these methods are inherently exclusive.

To be appointed to a position on a CB or CEC by an elected official requires some degree of existing access to power. Even when diverse members of the community are appointed, as political insiders, the nature of their position requires them to work within existing power structures. As Guinier & Torres describe, “one of the reasons insiders are less able to ward off conventions of power is that part of their

energy is devoted to maintaining the source of their individual power”. In this case, if an appointee wishes to maintain their position on a CB or CEC, they are compelled to work within the framework of the politicians who appointed them. When this does not occur, appointees have had their responsibilities withdrawn and have been actively removed from Community Boards entirely (Newman, 2007). Therefore, appointees from diverse backgrounds are likely to be unsuccessful at fully reflecting the needs of their community, if those needs conflict with political interests.

Second, both appointee and non-appointee members are selected based on merit. Though merit itself is unbiased, what determines merit is. In her essay Race, Reform and Retrenchment, Kimberlé Crenshaw discusses the downfall of colorblind policies and approaches to participation. She argues: “This belief in color-blindness and equal process, however, would make no sense at all in a society in which identifiable groups had actually been treated differently historically and in which the effects of this difference in treatment continue into the present…

One could not look at outcomes as a fair measure of merit, since one would recognize that not everyone had been given an “equal” start. It would be apparent that institutions had embraced discriminatory policies in order to produce disparate results, so it would be necessary to rely on results to indicate whether these discriminatory policies have been successfully dismantled.” (Crenshaw, 1986) Crenshaw’s call to “rely on results” would imply that current disparities in NYC are signs that “discriminatory policies” have not been “successfully dismantled”, but rather obscured. These disparities are partially attributed to the fact that knowledge, the underpinning of merit, is not equally distributed. As Guinier & Torres describe when discussing the work of Michel Foucault, “the construction of knowledge is necessarily tied to power” (Guinier & Torres, 2002). NYC City Council’s School Diversity in New York City report illustrates how NYC’s public school system provides a lower quality education to poor students of color.

Only the wealthiest students attending White and Asian majority schools in the City have access to the highest quality education. In addition, historically, students of color have been excluded from institutions of higher education across the country (Legal

Information Institute). Additionally, fields such as urban planning and law, which are identified as useful skillsets for acting board members, have been historically inaccessible to people of color (Owens, 2015; Kuris, 2020). Nationally, African Americans and Native Americans continue to have the highest rates of unemployment (US Department of Education).

Therefore, if CB and CEC representation is based merit, which is determined by access to professional and educational institutions which have systemically and historically excluded people of color, then these bodies will inherently perpetuate inequality and fail to serve disenfranchised communities.

Even in an ideal world, where CBs and CECs across the City were equally effective at enacting change, disparities would continue to exist because historic differences were not accounted for. This is what Crenshaw refers to as an “equal start”. As seen with Castillo’s study on CECs, communities are limited by the nature of their district. Those that are working to address historic disenfranchisement will continually be behind those where such hurdles do not exist. This implies that an equal distribution of resources across boards throughout the City is not an equitable path forward.

PATH FORWARD Throughout its history of decentralized power efforts, NYC has continually struggled to effectively provide equal opportunities for community involvement. The City has successfully addressed the common critique that citizen engagement efforts do not instill real power in the community; however, by granting real power to community organizations and legitimizing their role in municipal governance, the City has only developed groups reflective of existing power dynamics. By creating colorblind policies and relying on merit as a requirement for entry, CBs and CECs continue to limit low-income POC’s access to government.

Efforts to enhance public engagement should not stop at decentralization, but work towards developing relationships of trust and meeting people where they are. Studies have shown that CBs and CECs are most successful at engaging multiple publics when they work alongside civic associations and non-profit organizations that have long developed relationships with specific communities. These established networks of trust provide access to communities that

experience severe barriers to entry. Cities should work towards identifying how these relationships can be enhanced without incorporation into municipal governance. Lastly, because communities face different hurdles, ranging from access to education to the impacts of historic discriminatory policies such as urban renewal, efforts should be made to provide resources based on need. As seen through Pecorella’s analysis of CB success in the ULURP process, in addition to fiscal support, these resources should contain robust community education programs that provide residents with the skillset necessary to effectively protect and guide their community’s development.

What these two cases (NYC Community Boards and Community Education Councils) have shown is that no one model is sufficient for equitable engagement, and that a multitude of approaches are necessary to effectively engage diverse communities.

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Fullilove, Mindy Thompson. Root Shock: How Tearing Up City Neighborhoods Hurts America, and what we can do about It. New York: One World/Ballantine Books, 2004. Web. Guinier, Lani, and Gerald Torres. The Miner’s Canary: Enlisting Race, Resisting Power, Transforming Democracy. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002. Web. Hum, Tarry. “Planning in Neighborhoods with Multiple Publics: Opportunities and Challenges for Community-Based Nonprofit Organizations.” Journal of Planning Education and Research, vol. 29, no. 4, June 2010, pp. 461–477, doi:10.1177/0739456X10368700.

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Decentralizing Power: Lessons Learned from Public Participation Efforts in NYC

Clearance

- Eliot NAgele

Slum

Community

Destruc

ction

Renewal

Displacement

EXCLUSIONARY PUBLIC SPACES IN LOS ANGELES Alicia Jones

ABSTRACT The term “public” is unstable in the city of Los Angeles.

Throughout its history, Los Angeles has continued to define and redefine the meaning of public, and with it, the way public spaces are occupied. However, Los Angeles’ history alone is not responsible for the term public’s ever-changing nature; different interpretations of the term public vary by region. Upon mere observation, it is clear many of Los Angeles’ public spaces, whether that be a public park, a sidewalk, or a beachfront, have vastly different degrees of “publicness” depending on the neighborhood they exist in. To better comprehend the mechanisms and systems that contribute to the ever-changing understanding of public spaces, we can take a closer look at four significant neighborhoods and cities in Los Angeles that have sought to maintain exclusivity in public areas: Cheviot Hills, Bel Air, Malibu, and San Marino. Various research reveals that exclusionary

public spaces are not merely the product of a single policy or other individual regulations, but several mechanisms that work in unison to deter specific populations while creating a sense of safety and security for others. The most notable strategies that impact public spaces are physical barriers, lack of accessibility, urban design, community policing, the privatization of public spaces, and community resistance. These tactics contribute to a curated idea of who is included in the “public.” Ultimately, establishing a curated public is disadvantageous to the larger Los Angeles population, even those creating these exclusionary public spaces. It is derived from a selfish desire to preserve their own environment.

Through research and analysis of public spaces in the Los Angeles neighborhoods, it is evident that many people attempting to control these spaces lack the foresight to understand how a diverse public can benefit the community.

BACKGROUND The fluctuation of the term “public” is deeply rooted in Los Angeles’ history of growth and expansion. On September 4, 1781, the city of Los Angeles was officially founded, and with its founding came the creation of a public plaza in the city’s center.1 However, the outward growth and subsequent reliance on the automobile, decentralized Los Angeles and ultimately, changed how open spaces were developed. After World War II, growth in Los Angeles was mainly suburban in type and new modes of transportation aided in the formation of a city that was predominantly infrastructure.2 The expansion of Los Angeles occurred without oversight.

Without a master plan, public spaces were developed piecemeal instead of woven into the urban landscape.

Public spaces became an afterthought to the Los Angeles urban planners.

profit-driven entities or wealthy community groups.

In Margaret Crawford’s Contesting the Public Realm: Struggles over Public Space in Los Angeles she examines, “The city’s traditional public spaces support the argument that public space and public life in the city are either commodified, bankrupt, or nonexistent.”4 Today, Los Angeles continues to construct and regulate public spaces based on the needs of smaller wealthy groups rather than the larger public.

The rise of privatized public spaces during the 1960s in Los Angeles, also impacted the way those spaces were utilized and occupied. In the essay, “Privatisation of Public Open Space: The Los Angeles Experience” Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris examines how in the sixties Los Angeles began investing in urban renewal programs that sought to revitalize the Central Business District (CBD). The Los Angeles Community Redevelopment Agency (CRA) led the renewal program and its first revitalization program provided enhanced zoning incentives to private developers with the condition that they build public amenities on the project site. This resulted in the development of public spaces that were managed and controlled by private entities, which meant there was greater priority focused on the promotion of commercialization rather than improving the well-being of the public. 3 While not all public spaces throughout Los Angeles are privately owned, the CRA set a precedent for the priorities of public spaces, which is to support 1 “History,” History | City of Los Angeles Department of Recreation and Parks, accessed 12AD, https://www.laparks.org/department/ history.

2 Stewart, Eric. “Victorian Sprawl: Streetcar Technology and the Suburban Ideal in Los Angeles, 1870–1920.” California History, vol.

93, no. 2, 2016, pp. 17–30. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/26412661.

3 Loukaitou-Sideris, Anastasia. “Privatisation of public open space: the Los Angeles experience.” Town Planning Review 64, no. 2 (1993): 139.

Image 1: Downtown Los Angeles Freeways Source: https://www. welikela.com/20-amazing-aerial-photos-los-angeles/downtown-los-angeles-freeways/ 4 Crawford, Margaret. “Contesting the Public Realm: Struggles over Public Space in Los Angeles.” Journal of Architectural Education (1984-) 49, no. 1 (1995): 4-9. Accessed December 31, 2020. doi:10.2307/1425371.

BEVERLY HILLS Median Household Income: $96,312 Population: 33,829 White: 81.8% Asian: 7.6% Latino: 4.8% Black: 1.4%5 Beverly Hills often regulates public spaces through its restriction of outsider accessibility. For instance, certain community groups have fought to prevent the implementation of new modes of transportation.

More specifically, Beverly Hills Unified School District (BHUSD) fought to prevent the construction of the Purple Line subway, which would run underneath Beverly Hills High School claiming it would be disruptive and would create safety concerns for students.6 However, many critics believe the true motive of the BHUSD to prevent greater accessibility to those outside of the Beverly Hills area.

5 “Beverly Hills.” Mapping L.A. Los Angeles Times. http://maps. latimes.com/neighborhoods/neighborhood/beverly-hills/.

6 Elijah Chiland, “Beverly Hills School District Has Spent $15M Fighting Westside Subway,” Curbed LA (Curbed LA, July 29, 2019), https://la.curbed.com/2019/7/29/8932166/beverly-hills-purpleline-lawsuits-cost.

Moreover, the city has failed to implement a sufficient amount of bus stops throughout Beverly Hills and the stops that do exist are often inconvenient or seemingly inaccessible. The bus stop seen in image 2, on Sunset Boulevard, is especially sad and uninviting. It is essentially a patch of dirt on the edge of someone’s multi-million dollar estate. The stop is without a sidewalk and is roughly 700 feet from the nearest crosswalk. Not only is this bus stop uncomfortable, it is unsafe. In fact, most of the street’s edge on Sunset Blvd in Beverly Hills lacks a continuous sidewalk, further limiting access to these elite neighborhoods. While community members might find value in discouraging certain populations from roaming the Beverly Hills area, in reality it disrupts the lives of those who commute to Beverly Hills for work and ultimately impacts the size of the labor pool willing to commute to the area.

Additionally, a lack of accessibility reduces pedestrian activity and limits the amount of people participating in the local economy.

Image 2: Beverly Hills Bus Stop on Copley & Sunset Source: Google Maps. Dec. 2017

Image 3: Beverly Hills Sunset Blvd. without sidewalk Source: Google Maps. Dec. 2017

Fortunately, Beverly Hills Traffic and Parking Commission are working towards building a more accessible city. In December of 2019, the Commission met to discuss the implementation of a Complete Streets Plan and Complete Streets Action Plan, which would provide a number of goals and policies to improve the walkability and accessibility of the city.

Specifically, the plan would increase the amount of protected bikeways, improve safety for pedestrians by installing crosswalks at various intersections, provide additional pedestrian lighting, and add more connection spots into the city via public transportation.

Additionally, the plan aims to incentivize the use of public transportation through programs and policies. 7

Image 4: Beverly Hills Sunset Blvd. sidewalk abruptly ends Source: Google Maps. Dec. 2017

7 “Beverly Hills Complete Streets Plan,� Beverly Hills Complete Streets Plan (Beverly Hills, CA: Beverly Hills Traffic and Parking Commission , 2019).

Image 5: Take a Stand Against Crime Pamphlet Source: http:// www.beverlyhills.org/departments/policedepartment/crimeinformation/crimeprevention/neighborhoodwatch/?NFR=1

Perhaps the most aggressive way behaviors are regulated in Beverly Hills is through the implementation of the Neighborhood Watch programs. These programs claim, “Neighborhood Watch fights the isolation that crime both creates and feeds upon. It forges bonds among area residents, helps reduce burglaries and robberies, and improves relations between police and the communities they serve.”8 In a pamphlet distributed by the Beverly Hills Police Department for aspiring neighborhood watch members they outline what the neighborhood watch duties are. They advise that members of the neighborhood watch should “report suspicious activities and crimes to the police or sheriff’s department.”9 The police department’s request for neighborhood watch members to report “suspicious activity” but fails to define it. It is then the responsibility of the community member to form their own definition of suspicious, which is generally based on their own disposition or biases.

Additionally, there is nothing within this program that addresses the inherent bias associated with our ideas of suspicious activity. In an article by Adeoye Johnson, from University of Pennsylvania of Law and Social Change, Johnson examines, “As an inherent exclusionist agenda underlies many Neighborhood Watch organizations, the crucial legal and sociological issue is how these groups characterize what is “suspicious,” who the “outsider” is, and who is the source of the problems in the neighborhood.

Racial bias and unconstitutional animus seem deeply rooted in those issues.”10 Failure to address these issue perpetuates the notion that it is up to the community to maintain safety through exclusionary measures. Signs indicating the presence of neighbor watch also send a message to the public that they are under surveillance, and unwelcome.

through his neighborhood and called to report him as a “suspicious person.” Although Zimmerman was discouraged from approaching Martin, he did so anyway. Zimmerman ultimately shot and killed the teen claiming he was acting in self-defense.11 While this incident did not occur in Los Angeles it is a harrowing example how a neighborhood watch program can embolden members to act on their racial biases. This example demonstrates the potential outcomes of encouraging community members to take an active role in judging suspicious behavior.

An example that makes the fears of an “outsider” all too real is the case of Trayvon Martin. In February of 2012, Trayvon Martin, a 17-year old African-American high school student, was walking through a Sanford, Florida neighborhood. George Zimmerman, a neighborhood watch captain, spotted Martin walking 8 “Take A Stand Against Crime,” Take A Stand Against Crime (National Crime Prevention Council, n.d.).

9 “Take A Stand Against Crime,” Take A Stand Against Crime (National Crime Prevention Council, n.d.).

10 Johnson, Adeoye. Neighborhood Watch: Invading the Community, Evading Constitutional Limits. Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository, 11 May 2016.

11 “Trayvon Martin Shooting Fast Facts,” CNN (Cable News Network, October 19, 2020), https://www.cnn.com/2013/06/05/ us/trayvon-martin-shooting-fast-facts/index.html.

CHEVIOT HILLS Median Household Income: $111,813 Population: 7,303 White: 78.8% Asian: 9.1% Latino: 8.3% Black: 1.3%12 Cheviot Hills is a suburban pocket in the middle of West Los Angeles and it’s community has made every attempt to maintain it’s insularity. Similar to Beverly Hills, Cheviot Hills has attempted to reduce inclusivity in public spaces by limiting accessibility into the neighborhood. Specifically, in 2009, the Neighbors for Smart Rails (NFSR), a Westside homeowners coalition, rallied against the construction of the Expo line extension, which would connect Culver City to Santa Monica. The plan for Expo line extension was that it would be built at-grade and would run through Cheviot Hills as well as other westside neighborhoods.

The NFSR stated on their website that their aim was to fight the Expo Authority in building most of the Expo line through residential neighborhoods “with

12 “Cheviot Hills.” Mapping L.A. Los Angeles Times. http://maps. latimes.com/neighborhoods/neighborhood/cheviot-hills/.

little or no regard to the safety, traffic or community environmental impacts such as noise, vibration and visual blight.” The group also contended that the construction of the Expo would result in a loss of privacy for many homes. Additionally, many residents feared that the construction of the new Expo line would have a drastic impact on their property values. 13 Members of the NFSR generated several roadblocks to prevent the construction of the Expo Line. They started a legal battle with the city alleging that proper research into the impact on roadway congestion.

They’re suggested alternative would be to build an underground subway system, which would be financially unfeasible for the city of Los Angeles. 14What the 13 “Neighbors For Smart Rail,” Neighbors For Smart Rail (blog), January 1, 2009, http://smartrail.blogspot.com/search?updatedmax=2010-02-16T19:09:00-08:00&max-results=50.

14 Neal Broverman, “Breaking: Cheviot Hills NIMBYs Lose State Supreme Court Battle Against the Expo Line Extension,” Curbed LA (Curbed LA, August 5, 2013), https://la.curbed.

Image 6: Purple Line Extension through Beverly Hills & The Westside Source: https://medium.com/@adamsusaneck/los-angeles-metro2020-2060-f44ad04f0fa4

Image 7: Los Angeles Times Article Source: https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2020-04-23/coronavirus-homeless-housing-shelter-hotel-nimby-cities-california

residents of Cheviot Hills fail to acknowledge is that while the expansion of the Expo line may have a subtle impact on their lives, it will substantially improve the lives of others who do not own a vehicle, thus limiting their mobility. Without the Expo line accessibility would not merely be limited to Cheviot Hills, but throughout Los Angeles. Fortunately, members of the NFSR lost the battle against the Expo line extension in early 2012 and construction began in July of that same year.

More recently, Cheviot Hills residents have not only attempted to limit accessibility into the neighborhood, but also have sought to control who the public consists of. At the height of the Covid-19 pandemic, members of the Cheviot Hills neighborhood adamantly opposed the use of their recreation center as a temporary shelter for those experiencing homelessness, a space that is meant to be a public space. On April 22nd, 2020 com/2013/8/5/10212120/cheviot-hills-nimbys-lose-state-supremecourt-battle-against-the-expo.

residents of Cheviot Hills submitted a petition for Mayor Eric Garcetti, stating their concern regarding the homeless population in their neighborhood. The petition received over 1,000 signatures.15 This reaction exposed their unrelenting fear of what they consider a “public nuisance” and instead of working towards a solution, community members instead reject any effort to solve the problem. It also reveals this idea of a specific public and the growing hostility towards those experiencing homelessness. By limiting their entry into Cheviot Hills through temporary housing also limits their access to the public spaces in Cheviot Hills.

15 Doug Smith, Liam Dillon, and Benjamin Oreskes, “‘We Aren’t the Dumping Ground’: Homeless People Fleeing Coronavirus Meet NIMBY Resistance,” Los Angeles Times (Los Angeles Times, April 23, 2020), https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2020-04-23/coronavirus-homeless-housing-shelter-hotel-nimby-cities-california.

Malibu Median Household Income: $138,215 Population: 12,514 White: 88.8% Latino: 5.5% Asian: 1.5% Black: 1.2%16 One of the most prominent ways Malibu residents have controlled public spaces is by limiting public access to the waterfront. Although the California Coastal Act grants the public free access to any beach in the state, for years Malibu residents on beachfront properties have sought out any means to curb public accessibility.17 For Instance, during the 1980s, Malibu homeowners Lisette and Norman Ackerberg were issued permits by the California Coastal Commission to build a home complete with a pool, a tennis court, and a 140-foot-long sea wall in Carbon Beach, also known as “Billionaires’ Beach.” Permits were issued under the condition that Ackerbergs provided a public pathway to the beach. However, the family deliberately disregarded the condition and instead built a 9-foot high wall as well as a fence and additional landscaping in lieu of a pathway. It took over three decades of legal disputes before a pathway was officially opened. 18 The Ackerbergs are not alone in their quest to restrict access to Malibu’s public beaches. In 2002, Warren and Henny Lent purchased a beachfront property in Malibu overlooking Las Flores Beach. The property was allegedly purchased with a 6-foot gate already installed, which blocked public access to the beach, a clear violation of the California Coastal Act. In 2007, the Coastal Commission began issuing letters informing the property owners of their violation. For over ten years, the couple deprived the public access to a 3-mile stretch of the California coast. It was not 16 “Malibu,” Los Angeles Times (Los Angeles Times, n.d.), http:// maps.latimes.com/neighborhoods/neighborhood/malibu/?q=Malibu%2C+CA%2C+USA. 17 Justin Housman, “California’s Beaches Are Public - Will They Stay That Way?,” Adventure Journal, August 6, 2018, https:// www.adventure-journal.com/2018/08/californias-beaches-public-will-stay-way/.

18 Jessica Rice, “‘Billionaires’ Beach’ Battle Ends With New Public Path,” NBC Los Angeles (NBC Southern California, July 22, 2015), https://www.nbclosangeles.com/news/billionaires-beach-battleends-with-new-public-path/50919/.

until 2014 that the state Legislature amended the Coastal Act, which gave the commission the ability to increase fines for property owners for access violations. Violations could be fined up to $11,250 per day, this resulted in a $4.2 million fine for the Lent family who now have 60 days plan outlining how and when they will dismantle the gate and restore public accessibility.19 Physical barriers are not the only preventative measures Malibu residents take to inhibit public accessibility. Residents have used countless tactics to mislead the public into believing they are legally prohibited from being there; they place “no parking” signs, paint curbs red, post signage falsely indicating portions of the beach are “private property,” or even use strategic landscaping to hide signs directing people to public access paths.

Rarely are residents penalized for the use of such tactics, instead the responsibility to find alternative ways into these exclusive beaches lays in the hands of the public.

Back in 2013, Ben Adair and Jenny Price created an app called “Our Malibu Beaches” that would help the public locate hidden beaches throughout Malibu. The app direct users to seventeen different access points.20 Once the app was released local residents were none too happy with the results.

Malibu resident Emma Ravdin explained, “I don’t think it’s a snobby thing. It’s like letting someone into your backyard. You’re paying for the beach house 19 Marc Cota-Robles, “Malibu Property Owners Fined Nearly $4.2M for Blocking Public Access to Beach,” ABC7 Los Angeles (KABC-TV, December 10, 2016), https://abc7.com/ malibu-property-owner-fined-42-million-lmalibu-beach-access-fines-california-coastal-commission/1648778/.

20 CBS Los Angeles, “Battle Over Access To Malibu Beaches Goes High-Tech With New App,” CBS Los Angeles (CBS Los Angeles, June 13, 2013), https://losangeles.cbslocal. com/2013/06/13/battle-over-access-to-billionaires-beach-inmalibu-goes-high-tech-with-new-app/.

Image 8: Malibu Beach Access Stair Source: https://blog.malibubeachinn.com/2016/04/25/a-day-at-the-beach/

and the property you own is technically the beach in front of your house.” 21 Regardless of the fact that the California Coastal Act has been in effect since the 1970s, Malibu residents still seem to cling to the idea that they are owed private access to publicly owned waterfront because they purchased a beachfront property. Unfortunately, their false sense of entitlement has effectively impeded the public’s right to the coast for decades.

The ability of Malibu homeowners to prevent public access is a testament to the power and control these small groups have over our public spaces. The state continues to spend millions of dollars fighting to provide the public access to these beachfronts but many Malibu residents continue to violate state law with impunity.

21 CBS Los Angeles, “Battle Over Access To Malibu Beaches Goes High-Tech With New App,” CBS Los Angeles (CBS Los Angeles, June 13, 2013), https://losangeles.cbslocal.com/2013/06/13/ battle-over-access-to-billionaires-beach-in-malibu-goes-hightech-with-new-app/.

Image 9 Various tactics used to mislead the public in Malibu Source: https:// www.scpr.org/programs/offramp/2013/05/29/32017/upcoming-malibu-beaches-app-brings-hidden-public-b/

Image 10, 11, 12 Malibu Resident’s fake “No Parking” signs, and hidden beach entrance signs Source: https://www.nbclosangeles.com/news/billionaires-beach-battle-ends-with-new-public-path/50919/.

Image 13 Lacy Park Source:https://www.cityofsanmarino.org/government/departments/community_services_/recreation/facilities/lacy_ park_events.php

SAN MARINO Median Household Income: $158,855 Population: 12,973 White: 44.4% Asian: 46.8% Latino: 4.8% Black: 0.5%22 In San Marino, exclusivity is realized through regulations, fortification and financial obstacles. One prominent example is Lacy Park. The local park first opened in 1925 and consisted of over thirty acres of open space.23 In the 1990s, the city instituted a park entrance fee of three dollar for non-residents on the weekends, allegedly to cover maintenance fees 22 “San Marino,” Los Angeles Times (Los Angeles Times, n.d.), http://maps.latimes.com/neighborhoods/neighborhood/san-marino/?q=San+Marino%2C+CA+91108%2C+USA.

23 “Lacy Park,” Lacy Park, n.d., https://www.cityofsanmarino.org/government/departments/community_services_/recreation/facilities/lacy_park_events.php.

and park staff, although the parked has received over $600,000 in funding from the state. 24 The fee increased to four dollars as of 2007. While a four dollar entrance fee is not substantial, it definitely does deter non-residents. Sally Howell, a San Marino resident, believes the true reason for the entrance fee is to discourage “a park full of brown-skinned people” from adjacent neighborhoods El Sereno, a predominantly Mexican American neighborhood, and Alhambra, a community mainly composed of Asian and Hispanic populations. Additionally, like many parks in 24 Steve Lopez, “You Paid for San Marino to Play,” Los Angeles Times (Los Angeles Times, December 26, 2007), https://www. latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2007-dec-26-me-lopez26-story.html.

Image 13 Lacy Park fortification Source: Google Maps. Satellite Image

Los Angeles, Lacy Park has an evening curfew, which inevitability prevents those experiencing homelessness from staying the night and ultimately discourages the homeless population from being there at all.

Lacy Park is not only regulated through fees and park policies, but also through the construction of physical barriers around the park. The park fortified in two ways: the first, is through the use of 7ft-tall fences that bounds the park itself (expressed as a red dashed line in the image above), and the second the fact that the park sit behind a number of residences (expressed as the blue lines), it’s hardly visible from St. Albans Road, as well as Monterey Road. Moreover, the park

only has two entrances. The design itself discourages public use for anyone outside the community. Council Woman Betty Brown, even admitted the construction of the fence was built to prevent outsider entrance. 25

25 Steve Lopez, “You Paid for San Marino to Play,” Los Angeles Times (Los Angeles Times, December 26, 2007), https://www. latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2007-dec-26-me-lopez26-story.html.

CONCLUSION Los Angeles has struggled to define the term “public” and by doing so has allowed communities to dictate who can occupy it’s public spaces. Clearly, the tactics used by these communities are all in the name of social control, control over the environment and the people utilizing these spaces. Public spaces are not controlled democratically but rather their fate rests in the hands of the few, typically those with the most money or power. While many believe that regulating public spaces protects the community in actuality it limits diversity and creates a potentially dangerous environment for those who are excluded.

Los Angeles is working towards developing a more inclusive public realm, but still has a ways to go. The county’s biggest obstacle will be shifting the narrative away from the belief that the over regulation of public spaces creates a better environment.

CITATIONS “Battle Over Access To Malibu Beaches Goes HighTech With New App.” CBS Los Angeles. CBS Los Angeles, June 13, 2013. https://losangeles.cbslocal. com/2013/06/13/battle-over-access-to-billionairesbeach-in-malibu-goes-high-tech-with-new-app/.

Beverly Hills Complete Streets Plan. Beverly Hills, CA: Beverly Hills Traffic and Parking Commission , 2019.

“Beverly Hills.” Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times. Accessed December 31, 2020. http://maps. latimes.com/neighborhoods/neighborhood/beverlyhills/.

Broverman, Neal. “Breaking: Cheviot Hills NIMBYs Lose State Supreme Court Battle Against the Expo Line Extension.” Curbed LA. Curbed LA, August 5, 2013. https://la.curbed.com/2013/8/5/10212120/ cheviot-hills-nimbys-lose-state-supreme-courtbattle-against-the-expo.

CBS Los Angeles. “Battle Over Access To Malibu Beaches Goes High-Tech With New App.” CBS Los Angeles. CBS Los Angeles, June 13, 2013. https:// losangeles.cbslocal.com/2013/06/13/battle-over-

access-to-billionaires-beach-in-malibu-goes-hightech-with-new-app/.

Chiland, Elijah. “Beverly Hills School District Has Spent $15M Fighting Westside Subway.” Curbed LA. Curbed LA, July 29, 2019. https://la.curbed. com/2019/7/29/8932166/beverly-hills-purple-linelawsuits-cost.

Cota-Robles, Marc. “Malibu Property Owners Fined Nearly $4.2M for Blocking Public Access to Beach.”

ABC7 Los Angeles. KABC-TV, December 10, 2016. https://abc7.com/malibu-property-owner-fined42-million-lmalibu-beach-access-fines-californiacoastal-commission/1648778/.

Crawford, Margaret. “Contesting the Public Realm: Struggles over Public Space in Los Angeles.” Journal of Architectural Education (1984-) 49, no. 1 (1995): 4-9.

Accessed December 31, 2020. doi:10.2307/1425371.

“History.” History | City of Los Angeles Department of Recreation and Parks. Accessed 31AD. https:// www.laparks.org/department/history.

Housman, Justin. “California’s Beaches Are Public - Will They Stay That Way?” Adventure Journal, August 6, 2018. https://www.adventure-journal. com/2018/08/californias-beaches-public-will-stayway/.

Lacy Park, n.d. https://www.cityofsanmarino.org/ government/departments/community_services_/ recreation/facilities/lacy_park_events.php.

Lopez, Steve. “You Paid for San Marino to Play.” Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, December 26, 2007. https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm2007-dec-26-me-lopez26-story.html Loukaitou-Sideris, Anastasia. “Privatisation of public open space: the Los Angeles experience.” Town Planning Review 64, no. 2 (1993): 139.

“Malibu.”

Los Angeles Times.

Los Angeles Times, n.d. http://maps.latimes. c o m /n e i g h b o r h o o d s /n e i g h b o r h o o d / malibu/?q=Malibu%2C+CA%2C+USA. Rice, Jessica. “‘Billionaires’ Beach’ Battle Ends With

New Public Path.” NBC Los Angeles. NBC Southern California, July 22, 2015. https://www.nbclosangeles. com/news/billionaires-beach-battle-ends-with-newpublic-path/50919/.

“San Marino.” Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, n.d. http://maps.latimes.com/neighborhoods/ neighborhood/san-marino/?q=San+Marino%2C+CA +91108%2C+USA. Smith, Doug, Liam Dillon, and Benjamin Oreskes. “‘We Aren’t the Dumping Ground’: Homeless People Fleeing Coronavirus Meet NIMBY Resistance.”

Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, April 23, 2020. https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/ story/2020-04-23/coronavirus-homeless-housingshelter-hotel-nimby-cities-california.

Stewart, Eric. “Victorian Sprawl: Streetcar Technology and the Suburban Ideal in Los Angeles, 1870–1920.” California History, vol. 93, no. 2, 2016, pp. 17–30. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/26412661.

Take A Stand Against Crime. National Crime Prevention Council, n.d.

“Trayvon Martin Shooting Fast Facts.” CNN. Cable News Network, October 19, 2020. https://www.cnn. com/2013/06/05/us/trayvon-martin-shooting-fastfacts/index.html.

“Welcome to Neighbors For Smart Rail (NFSR).” Web log. Neighbors For Smart Rail (blog), January 1, 2009. http://smartrail.blogspot.com/search?updatedmax=2010-02-16T19:09:00-08:00&maxresults=50.

VOTER SUPPRESSION

Through Urban Form and Infrastructure Andrew Spiller Voter Suppression in the United States of America has taken many forms over the years.

It manifests as Voter ID requirements, purging voters from rolls, or more obviously racial means such as the Jim Crow laws.

Atlanta, Georgia has been the hotbed for voter suppression and disenfranchisement of African Americans since they had the right to vote. The origins of contemporary voter suppression have been implemented in part through urban form and infrastructure. Geographical conditions start the story by laying out how the history of the region impacted the farming industry in the region which in turn would lead to the abuse of slavery and depletion of the soil there.

The political boundaries that comprise the city of Atlanta and the state of Georgia also play a role here, with gerrymandering and voting rights lending to a historical discrimination in the region. At the metropolitan or city scale the factors become more formal and begin with the inception of Atlanta as the site of an intersection of 2 railroads which shaped the urban form.

In more contemporary times, the suppression that occurs here is through limiting access to polling sites, especially for African Americans.

At the infrastructural scale, the influence comes from the history of how the interstate system was implemented, demolishing “blighted” communities and segregating neighborhoods along racial lines. At the building scale, suppression occurs through use of building typology to influence voters’ decisions and support of issues.

Combined, these historical and contemporary factors illustrate how voter suppression is implemented through urban form and infrastructure.

At the largest and most far-reaching scale in this analysis we begin with the ancient geographic properties of where modern-day Georgia is. The story begins 100 million years ago during the Cretaceous era, in which the region which is just south of modern-day Atlanta lies was along the southern coast of the eastern half of the continent (Krulwich). Over time, the sea levels dropped leaving behind a wasteland of remains

of “populations of floating, single-celled creatures who drifted about, trapped sunshine, captured carbon, then died and sank to the sea bottom. Those creatures became long stretches of nutritious chalk (Krulwich).” Eventually organisms that lived here decomposed and left behind an incredibly rich and fertile soil, creating a region known as the “Black Belt” in the south. Due to the fertile soil, it became the most popular region in Georgia to farm for cotton (fig 1) (Krulwich).

Figure 1 Geological Region/ Steven Dutch/Geology and Election 2000 (Krulwich)

Figure 2 Cotton Production 1859/ Steven Dutch/Geology and Election

Figure 1 County Election Results 1964/ Steven Dutch/Geology and Election 2000 (Krulwich)

Cotton rose to prominence in the south following the invention of the Cotton Gin by Eli Whitney in 1793. By 1860, it had become so prevalent that “there were 68,000 farms in the state, and they produced 700,000 bales of cotton. Only 3,500 farms had 500 acres or more, and 31,000 had fewer than 100 acres ofland.

After the Civil War (1861-65) cotton continued to be the main crop in many parts of Georgia. In 1870 more than 725,000 bales of cotton were produced (Flatt)”. However, due to growing a single crop exclusively, the cotton farming decimated the quality of the soil, leaving the soil arid and unable to be farmed. Compounding the soil issue, by 1915 the boll weevil had infested Georgia, leading to the cotton farming industry there being further damaged (Flatt). These conditions contributed to the historical economic struggles of Georgians during the 1920s during the Great Depression (Zainaldin). Black Georgians in particular found harsh conditions in part due to sharecropping and limited farm ownership in the first place. As prices declined, they were forced into menial jobs in towns and cities. “By 1935 just 12 percent of Blacks owned the land they worked (Zainaldin).” The story of the racial and political inequalities faced by African Americans in Georgia had been sown in the soil and the economic downturn due to over-farming the once fertile land.

Following geography, the next scale of voter suppression is evident in the political boundaries that comprise the state of Georgia and the political systems which historically have affected the state. Historically, the access to voting rights and by extension the political systems of Georgia were heavily restricted for Black Georgians. Up until 1946 the primary elections in Georgia were white-only (Holmes).

This in particular was damaging as many African Americans would not register to vote or participate in voting. It was not until the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that Black voters in the south would elect 7 state representatives and 2 senators to the Georgia Legislature (Holmes).

This act specifically outlawed any discriminatory voting practices such as literacy tests. The most critical contemporary aspect of eliminating the power of someone’s vote in our time though is through redrawing the district lines Figure 2 District Lines in Atlanta, Georgia (Meyers) to maintain political office, or gerrymandering.

The house state Legislature isthe body that draws the district lines in US states. This often occurs during the decennial national census, but in Georgia lawmakers make use of it whenever they desire (Chase). “When the state Legislature convened the following January [2014], as part of a “midcycle” redrawing of more than 15 House seats, lawmakers decided to swap out heavily black and Latino areas in [Joyce] Chandler and [Brian] Strickland’s suburban districts with nearby precincts that leaned Republican. Two years later, Strickland again eked out a victory (Chase).” The level to which gerrymandering has affected districts is such that opposing parties don’t run a candidate against the incumbent in some counties, with Georgia leading the nation in uncontested state legislative races in 2016 (Chase). Even though the populations shifted in this practice are minimal they can have dire effects. For example, in Georgia House District III the black voting population was diluted by 2% (From 33% to 31%) and the white voting population was increased by 2% (56% to 58%) with the margin of victory for Strickland in the 2016 election coming in at 3.4%(Chase). Despite the clear racial and discriminatory implications of this practice, the US Supreme court recently decided in 2020 that “In a 5-4 decision, the court’s

conservative majority wrote that voters and elected officials are the best referees for state electoral maps - not federal judges (Hallerman).”

�Descending the scale ladder, next is the metropolitan or city scale, where Atlanta is the key city of focus. The elements of voter suppression at this scale are physical. To begin analyzing this, the first part of the puzzle is to analyze the growth of Atlanta’s urban form. Atlanta’s origins lie at the intersection of injustice to Native Americans with the removal of Creeks and Cherokees from the land and the extension of railroad lines to the center of the state (Ambrose). It was at the intersection of the Georgia Railroad and the Western & Atlantic Railroads, which entered the town in 1846, that Atlanta was born under its earlier name: Terminus (Ambrose).

These railroads served as the core of the city, leading to the fractured grids which lie at the city’s origin (fig 5). Today, this center is known as Five Points, comprised of the convergence of Marietta Street, Edgewood Avenue, Decatur Street, and the two parts of Peachtree Street.

In modern-day, the railroad still exists here, but is partially underground while also at odds with the other urban infrastructure: the interstateand freeway systems. These pieces form the center of the city from which the other grids radiate out. In Figure 6 Map of Atlanta 1878 (Emory Libraries Blog)

Figure 3 Home Owners Loan Corporation Map (Giv-

ens) In the 1860s the civil war led to the city and its railroads being demolished and damaged (Ambrose). In spite of that, by the 1890s, the city had reconstructed its railroads and its economy had both grown and diversified (Ambrose). Over the coming decades, red lining would make the formal aspects of these physical aspects into strictly demarcated socio-political boundaries. The 1938 map of Atlanta made by the Home Owners Loan Corporation demonstrated the evolution of Atlanta at this point (fig 7). The core of the city radiating out in each direction from the Five Points was red lined. The entirety of the Georgia railroad to the east was also redlined. The neighborhoods to the north and northeast were green and blue. Today, that division can be seen in the lingering racial outlines of the city where the northern section is predominantly white and the southern is predominantly black (fig 8) (Givens).

The form of Atlanta’s metropolitan area leads to a second critical aspect of voter suppression: the access to polling locations and disparity in polling locations between Atlanta and other cities such as San Francisco. The �

Figure 5 Comparison of Polling Sites between San Francisco (Left) and Atla

density of polling locations as shown in the map (fig 9) indicate the disparity in accessibility here (Marek). The maps are over a similar-sized area (46.87 square miles) in the core of the cities. The Five Points are visible in this map as is most of downtown Atlanta. In San Francisco there are a total of 588 polling sites for under 900,000 people, equaling 1579 people per polling site. In contrast, Atlanta

has a total of 255 polling sites for over 1 million people, equaling 4172 people per polling site (Marek).

The lack of polling locations has a direct effect on whether or not people vote: Kathy, a human services worker in Georgia, spotted a massive line when she went to vote in the primary this year. Upon seeing the massive line, she considered not casting a ballot (Fowler). She recounted, “I’m now angry again, I’m frustrated again, and now I have an added emotion, which is anxiety… I’m wondering if my ballot is going to count (Fowler).” The Voting Rights Act of 1965 required states to seek federal approval before being able to eliminate polling places in minority neighborhoods, which was then thrown out in 2013 in a case brought by Shelby County, Alabama to the Supreme Court (Fowler).”

anta (Right)

Compounding with an inadequate number of polling sites, Fulton County Board of Elections moved 40 polling sites, affecting more than 120,000 voters just 2 months before the 2020 presidential election (Her). This issue only compounds when you factor in the infrastructural requirements and accessibility of Atlanta. With Atlanta’s MARTA being woefully short reaching combined voting sites being strategically placed

further from bus stops, which happened in Dodge City, Kansas (Moser). Often this practice takes place under the guise that it is for saving money or consolidating and streamlining the election.

The disturbing and most evident part however is revealed by The Atlanta Journal-Constitution: Of the 214 precinct closures in Georgia since 2012, they correlated with counties with high poverty rates and large African American populations

(Niesse). Accessibility to polling locations and an appropriate amount of people per voting locations is a form of voter suppression which is less blatant than active methods like voter ID laws in part due to the changes in jurisdiction since 2013.

At the infrastructural scale, the interstate system binds the city. I-20, I-75, and I-85 are the dominant interstates that cut through the city, while I-285 is the ring road surrounding the city center. I-20 and I-85 surround downtown Atlanta.

The interstate system reinforced Atlanta’s value and position in Georgia as a transportation hub in the southeast which compounds with its colossal airport (Toon). While the interstate systems were mostly paid for by the federal government, local officials had a say in selecting the path the interstates took (Kruse). “As in most American cities in the decades after the Second World War, the new highways in Atlanta — local expressways at first, then Interstates — were steered along routes that bulldozed “blighted” neighborhoods that housed its poorest residents, almost always racial minorities (Kruse).” Not satisfied with only the destruction of neighborhoods, the interstate system also led to creating massive physical barriers between black and white neighborhoods.

In Atlanta it was so deliberate that the politicians outright stated the racist intentions: “In Atlanta, the intent to segregate was crystal clear. Interstate 20, the east-west corridor that connects with I-75 and I-85 in Atlanta’s center, was

Figure 6 Map showing Downtown Atlanta. Google Earth, earth.google.com/web/ deliberately plotted along a winding route in the late 1950s to serve, in the words of Mayor Bill Hartsfield, as “the boundary between the white and Negro communities” on the west side of town (Kruse).” The intent was that Atlanta would retain its middle-class white neighborhoods close to the center of the city by using the interstates as a wall to segregate the communities and neighborhoods. Instead, the interstates backfired and provided a conduit in which the middle-class white people of Atlanta were able to move out of the city to the suburbs which would then balloon in size (Kruse). The public transit system would be met with similar disdain from whites in Atlanta, who mostly voted to reject having MARTA expand to their counties and suburbs. The intersections of these interstates and freeways are colossal urban artifacts. The megastructures attempt to bridge the already massive sometimes 12-14 lane wide highways at intersections. The complexity of these junctions is such that they have in oneinstance,been nicknamed

“Spaghetti Junction” (fig 11) (Toon).

The final scale at which urban form suppresses voters is at the building scale. The issues here are at an architectural scale and are not at an urban scale but are dependent on the various allowed and recommended typologies used as polling locations. There were more than 230,000 locations used in the 2018 general election with the vast majority being at sites such as schools or churches (Polling Places). Among

the most recommended buildings are: Public buildings of any sort, K-12 schools, College or University Campuses, Fire Stations, Churches, or Senior Living Facilities. The intent in choosing these locations is to try and adhere to the official stance that they need to meet ADA guidelines and may be more familiar to voters in that community (Polling Places). In part, the COVID-19 Pandemic has affected some of these locations and prevented them from being used (especially the Senior Living facilities and K-12 Schools. Additionally, the spaces may be adapted for use in an unintentional way which prevents the building from functioning in its intended manner, making things inaccessible or not providing adequate signage. Sometimes the power dynamic between neighborhoods becomes manifest in polling locations as well. In Randolph county, Georgia, there was an attempt to suppress votes by having members of the African American community vote in a polling place located within a majority-white neighborhood (Norwood). In multiple studies, it has been found that the environment in which you vote can unconsciously trigger specific voter behavior (Norwood). One of the studies found that if voters were in a school environment, they were more likely to support initiatives related to education funding (Meredith). While not part of the study, it is possible that similar influences couldoccurbasedonreligionwhenvotinginChurches,communities whenvotinginspecificcommunitycenters or recreation centers, or healthcare when voting in a senior living facility.

At the end of the study the authors ask: “Could voting in a church, for example, influence support for gay marriage or stem cell research? Could these effects extend to preferences for candidates strongly associated with educational or religious issues?(Meredith).”

With the historical, societal, and physical factors each discretely identified, it leaves room to inspect how they can fuse together to create an interconnected means of suppressing voters in Atlanta. Each of these elements have a distinct contribution to voter suppression but in combination, they become weaponized. The geographical scale provides the context of poverty in the region and the historical context of cotton production. The political scale provides

the boundaries of districts and of the systemic racism embedded within Georgia’s politics. The metropolitan scale provided the context for the physical boundaries within Atlanta and the suppression that occurs through controlling and removing polling locations. The infrastructural scale exposes the influence that the interstate system has done to reinforce the boundaries and segregation of the neighborhoods in Atlanta by race.

Lastly, the building scale shows how typology can influence the voting decisions of populations. The suppression tactics here are multi-scalar and can tie to one another. The modification or removal of polling locations in particular ties heavily to the infrastructure and building scales. When a polling location is removed or relocated it can have the new site chosen in a way to exacerbate those issues. For example, the polling site in a majority black neighborhood could be moved across an interstate to a church in a majority white community with poor access to public transportation.

This act would have a multi-scalar effect. At the metropolitan scale, the voters would then be required to travel further and share the polling station with more people. At infrastructural scale, the interstate would prevent or complicate access to foot traffic and even automobile traffic for that community, dissuading them from accessing the polling site. At the building scale the effect would be two-fold. Firstly, the typological choice of a church could influence the voter’s decisions.

Secondly, since building is within a white majority community it could lead to feelings of ostracization amongst black voters in this location.

In modern-day discrimination takes many forms and voter suppression is a means by which it can enacted on minorities and populations.

In Atlanta, Georgia it has been woven into the very city itself. This issue is multi- scalar having affected the geography, political boundaries, metropolitan area, infrastructure, and typologies of polling sites. These issues are not easily solved or fixed as they are so tightly connected with the fabric of the city itself, but protections and policies can be put in place to help alleviate some of these factors. For example, overturning the 2013 ruling that allows polling sites to be used as a tool of voter suppression. There must also be changes to the way in which political

boundaries are drawn and chosen to limit their use as a political tool to win re- election. These issues must also be addressed at an urban scale, with rethinking the infrastructure of cities such as Atlanta and bolstering their public transit while making the city more walkable and less divided by interstates. As more studies are done regarding the voting environment, there might be room for implementing policies that restrict certain typologies from being used as polling sites. Together, these factors illustrate how voter suppression is implemented through urban form and infrastructure.

Bibliography Ambrose, Andy. “Atlanta.” New Georgia Encyclopedia, University of Georgia, 15 Mar. 2004, www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/counties-cities-neighborhoods/atlanta.

Flatt, William P. “Agriculture in Georgia: Overview.” New Georgia Encyclopedia, University of Georgia, 25 May 2004, www. georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/business-economy/agriculture-georgia-overview.

Fowler, Stephen. “Why Do Nonwhite Georgia Voters Have To Wait In Line For Hours? Too Few Polling Places.”

NPR, NPR, 17 Oct. 2020, www.npr. org/2020/10/17/924527679/why-do-nonwhite-georgia-voters-have-to-wait-in-linefor-hours-too-few-polling-pl.

Givens, Darin. “Atlanta’s Patterns of Segregation and Where They Originate.” Medium, Medium, 5 Sept. 2017, medium.com/@daringivens/atlantas-patterns-of-segregation-and-where-they-originated-2b13b89092af.

Grant, Chris. “Election Structures and Reform.”

New Georgia Encyclopedia, University of Georgia, 23 Aug. 2004, www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/government-politics/election-structures-and-reform.

Hallerman, Tamar. “Gerrymandering Ruling Could Shape Georgia’s Power Dynamic for Years.”

AJC, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, 27 June 2019, www.ajc.com/news/state--regional-govt--politics/gerrymandering-ruling-could-shape-georgia-power-dynamic-for-years/5KxQn1Onkw3Nrf4zNwKuyM/.

Her, Chenue. “Fulton County Polling Location

Changes to Impact 120,000+ Voters.”

11Alive.Com, 7 Sept. 2020, www.11alive. com/article/news/politics/elections/fulton-county-polling-location-changes/850c5a6510-c1e7-41a5-887c-646d5a1c9dc0.

Holmes, Robert A. “Black Suffrage in the Twentieth Century.” New Georgia Encyclopedia, University of Georgia, 11 Feb. 2005, www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/ government-politics/black-suffrage-twentieth-century.

Krulwich, Robert. “Obama’s Secret Weapon In The South: Small, Dead, But Still Kickin’.” NPR, NPR, 10 Oct. 2012, www.npr.org/sections/krulwich/2012/10/02/162163801/obama-ssecret-weapon-in-the-south-small-deadbut-still-kickin.

Kruse, Kevin. “How Segregation Caused Your Traffic Jam.” The New York Times, The New York Times, 14 Aug. 2019, www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/08/14/magazine/traffic-atlanta-segregation.html.

Marek, Grant. “Shocking Disparity in Polling Places between SF, Other US Cities.”

SFGATE, SFGATE, 4 Nov. 2020, www. sfgate.com/politics/article/Maps-disparity-polling-locations-SF-Georgia-Texas-15698622.php.

Meredith, Marc, et al. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 2007, pp.

1–4, Contextual Priming: Where People Vote Affects How They Vote.

Meyers, David. “12 Of the House’s Worst Districts.”

The Fulcrum, The Fulcrum, 12 Nov. 2020, thefulcrum. us/worst-gerrymandering-districts-example.

Moser, Bob. “The GOP’s Sneakiest Voter Suppression

Tactic.” The New Republic, 31 Oct. 2018, newrepublic.com/article/151966/ gops-sneakiest-voter-suppression-tactic.

Niesse, Mark. “Precincts Have Closed across Georgia and Nation since Court Ruling.” Ajc, The Atlanta Journal- Constitution, 10 Sept. 2019, www.ajc.com/news/ state--regional-govt--politics/precinctshave-closed-across-georgia-and-nationsince-court-ruling/ecgFnCOcs46mJkpXehwm2L/.

CASE STUDY TITLE

First Name Last Name, First Name Last Name

RECLAI

01 ___SELECTIVE UTOPIA: THE INACCE 02 ____E-CAIRN: DESIGNING TO SUBVE 03 ___REPURPOSING STADIUMS__David

IMING

ESABILITY OF THE SHOPPING MALL__Alex Whittaker ERT OBSELESENCE__Dominiq Oti d Owe

repurposing stadiums

How Do We Adaptively Reuse Stadiums to the Benefit of its Surroundings David Owe

(Source: www.silverandblackpride.com) Highlighting the scale and context of the stadium around its surroundings.

INTRODUCTION The development of stadiums across cities and countries all over the world has been a contested topic during recent times now more than ever. The big issue is not in th stadiums themselves, but in the procedures of how it comes to be; taxpayers’ money is what is used to subsidize the construction with the promise of huge economic impact that will profit the communities it is situated in. Analyzing it further, the amount of money spent on the contruction phase does not match up the amount of money generated that goes back into the area it is developed in. The construction team may or may not be local workers, and upon completion of construction, the jobs that remain are seasonal jobs of little pay. Stadiums are

more like drains, a lot of the taxpayers’ money from the community goes in and then goes out to pay the players, owners and their sponsors, and the league.

Potential solutions to this problem would lie in the local government making policy changes such as receiving a percentage of revenues that would go back to the community, negotiating better deals in terms of how much money the teams receive towards their new stadiums or government forcing expansion on sports leagues so cities are not overpowered by sport franchises. As is most often the case, teams relocate cities, leaving the stadiums empty and without use. The Oakland Coliseum in Oakland, California is reaching that point and this design will look at its context and how the Coliseum can be repurposed to meet the community’s needs.

CONTEXT With the Oakland Raiders having moved to Las Vegas and the Oakland A’s looking at future plans elsewhere, the future of the Coliseum is up in the air.

The A’s do not want to abandon the Coliseum but redevelop it to better serve the community. But what potential ways can the stadium be used to benefit an Oakland area that is lacking in one of the most important human commodity; food. The problem lies in income and access to food as areas where the median household income is over $58,00, there’s an average of one supermarket per 13,778 residents compared to areas where the median household income is $32,000 with an average of one supermarket per 93,126 according to data from usda.gov. With low income and abundance of unhealthy food options in the area, the amount of people with health problems is high. Alameda county has one of the highest rates

of diabetes in California with 8.2% of the population having diabetic problems. Alameda county also has a high amount of it’s population receiving food stamps.

In Oakland 61, 869 people were listed as food stamp beneficiaries.

(Source: openstreetmap) Shows the income distribution across Alameda County. Coliseum area is one of the poorest.

(Source: openstreetmap) Highlights the areas receiving the most food stamps in Oakland. Coliseum area is in the red zone.

This area is in most need of help via added jobs and better location to food.

(Source: original diagram) This area is a food desert and does not have access to quality and healthy food. There are a lot more fast food places and liquor stores compared to supermarkets.

Looking into the Arrowhead Marsh and Coliseum Industrial area, the two primary neighborhoods where the current Oakland Coliseum resides, it is one of the worser areas with an abundance in fast food locations, corner shops and liquor stores. It is a food desert as there are no quality supermarkets within proximity to the residents. Most of the better quality grocery stores all cater to the higher earning residents of Oakland.

Transportation to some of these grocery stores are not always viable because some of them are not as accessible by public transportation. A positive aspect of this area is the potential it has to become a hotspot for tourists and residents of Oakland due to its proximity to the Oakland Airport. With good development and funding, it has the potential to be a space where people gravitate towards. Most importantly, a stadium re-use design must solve the issues of food, housing, and crime while staying aware of the context

(Source: openstreetmap) Crime distribution across Oakland’s Alameda county. Coliseum area has one of the highest rates.

of the surrounding area. For example, the Oracle Arena which is adjacent to the Oakland Coliseum hosts the the Golden State Warriors so there will still be a mass influx of people at certain times into the site. Giving the large amount of people more options for pre and post game actvities such a retail outlet could be beneficial.

(Source: original diagram) Traffic and transit diagram showing the different nodes the site can be currently accessed from and the available forms of transportation that can be used to get to and from the area. It can benefit from existing infrastructure and has potential to be a transit-oreiented development.

DESIGN Meeting the needs of the community was at the top of the list when it came to redeisgning what would be an abandoned stadium. There needed to be a supermarket that was a resource of healthy food options.

A community owned supermarket that paired with a local farm would take up the east part of the existing stadium. The supermarket would be multi-platformed and would sell whatever was grown in the farming. It would also have areas such as classrooms and community centers tending to each individual as needed.

Above it would be spaces for rooftop and vertical farming, maximizing the sunlight on the site. On the south of the stadium would be affordable living spaces dedicated to people who worked on the farm at a discount. It would be adjacent to market rate housing.

The westerm part of the stadium is next to the Oracle Arena which would benefit from retail spaces and also attract sport goers to the interior park and farm space. The north part of Coliseum would remain a sporting complex for the use of public. Having several different sport facilities, it would provide opportunities for development of athletes in Oakland. The surrounding parking lot areas would be converted to green spaces and parks.

(Source: google maps) View from inside the Coliseum

(Source: original diagram) Sun study of Coliseum Area

(Source: original diagram) A diagram of the current site with the design programming imposed on it. Features, green spaces, housing, grow spaces, retail and a sport complex.

EXISTING

PROPOSED

(Source: google maps) Existing Plaza between Coliseum and Oracle Arena

(Source: www.hdrinc.com/) Mixed Use retail development

(Source: google maps) South Side of Coliseum

(Source: https://theurbandeveloper.com) Housing development

(Source: Burwood Brickworks Shopping Center) An example of what the supermarket and grow space could look like.

Having farming spaces on the higher levels and rooftop with the shopping spaces on the lower areas.

(Source: Battery Park Urban Farm, New York City) A visualization for what the existing athletic field of the Oakland Coliseum could be. A blend of recreational park spaces in tandem with grow spaces.

SELECTIVE UTOPIA

The Inaccessibility of the American Shopping Mall Alex Whittaker

Few globalized structures are as tied to the American national identity as the shopping mall. Symbolic of the automobile and consumer culture that was characteristic of the true American experience, it also speaks to the throw-away culture of American planning. Based upon an experience that was highly gendered and racialized, the mall (re)produced the spatial and societal conditions of this country.

Envisioned as an idealized urban space that was constructed outside of the city, the mall prioritized a certain kind of collective space, one that was exclusive. Although there is a lot of buzz around the “death of the mall,” this ideal is still relevant today, and still problematic. As with many ideological trends in urban design, developers are seeing that the original intentions of the mall – car-free spaces, open-air, community and recreation spaces – are returning to dominate the current way of thinking about how to create the mall of tomorrow. These ambitious redevelopment plans are likely to build upon the same gaps in our collective imagining of space, and contrasting spatial experiments like the “American Dream” mall and the Landmark mall turned temporary homeless shelter offer a point of analysis and possible change.

It is difficult to talk about the iconic and mundane structure of the American shopping mall without mentioning Victor Gruen. Gruen, an architect by trade, came to the United States from Austria prior to World War II, and began proposals for an enclosed collection of stores in the suburbs following the war.

The proposals were representative of the postwar panic to adapt to a massive population boom in the United States and the subsequent growth of the suburbs; they also differed from previously existing developments that were open-air and emphasized the necessity of the automobile. Instead, Gruen proposed a cohesive building unit – a kind of interior city – inspired by the walkable towns of Europe. His initial vision was to create a community center for the sprawling neighborhoods outside of the city. Following the completion of the Southdale Center in Edina, Minnesota according to Gruen’s building plans in

19561, open-air shopping centers around the country began to transition to enclosed, air-conditioned mega-structures. These architectural and spatial choices in the mall were immediately tied to function and most of all to profit. “The whole idea of enclosing the mall had to do with opening the stores… From day one, we’d notice that the customer would not want to walk into the store because she had to open those doors.”2 (Alfred Taubman, 1st century mall developer) The early manifestations of the mall, rather than capturing the pedestrian-friendly community spaces envisioned by Gruen, instead became centers of commercial activity.

1“Southdale Center: America’s First Shopping Mall – a History of Cities in 50 Buildings, Day 30.”

2Klodawsky, Helene, director. Malls ‘R Us. (8:23-8:53)

The first enclosed shopping mall in America, Southdale Center in Edina, MN.

Further complicating the aspirations of mall designers was the automobile. It had become a crucial facet of American suburban life. “The automobile figured more decisively in determining the size, configuration, and the placement of each store in the regional mall than with any other form of retail development.” (p. 308) Plans for the great American shopping mall included vast parking lots designed to decrease the distance between consumer and object, while simultaneously enforcing a clear threshold that effectively separated the world of the mall and the spaces beyond. The mall-goer needed their car to transport them there, but the strategy was to put distance between the two in order to allow the shopper to linger. Gruen himself spoke on the dichotomy of pedestrian and automobile interests, saying “As the retailer-automobile honeymoon comes to an end, the retailer slowly realizes that his love has been misdirected. His true love belonged not to the automobile, but to the female customer in it. No automobile – not even the elegant Cadillac – ever bought a thing.”3 Gruen’s musing also implies the gendered experience of the mall. Thinking of the mall only as synonymous with the regulation of automobile space and capital would be greatly misguided, as the true influence of the building phenotype was the way in which it coded space both as racialized and gendered.

In order to understand the way in which race and gender dynamics played out within the space of the mall, one must understand the relation of this indeterminate realm to the constraints of the American city. The work Politics of Space/Time by geographer Doreen Massey conducts a pointed investigation of our current society’s spatial politics and its history, describing how early theorists of the city posited it in the realm of the man and feared that urban settlements would be continuously under the threat of the feminine presence. Space, devoid of order and reason, was coded as female, aligning with the sentiments that “Woman represented feeling, sexuality and even chaos, man was rationality and control.”4 Women were seen as a consumer base to be manipulated for the retailer’s gain. The mall was placed outside of the city in a controlled setting, and gradually came to reproduce similar structures, by which the 3 Victor Gruen, “Retailing and the Automobile: A Romance Based upon a Case of Mistaken Identity,” 199.

4 Massey, Doreen. “Politics and Space/Time.” pp. 269–288.

white suburban woman had all the power yet none of it, in a rigid system of store design and movement.

Image 2: ‘Supersurface, The Happy Island’ by Superstudio (1971) © Scalarchives

This controlled environment of the shopping mall was a solution to what American cities were experiencing following the Second World War Instead of being employed to address the issues of overcrowding, disrepair, and perceived “chaos” in the inner city, a majority of capital and investment flowed with the white middle-class to the suburbs.

“White flight” across the nation resulted in the economic and social neglect of urban communities, yet the influence of the urban was incorporated into the very structure of the suburban mall. Using the abundance of space outside of the city to create a new set of spatial conditions, mall designers constructed the idealized downtown of tomorrow, in which there was programmatic organization of stores, heightened security, and streamlined movement. The big-box design and circumferencing parking lot allowed for multiple points of entry into the center, avoiding the street patterns of inner cities that led to overcrowding and congestion. Meanwhile, government agencies and planners began a long and violent process of restructuring the cities of America through the often criticized practices of the urban renewal era, in order to erase the negative associations with urban life.

Thus, the mall exists both as the ultimate antithesis for urban conditions and the most utopian form of the city, “a beautifully imagined and uninhabitable city,”

which “satisfies those conflicting desires to build cities and escape them.”5 As has always been the reality, only the possessors of capital and power have been afforded the privilege of imagining and participating in utopia.

The suburbs have always been linked to this idea of utopian living, and provided the perfect location through which to realize the shopping mall’s potential. In fact, in the 1950s and 1960s, entire suburban neighborhoods began to develop around the drawing power of the next big shopping mall.

Lakewood Center in Lakewood, California, for example, was designed as a conglomeration of stores and necessary facilities that would serve as the commercial center for the planned community of Lakewood Park.6 Completed in 1952, the mall was meant to power the entirely self-sufficient residential community that offered various selling points to its targeted white audience: affordable model homes, community amenities, and de facto segregation. As was true for the majority of American suburbs, the neighborhood developers employed strategies of racial steering and racial covenants in order to keep undesired groups out of their suburban paradise. The example of the shopping mall evidences which communities and people have been allowed to claim collective space, and how imagination can be utilized to create unjust spatial conditions.

Shopping malls, then, are identifiers of the forces of power that continue to shape our spatial environment. Jacob C. Miller writes on the affecting influence of the mall, contending, “They matter economically, of course, as spaces of capital that facilitate the flow of commodities… but also politically and socio-culturally insofar as they are places where power relations more broadly are lived, reproduced and transformed.”7 Firstly, the mall was tied to its function and became representative of American consumerism and leisure. That in of itself is tied to power. As stated previously, the original intention for the shopping mall was to create a unifying community space, but it quickly became centered around shopping and the simplified act of ‘looking.’ The mall became a site of participation and practice, in which, 5 Backes, Nancy. “Reading the Shopping Mall City.”

6 Longstreth, Richard W. City Center to Regional Mall: Architecture, the Automobile, and Retailing In Los Angeles, pp. 336.

7 Miller and Laketa. “The ‘Magic of the Mall’ Revisited: Malls and the Embodied Politics of Life.”

Image 3: Lakewood Center and the surrounding planned community, a suburban paradise. “these shoppers (primarily middle-class white women) were invited to look, and consequently looking became a leisure-time activity. This paradigm of visualizing culture, i.e., looking at merchandise, represented a shift in emphasis from production to consumption.”8 Secondary to this visual and capital culture, though definitely not less significant, were the ways in which the political and the social played out within the confines of the mall.

At the height of the shopping mall’s development, minorities, African-Americans especially, were fighting legal discrimination in the spaces of the cities and the suburbs. The emerging design materialized a new space for retail and property developers to practice racial exclusion. Access to the shopping mall was mainly restricted through the means of transportation. Many malls were only accessible by car, and the bus routes that were available “were carefully planned to serve non-driving customers–particularly women–from neighboring suburbs, not low-income consumers from cities such as Passaic, Paterson, and Newark.”9 Lower-income and strategically disadvantaged groups were excluded, and Lizabeth Cohen states that this was not “inadvertently by virtue of their suburban location. Rather, developers deliberately defined their communities through a combination of marketing and policing.”10 Black Americans 8 Backes, Nancy. “Reading the Shopping Mall City.”

9 Cohen, Lizabeth. “From Town Center to Shopping Center: The Reconfiguration of Community Marketplaces in Postwar America,” pp. 1060.

10 Cohen, Lizabeth. “From Town Center to Shopping Center:

were seen as a threat to the shopping experience of whites consumers and to the profitability of retailers.

These clean, open mall spaces were reserved for white America in the national imaginary.

It has become apparent that the images of the car, the suburban home, and the glittering shopping mall have been packaged together in what some call the “American Dream.” There are people who staunchly stand-by the guiding ethos in the socalled land of the free, while some cry out that it is dying, while still others say it never existed altogether. Regardless, the ideal of the democratic access to happiness and security is undeniably entangled with the urban spatial paradigm of the American shopping mall. While the early malls, against Gruen’s intentions, predominantly were spaces of object consumption, it is possible to argue that time cemented the structures in American social life. Especially in the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s, malls acted as sites of American socio-cultural production, and practically served as a space in which people could spend the day. The experience of the mall became the American experience. The stature derived from the consumption of goods and services were assured to those with the necessary means. Most importantly, however, the shopping mall was put forward as a truly democratic The Reconfiguration of Community Marketplaces in Postwar America,” pp. 1059.

space, just as the “American Dream” was presented as achievable to anyone who worked hard enough.

Yet, as shown through the history of gendered and racialized space, segregated suburbs, and limited accessibility, that myth was far from the reality.

While some may dispute the existence of the “American Dream” today and the importance of its constituting ideals, the decline of shopping malls is a reality many have been forced to reckon with. Something as widespread and mass produced as the shopping mall was bound to hit a period of stagnation, and no one factor can be attributed to its continued demise. Financial causes are the easiest to identify and to name, the most prominent being the bankruptcy of mall property owners, the exodus of main anchor stores (such as JC Penney or Macy’s), and the overall economic state of the United States in the late 2000s. Tech companies employ a practice called planned obsolescence, integrating a short lifespan of their products into the design, and mall developers have had to understand a similar principle in recent years: the new malls will become the next old malls.

The anchor stores, the capital, and the consumers gravitate to where the newest and the brightest mall is located, but this cycle of production and relocation is unsustainable. It also leaves “dead malls” in its wake.

Image 4: Visionary developers were not representing the best interests of all Americans.

Malls have also had to compete with the convenience and accessibility offered by e-commerce companies such as Amazon. The practical draw of the mall was the way in which it concentrated a variety of stores into a singular space, and it was a model that was extremely profitable. The dispersion of amenities into the discrete nodes of suburbia was a response to the competition of centralized American downtowns; in fact, “proponents believed that malls would discourage, perhaps even prevent, competing retail development nearby because of the large tracts of land they required well beyond established business districts.” The mall had the power over its retail tenants, and by extension, power over the consumer. However, e-commerce offered barrier-free shopping that has become even more convenient. For many malls, it put the nail in the coffin by bringing about what many are calling the “retail apocalypse.”11

customers, women, began staying away from the mall, fearful of the youth who were beginning to congregate there. ‘People started seeing kids with huge baggy pants and chains hanging off their belts, and people were intimidated, and they would say there were gangs.’ recalled Lafler [former manager].”13 The racialized element of this is blindingly obvious, and the disillusionment with the “American Dream” along with the cultivated experience of the American shopping mall, bears the white-washed nature of the proliferated national experience.

The ideal of the American shopping mall, however, is far from gone. Brand new malls are still being constructed today, and developers continue 13 Donna C. Gregory. “Remembering 35 Years of Cloverleaf Mall.”

The mall now exists as an emotional site of remembrance for many Americans. The spatiality of the mall had allowed for a collective social experience to unfold, especially among young people.

It represented this endless space where groups of teenagers could spend hours of time unsupervised by adults, roaming the mall. The emphasis on looking rather than buying also appealed to this demographic. However, as much as the pop culture and advertising suggested a universal experience, the mall is and always has been, an exclusive space. “It is, to be sure, a sanitized city, as critics charge: a place purified, a city devoid of weather and of undesirables, such as street people.”12 The nostalgic remembrance of what the mall used to be is a reflection of this ideal social experience, in which the segregation of the city could become fully realized. Additionally, as is often the case with abandoned/obsolete projects in this country, the spatial failure of the mall was attributed to some form of perceived social failure. The Cloverfield observer noted a stark change in the neighborhood mall during the 1990s, stating, “Cloverleaf’s best 11 Longstreth, Richard W. City Center to Regional Mall: Architecture, the Automobile, and Retailing In Los Angeles, p. 312.

12 Backes, Nancy. “Reading the Shopping Mall City.”

Image 5: A “dead mall” located outside Milwaukee, WI.

to sell a bigger and brighter experience. The most recent and glamorous of these is ironically called the “American Dream” mall, which partially opened in 2020, boasting an ice skating rink, amusement park rides, and indoor skiing park. Romantic conceptions of the mall contend that “rather, the mall is an enabling space, a place where a visitor can experiment with and experience the varieties of performance and participation.”14 The experience of malls today has evolved past the culture of ‘looking,’ to resemble the draw of a theme park. This type of project has been called the “future of the mall,” giving a glimpse into what the newest mega-malls will have to offer in order to justify their development. Projects like this are also massively unsustainable. “The suburban and peripheral shopping center is a child of the oil age.

14 Backes, Nancy. “Reading the Shopping Mall City.”

Image 6: Scenes from popular movies, like this shot from Mean Girls heightened the emotional attachment to the American shopping mall.

We know that this nonrenewable raw material will be exhausted at some time in the future, and before that, it will become steadily more expensive.”15 Especially considering the coronavirus pandemic, the very real possibility of financial failure would have dire consequences for more people than just the property owner.

Located in East Rutherford, New Jersey, “The American Dream” occupies prime real estate. Directly adjacent to the major Interstate 95, and just outside of New York City, it benefits from its proximity to a major metropolitan area while also placing considerable barriers, such as the highway, in between the development and the city. Unlike most other malls, visitors will have to pay for parking as well as for some of the entertainment offerings inside. For all its new amenities and innovations, it still falls into antiquated ideas about the pulling power of the mall and accessibility to its doors. It’s predictable who the targeted visitors of this mall are, and another peri-urban paradise continues to keep the problematic ideal of the shopping mall experience alive.

For many, saving the malls and the suburbs go hand and hand. Urbanist Ellen Dunham-Jones, 15 Gruen, Victor and Anette Baldauf. Shopping Town: Designing the City in Suburban America. pp.141.

Image 7: A realistic rendering of the “American Dream” mall, which resembles Disneyland. famous for her work Retrofitting Suburbia, advocates for strategies of planning and design that focuses on revitalization and redevelopment rather than entirely new construction. Redeveloping the abandoned mall spaces for multi-use complexes have been carried out in a variety of locations, while many more are in the development phase. They are ambitious projects that transform former shopping malls into apartments, grocery stores, and even medical centers. While this may seem more sustainable and equitable alternatives, they prove to be expensive and skewed towards affluent communities. A study conducted on the medical mall found that, “most medical malls in the U.S. serve middle to high-income populations. The stakeholders we interviewed believed medical malls would not open on their own in low-income communities.”16 In reality, they are simply restructuring the exclusive space of the shopping mall, just with the current trends in “good design,” like open-air walkways and building type variety. Planner Charles Marohn states, “I have serious doubts about the capacity of Americans to experience Suburban Retrofit as anything more than a niche undertaking in the most affluent places. The cost of these projects is enormous, far beyond what makes sense for most places.”17 Given the 16 Uscher-Pines, L., Mehrotra, A. & Chari, R. “On call at the mall: a mixed methods study of U.S. medical malls.”

17 Steuteville, Robert. “Malls to Mixed-Use Centers and Other Opportunities.”

history of how capital and power have been reproduced through the shopping mall, it is important to be critical of whatever the next form of the mall will be.

Some people seem to think disadvantaged communities can ‘reclaim’ the mall. There is literature on the multicultural spaces offered by certain malls that point to “how immigrant and minority groups have appropriated retail environments in American suburbia.”18 Gregory Marinic, an architecture scholar, uses the term “heteropian interiors”19 to describe how a diversified cultural experience and building design coalesce at the mall. It offers a different kind of response to the question of what to do about the mall? Marinic describes how “obsolete extant buildings and their underused interiors provide the primary building block for places of otherness.”20 The spaces left behind by the dominant American culture of obsolescence and consumerism become accessible to communities that are usually not included. Still, is it possible that the space of the mall is too steeped in American symbolism and the imaginary to be truly reclaimed? The Landmark Mall in Alexandria, VA pro18 Marinic, Gregory. “Internal Appropriations: Multiculturalism and the American Shopping Mall.” pp. 48.

19 Marinic, Gregory. “Internal Appropriations: Multiculturalism and the American Shopping Mall.” pp. 51.

20 Marinic, Gregory. “Internal Appropriations: Multiculturalism and the American Shopping Mall.” pp. 52.

vides an example of the conflicting interests of those individuals left out of the American dream and the developers continuing the claiming of space for the next glittering mega-mall.

Similar to the placement of “The American Dream” mall, Landmark Mall was constructed just within a major metropolitan area, Washington, D.C. Opened in 1965, Landmark Mall was the largest and newest retail complex in the area, and offered the most fashionable shopping options at the time.21 However, after a gradual decline over the decades that involved the property changing over to different owners and losing major anchor stores, the mall officially closed all of its stores except for Sears in 2017.22 In 2018, the current property owners Howard Hughes allowed the Carpenter’s Shelter, a nonprofit homeless shelter from the area, to temporarily set up their services in some of the spaces of the abandoned mall. The example of the appropriation of space in the Landmark Mall signifies a break from the driving forces of capital and privilege that characterize responses to the shopping mall. This model of transforming malls into places that serve the less fortunate goes against everything the mall stands for, and it is telling that this arrangement is a temporary one; Howard Hughes has multi-year plans in development to tear down the building and invest in a mixed-use “town center.” It is entirely outside of the collective imaginary that homeless people should have a place in the shopping mall. Rather, there has always been a singular vision that places nostalgia and security at the center of the mall’s essence, with the forces of capital and privilege driving urban inequalities and denying participation to those deemed ‘undesirable.’

The great American shopping mall was heralded as truly democratic public space at the time of its inception, yet history shows otherwise. In fact, the ideal at the mall’s very core of creating a suburban community gathered power through the exclusion of undesired traits of the city: the congestion, the com21 Corkery and Mangum. “A Macy’s Goes From Mall Mainstay to Homeless Shelter.”

22 Corkery and Mangum. “A Macy’s Goes From Mall Mainstay to Homeless Shelter.”

Image 8: The temporary homeless shelter’s sign pasted over the visible Macy’s lettering. petition, and the low-income minority populations that had entered into urban space. The “universal” experience of the mall seems to only be truly accessible when the dominant powers of the nation have deemed it useless. Thus, the fight for a collective space continues, and the malls of tomorrow, like the “American Dream” mall of 2020, as well as whatever developments take the place of the abandoned malls of today, has a very real danger of reinforcing the structures of inequality that have always followed the “beautifully imagined”23 city.

23 Backes, Nancy. “Reading the Shopping Mall City.”

Bibliography Corkery, Michael, and Andrew Mangum. “A Macy’s Goes From Mall Mainstay to Homeless Shelter.” The New York Times, The New York Times, 13 June 2018, www.nytimes.com/2018/06/13/business/ macys-homeless-shelter.html.

Longstreth, Richard W. City Center to Regional Mall: Architecture, the Automobile, and Retailing In Los Angeles, 1920-1950. E-book, Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1998, https://hdl-handle-net.yale.idm.oclc.org/2027/heb.05829. Accessed 12 Dec 2020.

“Southdale Center: America’s First Shopping Mall – a History of Cities in 50 Buildings, Day 30.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 6 May 2015, www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/ may/06/southdale-center-america-first-shopping-mall-history-cities-50-buildings.

Klodawsky, Helene, director. Malls ‘R Us. Docuseek, Point Du Jour International, 2008, docuseek2.com.yale.idm.oclc.org/cart/product/39.

Victor Gruen, “Retailing and the Automobile: A Romance Based upon a Case of Mistaken Identity,” AR 127 (Mar. 1960), 199.

Massey, Doreen. “Politics and Space/Time.” Theory and Methods, 2017, pp. 269–288., doi:10.4324/9781315236285-20.

Backes, Nancy. “Reading the Shopping Mall City.” The Journal of Popular Culture, vol. 31, no.

3, 1997, pp. 1–17., doi:10.1111/j.00223840.1997.3103_1.x.

“Lakewood, CA.” Data USA, datausa.io/profile/geo/ lakewood-ca/.

Cohen, Lizabeth. “From Town Center to Shopping Center: The Reconfiguration of Community Marketplaces in Postwar America.” The American Historical Review, 1996, doi:10.1086/ahr/101.4.1050.

Donna C. Gregory | on February 27, 2008. “Remembering 35 Years of Cloverleaf Mall.”

Chesterfield Observer, 15 Feb. 2018, www.chesterfieldobserver.com/articles/remembering-35-years-of-cloverleaf-mall/.

Gruen, Victor and Anette Baldauf. Shopping Town: Designing the City in Suburban America.

University of Minnesota Press, 2017. Project MUSE. muse.jhu.edu/book/51929.

Uscher-Pines, L., Mehrotra, A. & Chari, R. “On call at the mall: a mixed methods study of U.S. medical malls.” BMC Health Serv Res 13, 471 (2013).

https://doi-org.yale.idm.oclc.org/10.1186/1472-696313-471 Marinic, Gregory. “Internal Appropriations: Multiculturalism and the American Shopping Mall.”

Journal of Interior Design, vol. 41, no. 3, 2016, pp.

47–67., doi:10.1111/joid.12079.

Steuteville, Robert. “Malls to Mixed-Use Centers and Other Opportunities.” CNU, 18 Nov. 2019, www.cnu.org/publicsquare/2019/10/08/ malls-mixed-use-centers-and-other-opportunities.

Miller, Jacob C., and Sunčana Laketa. “The ‘Magic of the Mall’ Revisited: Malls and the Embodied Politics of Life.” Progress in Human Geography, vol. 43, no. 5, 2018, pp. 910–926., doi:10.1177/0309132518794274.

Image 1: Southdale Center in 1965.” Ten Buildings That Changed America, St.Paul, 1956, interactive.wttw. com/tenbuildings/southdale-center.

Image 2: Superstudio, et al. “Superstudio, Gian Piero Frassinelli, Alessandro Magris, Roberto Magris, Adolfo Natalini, Cristiano Toraldo Di Francia, Alessandro Poli. Supersurface, The Happy Island, Project. 1971: MoMA.” The Museum of Modern Art, www.moma.org/ collection/works/869.

Image 3: Lakewood Center, Lakewood Boulevard between Del Amo and Candlewood streets, Lakewood, begun 1950, Albert C. Martin & Associates, architects; altered. Aerial view, ca. 1952.

Image 4: Hardwick, M. Jeffrey, and Victor Gruen. Mall Maker : Victor Gruen, Architect of an American Dream. Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, ©2004 Image 5: Seph Lawless, The Northridge Mall. https://www.cnn.com/style/article/abandoned-malls-america-photos/index.html Image 6: Biron, Bethany. “As Malls Shutter across the Country, Take a Look Back at 20 of the Best Shopping Montages from Classic Movies.” Business Insider, Business Insider, 16 Jan. 2020, www.businessinsider.com/bestmall-scenes-movies-death-of-american-mall-2020-1.

Image 7: “New Jersey’s Long-Delayed American Dream Mega-Mall Set to Open.” Archinect, archinect.com/news/ article/150154219/new-jersey-s-long-delayed-american-dream-mega-mall-set-to-open.

Image 8: Myers, Margaret. “Alexandria, Virginia, Nonprofit Carpenter’s Shelter Built a Temporary Shelter inside the Shuttered Macy’s in the Local Landmark Mall.”

The Renewal Project, 2019, www.therenewalproject. com/a-virginia-homeless-shelter-finds-a-temporaryhome-in-an-abandoned-macys/.

CASE STUDY TITLE

First Name Last Name, First Name Last Name

E-CAIRN

Designing to Subvert Obselesence Dominiq Oti

“The voyage of discovery is not in seeking new landscapes but in having new eyes.” - Marcel Proust

INTRODUCTION Agbogbloshie is a nickname of the commercial district on the Korle Lagoon of the Odaw River, near Accra Ghana’s capital city. Located on the banks of Korle lagoon is the infamous Agbogbloshie e-waste dump which covers a staggering area of 20 acres.

Within this context is a slum called Old Fadama/ Ayaalolo, nicknamed Sodom and Gomorrah. The area has a population of around 40,000 inhabitants. Due it’s close proximity, the slum is inadvertently associated with the digital waste dumping ground.

The majority of the e-waste came externally from

western countries; automobile parts, old computers, mobile phones etc. “When old computers initially began arriving in West Africa, Ghanaians thought they were sent to help bridge the digital divide, as exporters exploited loopholes by labelling junk computers ‘donations’.”

Unfortunately, tonnes of e-waste glaze a previous wetland landscape turning the area into a global graveyard for electronic equipment. These products are legally and illegally processed every year.

The Basel convention that supposedly regulates the transboundary movements of hazardous wastes, revealed that amidst 540,000 tonnes of informally processed waste electronics, 52% of the material was

recovered.

The proposal seeks to explore this rare context by interrogating the urban, environmental, social aspects of the site through design and research. Individuals who are processing the e-waste have created scrap yards through an extractive process that can be categorized as urban mining. There is a distinctive process of labour that happens on this landscape, an act of reappropriation of e-waste that serve as cues for a careful intervention. The design will conceptualize a spatial dialogue that aspires to reify transformative value in its context.

CONTEXT The main job roles at Agbogbloshie : Scrap dealers, Self-taught engineers and repairers, plastic sorting By fixing and repairing computer and laptops with spare parts, they can offer technology to those that otherwise couldn’t afford it. Most of the site is negotiated by muddy lanes that cross in front of dozens of small sheds holding recycling businesses.

Inside, owners, their families and employees manually dismantle everything from automobiles to microwave ovens. In other places around 40 men, most in their teens and early 20s, tend five- and ten-pound bundles of burning insulated copper wire - weight of these items are a form of currency. They contain everything from harness wires used in automobiles to USB cables. In the course of a day, perhaps a few hundred pounds of wire are burned, with the remains sold for recycling to local metal dealers and Nigerian traders who frequent the area. The task of the recycler is to separate the two substances as quickly and economically as possible.

Although technologies have been developed to carry out this process in a sound manner, it still comes up too expensive as compared to just burning. Burning takes place at the edge of the site and anything from obsolete technology to automobile tires are burnt and left to smoulder producing dangerous levels of carbon monoxide.

Personal Accounts:

Edison gives a concise accounting of how it works: “If something can’t be fixed anymore, I then sell it to the carts,” Not everything is recycled at Agbogbloshie. Much of it is recovered and re-used instead. “People in the West forget that if they send something to Ghana, it’s used a lot longer than it is back home,” “I want to be a repairer and start my own shop but I need to work as a scrap yard trader in order to save enough money.”

ISSUES ‘The most detailed study of the used electronics issue was performed in 2009 by the UN Environment Programme, which found that Ghana imported 215,000 metric tons of “electric and electronic equipment” that year. Thirty percent of that total was new

equipment. Of the 70 percent that constituted used goods, 20 percent needed repairs and 15 percent—or roughly 22,575 tons—was unsellable and bound for the dump.

OUTCOMES Efforts to change perceptions and the economy of the site happened through grassroots projects such as the Accra based Agbogbloshie Makerspace Project. The goal was to arm them with enough viable information so that they can do things better.

“We can see in the Bauhaus the ancestor of the Fab Lab.The influential Bauhaus school, operating in Germany 1919-1933, devised an integrated approach to the arts, teaching fine and applied arts concurrently.

Key Bauhaus protagonists emigrated world-wide, assisting aspects of this hybrid course in aesthetics and craftsmanship to become standard modern design education.”

- Investigating 3E-materials at Agbogbloshie in Accra, Ghana (2015)

SOURCES

DESIGN PROPOSAL

Agbogbloshie. (n.d.). Retrieved from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agbogbloshie

A unique opportunity was sought to tackle the problem with air quality faced in Agbogbloshie. The research revealed that each role on the site is carefully fulfilled creating a functioning labour force. The conditions are far from favourable but there was an opportunity to turn waste into something to be admired whilst serving an environmental purpose.

Life in Sodom and Gomorrah: the world’s largest digital dump. (2014, April 29). Retrieved from The Guardian: https://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-network/2014/apr/29/agbogbloshie-accra-ghana-largest-ewaste-dump

Inspiration was borrowed from ancient practices of Cairns that exist across the world. Cairns are manmade piles of stones used to make burial sites and landmarks across the world. The material quality of these structures allow the sculptures to endure the test of time. Transposing this technique with the combination of the Adinkrahene symbol brings new life to what could be defined as a E-Cairn.

The proposal intends to offer an infrastructual design to a day to day problem. Observing the site at

https://www.academia.edu/13243169/Investigating_3E_materials_at_Agbogbloshie_in_Accra_Ghana_2015_ https://www.smithsonianmag.com/science-nature/burning-truth-behind-e-waste-dump-africa-180957597/ https://qamp.net/about/ https://www.scidev.net/global/digital-divide/multimedia/electronic-waste-dump-supplies-ghana.html

Adinkrahene

The number of E-Cairns in the area will significantly improve th

he air quality in Agbogbloshie and the larger Korle Bu district.

E- Cairn Assembly

Filtration system - Venturi effect

Wind Direction

Wind Rose

Plan in Context

Airflow Diagram

E- CAIRN Agbogbloshie, G hana Dominiq Oti

RESILIN

01 ____HISTORY OF ENVIRONMENTAL 02 ___COMPARATIVE WATER MANAGE 03 ___GOWANUS REZONING__Madelein 04 ___THE GREAT WALL OF JAPAN VS 05 ___OUR SHARED HOUSE__Ingrid Pelle 06 ___COLUMBIA PLACE__Marshay McC 07 ___HOW CAN ARCHITECTS INTEGR

NG

INJUSTICE IN BALTIMORE__Griffin Sanderoff EMENT STRATEGIES__Hamdi Alotaibi ne Reid RISING SEA LEVELS __Nahim Brumant etier Cain RATE NATURE INTO BUILDINGS?__Malek Wells

First Name Last Name, First Name Last Name

(1850) Fugitive Slave Act This act required all local and state government bodies to work with slave owners seeking to recapture runaway slaves. This was a particularly threatening to the huge percentage of America’s free black people residing in Baltimore. The Fugitive Slave Act saw two reactions from Baltimore: Firstly, free black people continued doing what they started n 1830, after Maryland imposed some very restrictive legislature, and moved to less restrictive cities up in Pennsylvania and New York. The second reaction from Baltimore was a galvanizing in the force that participated in the piece of the Underground Railroad that Baltimore held.24

18

25

(1851) Sun Iron Building

This five-story building, designed by R. C. Hatfield and James Bogardus, was the first building in the world to use cast-iron columns and beams.

Also featuring a cast-iron facade, the building was created for the Baltimore Sun newspaper company.

By 1853, Baltimore had 23 buildings that featured cast-iron in their structure and a population of over 26 170,00 (1853) Baltimore City Government Buys Baltimore Water Company (1860) Baltimore’s First Park Board (1861) Hampden Reservoir Created (1862) Lake Roland Created (1864) Druid Lake Created

Baltimore was home to a significant number of free people of color. The census of 1830 put the number at almost 18,000, out of a total population of 80,000 at the time.28 At the beginning of the Civil War, Maryland was a slave state. The city’s successful manufacturing and industry gave Baltimore the air of a northern city, but the social and political elites definitely favored slavery.

Baltimore’s huge immigrant and free black population created an environment that was not immediately confederate once conflicts between the North and the South begun.

y

o

.

(1861 - 1865) American Civil War

Druid Lake 1880 27

Baltimore’s expansive transit systems proved to be hugely important for the transportation of Northern military throughout the Civil War.

ARCH 418 - FALL 2020 - PROFESSOR KIRCHNER - GRIFFIN SANDEROFF

19

The housing ordinance was quickly overturned by the Baltimore City Council, but in the next 6 months one more racist housing ordinances had been ordered and overturned, and a third ordinance was active.

This third ordinance was not overturned until June 1913 that the ordinance was overturned.

A fourth racist housing ordinance was created in November 1913 and this one was not overturned until the Supreme court case Buchanan v.

Warley ruled municipal segregation laws unconstitutional.42 With the law seemingly impossibly not on racist white people’s side, motivated white neighborhoods and communities began to devise a series of racial segregation tactics that were legally binding through common law precedent. Those tactics included deed restrictions, peer pressure, and a lot of physical violence.

24

One of the best examples of a developer that perpetuated racial segregation in Baltimore’s residential housing scene is the Roland Park Company, founded in 1891.

The planned communities that they created were the pinnacle of suburban Baltimore life and were some of the most racially exclusionary communities in Baltimore.

Their communities include Roland Park (1891), Guilford (1913), and 43 Homeland (1924).

The specific racial restriction language used in the Roland Park Company deeds was requested by developers nationwide to be used to the same effect in their own legal documents.

Rhetoric was used by segregation supporters to establish the idea that black owners decreased land value. The spread and use of this idea as justification were key to the perpetuation of segregation.

(1915) Backwater Sewage Facility The Great Fire of 1904 created a lot of momentum for innovative public works projects. The plan to create a divided sewage and storm-water water management facility was approved almost immediately following the fire, construction began in 1907, and in 1915 the facility opened.

(1918) Annexation

45

By 1918, Baltimore’s population was nearing 700,000, up from 550,000 in 1910 and jumping from 30 to 90 square miles in total. This would be 46 Baltimore City’s final Annexation.

44

Before an organized underground sewage system was installed, Baltimore’s rivers and Inner Harbor were extremely polluted.

As suburbia developed as the diagram above indicates, the organization of roads and houses lent themselves to a organicness that was expressed in the Olmsted Brothers’ park plan of 1904.

ARCH 418 - FALL 2020 - PROFESSOR KIRCHNER - GRIFFIN SANDEROFF

25

COMPARATIVE WATER MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES Hamdi Alotaibi

Aga Khan Award for Architecture

INTRODUCTION: Water management is crucial for regional development in society today. This is because a significant proportion of the earth’s environment is made up of water. Freshwater is at a staggering 3 percent and is found in glaciers, underground water, and ice caps. Out of that margin, 0.3 percent is what we call surface water used by the community.

Freshwater has a lot of purpose as all sectors of the economy are dependent on it such as household usage, hydroelectric power, running industries, and irrigation purposes. Its sustainability mechanism for the human population; therefore, its management ought to be a priority. Global warming has played a considerable part in water availability deterioration, for it changes the water flow. The rapid temperature rise has high levels of evapotranspiration and melting levels at the source of rivers. It makes it harder for the department authorities to extrapolate past patterns

into the future. In arid areas, population growth has been slowed down by a lack of water availability.

WORLD HISTORY: As discussed earlier, the importance of water in the domestic, commercial, economic sectors, and modern times has been used to increase crucial ecosystems’ sustainability. Through research on ancient civilizations, we learn that extensive irrigation was the primary factor that led to the massive development of the cities through surplus agricultural products. “Hydraulic societies” refers to some ancient semi-arid regions, including Egypt, China, and Mesopotamia. They practiced extensive irrigation, which enabled them to become more superior and advanced societies. The rural areas in those societies were the reason for the growth. They improved their

water management strategies, leading to the surplus growth of agricultural products and increasing population growth. The surplus food would be delivered to growing cities to sustain the economy.

In urban society, the government has taken an enormous interest in water management strategies through complex irrigation and dams, which affect the supply of water.

Rapid changes in climate and overpopulation have been significant factors affecting great civilizations. It compelled them to adapt to more effective strategies to sustain the already limited water availability. It starts with an economy being stagnant; then it starts deteriorating before it collapses entirely. As a population continue to grow, the need for water increases to facilitate regional growth. Such factors led to societies being more innovative in water management strategies through advanced technology. It affects power balances in a community; it can be supported through research when power balance was altered due to progressive industrialization that was steam powered. The Colorado River Basin is among the areas that have recorded an increased population, which has led to the increased demand for water and a change in the region’s climate. Due to increased scarcity, authority heads of water ought to adopt innovative responses to mitigate these risks.

THE COLORADO RIVER: Located in the United States, this basin spreads over several states, including; California, New Mexico, and Utah. It covers an approximate 242,000 square miles and an additional stretch in Mexico of 2,000 square miles. It is located in an arid area referred to as the “Cadillac Desert.” Its headwaters are covered with snow, which melts during springs, which have been major factors of the uncertainty of disasters such as drought and floods. Between May and July is the period when the snow melts. Its major characteristic, according to academics, is the extreme levels of precipitation and an arid climate. The Colorado basin has an extensive reservoir network, including Lake Mead and Lake Powell, facilitated by evapotranspiration, which occurs naturally. Higher levels of climate change in modern society have led to uncertainty inflows as the snow may melt earlier

than expected. Colorado River Basin is important as it is one of the major water suppliers to some of the fastest-growing urban regions. An increased level of population growth has also characterized these areas. 28 million people rely on the Colorado water supply, and the figure has been on the rise (Bratrschovsky, 2012).

Since ancient times when the Indians lived there, the southwest area was characterized by droughts and floods. It was a common pattern which compelled them to adapt and sustain themselves with the limited water resource. However, climate change worsened as the regions become drier, and society has inadequate measures to sustain their problem.

When Europeans arrived in the Southwest, all they could find was a culture that had disappeared together with the ruins that had remained of the civilization. Due to its arid nature, the area was termed as inhabitable by some. There were huge comparisons of the West’s climate and the humid east, which had a more favorable climate. Therefore, agricultural activities in both areas defer due to the problem of water management technology in the West. To make the availability of water more adequate, it was established that extensive infrastructure in agriculture had to take place to sustain the population growth. However, these strategies became a challenge to implement due to inadequate resources in terms of finances and expertise.

IIRRIGATION SYSTEMS: The federal government was the only able body with adequate resources to undertake this investment.

It had to implement policies to ensure strategies to manage water are put in place. Investments were undertaken in irrigation projects, massive dams that would be used to generate hydroelectric power. The largest water user in the economy is the agricultural sector, whether the society is industrialized. However, only 45 percent of the water is effectively used for the 55 percent is comprised of mismanagement of water application. Therefore, to improve crop productions, there is an urgent need to improve how water is managed. Further research needs to be undertaken to understand the different adaptations of crops in different climatic regions. Certain factors should be considered: soil composition, the plant’s biology, and canopy energy balances. To develop the southwest region’s economy, water management policies had to be adhered to ensure water availability.

The growth of urban areas in the lower basin has facilitated the increase in demand for irrigation purposes to sustain the population, for they were willing to pay for it. Breakthrough in technology through extensive irrigation practices had the effect of mitigating risks that caused uncertainty. The states that shared water rights consumed the water at considerable levels agreed by all member states.

However, California over-consumed its agreed levels, which led to a rise in conflicts between other basin states. It was a rising problem for California as only effective water management techniques to mitigate their overconsumption problem.

Such techniques included; Quantified Settlement Agreement (QSA), which advocated for the largescale transfer of water purposes from the agricultural sectors to municipalities. This agreement was mainly applicable during drought seasons when water was scarce; hence, each state’s amount of water was quantified dependent on the agreement to reduce inter-state conflicts. It would also reduce competition between the major irrigation districts on water usage. However, during rainy seasons when water was readily available, this policy was not adhered to as water was available abundantly for every state

to satisfy its water usage. The Quantity Settlement Agreement serves to mitigate uncertainty levels in urban regions by ensuring certainty for all the members. Since cities were willing to offer a price for water, its supply gets secured to serve future purposes.

DAM INFRASTRUCTURE: A conflict existed between the upper and lower basin due to the dam as both parties had differentiated reasons. The south was more focused on proposing the dam for regional developments to supply adequate water to facilitate industrial and urban growth. The upper basin was growing at a slower rate as their purpose was different; their main aim was to secure a proportion of the Colorado River water against the water draining cities located in the north. A policy had to be implemented to mitigate this conflict; however, no agreement was reached; therefore, the basin was divided into the upper basin, responsible for producing water, and the lower basin, which consumed water in California, Nevada. The major purpose was to ensure equity in the allocation and distribution of water to promote water’s more beneficial purposes.

Due to the frequency of drought and floods, dams were established to reduce uncertainty in the water supply. The Hoover Dam and the All-American canal were built based on a legal policy to monitor water management to facilitate the economy’s planning and ensure a constant water flow. The flow of water in the lower basin is facilitated by Lake Mead’s existence, which supplies water in the Hoover Dam. These ensured proper regulation of the water source at specified periods mitigating the uncertainty levels.

In the Upper Basin, two dams were constructed, Glen Canyon Dam and Flaming Gorge Dam, which aimed to fulfill the upper basin requirements. They were created in 1956 based on implementing the legal policy referred to as the Colorado River Storage Project Act. Glen Canyon Dam belongs at the Grand Canyon entrance, while Hoover Dam is situated at the exit, has facilitated the coordination of Lake Powell and Lake Mead. To efficiently manage waters in rapidly growing regions, investments, and extensive water infrastructure maintenance through reservoirs

and dams have to be undertaken to regulate its supply efficiently. There are also other smaller dams in both regions, including; Davis, Parker, Navajo, and Gorge dams. The dams were further subdivided to facilitate water supply in geographically distant regions, especially in cities and urban areas.

THE EFFICIENCY OF WATER MANAGEMENT: FLEXIBILITY Effective management of these water strategies has enables the “Cadillac desert” to flourish as more urban development has been increased in the region. It has experienced high population growth over the last century in the arid lands as agriculture is now performed on a large scale. It has been able to sustain the southwest economy, which was characterized by aridity and uncertainty in water flows, mitigated by improvements in water infrastructure and appropriate water management mechanisms. The states in which the Colorado River sustains have increased flexibility in allocating water resources to combat disequilibrium in the demand and supply of water in the regions. For early settlers in the Southwest, their major challenge was to regulate and tame the Colorado River’s flows, which became only possible in the twentieth century.

The BCPA was the legal policy implemented that governed the creation of All-American Canal included Hoover Dam. The Colorado River has facilitated major cities’ growth in arid lands such as Las Vegas, Phoenix, and Los Angeles. This massive regional growth has been facilitated by extensive water systems and efficient management practices, which has reduced the inadequacy of water and increased sustainability. The policies put in place are meant to increase water supply through instituting projects while adhering to measures that reduce water demand. Scarcity of water is majorly characterized in the Lower Basin due to the high levels of regional development. It is also characterized by climate changes in the arid region, precipitation levels, and the unpredictable water supply patterns to cater to future generations, which has further worsened the situation.

The disequilibrium between demand and supply is natural and has been catalyzed by droughts’ frequency over prolonged periods. The Colorado River Basin is crucial to the Southwest’s sustainability as the societies surrounding it highly depend on its resources, at approximately thirty million people. The water resource is used for municipal and industrial functions to facilitate the rapid advancement in lifestyle and population. An increased evaporation level is catalyzed by hydroelectric power stations connected to the reservoirs, which puts additional constraints on water management.

GOVERNING POLICIES: COLLABORATION IN WATER MANAGEMENT: Since the Colorado River stretched into Mexico, certain policies had to be implemented to secure their interests. The US-Mexico treaty was formed in 1944, which addressed both states’ interests by dividing the water rights proportionally. In 1948 the Upper Basin created the Upper Colorado River Basin Compact, which served to distribute the water between upper Basin states depending on the respective percentages. States such as Utah, New Mexico, Wyoming, and Colorado were involved in the pact to safeguard their interests even in drought events. This situation was different compared to the lower basin, which failed to unite to a common agreement as its water rights amounts was governed by the Boulder Canyon Project Act (BCPA)

To facilitate the Colorado River management, the Lower Basin Water Banking Program was implemented to improve its efficiency and flexibility by providing incentives, water use, and water savings efficiency. One of the incentives is to make water readily available during times required, thereby reducing its scarcity. It mitigates the risk of inadequate water supply in the short run; therefore, water banking is effective. However, its functionality depends on the reliability between the upper and lower basins. One region is tasked with holding adequate water levels for future utilization by the other basin, which derives benefits. The other incentive relies on the party tasked with holding the water levels, for they are in charge of efficiently

WADI HANIFA WETLANDS: Wadi Hanifa Wetlands is situated in the Najd plateau in the Tuwaig Mountains and is an iconic landmark in the region as it passes through Arriyadh. The region has implemented water management policies to sustain the Al-Aysan channel situated in the north and its south counterpart called Al-Hair. The interaction of flows between the two regions led to the formation of a river in the desert. Wastewater that has been treated is directed back to Wadi to ensure there is no water wastage. The region adheres to the importance of recycling water through treatment measures. Through these mechanisms, the region has been able to regulate the region’s flood levels while improving surface and underground water quality (Alhamid & Matin, 2000).

The diagram below represents Wadi Hanifa Wetland geographical

Aga Khan Award for Architecture

ENVIRONMENTAL POLLUTION: The source of water in water was highly dependent on rainfall, which occurred on a seasonal basis.

However, over the last decades, the region has been characterized by massive urban growth and settlements, which harmed the population. Since Wadi Hanifa Wetlands source is located near the city of Al-Uyaynah, there have been high levels of sewage pollution and drainage through agricultural practices.

The high demand for water for consumption to facilitate sustainability shares a complementary relationship with water disposal, leading to increased groundwater levels. To mitigate this problem, a policy regarding dewatering programs had to be implemented to regulate water flow from the source located in the south region. Therefore, the water management mechanism depended highly on the Wadi Hanifa Wetlands as it was previously used as a source of water. The current society has been tasked as a disposing mechanism of wastewater from the city, rising due to increased consumption and demand for water. However, relevant authorities have longterm plans to ensure a higher quality of water supply through recycling.

These plans are put into consideration based on dry and wet weather conditions. The area is arid, and therefore floods occur seasonally dependent on the occurrence of rainfall. Since high urban development levels characterize the city, Wadi has become multipurpose to try and satisfy society’s different needs. Building activities depend on it, such as; brick and cement making, which has facilitated its activities. Others have opted to use the region as a dumpsite for their products, which has led to increased water pollution. The purpose of Wadi Hanifa Wetlands differentiates from the Colorado River basin in that its purpose has been converted from development in the agricultural sector to development for regional and residential development. The regional growth has also been characterized in areas also affected by floods, thus endangering people and property lives.

WATER DRAINAGE: The city has given Wadi the task to act as a natural drain mechanism of groundwater, which has ensured

a continuous flow in the Southern regions resulting from effective water treatment policies. However, the quantity of water depends on seasonal rainfall, which has been a major factor in the formation of swamps in the regions and increased groundwater levels. The groundwater is highly polluted as the municipal sewage system does not regulate it. There is also the presence of a vast service network that ran below the groundwater levels, which leads to increased difficulty in the maintenance of the wetland and hazardous issues. The flow of the groundwater is comprised of a variety of sources, some of which are unauthorized. The unauthorized flows are the major cause of increased water pollution as they do not adhere to environmental regulations (Alhamid et al., 2007). During the dry season, the water used in managing roads and basements is also pumped into the Wadi. However, during the rainy seasons, the Wadi performs its main function of draining excess water from the urban areas, which may cause flooding in the region.

WATER QUALITY: In the Wadi Hanifa Wetlands, there are a lot of current and potential sources of pollution. There is a risk of pollution by pesticides and fertilizers used in agricultural sectors, byproducts of irrigation, leakages from sewer pipelines, and unauthorized connections in nearby areas. It led to the region’s characterization as polluted, which has accelerated the water’s diminishing quality. According to tests done on the water contamination levels, it was determined unsafe for drinking, for it even fell below the average level of bathing water (Alhamid et al., 2007). It is because it contained human waste remains and nitrates.

However, as the water passes along Wadi, there has been a positive change in water management mechanisms to improve water quality. The floors of Wadi, however, are composed of minerals that have the ability to naturally clean and filter water.

The Wadi’s groundwater is of a higher quality than its surface water, which experiences frequent contamination.

EFFECTIVE POLICIES:

Wadi has to institute effective water management policies since flooding in the region is inevitable.

These flooding events occur periodically but have the catastrophic effect of damaging property and polluting the environment. To mitigate the inevitable occurrence, proper engineering structures are required by facilitating appropriate management to minimize damage effectively. However, the Wadi’s silt gets to flow through the flood to agricultural areas, thus increasing productivity. It acts as a natural fertilizer mechanism that is of biological importance to the composition of the soil. The water management policies have the important task of considering the lives of future generations (Alhamid et al., 2007). They have to be sustainable and effective in delivering the maximum results through a balance in the current and future generations’ needs.

The rift occurs due to the increased growth of human population which has led to the increased demand for Wadis’ limited resources. Therefore, a balance should exist between the two generations to ensure sustainability. The following are some of the needs that the plan of water management entails. It focuses on key improvement areas that ought to be adhered to, such as flood management policies, facilitation of natural water treatment mechanisms, disrupt unauthorized leakage connections, and increasing recycling water capacity.

The following are some instances where recycled water can be used: SUPPLY TO CONSUMERS: The recycled water can be used for outdoor and indoor domestic purposes as it is free from bacterial infections that may lead to health complications. It may be used to wash cars, clean houses, flush toilets, etc. The non-potable water supply could facilitate developments in new sectors such as residential households. It can be equipped with the supply of water to facilitate the functions named above. This increased water supply can be used for irrigation purposes in public and private sectors as there is no water wastage. As more water mains are established, the downside of this application is the risk of increased leakages to the environment.

USING DAMS TO RECHARGE THE SHALLOW AQUIFER: In the Wadi system, there is the presence of several dams that serve to regulate floods in case of an occurrence. They regulate by releasing and retaining water levels to measured periods to facilitate the shallow aquifer’s recharging. Through this process, a chain of distribution networks must be installed to direct the contaminated surface water to these dams to facilitate the water’s natural treatment.

However, this mechanism is contradictory in nature due to its water retention purpose. In case of floods when these dams are almost full, trying to recharge the composition would prove ineffective due to the reduced storage capacity of the volumes of water.

It would also have a huge expense in financial resources as the expenses incurred in constructing the pumping network and maintenance of the treatment plant.

Both options increase sustainability as they reduce potable water demand by providing quality water appropriate for domestic use. For the objectives’ achievements, a dam situated close to the lake location where the Wadi Hanifa broadens. The dam should serve the purpose of impounding to sustain the volume of water storage that can be reused for other purposes.

FREQUENCY AND LOCATION OF DROUGHT AND FLOODS: Drought and floods are global problems and are considered the world’s most damaging and pressing

Source: U.S. Geological Survey

natural hazards that cause billions of dollars in global damage and collectively affect more people than any other climate-related disaster. Drought and floods are a result of extreme weather events the characteristics of which are difficult to objectively quantify in terms of frequency, spatial extent, duration, and intensity (Zhao et al., 2020). The frequencies of these events are affected by factors such as river basin meteorological factors, human activities, and climate change. In this case, proper assessment of the frequency of these extreme weather events requires effective assessment techniques for analysis and monitoring. The time series plot of the annual flow provides a framework to monitor the flow frequency and drought situation within the Colorado River Basin communities as demonstrated in the figure below.

In the case of Wadi the drought concentration and frequency of water is regulated through the channels which also regulates the amount of water that passes through. The Falaj system provides a network of underground aqueducts through which water flows by gravity from the wells and springs by gravity. The design of these channels in such a way that water wastage through flooding or leakages is not realized.

The diagram below illustrates the Falaj system.

The flow of the tunnels depended highly on the terrain where Falaj runs, it also depended on the amount of water in the wells of dams and how far the water flows. Based on the case, sloppy terrains were significant for the effective flow of water since the water was pumped in the tunnels through the gravitational force (Cremaschi et al., 2018). The gravitational force, therefore, meant that the terrain must be steep for the water to flow a long distance.

The flow in the Colorado River varies significantly across the years and this variation translates to significant fluctuations in water levels causing drought in areas around Colorado River Basin communities. By convention, these areas are taken to be the location of areas that separate regions such as upper-basin states of Colorado, Utah, Wyoming, and New Mexico. In the lower-basin, the states include Nevada, California, and Arizona (Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, 2020). The flow volumes represent the amount of water available and thus the variability in the flow indicates fluctuation in climate as well as changes in consumption

Source: U.S. Geological Survey

Source: U.S. Geological Survey

FINE-GRAIN DROUGHT MITIGATION STRATEGIES: Both the cases of falaj and that of the basin plan in the CRB case utilized fine-grain drought mitigation strategies. Fundamentally, the drought mitigation approaches entailed a series of actions used to minimize the impact of drought in the affected regions. In the case of Wadi Hanafi, the falaj was constructed to store water and supply the villages with water used for irrigation and other purposes.

Specifically, the falaj framework is a system of underground channels, where water flows from wells and springs via the force of gravity (Barfield, 1983).

This water is then channeled to farms and villages for domestic consumption and irrigation purposes. The falaj is designed in a way that serves as a drought mitigation mechanism, where instances of water loss via evaporation are prevented.

The construction of this framework appears to be simple, but intricate and complex processes are used when designing the falaj to ensure that its purpose is maximized and that water is saved. The first phase entails finding a source of water and then constructing the floor of the falaj in a downward slope manner to facilitate gravity. The gradient used is 1:1,000 to avoid being too steep to erode the sides of the channel. The next phase is digging at the lower part of the channel and recurring measurements must be done. Essentially, 20 to 150 yards vertical

troughs that offer access to the falaj are burrowed in order for the unearthed mud to be removed.

Backbreaking is the most important but unsafe part of the task (Barfield, 1983). Here, the workers dig towards the water source and in most cases, the water pours into the falaj.

Colorado water shortages prompted relevant authorities to design and implement effective approaches to address this issue and also address the imminent concern of drought. They established that these issues can be addressed if assurance and certainty of water supplies are considered. Therefore, the not-for-profit Keystone Policy Center (KPC) initiated the investigation of the level of incorporation of land and water use planning that can assist in minimizing water demand and address the issue of the water gap. Hence, the KPC in association with other players across the state utilized XSP and other mechanisms to establish agreement on how to close the water gap in Colorado, to exhibit the prospects of those mechanisms, and to distribute an implementation program. Additionally, a technical committee investigated approaches to incorporate water and land planning and construct residentialdemand framework equipment to ascertain how several aspects of land use could reduce water footprints and approximate the volume of water the increasing population of the region will use.

CONCLUSIONS: The growth of the city of Arriyadh depended majorly on the utilization of Wadi Hanifa resources. It shows the critical role it plays in the supply of water in the region, and for the purpose to be sustained, effective water management policies have to be adhered to.

The paper addressed issues affecting the region and appropriate management programs relating to them.

It will enable Wadi to mitigate the problems accruing to floods and the quality of water. If management programs are adopted efficiently, the supply of recycled water will increase society’s sustainability.

In Colorado River Basin, the paper analyzes the disequilibrium between the demand and supply of water and the possible efficient methodologies to mitigate the problem. The mitigation techniques require cooperation and the existence of flexibility

in water management. However, the increased climate changes, for the worse, have complicated collaboration between water right holders since water supply has become more constraint.

REFERENCES: Alhamid, A. A., & Matin, M. A. (2000). Fluvial Stage-discharge Rating of Wadi Hanifa Main Channel. Journal of King Saud University-Engineering Sciences, 12(1), 45-62.Arriyadh Alhamid, A. A., Alfayzi, S. A., & Hamadto, M. A. (2007). A sustainable water resources management plan for Wadi Hanifa in Saudi Arabia. Journal of King Saud University-Engineering Sciences, 19(2), 209-221.

Barfield, S. (1983). International Viewpoint. Journal of Environmental Health, 45(4), 212-214. Retrieved December 10, 2020, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/44540446 Bratrschovsky, K. (2012). Water Management in the Colorado River Basin Dealing with Scarcity and Uncertainty.

Cremaschi, M., Degli Esposti, M., Fleitmann, D., Perego, A., Sibilia, E., & Zerboni, A. (2018). Late Holocene onset of intensive cultivation and introduction of the falaj irrigation system in the Salut oasis (Sultanate of Oman). Quaternary Science Reviews, 200, 123-140.

Development Authority (ADA). Draft Report on Water Resources Management Study. Riyadh: ADA, 1990, 240 p.

Lincoln Institute of Land Policy (2020). How to Use exploratory scenario planning (XSP). Retrieved December 10, 2020, from Lincolninst.edu website: https://www.lincolninst.edu/sites/ default/files/pubfiles/how-use-exploratory-scenario-planningfull.pdf Zhao, Y., Weng, Z., Chen, H., & Yang, J. (2020). Analysis of the Evolution of Drought, Flood, and Drought-Flood Abrupt Alternation Events under Climate Change Using the Daily SWAP Index. Water, 12(7), 1969.

Gowanus Rezoning

How Industrial Rezoning Links Development and Environmental Remediation Affordable Housing and Stakeholder Perspectives Madeleine Reid

Site Plan by SCAPE Source: “Gowanus Lowlands.� Gowanus Canal Conservancy, December 20, 2019. https://gowanuscanalconservancy.org/gowanuslowlands/.

Research Question: What creates the link between environmental cleanup and development?

Who are the stakeholders in rezoning industrial land?

Introduction Why these research questions?

Environmental cleanup and building green infrastructure is often tied to development. Looking to the case study of Gowanus, Brooklyn, it is apparent that industrial land in cities are ideal for development, because they avoid displacement— replacing mostly industrial buildings that have fallen out of use. Industrial activity also pollutes land, which is why environmental cleanup coincides with development. Because this land is ideal for limiting

displacement, financial incentives are used to attract developers to a polluted site they otherwise might be hesitant to build on. If Land is being built on, it must be clean and safe, so development accelerates environmental cleanup. Environmental remediation and economic incentives result in development of industrial land, therefore environmental cleanup also accelerates development. Development and environmental cleanup are tied in that one encourages the other. Rather than one following the other, the two are tied together in that industrial land attracts both.

Gowanus Rezoning Case study

Gowanus was looked at as a development

opportunity before the EPA designated it a superfund site, and development is starting before the area is safe from toxins. In this case, development didn’t follow environmental cleanup. It can also not be concluded that environmental cleanup followed development. The Gowanus canal has been polluted at this level since the 1860s and people already live and worked around the canal. What seems most likely is that Industrial land attracts development and environmental cleanup simultaneously. Once developers know that land will be cleaned, they are more likely to build on it. And once environmental agencies know more people will be moving to the land, they are more likely to prioritize funds to that area.

Gowanus is historically industrial with outdated zoning. While the area may have a low population for NYC, it is not without a strong community. Current residents and community activists have been vocal throughout the rezoning process, making sure their voice is heard in decision making. Learning of these vocal advocates raises the question, is industrial land really the best place to develop? Does environmental cleanup have to accelerate development? Is development needed to accelerate environmental cleanup? And what are the perspectives of relevant stakeholders—current residents, politicians, and environmental agencies.

Background on Gowanus rezoning

Gowanus is one of 15 neighborhoods being rezoned for denser occupation, as part of the De Blasio Administration’s plan to preserve or create 300,000 housing units.1 With the cities Mandatory Inclusionary Housing, enacted in 2016, new housing constructed in up-zoned sites is required to be at least 25% affordable.2 Therefore this policy has linked up-zoning with affordable housing, which has become the main argument Brad Landor and Stephen Levin use in promoting rezoning.

Rezoning the entire neighborhood also gives the city more control over development. The environmental-social responsibility of developing Gowanus can be met with an environmental impact study and community input in the neighborhood plan.

Adhoc development would not be met with the same forethought and supporting infrastructure.

The approval process for rezoning was paused during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, but the uniform land use review procedure (ULURP) will resume in January 2021.3 Some of the demands from neighborhood residents have been met by the city, but it is important to look back at the debates surrounding these decisions, in order to understand how unmet demands may be agreed upon.

What does it mean to be sustainable?

In broad terms sustainability means what is done today, does not compromise tomorrow.

“Sustainability” is often tied to climate change, because greenhouse gasses compromise sustained inhabitation on earth. Sustainability also means maintaining and improving quality of life for all. In other words planning for the future shouldn’t mean sacrificing the health and happiness of people today.

To further ground this topic in a clear definition of sustainability, the UN sustainable Development goals (SDGs) should be noted. The United Nations built 17 SDGs that all nations in the UN adopted. The goal most relevant to Gowanus rezoning is SDG 11: “Sustainable Cities and Communities: Making cities and human settlement 3 Jordan T Teicher, “Showdown at the Gowanus Canal,” The Indypen-

dent, October 28, 2020, https://indypendent.org/2020/10/showdownat-the-gowanus-canal/.

1“City Lays Groundwork for Developers Ahead of Gowanus Rezoning,”

Real Estate Weekly, December 4, 2020, https://rew-online.com/city-laysgroundwork-for-developers-ahead-of-gowanus-rezoning/.

2 Brett Yates, “Let’s Start over on Gowanus Green,” Star Revue (The Red

Hook Star Revue, January 2, 2020), http://www.star-revue.com/lets-startover-on-gowanus-green/.

Map of Brooklyn, NY made in 1766 Source: “Gowanus Canal History.” Gowanus Dredgers, November 13, 2020. https://www.gowanuscanal.org/gowanus-canal-history.

sustainable, safe, resilient, and inclusive.” 4 SDG 11 could be followed in Gowanus by improving resilience and flood preparedness, building in the flood zone responsibly, building and maintaining affordable housing, and respecting the current residents by including them in decision making and design.

What are the environmental issues in Gowanus?

Combined Sewer Overflow

New York’s current sewer system does not have the capacity to transport all the water that is used in and lands on NYC. 72% of NYC’s surface is impervious, which means rainwater is not absorbed into the land. Instead, rain flows into sewers (see image 1). 60% of NYC’s land area uses combined sewers that transport wastewater and stormwater together (see images 2 and 3).5 When the sewers reach capacity, they overflow at designated locations (see image 4). One of these outfalls is into the Gowanus Canal.6

Image 1: Impervious surfaces Source: Urban Stormwater Management in New York City § (2020). https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/d4ac0c596689444dac46c9c2f3354e5e.

There are three ways that CSO’s can be mitigated: 1.Public awareness that promotes avoiding water use during storms and limiting litter that could be swept into sewers during a storm.

2.Green infrastructure that retains and cleans water, like the planned Sponge Park in Gowanus.

3.Grey infrastructure that retains and transports water to a treatment plant, like the cisterns NYC is required to build in Gowanus by 2032.7 Industrial Pollutants

While CSO’s maintain and add to pollution of the Gowanus Canal, most of its pollutants are from previous industry surrounding the canal. The canal was built in the 1850s-60s. It was used for heavy industry and as a port for Brooklyn. The Canal fell into disuse with the construction of the BQE. By the

Image2: A breakdown of NYC’s sewer system Source: Urban Stormwater Management in New York City § (2020). https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/d4ac0c596689444dac46c9c2f3354e5e.

4 “Goal 11 | Department of Economic and Social Affairs,” United Nations (United Nations), accessed December 18, 2020, https://sdgs.un.org/ goals/goal11.

5 “Urban Stormwater Management in New York City,” Urban Stormwater Management in New York City § (2020), https://storymaps.arcgis. com/stories/d4ac0c596689444dac46c9c2f3354e5e.

6 “Combined Sewer Overflows,” Combined Sewer Overflows - DEP (NYC Environmental Protection), accessed December 18, 2020, https:// www1.nyc.gov/site/dep/water/combined-sewer-overflows.page.

7 “Combined Sewer Overflows,” Combined Sewer Overflows - DEP (NYC Environmental Protection), accessed December 18, 2020, https:// www1.nyc.gov/site/dep/water/combined-sewer-overflows.page.

Image 3: A combined Sewer system operation under dry conditions versus wet conditions Source: “Combined Sewer Overflows.” Combined Sewer Overflows DEP. NYC Environmental Protection. Accessed December 18, 2020. https://www1.nyc.gov/site/dep/water/combined-sewer-overflows.page.

1970s, 50% of properties in the area were unused.

The canal is still as contaminated as it was in the 1860s.8 In 2010 the EPA designated the canal a superfund site. The EPA also ordered NYC to build cisterns by 2032 that retain stormwater and prevent recontamination. The EPA began dredging the canal in November 2020, and the cleanup is estimated to take a decade. 9 Considerations in developing a superfund site at flood risk Timeline

Gowanus residents and environmental agencies, including the EPA, are concerned that development will be built before the EPA has time to clean the toxins in the canal.10 Zero CSO 8 “Gowanus Canal History” (Gowanus Dredgers, November 13, 2020),

https://www.gowanuscanal.org/gowanus-canal-history.

9 Kevin Duggan, “EPA Begins Long-Awaited Cleaning of Toxic Gowanus Canal,” Brownstoner, November 17, 2020, https://www.brownstoner.com/ brooklyn-life/gowanus-canal-brooklyn-superfund-cleanup-begins-dredging-epa/.

10 “Behold Landersville!: What Gowanus May Soon Look Like If The Neighborhood Rezoning Becomes Reality,” Pardon Me For Asking (Blogspot, March 29, 2019), https://pardonmeforasking.blogspot. com/2019/03/behold-landersville-what-gowanus-may.html.

Up-zoning to high density (12-17+ stories) from medium density (6-10+ stories) has the potential to impact 10 CSO sheds that are already overburdened.11 To prevent this, New Developments in Gowanus are required to retain and treat all water used on site, in order to not worsen the CSO problem in the city.12

Despite these policies, In October the EPA still warns against development. In a letter to the city, the EPA cited concerns that the city had not begun construction on retention tanks to prevent CSOs from re-contaminating the canal. The EPA also estimated that waste water would drastically increase with the proposed development.13 It is unclear why the EPA’s estimates on CSO burden is in contrast with the city’s. Possible explanations for this discrepancy could be if the city had not communicated to the EPA the rule for new developments to add net-zero water to the sewer system or if the net-zero rule is not as encompassing as it sounds and is not enforced.

Most recently, NYC DEP is in the process of writing a citywide rule that would require new constructions to manage some amount of onsite stormwater. This rule is expected to reduce CSO burden by 5%, meaning new constructions would mitigate CSOs, rather than contribute to overburdened sewers.14 What do the current residents want?

The city started studies and community engagement in September 2016 and didn’t announce a plan until February 2019. NYC Planning heard from working groups comprised of NYCHA residents, community stakeholders, and non-profits. There were 5 working groups: sustainability and resilience, arts and culture, housing, industry and economic development, and public realm. The Planning 11 “Gowanus Lowlands; Stormwater and Sewage,” Gowanus Lowlands Master Plan DRAFT 2018 (Gowanus Canal Conservancy, 2018), https:// gowanuscanalconservancy.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/190207_ DRAFT_Gowanus-Lowlands-Master-Plan_10-11-Stormwater-Sewage.pdf.

12 “Gowanus: A Framework for a Sustainable, Inclusive, Mixed-Use Neighborhood,” Gowanus Draft Framework (NYC), accessed December 17, 2020, https://www1.nyc.gov/assets/planning/download/pdf/ plans-studies/gowanus/gowanus-framework-sustainability-resiliency.pdf.

Image 4: Map of CSO Outfalls along NYC’s waterfront Source: “Combined Sewer Overflows.” Combined Sewer Overflows DEP. NYC Environmental Protection. Accessed December 18, 2020. https://www1.nyc.gov/site/dep/water/combined-sewer-overflows.page.

13 “Reality Check! EPA Warns City Gowanus Area Upzoning Cannot Compromise The Canal Clean-Up,” Pardon Me For Asking (Blogspot, October 29, 2020), https://pardonmeforasking.blogspot.com/2020/10/ reality-check-epa-warns-city-gowanus.html.

14 City Lays Groundwork for Developers Ahead of Gowanus Rezoning,” Real Estate Weekly, December 4, 2020, https://rew-online.com/city-laysgroundwork-for-developers-ahead-of-gowanus-rezoning/.

Density Map source: “Gowanus Neighborhood Planning Study; Draft Zoning Proposal” (NYC Planning, February 28, 2019), https://gowanuscanal.org/ sites/default/files/Draft_Gowanus_CB6_LU_22819_.pdf.

Department held 100+ hours of workshops and meetings listening to the working groups and others who residents who volunteered their time.15 The city also held targeted outreach to NYCHA residents.

While the city spent a lot of time listening to the residents and other community stakeholders, that doesn’t necessarily mean all the concerns from residents were addressed in the neighborhood plan. Additionally, some residents disagree with each other. Some residents think the neighborhood will improve after rezoning, with more commercial activity and access to public outdoor space.16

The Gowanus Neighborhood Coalition for Justice (GNCJ) has been vocal about their concerns and demands regarding rezoning. The top demands of GNCJ are upfront funding for Wyckoff Gardens and Gowanus Houses, net-zero CSO from new construction, and the creation of an environmental justice special district.17 An environmental justice special district would promise local oversight to ensure the agreed upon development plan is followed through on.18 Net-Zero CSOs are in the development plan.

The community still have some concerns around funding for public housing. In the 2019 zoning proposal, NYC planning proposed that $4 million be invested in a community center. The public housing near Gowanus comprised of Gowanus Houses, Wyckoff Gardens, and Warren Street Houses would require more investment than a community center to be maintained.19 The amount of investment does not seem to be the issue, but rather follow through on the promise for funding. In an article from October 2020, Lander and Levin voiced that significant investment in NYCHA housing should be a priority 15 “Gowanus Neighborhood Planning Study; Draft Zoning Proposal” (NYC Planning, February 28, 2019), https://gowanuscanal.org/sites/default/files/Draft_Gowanus_CB6_LU_22819_.pdf.

16 Sadef Ali Kully, “City Restarts Discussions for Gowanus Rezoning Plan,” City Limits, October 22, 2020, https://citylimits.org/2020/10/22/ city-restarts-discussions-for-gowanus-rezoning-plan/.

17 “Our Advocacy,” GNCJ (Gowanus Neighborhood Coalition for Justice), accessed December 18, 2020, https://www.gncj.org/new-our-advocacy.

18 Velmanette Montgomery, “Gowanus Neighborhood Coalition for

in the Gowanus Plan.20 However, another article from October explains that the GNJC’s demand for upfront funding has not been met. 21

GNCJ is currently trying to delay the Uniform Land Use Review Procedure (ULURP), because the community board and GNCJ feel they have less power in virtual meetings. As of December, the city still plans to restart the ULURP process and is expected to certify the rezoning plan in January 2021.

One might question why development is needed as leverage for investment in public housing to begin with. Voices of Gowanus, a coalition of 6 neighborhood groups, argues that environmental remediation and funding for affordable housing shouldn’t be tied to development. Environmental remediation is likely tied to the land’s industrial past, and it is unclear whether environmental cleanup follows development or vice versa. However, public housing all over the city is in need of investment, so it is important to question if NYCHA housing in Gowanus should receive priority funding as a consolation amongst development.22 Why develop the land?

The apparent purpose in rezoning is to build more affordable housing. The rezoning is part of the De Blasio Administration’s goal for building and maintaining affordable housing. Brand Landor cites Mandatory Inclusionary Housing as a reason to upzone and develop Gowanus. The current plan would create thousands of affordable homes, as well as open space and schools.23

While more affordable housing is necessary in NYC, a valid question is whether this affordable housing has to be tied to luxury development?

According to Brandon West, who is running for Landor’s City Council seat, “the idea that we can only build housing by giving developers a lot of what 20 Gonzalez, Kimberly. “Gowanus Rezoning Proposal Revived with City Hall Support.” City & State NY, October 2, 2020. https://www.cityandstateny.com/articles/politics/new-york-city/gowanus-rezoning-proposal-revived-city-hall-support.html.

21

Sadef Ali Kully, “City Restarts Discussions for Gowanus Rezoning Plan,” City Limits, October 22, 2020, https://citylimits. org/2020/10/22/city-restarts-discussions-for-gowanus-rezoning-plan/.

Justice Announces Top Demands for the City Sponsored Gowanus Rezoning,” NY State Senate, February 5, 2020, https://www.nysenate. gov/newsroom/press-releases/velmanette-montgomery/gowanus-neigh-

22 Sadef Ali Kully, “City Restarts Discussions for Gowanus Rezoning Plan,” City Limits, October 22, 2020, https://citylimits.org/2020/10/22/ city-restarts-discussions-for-gowanus-rezoning-plan/.

19 “Gowanus Neighborhood Planning Study; Draft Zoning Proposal” (NYC Planning, February 28, 2019), https://gowanuscanal.org/sites/default/files/Draft_Gowanus_CB6_LU_22819_.pdf.

23 “Gowanus Neighborhood Planning Study; Draft Zoning Proposal” (NYC Planning, February 28, 2019), https://gowanuscanal.org/sites/default/files/Draft_Gowanus_CB6_LU_22819_.pdf.

they want before we really think holistically about the community’s needs is, I think, false.”24 Gowanus Green

Gowanus Green is the only publicly owned sight in the redevelopment. The site was originally designed to be 74% affordable housing.25 After backlash from community activists, the city announced in November that it would agree to promise 100% affordable housing.

If the purpose of rezoning is to build affordable housing, development should include as much affordable housing as possible. When discussing affordable housing, it is important to define what “affordable” means, as there are a range of income brackets that qualify for affordable 24 “Gowanus Neighborhood Planning Study; Draft Zoning Proposal”

(NYC Planning, February 28, 2019), https://gowanuscanal.org/sites/default/files/Draft_Gowanus_CB6_LU_22819_.pdf.

25 Alexandra Alexa, “950-Unit ‘Gowanus Green’ Development Met with Skepticism by Local Residents Who Hoped for a Park,” 6sqft, December 4, 2019, https://www.6sqft.com/950-unit-gowanus-green-development-met-with-skepticism-by-local-residents-who-hoped-for-a-park/.

housing. In November 2020, in addition to announcing Gowanus Green as 100% affordable, the city clarified the breakdown for this affordability.

60% of units will be priced and reserved for residents with incomes below 80% Area Median Income (AMI).26 The site will also have rental units for very low- income seniors and previously homeless people, as well as units for working families to buy.

More details on how the affordability of units breaks down is below.

100 Percent Affordability Breakdown27 • At least 50% of rental housing will be dedicated to extremely low/very low-income households with 26 “HDP Announces 100 Percent Affordable Housing Project in Gowanus,” Gowanus Green | City of New York (NYC Housing and Preservations Development, November 19, 2020), https://www1.nyc.gov/ site/hpd/news/051-20/hpd-100-percent-affordable-housing-projectgowanus.

27 “HDP Announces 100 Percent Affordable Housing Project in

Gowanus,” Gowanus Green | City of New York (NYC Housing and Preservations Development, November 19, 2020), https://www1.nyc.gov/ site/hpd/news/051-20/hpd-100-percent-affordable-housing-projectgowanus.

Gowanus Green site plan Source: “City Lays Groundwork for Developers Ahead of Gowanus Rezoning.” Real Estate Weekly, December 4, 2020. https://rew-online.com/citylays-groundwork-for-developers-ahead-of-gowanus-rezoning/.

incomes averaging at or below 50% AMI (approx. $51,200 for a family of 3), including at least 15% of rental units dedicated to formerly homeless households • No more than 40% of rental housing will be dedicated to moderate income households with incomes averaging between 80% - 120% AMI (approx. $81,920 - $122,880 for a family of 3) • Senior Housing will be provided for seniors 62+ years in age • Supportive Housing will be provided for formerly homeless, disabled individuals or homeless families with a disabled head-of-household • Affordable Homeownership will be provided for households with incomes averaging between 80% 130% AMI (approx. $81,920 - $133,120 for a family of 3)

Gowanus Green is 100% affordable now, but to make this happen it took push back from community activists like GNCJ. Brad Landor appears to have been consistently in support of 100% affordable, but unwilling to stake the rezoning on making 100% affordability happen. The Developers of Gowanus Green were the ones to originally propose less than 100% affordability, arguing that with some luxury units, the private sector could pay for infrastructure improvements surrounding the project, which would reduce the taxes needed for the project. This money would come from the property taxes that the developer would have to

pay and would be exempt from if the property is 100% affordable. Gowanus residents found these arguments unconvincing. The reason Brad Landor was reluctant to promise 100% affordable housing is there was some potential that, if the developer did not agree, the city would have to find a new developer. Finding a new developer would slow down redevelopment and the construction of affordable housing.

In considering the timeline for construction on Gowanus Green, the EPA’s warning to not develop Gowanus until toxins have been removed from the canal should also be considered. Additionally, Gowanus Green is sited on top of toxic land. The plot of land was formerly a gas plant with carcinogenic coal tar underground.28 The Coal tar reaches 153 feet deep, which is outside of the scope of the planned excavation. Without a clear plan to clean the toxins from the site, there will likely be further debates surrounding the logistics of building on this site. Gowanus Green is the largest site for affordable housing in the rezoned area. There is also supposed to be a school on Gowanus green to accommodate the increased population in Gowanus. Community Board 6 argues the school should be moved to another site that is not toxic.29 Why Develop Gowanus?

If the primary reason for rezoning and development is to build affordable housing, why Gowanus and not another neighborhood in New York City? This question brings up different stakeholder interests and different scales of perceiving the Gowanus rezoning. Gowanus community activists like to compare Gowanus to Sunset Park, where further development was successfully halted by the community. While Sunset Park and Gowanus both have industrial pasts and are close in geography, Sunset Park is majority Hispanic (39%)30 and Gowanus is majority white (65%).31 28 Jordan T Teicher, “Showdown at the Gowanus Canal,” The Indypendent, October 28, 2020, https://indypendent.org/2020/10/showdownat-the-gowanus-canal/.

29 Brett Yates, “Let’s Start over on Gowanus Green,” Star Revue (The Gowanus Green Massing Source:“HDP Announces 100 Percent Affordable Housing Project in Gowanus.” Gowanus Green | City of New York. NYC Housing and Preservations Development, November 19, 2020. https://www1.nyc.gov/ site/hpd/news/051-20/hpd-100-percent-affordable-housing-projectgowanus.

Red Hook Star Revue, January 2, 2020), http://www.star-revue.com/letsstart-over-on-gowanus-green/.

30 Brett Yates, “Let’s Start over on Gowanus Green,” Star Revue (The

Red Hook Star Revue, January 2, 2020), http://www.star-revue.com/letsstart-over-on-gowanus-green/.

31 Michelle de la Uz, Brad Landor, and Barika Williams, “Opinion: How the Gowanus Rezoning Could Push NYC Forward on Racial Equity,” City Limits, October 3, 2020, https://citylimits.org/2020/09/21/opinion-how-

Displacement alert map Source: “Displacement Alert Map.” Association for Neighborhood and Housing Development. Accessed December 18, 2020. https://map.displacementalert.org/#close.

Source: Uz, Michelle de la, Brad Landor, and Barika Williams. “Opinion: How the Gowanus Rezoning Could Push NYC Forward on Racial Equity.” City Limits, October 3, 2020. https://citylimits.org/2020/09/21/opinion-how-the-gowanus-rezoning-could-push-nyc-forward-on-racial-equity/.

neighborhood plan is made a reality. Upfront funding for Gowanus public housing would also validate the purpose for rezoning as for the creation of affordable housing.

Source: Uz, Michelle de la, Brad Landor, and Barika Williams. “Opinion: How the Gowanus Rezoning Could Push NYC Forward on Racial Equity.” City Limits, October 3, 2020. https://citylimits.org/2020/09/21/ opinion-how-the-gowanus-rezoning-could-push-nyc-forward-on-racialequity/.

Gowanus and SOHO are the whitest neighborhoods to be rezoned as part of the De Blasio Administration’s plan for affordable housing.

Historically these rezonings have been in lowincome communities of color, such as East New York, East Harlem, Far Rockaway, Inwood, and Jerome Avenue. The Gowanus median household income is $118,081. In other rezoned neighborhoods the median household income ranges from $30,000 to $60,000. Gowanus is also expected to build housing that is 37% affordable, which is higher than average.32 This data brings perspective from a city wide scale.

Gowanus can host this much development after rezoning because of its industrial past. The opportunity on industrial land comes with toxins and flood risk. It seems there is still clarity missing around the timeline of construction, Gowanus Cleanup, and inhabitation.

Looking at a neighborhood scale, GNCJ demands are aligned with the interests of NYCHA residents and with environmental safety. With the purpose of rezoning being to build affordable housing, meeting the asks of NYCHA residents seems to be in line with that goal. The city met some of GNCJ’s demands already. As of December 2020, the community is looking for the city to follow through on their plans. An Environmental Justice special district would ensure the neighborhood could oversee construction to make sure the agreed upon the-gowanus-rezoning-could-push-nyc-forward-on-racial-equity/.

32

Michelle de la Uz, Brad Landor, and Barika Williams, “Opinion: How the Gowanus Rezoning Could Push NYC Forward on Racial Equity,” City Limits, October 3, 2020, https://citylimits.org/2020/09/21/ opinion-how-the-gowanus-rezoning-could-push-nyc-forward-on-racialequity/.

Conclusion:

Stakeholders communicate wanting to same outcome from development—affordable housing and environmental safety—but the scales at which they approach the problem are different and they have different personal interests. Further research is needed to understand the core desires and drivers of these different stakeholders.

There are still some unanswered questions that should be considered before making a judgement on the intentions of different stakeholders.

For example, should creating affordable housing be tied to development? How much investment should be made in building new affordable housing compared upgrading existing public housing?

In conclusion there are three scales at which priorities are set when it comes to rezoning industrial land. Firsts, at a city scale, rezoned industrial land has low displacment risk; this makes industrial land a good place to direct developement. Second, the neighborhood scale puts into question how much investment should be directed to building new affordable housing versus maintaining exisiting public housing. Third, at a climate and health scale, the timeline of environmental remediation and inhabitiation should be clarified to insure safety.

Works Cited Alexa, Alexandra. “950-Unit ‘Gowanus Green’ Development Met with Skepticism by Local Residents Who

Hoped for a Park.” 6sqft, December 4, 2019. https://www.6sqft.com/950-unit-gowanus-green-devel opment-met-with-skepticism-by-local-residents-who-hoped-for-a-park/.

“Behold Landersville!: What Gowanus May Soon Look Like If The Neighborhood Rezoning Becomes Reality.”

Pardon Me For Asking. Blogspot, March 29, 2019. https://pardonmeforasking.blogspot.com/2019/03/ behold-landersville-what-gowanus-may.html.

Combined Sewer Overflows § (n.d.). https://www1.nyc.gov/site/dep/water/combined-sewer-overflows.page.

“Combined Sewer Overflows.” Combined Sewer Overflows - DEP. NYC Environmental Protection.

Accessed December 18, 2020. https://www1.nyc.gov/site/dep/water/combined-sewer-overflows. page.

Duggan, Kevin. “EPA Begins Long-Awaited Cleaning of Toxic Gowanus Canal.” Brownstoner, November 17,

2020. https://www.brownstoner.com/brooklyn-life/gowanus-canal-brooklyn-superfund-cleanup- begins-dredging-epa/.

“Goal 11 | Department of Economic and Social Affairs.” United Nations. United Nations. Accessed December

18, 2020. https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal11.

Gonzalez, Kimberly. “Gowanus Rezoning Proposal Revived with City Hall Support.” City & State NY, October 2, 2020. https://www.cityandstateny.com/articles/politics/new-york-city/gowanus-rezoningproposal- revived-city-hall-support.html.

“Gowanus Canal History.” Gowanus Dredgers, November 13, 2020. https://www.gowanuscanal.org/gowanus- canal-history.

“Gowanus Lowlands; Stormwater and Sewage.” Gowanus Lowlands Master Plan DRAFT 2018.

Gowanus Canal Conservancy, 2018. https://gowanuscanalconservancy.org/wp-content/ uploads/2017/11/190207_ DRAFT_Gowanus-Lowlands-Master-Plan_10-11-StormwaterSewage.pdf.

“Gowanus Neighborhood Planning Study; Draft Zoning Proposal.” NYC Planning, February 28, 2019. https://

gowanuscanal.org/sites/default/files/Draft_Gowanus_CB6_LU_22819_.pdf.

“Gowanus: A Framework for a Sustainable, Inclusive, Mixed-Use Neighborhood.” Gowanus Draft Framework.

NYC. Accessed December 17, 2020. https://www1.nyc.gov/assets/planning/download/pdf/plans- studies/gowanus/gowanus-framework-sustainability-resiliency.pdf.

“HDP Announces 100 Percent Affordable Housing Project in Gowanus.” Gowanus Green | City of New

York. NYC Housing and Preservations Development, November 19, 2020. https://www1.nyc.gov/site/

hpd/news/051-20/hpd-100-percent-affordable-housing-project-gowanus.

Kully, Sadef Ali. “City Restarts Discussions for Gowanus Rezoning Plan.” City Limits, October 22, 2020. https://

citylimits.org/2020/10/22/city-restarts-discussions-for-gowanus-rezoning-plan/.

Kully, Sadef Ali. “City Restarts Discussions for Gowanus Rezoning Plan.” City Limits, October 22, 2020. https:// citylimits.org/2020/10/22/city-restarts-discussions-for-gowanus-rezoning-plan/.

Montgomery, Velmanette. “Gowanus Neighborhood Coalition for Justice Announces Top Demands for

the City Sponsored Gowanus Rezoning.” NY State Senate, February 5, 2020. https://www.nysenate. gov/newsroom/press-releases/velmanette-montgomery/gowanus-neighborhood-coalition-justice- announces-top.

“Our Advocacy.” GNCJ. Gowanus Neighborhood Coalition for Justice. Accessed December 18, 2020. https:// www.gncj.org/new-our-advocacy.

“Reality Check! EPA Warns City Gowanus Area Upzoning Cannot Compromise The Canal Clean-Up.” Pardon Me For Asking. Blogspot, October 29, 2020. https://pardonmeforasking.blogspot.com/2020/10/ reality- check-epa-warns-city-gowanus.html.

Rew, tom. “City Lays Groundwork for Developers Ahead of Gowanus Rezoning.” Real Estate Weekly, December 4, 2020. https://rew-online.com/city-lays-groundwork-for-developers-ahead-of-gowanusrezoning/.

Teicher, Jordan T. “Showdown at the Gowanus Canal.” The Indypendent, October 28, 2020. https:// indypendent.org/2020/10/showdown-at-the-gowanus-canal/.

Urban Stormwater Management in New York City § (2020). https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/ d4ac0c596689444dac46c9c2f3354e5e.

Uz, Michelle de la, Brad Landor, and Barika Williams. “Opinion: How the Gowanus Rezoning Could Push NYC

Forward on Racial Equity.” City Limits, October 3, 2020. https://citylimits.org/2020/09/21/ opinion-how- the-gowanus-rezoning-could-push-nyc-forward-on-racial-equity/.

Yates, Brett. “Let’s Start over on Gowanus Green.” Star Revue. The Red Hook Star Revue, January 2, 2020. http:// www.star-revue.com/lets-start-over-on-gowanus-green/.

Gowanus Rezoning - How industrial rezoning links development and environmental cleanup - Madeleine Reid

The Great wall of Japan vs rising sea levels Focus: Did Japans the seawall fail or did it Nahim Brumant

On March 11th, 2011 Japan was stuck by its most destructive tsunami yet. It’s 600 km coastline was decimated by a 30-meter wave. Japan has a well-documented history with tsunamis and they did have countermeasures in place to protect their coast.

The countermeasure mainly focused on in this paper is “The Great wall of Japan” which is an enormous seawall. I answered the posed in this research paper “Did the Great wall fail or did it serve its purpose?”

Also in this paper, I have clearly stated the purpose a seawall is and its functions discuss the walls performance and the mechanisms by which they were damaged. Also, some topics regarding mitigation efforts are discussed. Also, I have discussed the structural measures which, were not sufficient to completely protect the coastal region and withstand the immense destructive force from a major disaster such as this.

The purpose of the seawall and other measures were to mitigate which, is to be able to reduce the impact but should be designed so that they can survive even if the tsunami flows over them. Yet the Great

wall performance deserves to be questioned. Did this widely acclaimed seawall fail to protect its citizens or did it accurately serve its purpose? I discussed the major failure of this massive structure yet expound on the wall’s primary function.

Did Japan’s seawall fail to protect its cities, citizens, and infrastructure?

To answer that question one must first understand what a seawall is and its purpose Definition: Seawall : A seawall is a form of coastal defense constructed where the sea, and associated coastal processes, impact directly upon the landforms of the coast.

Purpose of a seawall: The purpose of a sea wall is to protect areas of human habitation, conservation, and leisure activities from the action of tides, waves, or tsunamis.

Japan was struck by a 30meter (50 ft ) tsunami in 2011. This was due to a massive 9.0 magnitude earthquake along the coastline. The sudden shift from the tectonic plates beneath the ocean’s floor resulted in such a devastating natural disaster.

However, Japan is no stranger to rising sea levels, for example in 1983 they were struck by a 7.8 m earthquake that resulted in a mwh (maximum wave height) of 14.93 meters, in 1993 caused a 7.7 m earthquake resulting in an mwh of 32 meters and as of recent 2016 caused by a 6.9m earthquake with an mwh of 1.4 meters. In fact the first historical tsunami is the Jogan tsunami in 869, followed by the Keicho-Sanriku tsunami in 1611, the Meiji-Sanriku tsunami in 1896. However, the 2011 9.1m earthquake resulted in the region’s most destructive tsunami. Japan is one of the world leaders in disaster preparedness particularly rising sea levels.

The 600km Sanriku coast, which stretches Northwards from Sandai and covers the Miyagi, Iwate, and Aomori were severely damaged due to the raw destructive force of the 30-meter tsunami. A total of 27,000 people lost their lives while both commercial and residential buildings were damaged and or destroyed.

total of 27000 lives lost from such a disaster.

In addition, several residential and commercials buildings were damaged. Some more severely damaged than others. Residential houses say significant damage. This was due to the wooden material used to construct their homes. However, reinforced concrete homes and commercial building sustained damage as well. Also, a vast number of the region’s infrastructure were damaged.

However, they were not completely vulnerable, countermeasures were set to combat the rising sea levels. They constructed breakwaters, watergates, and the Great Wall as their main response to such disasters. The main countermeasure Japan took pride in was their seawall, which was later named the “ Great Wall of Japan.”

The coastal regions were completely decimated and the data illustrates that precisely. A total of 18,500 people were found dead while an additional 8,500 were missing ( fig 1.1.), unfortunately, the missing persons were later perceived dead accumulating to a

Fig.11

Breakwaters Kamaishi and Ofunato are two notorious cities for their breakwaters which, are designed to resist tsunamis. These breakwaters are constructed at bay entrances and are at a depth of 63 meters (Kamaishi) and 32 meters (Ofunato). Both these breakwaters saved their cities from being inundated but unfortunatly, on 11th March 2011 Tohoku tsunami as higher than design expectations. Nevertheless the breakwaters did in fact reduce the intensity, height and prolonging the arrival time.

Water Gates Located along the Fudai’s river is the Fudai village which stands today due to watergates. Since constructed in 1984 these gates have proven themselves to be structually sound against rising water levels thus protecting the village. In 2011 the tsunami managed to flow over these gates yet only managed to reach a few hundred meters beyond the gate. The village was saved from being completely submerged unter water. vem, us, nosultore vignatus? Ad consilieret; nihilic aequam verempraeque viderid caveriori inempon cenatqu erendiustre nihilia L. Aperuncerbi intelaris.

The Great Wall of Japan Seawalls are located along the coastal region of Japan. They take great pride in their shoreline defenses. Some areas varied in height and were able to withstand typhoons and high tide while others were designed to be tsunami barriers. Taro’s seawall stretched over 2.4 km and formed an X shape. After many years since its construction in 1934 and surviving its encounters with tsunamis. The battered walls were extended up to 10 meters is are now known as The Great Eastern Wall.

The purpose of the walls was to protect the village by allowing the build-up water to flow out through the sides of these walls. Unfortunately, in the events of 2011, the tsunami capitalized on the wall’s designed flaws. The tsunami waves were over 30 meters,

clearing the walls 10 meters in height. It simply could not drain the water fast enough causing the city to be submerged underwater. Not only did the design fail but the wall was also destroyed by the force due to scouring and an eroded foundation.

Communication & Transmission of Tsunami Warning to Localities & Civil Defense Authorities TSUNAMI ＷＡＲＮＩＮＧ

Local government Central Government

Signboard

TV/Radio Station

Image Caption In ornare purus nulla, vel finibus sem lacinia venenatis. Nullam diam odio, gravida ut justo et, ultrices tristique ante. Maecenas eu massa varius, finibus mi in, vulputate nisl. Duis vitae ex vel purus fermentum congue. Duis cursus eu orci quis vestibulum.

Communication & Transmission of Tsunami Warning Japan is particularly vulnerable to natural disasters because of its climate and topography, and it has experienced countless earthquakes, typhoons, and other types of disasters. Due to these factors the central government played a crucial role in reducing disaster risks across the country. The central government encouraged local governments to promote structural and non- structural measures by providing financial support and guide them in meeting minimum requirements by producing tactical guidelines and manuals.

They the were able to produce an efficient alarm system which circled the air waves in less than 3 minutes.

As soon as the earthquake was recorded an intricate alarm system was triggered. Warnings first came from the central government then onto local government which was distributed to radio stations and local tv stations. This alarm system saved the lives of a number of citizens. This alarm system primary function was to alert the citizen to relocate to higher ground and or find their nearest evacutaion shelters Evacutaion shelters There were many designated evacuation buildings and shelters that unfortunatelty failed to protect lives because of the unexpected tsunami height and runup.

For example, a gym was used as an evacuation shelter in the flat region of Rikuzen-Takata city. The gym could not withstand the tsunamis force, and out of 80 evacuees only three survived. Another example in Rikuzen-Takata is a multi-story residential building. The tsunami reached only the fourth floor; however, the building had no stairway that would enable people to evacuate to the roof in the case of a larger tsunami.

To conclude, the wall did fail to protect its citizen, its primary function is to reduce the impact of rising sea levels, it did not do so. It amplified the water that flowed over the wall resulting in a greater force of water hurdling towards the city similar to an onrushing adult bull. Moreover, the force created from the overflowing water caused severe scouring thus resulting in the wall’s foundation to erode and this destroyed the “Great Wall of Japan� the city was inundated. It is due to these factors that concluded that the seawall failed to serve its function which, is to reduce the impact of rising sea levels.

Furthermore, most tsunami countermeasures failed to stop the 2011 tsunami because they were not designed to resist an event of this destructive nature. Technology has made it possible to construct enormous structures that could fully protect against tsunamis; however, these structures are impractical due to the budget required and time are considered.

Nevertheless, the scale of damage and loss can be reduced by enacting proper structural design and land-use management policies. Also, from the perspective of structural damage, breakwaters and seawalls should have strong foundations, and should be designed to prevent scouring. . New designs for stronger and more stable coastal structures should be developed. Tsunami gates and gates in seawalls should be remotely controlled. However, these structures may reduce the tsunami awareness of residents.

Complacency might set in and they may be led to believe that the structure is there to fully protects them instead of simply reducing impact and damage to their cities.

CASE STUDY TITLE

First Name Last Name, First Name Last Name

TRIPTYCH

IG STORY 1

IG STO

H POSTER

ORY 2

IG STORY 3

OUR SHARED HOUSE

COMMUNITY CENTER FOR CONTE WEST MIDDLE SCHOOL + WOOSTER SQUARE MARINGRID PELLETIER

(Image: Google Earth) Site plan of market/school intervention.

INTRODUCTION The first thing noted is the crunching of leaves underfoot. It is nearing the end of November but the air is still warm enough to leave a scarf at home but just cold enough for a jacket. The sky is a bright blue and brilliant shadows are casted from old victorian row houses. Up ahead is an old middle school made of concrete and brick where a small field and a parking lot sit out front. The area is busy... it is Saturday and the Wooster Square Market is well underway as vendors pass out produce and visitors meander.

This is Conte West Middle school but also the Wooster Square Farmers market. This design proj-

ect’s aim is to combine the two functions of this site into one with a central space that can be both utilized by the market and the middle school while also functioning year round, no matter the weather. This is, “Our Shared House”.

CONTEXT In the heart of Wooster Square in New Haven, CT is the well loved Wooster Square Farmer’s market.

Located just off of Chapel Street and parallel to highway 91 the market sits in the parking lot of the Conte West Middle School. Before the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020, the market was once homed in the park just north of the parking lot but due to social distancing

rules the market needed a more spread out, easily controllable situation.

The market is run by City Seed, a non-profit located in New Haven which runs also a mobile food truck and the Sanctuary Kitchen. The market services the residents of New Haven and has a SNAP benefit program. In New Haven 20% of residents live in food deserts so the Market provides access to healthy and afforable produce.

The Market sits on the grounds of Conte West Middle School which also houses an alternative high school.

ISSUES Before the onset of this project. Research was done on food sovereignty which focuses on 6 main pillars of focusing on food for people, valuing food providers, localizing the food system, putting the control of the system locally, building knowledge and skills, and working wih nature. When beginning this design project it was important to keep each of these as points of reference.

extra food or other items in which they have no need for anymore. Within the structure is cavities which would be painted, within the cavities are pod structures which can be removed to function as market stalls, educational centers. When the pods are removed then the cavities can act as socially distanced areas for those visitng the farmers market or if in use by the school can be a quiet place for students to use.

The center of the structure is a hearth which has a chimney that rises about the roof acting as a wayfinder. This allows for those who are trying to find shelter from the elements to find a warm sanctuary. Attached to the hearth are bleachers which could be used as the school as outdoor classroom space or a place for workshops for the farmers market to use. The structure is meant to be flexible and multi-purpose allowing for many different unique set ups and functions.

The main structure is a gathering space and nucleus while the pods are elements which link up with the home base in times when they are not needed or be exported to have multi-use around the site of the

The goals for this project was to create a center that was all season, with an ability to be socially distanced during pandemic outbreaks, flexible usage for both the market and the middle school.

The market can have up to 100 visitors and usually sees up to 1000 visitors in a day. The market is on Saturdays and begins set up at 8 AM, opens at 9 AM for reservations, open to all at 10 AM, and closes at 1 PM. There are usually around 30 vendors and 10-15 volunteers. Currently due to COVID visitors have no place to gather during the market so another important aspect of this project was to create places for socially distanced gathering spaces for enjoying beverages or talking to those in their groups.

OUTCOMES The structure that came about as the solution is a long wooden structure which slightly spills out onto the sidewalk where the farmers market it held. This point of the project acts as a “shared shelf� inspired by the Love Fridges in Chicago. This shelf would be an area for vendors or locals of the area to drop off

Top: Image of Wooster Square Market Frequency Bottom: (Google Earth) Image of Farms which sell at the Wooster Square Market.

(Google Earth) Conte West Middle School from Chapel Street entrance.

(Google Earth) Conte West Middle School from Chapel Street entrance.

(Source: Zhang Chao (designboom.com) Inspiration came from Atelier Bow-wow’s Fire Foodies Club in China.

(Source: (Archdaily.com) Simplicity of materials was derived from greenhouse structures and firms like Lacat0n Vassal.

middle school and farmers market.

CONCLUSION If there is anything we have learned from the 2020 pandemic it is that we are adaptable. Not only do we need to have the ability to evolve but also the built environment. The Wooster Square Market and the Conte West Middle School are both utilized year round and are important institutions to the New Haven community and require the ability to adapt at a moments notice. The central structure and pods allow for multi-use from both the school, market and surrounding community. It is a educational hub, a place to store and distribute food, a play ground, a sanctuary, and a gathering space.

When targeting the ways in which to make this project follow the 6 points of food sovereignty weather security was a crucial factor for an area that experiences the four seasons. The main structure can be used as a gathering space away from the elements for those needing to enjoy their warm drinks, a place to read a book, a spot for a plant workshop on the bleacher seats, a warm fire for a volunteers who are cold after a few hours helping in the winter, a place to leave extra food in the shared shelf for those who need it.

The structure is simple to construct with materials easily found in the area, is fun and colorful, functional, and a space for both gathering and education.

Markets are a melting pot of unique experiences. It is a destination when you need to get out of your house, a place to get healthy and local food, a spot to meet new people, a place to volunteer, sell, learn more about your local farms, learn more about food and how to make new meals.

This structure is a nucleous to tie together the many functions of this site and can allow for New Haven and the Wooster Square area to become a more food sovereign community.

(Original Diagram) Market Pods can be deployed to service Market Vendors or act as shelters. Pods would be covered in a chalk board paint in order for vendors to write down their information or for school children to draw on.

(Original Perspective Image) When Market Pods are deployed, cavities would be left for people to sit and enjoy beverages in a socially distanced manner. The central most cavity would hot a fire place for visitors to stay warm during colder seasons.

SPRING

AUTUMN

SUMMER

WINTER

OUR SHARED HOUSE:

MULTIPURPOSE OUTDOOR CENTER FOR THE WOOSTER SQUARE FARMERS MARKET AND CONTE WEST MIDDLE SCHOOL INGRID PELLETIER

IG STORY 3