The Past Is Now

T H E P A S T I S N O W

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

PART 1: Discovering A Post-Colonial National Identity And Decolonising Mind Sets

CHAPTER 1: Pre-Colonial Architectural Influence

CHAPTER 2: Colonial And Post-Partition National Identity (Crisis)

PART 2: Reforming Of National Identity: Architects At The Forefront Of Shift Back To Vernacular And Wider Reconnection With Culture

CHAPTER 3: Post-Partition 1947 - 1980: Form Follows (Westernised Adoption of) Function

CHAPTER 4: Post-Partition 1980s - Present: Form Follows Religious Nationalism

PART 3: Decolonising Identity And Reconciling With Culture

CHAPTER 5: Revival Of Haveli Tradition And Culture In Contemporary Villas

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ILLUSTRATION REFERENCES

- 7 8 - 23 8 - 13 14 - 23 24 - 45 24 - 31 32 - 45 46 - 97 46 - 97 98 - 105 106 - 109 110 - 115

THE HISTORIC REVIVAL IN PAKISTANI VILLA ARCHITECTURE

INTRODUCTION

Having gained independence in 1947, Pakistan went through a series of identity crises in terms of its architecture. Trying to form a new ‘collective national identity1 in attempts to prove itself as a powerful, technologically advanced state while upholding the traditions and values rooted deep in the culture at the same time. However, post independence, the country’s design typologies struggled to find a balance between modernity and tradition.

Going through several periods of social and political change from 1947 to now, shifting between pro-western secular rulers and anti-west regimes of Islamic socialism, the archi tecture negotiated the waves of social change, resulting in todays built environment; a con fused blend of traditional pre-colonial buildings, juxtaposed with modernist concrete and colonial red-brick complexes that stand amongst high reaching glass towers mimicking 21st century Gulf aesthetics.2 3

Recently however, having visited a few contemporary homes in Islamabad, I have noticed that many middle class homes now have increasingly similar design features to haveli dwell ings (traditional Indian/Pakistani courtyard houses). These recent builds reinterpret vernac ular design features which had a very specific impact in shaping the lifestyle, cultural, reli gious and gender norms in the past.

I believe after years of conforming to westernised models of a home,4 Pakistan is slowly making a shift back to its traditional architectural roots. Using building as a tool to overthrow Eurocentric norms and connect with the lifestyle once imbedded in the culture and vernacular. I will explore whether this shift to the vernacular is part of a much wider cultural shift and revival of tradition, as a search for roots and a decentring of western cultural influences.

1. Crawford Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison University of Wisconsin Press, 1976)

2. Ordinance for Pakistan Council Architects and Town Planners, with associated documents, in Cabinet Division File No.138/Prog/81, National Documentation Wing, Islamabad.

3. Akhtar, Politics of Common Sense; and Sadia Toor, The State of Islam (London, 2011))

4. Samuel K. Parker, 1987 Artistic practice and education in India: A historical overview. Journal of Aesthetic Education 21, no. 4 123-141. [Online]. [Accessed 25 Febuary 2021].

The many styles of Homes in middle class housing schemes ‘DHA’ and ‘Bahria’ in Islamabad, Pakistan. Images via: Zameen.com

Figure 1: Gulf Aesthetic home in DHA, Islamabad

Figure 3: A home in Bahria, Islamabad supporting an inter pretation of classical architecture

Figure 4: A home in Bahria, Islamabad supporting an in terpretation of classical architecture

Figure 6: Traditional elements on contemporary facade of DHA, Islamabad home

Figure 5: Home in Bahria, Islamabad

Figure 7: Home in Bahria, Islamabad

Figure 2: Brutalist home in DHA, Islamabad

This can be seen through the changing trends in popular media; fashion, music, literature, tv shows and even cuisine. The country is beginning to embrace its pre-colonial identity more openly. However, this decentring from Eurocentric norms in lifestyle, culture and architec ture is closely linked to political change since partition as well as social class and economic capital, i.e. different social classes experience different levels of westernisation. These links will be analysed and discussed as part of the essay.

Some architects leading this movement are Kamil Khan Mumtaz, Suhail Abbasi, Nayar Ali Dada and Yasmeen Lari who rode these waves of social change as visible in their changing design philosophies. They all started their careers by practicing modern architecture in Pakistan, in attempts to compete with the west, but eventually made an obvious radical shift to the vernacular towards the 80’s e.g. Suhail Abbasi’s pre 80’s concrete and glass structures to post 80’s brick courtyard typologies.

The focus of this essay will be contemporary Pakistani villa design today and how it has become increasingly traditional in order to recreate a specific lifestyle and culture influenced by the vernacular haveli design. This study will be framed in the wider context of social and political change since 1947 till now in terms of how this played out in the local architecture and its shift from disconnection to connection with the culture.

To carry out this research, I will be studying books and papers on post-colonial periods of Pakistani political and social change and their resulting impact on architecture through ex isting interviews and biographies of architects. Such as; Kamil Khan Mumtaz who unpicks his experience of his changing building ideology in direct connection to the demands of the shifting political environments across time e.g. pre 80’s pro-western government demanded modern buildings while the 80’s leftist political environment of religious nationalism imposed visually Islamic architecture. These will be supported by drawing archives claimed from The National College of Arts, Lahore as well as KKM’s book ‘Architecture in Pakistan (1985)’ the only illustrated collection of historical architecture in Pakistan, from prehistoric to contemporary times.

For the ‘contemporary villa x haveli’ study, in addition to first hand observations of contem porary homes in DHA, Islamabad (upper middle class housing scheme), I will be analysing a contemporary villa in Islamabad, comparing it to a traditional haveli in Lahore, to consider the extent to which the villa recreates specific design features from the haveli.

For the haveli case study I will use ‘Barood Khana’, an 18th century haveli in Lahore, along side drama serial ‘dastaan’ (2010), partly filmed in ‘barood khana’ haveli, set between 19471958. Depicting family dynamics in a traditional haveli dwelling during and after partition. The drama will serve as a means to understand the relationship between haveli architecture and Pakistani lifestyle, cultural, religious and gender norms.

Finally, to establish the haveli architecture link to contemporary villas of today, I will study the home of Architect Suhail Abbasi (‘Suhail & Nighat Residence’) in F-7 Islamabad (1999), a home that looks modern at first glance but hides layers of subtle haveli features as you begin to unpack it. I will carry out first hand interviews with Architect Suhail Abbasi to gain an insight into the design intentions behind his home, as well as his family to see how this joint family occupies and uses the space.

1: DISCOVERING A POST-COLONIAL NATIONAL IDENTITY AND DECOLONISING MIND SETS

CHAPTER ONE: PRE-COLONIAL ARCHITECTURAL INFLUENCE

Pre-colonial architectural history of the subcontinent has been through diverse periods of Graeco-buddhist, Roman, Hindu and Mughal settlements. Perhaps the most influential pre-colonial period that existed in the sub-continent was the Mughal period. An Indo-Islamic architecture characterised by an amalgamation of Islamic, Persian, Turk and Indian design features from previous ruling dynasties. Starting in the 13th century and ending with the British takeover in the 18th century.

This is the period that saw the rise of havelis as we know today; grand residences, usually part of forts, housing Mughal emperors such as Shah Jahan and Akbar5. The ‘haveli’ or ‘mansion’ is a vernacular courtyard house typology that is unique to the South Asian region, mostly occupied by the middle and elite classes. Often a reflection of the owner’s social class, the haveli typology came in a range of different ornamentation levels and grandeur scales. Using materials such as brick, sandstone, wood, marble and plaster. The central courtyard or ‘sehan/aangan’ acts as the heart of the house with the rest of the home sur rounding it.6 It plays a crucial part in the intangible haveli culture and heritage, opening up the home at its center and forming a lattice of semi-public and private, inter-linked open and closed spaces around itself.7

Such spaces with their very specific typologies served multiple household functions and upheld very particular lifestyle norms that were closely interwoven with gender, religion and culture of family living. These will be unpacked in part 3 of the essay.

A typical haveli typology and its specific design features with traditional terminology can be seen on following pages. (figures 8 - 16)

5. Mumtaz, Kamil Khan. 1985. Imperial-Mughals. In Architecture in Pakistan. Judith Shaw, ed. Singapore: Concept Media Pte Ltd

6. Shikha Jain, “The havelis of Rajasthan: form and identity.” (PhD diss. De Montfort University, 2002)

7. Yiorgos Hadjichristou, Rediscovery of the Courtyard as a Major Intangible Cultural Heritage. International Journal of Heritage in the Digital Era, Volume 1, Supplement 1, (2012): 361-366, accessed March 4, 2015, http://lekythos.library.ucy.ac.cy/handle/10797/6122.DOI 10.1260/2047-4970.1.0.361

Elevation of Haveli of Maharaja Naunihal Singh, walled city of Lahore, Pakistan. Source: Trip advisor

Figure 9: Interior view of Haveli of Maharaja Naunihal Singh, walled city of Lahore, Pakistan. Source: Trip ad visor

Figure 12: ‘Sehan’ or ‘Aangan’ : Central Courtyard with water feature and greenery. Haveli Bhatti Gate, Lahore. Source: Maimoona Jawaid

Figure 10: ‘Baramdah’ or Veranda: an arched, roofed, open-air gallery. Haveli Jamdar Khushal Singh, walled city, Lahore. Source: via Maria Waseem

Figure 11: ‘Chatt’ or Rooftop. Haveli of Maharaja Naunihal Singh, walled city of Lahore, Pakistan. Source: Trip advisor

Figure 16: ‘Jharoka’, wood ornamented balconies or windows. Haveli of Maharaja Naunihal Singh located in the walled city of Lahore, Pakistan. Source: Trip advisor

Figure 14: ‘Pachin kari’ Delicate ornamentation work in havelis. Source: Taj mahal.net

Figure 13: Fresco work in havelis, usually depicting historical scenes and floral elements. Source: Forbes

Figure 15: ‘Jali’ work or latticed screens. Source: Taj mahal.net

The courtyard typology has been central to the sub continent’s vernacular, since the pre his toric times, differing in scale depending on social class, e.g. for the working class they were centred around building simple structures corresponding to the local climate. The simplest, tribal version of the typology was in ‘mohallas’; clan compounds with up to 20 households in one protective wall. Perhaps a more aggressive version of extended family havelis. The ma teriality of these ‘peasant’ courtyard houses usually featured a simple, 2-3ft thick mud wall enclosing a courtyard surrounded by small rooms ranging from 10ft - 16-20ft with a heavy, flat, piled reed earth roof laid on top, supported by timber joists and beams.8 (figure 17)

While for the middle and elite class, haveli design was about portraying a sophisticated, display of wealth with intricately carved patterns, elaborate motif designs and over all expression of the crafts. (figure 18) The ‘mistry’ or local master-craftsmen was placed at the center of this, being held at a higher standard than (the rare) architects at the time. Especially by the Mughals who valued the Mistry’s craft to the extent of comparing it to Gods work of art.9

8. Mumtaz, Kamil Khan. 1985. Vernacular Tradition. In Architecture in Pakistan. Judith Shaw, ed. Singapore: Concept Media Pte Ltd

9. Abul Fazal Allami, “Ain-i-Akbari,” [Vol. 1] Book the First, The Imperial Household. On buildings, 222-225, accessed October 2, 2015, http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00litlinks/abulfazl/ain_zzcontents.html

Figure 17: ‘Peasant house with thatched roof in Lahore Source: KKM Architecture in Pakistan

Figure 18: Middle class home internal courtyard with ornamentation, Kalra estate, Sargodha Source: KKM Architecture in Pakistan

TWO: COLONIAL AND POST-PARTITION NATIONAL IDENTITY (CRISIS)

In 1858, when the British took over the subcontinent, in order to dominate control and op press the locals, it was necessary for them to set headquarters in the most majestic, grand spaces. Before the British raj, the sub continent was ruled by the Mughals, therefore target ing the Mughal legacy first and foremost was a tactic used by the British. Consequentially, the most outstanding Mughal structures were picked by the British officers to colonise and appropriate due to the dominating and royal architectural nature of such structures in eyes of the white man.10

Holding the power to appropriate such iconic buildings and consequently erasing the deep symbolic connotations they held for the local people, allowed the British to turn the local’s own native landscape into an instrument for exercising authority over their minds.

For instance, for his offices and personal residence, Sir Henry Lawrence, the appointed governor of Punjab at the time, took over the tomb of Muhammad Kasim Khan, cousin of Mughal emperor, Akbar in Lahore and built his ‘Governor’s house’ around it (figures 19, 20). The domed Mughal tomb became a striking domed dining room and the underground burial chamber became a kitchen.11

In addition to the Mughal architectural takeover and Anglican turnover, strict education and language laws were also imposed. The policies laid out by Macaulay in 1835 removed books of Sanskrit, Arabic and Urdu, stating “a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole literature of India and Arabia”.12 By attacking the ruling Mughal ethnicity and culture, the mere thoughts and critical skills required to throw a revolution were crippled.

10. J. Glove, W., 2007. Making Lahore Modern: Constructing and Imagining a Colonial City. 2nd ed. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press.

11. Jackson, A., 2013. Buildings of Empire. 1st ed. Oxford: OUP Oxford.

12. Shahzad, F., 2017. Colonial impact on our mindsets. The Express Tribune, [Online]. Available at: https://tribune.com.pk/story/1533047/ colonial-impact-mindsets [Accessed 31 October 2021].

Figure 19: Governor House, Lahore, 1882. Source: The Times (Thornton Butterworth, 1932).

Figure 20: Governor House dining room, Lahore built on first floor of Mughal tomb, 1870. Source: The Friday Times

The nation still suffers from the debilitating effect of this loss of identity. E.g. even after in dependence when Pakistan gained control of this governor house, instead of attempting to pay respects to the tomb, they instead turned it into a landmark of British architectural excellence, widely advertised as “legacy of the British” on their website with no mention of the tomb. Even the domed dining room was retained and is still used for prestigious official dinners with world leaders (figures 21-22). One has to wonder if the occupying governor even knows that he is dining on top of a Mughal emperors resting place.

Under colonial rule architecture for local people became a symbol of class; for the bourgeois it became about being able to mould oneself with the “white sahib (sir)” by hiring European architects to design for them. Whereas those not as rich as the aristocrats desiring instant westernisation at a bargain price would have a number of prefabricated European design elements to their disposal in order to satisfy their need for westernisation, e.g. cast iron Corinthian columns, angels and fountains, ironically made at cheaper costs by local mistrys (craftsmen) in the British foundry in Calcutta.13

On the other hand, for the lower class a strong sense of cultural identity still remained in their attempts to uphold and maintain the traditions of the subcontinent which were now under attack. Perhaps because it was mostly them who were the ‘mistrys’ (craftsmen), the ‘lauhaars’ (metal workers) etc. there was a sense of pride, to the point where these remain common last names even in present day Pakistan as a reminder of their generational crafts occupation.

Growse, a British officer who was building in western design typologies in British India gives an account of a native man who was building himself an intricate house-front in classic “British fashion”.14 The native gentleman described his vernacular as “an absolute eyesore… fondness for Indian forms is only a weakness or eccentricity; such designs would be out of harmony with my own more advanced views, which are all in favour of English fashions. The trading classes do well to adhere to Hindustani types, but the landed gentry prefer to range themselves with their rulers, and thus to emphasise their distinction from the vulgar”.15

13. Mumtaz, Kamil Khan. 1985. British Colonial. In Architecture in Pakistan. Judith Shaw, ed. Singapore: Concept Media Pte Ltd

14. Birdwood, G., 1881. The industrial arts of India. 1st ed. Chapman and Hall: London, p 132

15. Kipling, J., 1980. ‘Indian Architecture of today’, Journal of Indian Art, vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 1.

He warned that among the ‘brown sahibs’ “nothing in the Indian style can be tolerated; and some government offices, stations, or the latest new barracks in the nearest military canton ments, are the palatial edifices which he is expected to emulate.”

Personally from conversing with older Pakistani middle class, there is an odd persisting ap preciation for exactly those structures even today. The railway stations, military cantonments / army residences and other similar British spectacles of architecture left behind in Pakistan which stand as a prickling legacy of their rule till date.

Mukharji, T., 1888. Art-manufactures of India. 1st ed. Calcutta: Superintendent of government printing India.

Present view of Governor House, Lahore. Source: The Governor House website

Present dining room at governor house. Source: The Governor House website

Indigenous Persistence in Colonial Hybrid Havelis:

With the complete rejection of tradition and vernacular by the local elite class, it was up to the working class craftsmen to preserve whatever they could. They did this by slyly slipping in or perhaps unintentionally adding watered down versions of traditional elements through carv ing, painting and relief design to create ornamentation for Anglican buildings while serving under the British, since traditional crafts is all they knew when it came to building.17 Some have named this phase of building in British India as ‘urban craft architecture’, a product of the most enduring indigenous values persevering and peeking through colonial structures.

An example of this is ‘Karachi townhouses’ (figures 23, 24). Built under colonial rule, these apartments present a mixture of classic European and gothic architecture but evidence of it being constructed by native ‘mistrys’ (craftsmen) is apparent. A Sindhi stone caver has carved with yellow sandstone, the most Michaelangelesque columns, renaissance balus trades and a mannerist roof-line of scrolls, broken pediments, spheres and vases. But visi ble in the façade of these mannerist details is a sort of confusion, the façade doesn’t appear in harmony with one academically correct style. Tasked with a completely unfamiliar archi tectural vocabulary, the craftsman’s confusion or perhaps his loyalty to his mistry training is apparent in the details.

If all restrictions were to be detached, the indigenous mistry’s craft would run wild. In all the photo examples you see carved floral swirls, representing nature elements which have always been part of Mughal building motifs.18 If you look to the top left of the apartment build ing in figure 23 you can spot a haveli ‘jharoka balcony’ feature, a traditional haveli balcony, usually highly ornamented with carvings, as well as the ‘jharoka window’ in the bottom of figure 24.

17. Mumtaz, Kamil Khan. 1985. British Colonial. In Architecture in Pakistan. Judith Shaw, ed. Singapore: Concept Media Pte Ltd

18. Mumtaz, Kamil Khan. 1985. Vernacular Tradition. In Architecture in Pakistan. Judith Shaw, ed. Singapore: Concept Media Pte Ltd

Figure 23: Karachi townhouses, Pakistan chowk, Karachi. Early 1900’s. Source: KKM Architecture in Pakistan

Figure 24: Taj Building (1920), Nowshera, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan, formerly housing two film theaters. Source: KKM Architecture in Pakistan

This clash of tradition and westernisation led to a rise in hybrid havelis; odd amalgamations of Mughal and colonial British, Indo-Saracenic, Baroque and Gothic styles19 (figure 25-28). In these hybrid havelis, interior and spatial distribution would follow tradition, e.g. ‘zanan’ vs ‘mardan’ khanas (separate women’s and mens quarters), primary and secondary courtyards based on function etc but the external facades, porticos and guest reception room décor would attempt to mimic European style.20 E.g. the traditional Mughal fresco painting would depict scenes of European scenery (figure 25) instead of traditional floral motifs.21 Almost as if even the most westernised of ‘desi’ (indigenous) inhabitants knew deep down that the haveli’s traditional spatial qualities were the best fit for their lifestyle, yet they wanted to put on a superficial ‘façade of Britishness’ on the exterior. This could also apply to the way they dressed, spoke, ate etc.

After 200 years of living under British colonial rule, Pakistan gained independence and was named a separate country on 14th August 1947. The nation’s culture, architecture and arts were clouded by utter confusion and an impending identity crisis. With most people in power being British trained ‘desi babus’22 (native sirs) who valued the centuries long, forced west ernisation over the long lost tradition.

A collective internalised feeling of cultural inferiority is common among post-colonial coun tries.23 Fanon’s theory of “colonial alienation of the person”24 in his book ‘Black skin, white masks’ applies to Pakistan as a nation. Whereby locals of a post-colonial country view their own culture and tradition through the lens of colonial prejudice, internalising the culture of the institutionally racist colonisers.25 In turn, dismissing one’s own culture as backwards. This leads to a national identity crisis, “colonial alienation” prompting an adoption of Eurocentric norms and rejection of tradition e.g. in beauty standards, language, education curriculums and architecture which represents the country within the wider (western) world. Post colonial Pakistan was guilty all of the above until the 80’s when things began to change.

19. Jyoti Hosagrahar, Indigenous modernities: negotiating architecture and urbanism (London: Psychology Press, 2005)

20. Khan, S., 2016. The Sethi merchants’ havelis in Peshawar, 1800-1910: form, identity and status. PhD. London: University of West minster.

21. Tillotson, S., 1992. Indian Mansions: Social History of the Haveli. 1st ed. Oleander Press.

22. Shahzad, F., 2017. Colonial impact on our mindsets. The Express Tribune, [Online]. Available at: https://tribune.com.pk/story/1533047/ colonial-impact-mindsets [Accessed 31 October 2021].

23. David, E. and Okazaki, S., 2010. Activation and Automaticity of Colonial Mentality. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, [Online]. 40, 850. Available at: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1559-1816.2010.00601.x [Accessed 27 October 2021].

24. Frantz Fanon, F., 2008. Black Skin, White Masks. 4th ed. London: Pluto press.

25. Rabaka, R., 2010. Forms of Fanonism: Frantz Fanon’s Critical Theory and the Dialectics of Decolonization. 1st ed. Washington DC: Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books.

Figure 25: Fresco painting under an overhang at a haveli entrance depicting a European city. Bhabra Bazaar, Rawalpindi. Source: Khan, S., 2016. The Sethi merchants’ havelis in Peshawar

Figure 26: Islamia College Peshawar. Source: wikipedia

Figure 27: Karachi Chamber of Commerce Building. Source: wikipedia

Figure 28: Darbar Mahal, Bahawalpur. Source: wikipedia

While the working class or peasant craftsmen kept the traditional crafts and forms alive (to whatever extent they could within limited economic capital). It took the Pakistani middle/elite class another 150 years to gain back ownership of the vernacular, influenced by popular me dia which romanticises culture; poetry, literature, music, tv shows and fashion campaigns, thus sparking a rediscovery of tradition. Leading the middle class to value the mistry (crafts man) and re-learn traditional crafts from them to apply to architecture.

This essay will further unpack the Pakistani middle/elite class’ journey from desiring European architects to local mistrys (craftsmen) and from building contemporary villas to contemporised haveli revivals.

Figure

Local village ‘mistry’ (craftsman) wood carving. It is the lower working class local ‘mistrys‘, who passed on generational skills and kept the traditional crafts alive. Source: turquoisemountain

PART 2: REFORMING OF NATIONAL IDENTITY: ARCHITECTS AT THE FOREFRONT OF SHIFT BACK TO VERNACULAR AND WIDER RECONNECTION WITH CULTURE.

CHAPTER THREE: POST-PARTITION 1947- 1980: FORM FOLLOWS (WESTERNISED ADOPTION OF) FUNCTION

Since the formation of Pakistan in 1947, the country’s architecture has seen many phases of modern, contemporary, vernacular and eclectic styles. The most obvious change was from the pre 80’s mimicking of the west to post 80’s move to tradition as demonstrated in the stylistic shifts in careers of architect Kamil Khan Mumtaz (KKM), Nayar Ali Dada, Yasmeen Lari, and Suhail Abbasi. This can be observed in both residential and commercial architec ture, however, in order to fully grasp this shift, it is important to look at the specific fluctuating social, economic and political environments which dictated the styles of each era.

From 1947-1980 the country suffered a strong post colonial inferiority complex resulting in the adoption of western building types of varying degrees as it went through different lead erships.

Despite being a country built on the basis of Muslim nationalism,26 there was to be no pub lic display of religion in the built environment. Pakistan ‘the nation’ was mission bound to appear as an open-minded, modern, non-oppressive representation of Islamic states.27 In ‘Nations and Nationalism Since 1780’, Eric Hobsbawm defines the word ‘nation’ as “a his torically evolved, stable community of language, territory, economic life and psychological makeup manifested in a community of culture.”28 However, in the context of Pakistan, a land silently ruptured by partitions of language, ethnicity, sect, caste and class by the coming together of refugees and strangers, any sense of individual self expression through culture, history, language or freedom of psychological opinion was banned. Its as if the exact definition of ‘nation’ was taken and each category within it was ticked off on the basis of imposed cohesion. Thus, by imposing a shared western outlook, architecture became a tool for show casing forced harmony and success.

26. Alvi. H.,1988. Pakistan and Islam: Ethnicity and Ideology; State and Ideology, in the Middle East and Pakistan’, New York: Monthly Review Press.

27. Stephen Cohen, `The Nation and State of Pakistan’ in ‘The Washington Quarterly, 25(3), Washington, Summer 2002, pp. 109–122 at 109.

28. Ernest Renan; “What is a Nation?”, 1882. Reprinted in Homi Bhabha ed. Nation and Narration, New York, 1990, Pp. 8-22.

Consequently, the ‘national identity’ of the land reflected in pre-80’s architecture is discon nected from the rich cultural heritage of the people of this land 29 thus ‘Pakistani identity’ in architecture has been described as a “manifest confusion”.30

Phase 1

Pakistan started its rocky political journey of military dictatorships under General Moham mad Ayub Khan (1958–69). Who proposed an ‘Islamic State of Pakistan’ which was to be pro-western and modern.31

Due to lack of resources, specifically intellectual capital in the field of architecture within the country, as well as in attempts to seek western validation this period saw many European architects commissioned to design areas of most importance in the Pakistani built environ ment.

These included designs for the capital city (figure 30), universities (figure 31) and even Quaid’s mausoleum (country’s founder) for which a competition was held in 1957 whereby British architect William Whitfield of Squire and Partners had the winning design chosen by the PM of Pakistan (figure 32). A pastiche design which resembled both New York Pen Rail way Station and imperialist Mughal pleasure gardens was rejected by Fatimah Jinnah, sister of Quaid on the basis of colonial and imperialist tones in the design betraying everything Quaid stood for. Fatima eventually employed Indian architect, Yahya Merchant to design it (figure 33).32 33

29. Nadeem F., P., 2018. A history of Pakistani left through parties and organizations. Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières, [Online]. z, z. Available at: http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article47233 [Accessed 5 September 2021].

30. KKM Interview, January 1996 by Zarminae Ansari

31. Khan, I., 2006. ‘Contending Identities of Pakistan And The Issue Of Democratic Governance’, Peace and Democracy in South Asia, vol. 2, no. 1, 2

32. Yusuf, S., 2001. Monument without qualities. Masters. Lahore, Pakistan: National College of Arts.

33. Shahana Rajnani, S., 2016. Shayan Rajnani, S., “Making Karachi” Article, Tanqeed Magazine

Figure 30: CA Doxiadis’ who designed the capital city Islamabad (1960). Source: Manifesto

Figure 31: Michel Écochard’s Karachi University design (1958). Source: Manifesto webpage

Figure 32: Quaid’s mausoleum proposal by British architect William Whitfield of Squire and Partners 1957. Source: via brown history on Instagram

Figure 33: Yahya Merchant’s eventual design for Quaid’s mausolem 1960. Source: wikipedia.

The next political phase of impact was the Bhutto era (1973-1977). Who set in place a more rigorous pro-west scheme than the nation has ever experienced till date, leading the nation to the most economic progress it has ever made during his tenure, a large part of which was in the building scene.

This era saw a boom in steel, glass and concrete industries. It was an era of modern archi tecture. Governing bodies in the fields of engineering, architecture and construction such as NESPAC, PEPAC and NC were established and the country was producing its own ar chitects, builders and materials, thus seeing a wave of European architecture without the European architects.

This era coincided with the time local architects such as KKM and Yasmeen Lari returned from studying abroad and began to apply what they’d learnt in Pakistan. In 1963 KKM graduated from the AA during the boom of modernism.34 Upon his return to Pakistan in 1966, KKM began building in modernist style (figures 34 - 36). His work featured typical modular structures consisting of straight lines and cubic volumes. However, he “was critical of the ab errations of the International Style which reduced the modern movement to a set of clichés and symbols of Westernization and modernity, therefore to evolve in (his) work to a form of expression which would not be derivative of Western forms, but would rather be based on available materials, appropriate technologies, and a specific climate would be needed” as stated by himself.35 36

Therefore, KKM very early on started to inform even his modernist buildings with ideas of regional climate and economy.37 His first real (failed) attempt at this was ‘Kot Karamat’ (fig ure 37) project in 1969. He built a farm house for Zahid Karamat near Lahore, consisting of 8 storage sheds, a three-room school, and low-cost worker’s housing. The notable part of this project for his career was the workers housing, he wanted to create flexible multi-use spaces for the workers using local labour and materials (brick).

34. Patrick Wakely, ‘Otto Koenigsberger Obituary’, The Guardian, 26 January 1999. Koenigsberger’s Papers stored at the Architectural Association archives In London.

35. Mumtaz, K. K. (1988). A Search for Architecture Based on Appropriate Technology’. Theories and Principles of Design in the Architec ture of Islamic Societies. The Aga Khan Program for Architecture. Cambridge, MA. P. 126

36. Mohammad Khan, N., 1987. Searching for identity: The approaches of three Pakistani architects. Master of Science in Architecture Studies. Lahore: The National College of Arts.

37. Mumtaz, K. K. (1999). A Search for Architecture based on Appropriate Technology. In Modernity and Tradition: Contemporary Archi tecture in Pakistan. (pp. 41 – 45) Karachi: Oxford University Press.

However, this project being informed by a reductive ”scientific logic”,38 was rejected by the workers on the basis of it not fulfilling their lifestyle needs. Arguing that they’d much rather have flat multi-purpose roofs as seen in traditional haveli typologies to dry crops and sleep during hot summers as opposed to arched vaulted roofs. He accepted the shortcomings of this project as a product of modernist machine age crossing over with Mughal arches, possi bly inspired by ‘Row Housing’ in the UK.39 According to KKM, through Kot Karamat he learnt that humans, nature, and architecture coexists in harmony and thus their dwellings should be a reflection of the human’s habits as embedded in the culture40 similar to the culturally driven spatial qualities of haveli design.

KKM continued to modify his assumptions and approaches throughout the 1970s, becoming increasingly critical of imported building materials as opposed to local brick. He began to work on residential projects introducing open planning and enclosed gardens, this was a modern courtyard with vine covered mesh along with sprinklers on top to water this vegeta tion.41

This was perhaps an attempt to ‘modernise’ or ‘glamourise’ the traditional haveli ‘sehan’ (open courtyard) typology by artificially inserting extra features to it. The strategically in stalled vines mimic the essential nature element of the traditional sehan while the sprinklers are to mimic the rain which upon contact with the dry, hot soil of the sehan creates the aro ma of pleasant damp summer earth, a familiar scent signalling the changing of seasons for locals. Such spaces designed to stimulate the senses are common in haveli design, derived from spiritual hints and Islamic cosmology.

This period of experimentation with merging local regionalism and modernism continued by local architects until the next political period of impact which completely overturned the current national identity and thus built environment.

38. Zarminae Ansari, Z., 1997. A Contemporary Architectural Quest and Synthesis: Kamil Khan Mumtaz in Pakistan. z. USA: Massachu setts Institute of Technology.

39. Mumtaz, K. K. (1999). A Search for Architecture based on Appropriate Technology. In Modernity and Tradition: Contemporary Archi tecture in Pakistan. (pp. 41 – 45) Karachi: Oxford University Press.

40. Javed Shah, S., Ahmed Qureshi, R. and Akhtar, M., 2021. ‘Quest for Architectural Identity of Pakistan: Ideological Shifts in the Works of Kamil Khan Mumtaz’, Pakistan Journal of Engineering and Applied Sciences, vol. 28, pp. 1-15.

41. Javed Shah, S., Ahmed Qureshi, R. and Akhtar, M., 2021. ‘Quest for Architectural Identity of Pakistan: Ideological Shifts in the Works of Kamil Khan Mumtaz’, Pakistan Journal of Engineering and Applied Sciences, vol. 28, pp. 1-15.

Figure 34: Refreshment shelter, Lalazar Park, Karachi late 60s, KKM. Source: Mohammad Khan

Figure 35: Modernist Zakaullah Khan House, Nazimabad, Karachi, 70’s, KKM. Source: Modernity and tradition KKM

Figure 36: Nepra, Islamabad, 70s, KKM. Source: geotv

Modernist Pre 80’s Builds By KKM

Figure 38: Kareem Residence, Lahore, 1994, KKM. Source: via banjaiga

Figure 37: ‘Kot Karamat’ project, 1969, KKM. Source: Architecturex

Figure 39: Residential project in Lahore, 2011, KKM. Source: via banjaiga

Reviving Tradition Post 80’s Builds By KKM

FORM FOLLOWS RELIGIOUS NATIONALISM

Phase 3:

In 1978 General Zia came into power with his military coup dictating the nation on the basis of ‘Islamisation’ until 1988. This included bringing religious ulama (Muslim scholars) into roles of policy making, introducing laws against blasphemy, modifying the school curriculums and drastic censorship measures of media. Islam or perhaps a version of it as under stood by the dictatorship was seamlessly woven into all aspects of the public realm including the built environment.42 A comparison of the country under Bhutto’s pre-80’s vs Zia’s post80’s dictatorship can be seen in figures 40 - 45.

Since the government wanted to see a visually Islamic state, this meant the skyline needed to visually reflect traditionally ‘Islamic’ building features or planning permission would not be passed. Thus, naturally seeking inspiration from Mughal architecture as the previously dom inant Islamic building type, local architects turned to what they called ‘instant Islamic’ style. A style achieved by the ornamental insertion of arches and domes into designs.43

Upon being pushed towards this Islamisation by the state, many local architects turned their focus from modernism to exploring themes of culture, poetry and literature to design in traditional forms. This included KKM who began to explore traditional ways of building as embodied in the central figure of the mistry (craftsman) as seen historically since Mughal times. In his writings and interviews KKM explicitly attributes his shift to tradition to this leftist political environment of the 80’s as well as his encounter with the book ‘The Sense of Unity: The Sufi Tradition in Persian Architecture’ by Nader Ardalan and Laleh Bakhtiar, leading him to contemplate Islamic cosmology in building. Also his ‘kot karamat’ project encouraging him to consider local culture more closely when designing.44

An overview of this shift can be seen in the works of Yasmeen Lari (graduated from Oxford Brookes in 1963) in figures 46 - 50 and Nayar Ali Dada (graduated from NCA, Lahore in 1964) in figures 5156. Both shifting from modernism to reviving traditional architecture like KKM in this period.

42. Hussain M.Z. (1994) Islam in Pakistan under Bhutto and Zia-ul-Haq. In: Mutalib H., Hashmi T.I. (eds) Islam, Muslims and the Modern State. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14208-8_3

43. Prof Moffat, C., 2020. Building, Dwelling, Dying: Architecture and History in Pakistan. Published in Modern Intellectual History (2020). London: School of History, Queen Mary University of London.

44. Prof Moffat, C., 2020. Building, Dwelling, Dying: Architecture and History in Pakistan. Published in Modern Intellectual History (2020). London: School of History, Queen Mary University of London.

Post 80’s Zia Dictatorship

Figure 41: A 1972 cover of Pakistan’s leading monthly magazine, The Herald. Source: Dawn

Figure 43: An era of thriving Pakistani cinema with mini mal censorship by the government Source: Dawn

Figure 45: Women violently arrested during a protest organised by Women’s Action Forum, Lahore, 1983. Source: Aitzaz Ahsan Archives.

Figure 40: Womens cricket team. Source: Siasat pk

Figure 42: Hippies at a low-rent hotel in Karachi’s Saddar area in 1973. Source: The Herald Magazine

Figure 44: Protests of Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) Source: White Star Archives

Pre 80’s Bhutto Era

Figure 46: The Taj Mahal Hotel in Karachi, Pakistan, 1980 by Yasmeen Lari. Source: done.mit.edu

Figure 47: Pakistan State Oil House, Karachi 1981, Yasmeen Lari. Source: pso.pk

Modernist Pre 80’s Builds By Lari

Figure 48: Finance and Trade Center, Karachi, 1988, Yasmeen Lari. Source: thehecarfoundation.org,

Figure 49: Bamboo shelter, sindh, 2010 (top). Zero carbon cultural centre, Karachi, 2015, (bottom) Yas meen Lari Source: Architectural review

Figure 50: Conservation project: Sethi Haveli + mohalla, Peshawar, early 2000’s by Yasmeen Lari. Source: Youlin maga zine

Builds By Lari

Figure 51: N.C.A university auditorium Nayyar Ali Dada, late 60s. Source: sos brutalism

Figure 52: Alhamra arts council, Nayyar Ali Dada, 1979. Source: Archnet

Figure 53: The Lahore Open-Air Theater, 1981. Source: tribune.pk

Dada

Figure 54: Saudi Pak Tower, one of the countries first skyscrapers, 2001 Islamabad, Paki stan. Source: Nayaralidada.net

Figure 55: Mall of Lahore Lahore, Pakistan, 2010. Source: Nayaralidada.net

Figure 56: Residential project, Lahore. Source: Nayaralidada.net

The Client:

From here on local architects started building in the traditional form, informed by local cul ture making a name for themselves in the traditional building category today. This style of building however was only commissioned by elite, wealthy clients. Partly because only they could afford these large haveli structures, highly ornamented by detailed crafts that require lots of land and long construction periods. But also because the 80s saw the rise of a mar ket who appreciated and glamourised traditional art and sufi music as fashionable and thus wanted their dwellings to be a boastful art piece in their social circle, whereas the lower middle and working class remained stuck in achieving westernisation.

Alongside leftist politics and religious policy, media played a huge role in this shift to tradition and still does till date. National media catering to the different classes varies in the image they are selling, the top, most expensive fashion brands promote traditional visuals and sell dreams of Mughal royalty to their elite clients while more affordable brands still depict a western image as most desirable. (figure 57)

This was further accelerated post 9/11 whereby international media played a role in this shift.45 The vilification of Muslims and any visibly Islamic associated imagery was being bashed in international media.

Therefore, Muslims looked towards other, more ‘acceptable’, less ‘hostile’ ways of being or expressing their religion which came in the form of a traditionalistic expression and appre ciation through media e.g. tv dramas, music, style, architecture and interior design. In an atmosphere that was against all things Islam, another form of an identity crisis was diverted with the help of such media. This time saw a rapid increase in the clientele of traditionalist Pakistani architects.

45. Maqsood, A., 2017. The New Pakistani Middle Class. 1st ed. USA: Harvard University Press.

46. Javed Shah, S., Ahmed Qureshi, R. and Akhtar, M., 2021. ‘Quest for Architectural Identity of Pakistan: Ideological Shifts in the Works of Kamil Khan Mumtaz’, Pakistan Journal of Engineering and Applied Sciences, vol. 28, pp. 1-15.

The Approach:

Architects who shifted from modern to tradition took a pastiche approach. ‘Copying’ is impor tant in traditional building as the essence of tradition itself is that it is passed down through generations. Since the Mughal times a strong concept of passing skills from ‘Ustad’ (teach er) to ‘Shagird’ (student) has existed.46 It is a point of pride and glory whereby even today if you go to an old traditional craft shop e.g. wood carving, they will refer to each other by these titles ‘Ustad’ and ‘Shagird’ as their qualifications rather than their names.

However rather than completely reproducing old architecture, local architects took a traditional building model and reinterpreted, adapted and applyied it intelligently depending on modern need, labour, costs and local materials. Thus becoming a mode of continuation for ancestral legacy, this is something these architects have mentioned themselves in multiple interviews multiple times.

46. Javed Shah, S., Ahmed Qureshi, R. and Akhtar, M.,

‘Quest for Architectural Identity of Pakistan: Ideological Shifts in the Works of Kamil Khan Mumtaz’, Pakistan Journal of Engineering and Applied Sciences,

Figure 57: Left - mid range level pakistani brand ‘breakout‘ campaign with western influence vs right - upper range brand ‘‘Zara Shahjahan’ campaign with traditional tones. Source: via brand instagram pages

The Architecture:

The resulting architecture of this post 80’s era is not only functionally competent but also rooted in the cultural milieu featuring haveli-like spatial qualities, sometimes ‘contemporar ised’. E.g. an open central courtyard (sehan) becomes a central atrium space. Addition of patios and balconies mimicking the ‘jharokas’ in havelis. Domes and flat roofs as opposed to vaulted ceilings to take full advantage of the roof space as used traditionally for lounging, sleeping, crop drying. Furthermore, mistrys (craftsmen) are employed to add traditional ornamentation of local crafts e.g. wood-carved features, fresco work, glazed tiles and geometric patterns.47 An increased use of locally available and economical, load-bearing brick and lime plaster for wall finishing.

This vernacular building typology is also better suited for the local climate as the increased use of haveli features e.g. open central courtyards (‘sehans’) with water and nature elements and verandas and balconies (‘baramdahs’) are not only spaces of cultural significance in the daily life of locals but also aid in diffusing light throughout the home and allowing cross ven tilation using passive cooling by creating stack-effect.

A recent commercial building in contemporised traditional style by KKM which displays this crossover of building technology and modern needs with traditional building styles and forms is the ‘Har-Sukh mansion art residency’ in Lahore, 2008, (figures 58 - 67). An art school for underprivileged children, consisting of a residential complex for the owners, teaching fa cilities e.g. music, dance and painting studios, a swimming pool, servant quarters and a farm. The project features many visibly haveli-like features such as verandas, arches, court yards, domes, ‘jharokas’, terracotta ‘jalis’ as parapets and double-height ‘deorhi’ (entrance) with corner ‘muqranas’ (ornamented vaulting), all incorporated in a modern commercial setting.4849

47. Mumtaz, K. K. (1999). A Search for Architecture based on Appropriate Technology. In Modernity and Tradition: Contemporary Archi tecture in Pakistan. (pp. 41 – 45) Karachi: Oxford University Press.

48. Javed Shah, S., Ahmed Qureshi, R. and Akhtar, M., 2021. ‘Quest for Architectural Identity of Pakistan: Ideological Shifts in the Works of Kamil Khan Mumtaz’, Pakistan Journal of Engineering and Applied Sciences, vol. 28, pp. 1-15.

49. Ansari, Z. (2016). Reinterpreting Traditional Structural Systems. Architecture Design Art, 9 (34), 53-56.

Figure

Harsukh mansion, arched brick swimming pool. Source: Banjaiga documentary youtube

Figure 59: Harsukh mansion, KKM, 2008. Source: Banjaiga docu mentary

Figure 61: Traditional craft work with motif’s depicting spatial pro gramme e.g. fruit tray for cafeteria. Source: Harsukh facebook page

Figure 63: Solar panels on roof for supplying elec tricity. Source: Harsukh facebook page

Figure 62: Double-height ‘deorhi’ (entrance open ing) with corner ‘muqranas’ (ornamented vaulting). Source: Harsukh facebook page

Figure 60: Office jharoka balcony/window looking down at school corridor with hand caligraphy urdu poetry motif. Source: Harsukh facebook page

Figure 64: Harsukh mansion, use of space, open courtyard for traditional ‘qawali’ concerts with the arches and level chang es framing the stage. Source: Harsukh facebook page

Figure 65: Side courtyard (aan gan) traditionally for chores used for cooking classes, making ‘gur’ (jaggery) Source: Harsukh face book page

Figure 66: (Top) Courtyard with water and green features as play area. (Bottom) roof for student socialising.

Source: Harsukh facebook page

Figure 67: Atrium’s acoustic, lighting and ventilation qualities for art/music lessons.

Source: Harsukh facebook page

However not everyone can afford a haveli this elaborate at such a grand scale, thus a more contemporary and (comparatively) affordable typology of haveli inspired villas have recently popularised in the middle class residential sector. Whereby the haveli features are so subtle, they might even go unnoticed. Behind the façade of these contemporary villas is a refined revival of traditional spaces embedded in the local culture.

Architect Suhail Abbasi is known to design such contemporary villas with subtle haveli fea tures. Educated at UET, Lahore, graduating in 1968, a late 70s to early 80s shift towards tradition can be seen in his work. Although not directly linking it to the political change himself, he does mention ‘The PAF Academy’ that he built with traditional tones in materiality and form as a turning point in his career. It is interesting to note that this was a state commissioned project directly for a government institution (Airforce). In an interview he suggests a sudden realisation in 1978 that “we are going away from the vernacular” and inclining towards “taking a spirit of the old”.

This contemporised revival of tradition can be seen in his contemporary family villa which holds the spirit of a Mughal haveli.

Modernist Pre 80’s Builds By Abbasi Reviving Tradition Post 80’s Builds By Abbasi

Figure 68: Suhail Abbasi early modernist work, HBFC Tower, Islamabad by Suhail and Pasha. Source: Moderni ty and tradition book by KKM

Figure 69: PAF Academy Risalpur, Pakistan by Suhail Ab basi (1980s) Source: Banjaiga documentary youtube

CHAPTER FIVE: REVIVAL OF HAVELI TRADITION AND CULTURE IN CONTEMPORARY VILLAS

Contemporary villas of today seeing a subtle haveli revival is a significant part of Pakistani middle/elite class’ reconnection with culture and tradition. This is because the design features that are being reinterpreted such as ‘aangans’ (courtyards), ‘chatts’ habitable rooftops, ‘baramdahs’ (verandas), ‘jharokas’ (overhanging enclosed balconies) etc are not only visually traditional but had a very specific impact in shaping the lifestyle, family dynamics, cultural, religious and gender norms of families historically.50

This part of the essay will analyse how such haveli design elements are being modernised and reinterpreted in contemporary Pakistani villas today and thus their resulting impact on shaping the dynamics and lifestyle of a modern family.

Lifestyle of a Haveli dwelling

The haveli dwelling provided more than just spaces to rest, eat and converse but histori cally, haveli dwellings were designed around the family lifestyle. Providing strategic living and transient spaces, laid out in a very rigid public vs private format, maintaining and aiding certain Pakistani cultural and religious norms and family dynamics to be upheld.

Firstly, providing a strong sense of privacy to the family, through design features like height changes in site, jalis (screens), chajjas (overhangs) and more, maintaining ‘Pardah’ or ‘veil’ especially for women in Islam.

Secondly, upholding gender roles and norms and moulding the family dynamics through categorisation of space e.g. ‘Zanan Khana’ (female quarter) and ‘Mardan Khana’ (male quar ter). Allocation of certain spaces such as balconies and courtyards to certain family mem bers based on their status in the family and time of day.

50. Shikha Jain, “The havelis of Rajasthan: form and identity.” (PhD diss. De Montfort University, 2002)

Jyoti Hosagrahar, Indigenous modernities: negotiating architecture and urbanism (London: Psychology Press, 2005)

Figure 70: Haveli Inner Courtyard of ‘Barood khana’ haveli located in the walled city of Lahore, Pakistan. Source: Omer Salahuddin (haveli owner’s nephew)

Third and Lastly, the flexibility of spaces such as the courtyard, rooftop and basement in lending themselves to cultural and religious events that are part of the local lifestyle. E.g. weddings and ‘iftar’ (breaking of the fast) events in courtyards, ‘bassant’ (kite flying) and ‘chand raat’ (Eid moon spotting) on the rooftops and sufi/musical concerts in the cool base ments.

I will compare the design features and their resulting cultural and lifestyle impact as seen in traditional havelis with contemporary villas of today based on the three points of comparison stated above.

To carry out this research, I will be analysing the case study of a contemporary villa in Islamabad, against a traditional haveli in Lahore to compare the extent to which the villa recreates specific design features from the haveli.

For the haveli case study I will use ‘Barood Khana’ or “gun powder center”, a 2 storey plus basement, 18th century ancestral ‘haveli’ home located in the walled city of Lahore. Built by a Sikh Army commanding general, who used it as his residence and an ammunition depot. The haveli was also at the center of the Pakistan independence movement serving as the home of an ‘All India Muslim League’ party leader, with many meetings being held in the courtyard of the haveli itself.

Currently ‘Yousuf Salahuddin’ lives there, who inherited this haveli from his forefathers. Still preserved to almost its original form, ‘Barood Khana’ stands as a popular location for events and film shoots.52 Yousuf Salahuddin’s nephew ‘Omar’ who lives in this haveli with Salahud din has provided me with some information, images and plans of the haveli.

Figure 71: Typical haveli view (‘Barood khana’ haveli located in the walled city of Lahore, Pakistan). Source: Omer Sala huddin (haveli owner’s nephew)

Figure 72: ‘Barood Khana’ Ground Floor Plan. Source: Salahuddin

Figure 73: ‘Barood Khana’ First Floor Plan. Source: Salahuddin

I will study the relationship between haveli architecture and Pakistani lifestyle, cultural, re ligious and gender norms as envisaged through the Pakistani drama ‘Dastaan’ (2010), set between 1947-1958. Depicting family dynamics in a traditional haveli dwelling during and after partition.

The story follows ‘Bano’ a 20 something young woman, whose family is at the forefront of the ‘Muslim league political party’ seeking an independent Pakistan. The drama depicts the family’s journey from a pre partition haveli to a post partition contemporary home following the change in their lifestyle with migration and displacement.

The drama itself was filmed in 3 different havelis, edited to be perceived as one cohesive home, one of them coincidentally being ‘Barood Khana’ itself. I have analysed the spaces in the drama, frame by frame to draw up plans for the imaginary fusion of these 3 havelis, depicting Bano’s home in the drama (figures 77, 78).

Figure 74: Scene from ‘Dastaan’ showing inner courtyard of Haveli. Source: Hum TV youtube channel

Figure 75: Scene from ‘Dastaan’ showing first floor terrace of haveli. Source: Hum TV youtube channel

Figure 76: Scene from ‘Dastaan’ showing second inner courtyard of Haveli. Source: Hum TV youtube

Figure

Ground floor plan sketch of the haveli as depicted in ‘Dastaan’. Source: own sketch

Figure

First floor plan sketch of the haveli as depicted in ‘Dastaan’. Source: own sketch

On the other hand, to research the haveli architecture link to contemporary villas of today I will study the home of Architect Suhail Abbasi (‘Suhail & Nighat Residence’) in F-7 Islama bad, Pakistan. A 556sqm site which began construction in 1996 and was completed in 1999. A modern day family home veiling subtle haveli-like design features behind its contemporary façade.

I will interview Architect Suhail Abbasi to understand his motivation behind the design. As well as his family; his wife ‘Nighat’, their daughter ‘Mariam’ (a fine artist), their elder son ‘Fawad’ (an architect) and his wife ‘Amna’ (a graphic designer) to see how the family occupies this space. Drawing comparisons with how havelis were traditionally occupied by similar joint family systems.

A connection can also be established between the fictional haveli from ‘dastaan’ and this contemporary villa through the family structure and social class of the two dictating the lay out and types of spaces.

The domestic structure in ‘dastaan’ is of an extended family with ‘Bano’, her parents, two brothers, one married with a spouse and children living in one haveli. Belonging to the upper middle class given the men’s work in politics.

The ‘Suhail and Nighat residence’ contemporary villa accommodates an almost identical family structure with the parents, two kids, one with a spouse and children. Even the social class background of Bano’s fictional family and that of Abbasi’s is similar, thus the types of spaces needed by the families also being alike.

Figure 79: Suhail and Nighat residence front elevation. Source: Suhail and Fawad Architects facebook page

Figure 80: Courtyard view. Source: Suhail and Fawad Architects facebook page

Figure 81: Central atrium circulation with ‘jharoka’ win dow. Source: Suhail and Fawad Architects facebook

Figure 82: Brick detail foyer with traditional window. Source: Suhail and Fawad Architects facebook page

Some comparable spaces in both the fictional and real home, possibly owing to the house holds’ similar class and structure include; study rooms and offices, servant quarters, stor age rooms and a surplus of specific social spaces that allows the allocation of informal and formal e.g. to be used for important guests or occasions. For instance two living rooms, one formal, one informal, two dining rooms, multiple outdoor spaces (for family lounging vs for hosting) and two kitchens (havelis had the outdoor kitchen for cooking by servants and indoor for performative reasons and basic tasks by the women of the house. While the con temporary villa also has an indoor kitchen for reasons similar to the haveli indoor kitchen, attached to a ‘dirty kitchen’ used for actual cooking by maids).

Such duplicates of spaces in upper middle class homes have been around since the Mughal times, upholding a façade of perfectionism held together by a ‘behind the scenes’ reality of an identical space which is actually in use and ‘lived in’ as opposed to the prim and proper duplicate used for display.

Speaking to architect Suhail Abbasi, he mentions that the haveli like features were not a conscious design decision, he just wanted his home to be “all around him”53 and he ended up with this. In fact, only after completing the house and occupying it with his family did he realise that the home “grew out of his childhood”54 . He mentions fond memories of his moth er in their courtyard home in Multan, Pakistan and how this house reminds him of that.

Interview with Suhail Abbasi and

Interview with Suhail Abbasi and family

Figure 83: Suhail and Nighat residence first and second level plan. Source: Suhail and Fawad Architects facebook page

Figure 84: Suhail and Nighat residence third and fourth level plan. Source: Suhail and Fawad Architects facebook page

Figure 85: Suhail and Nighat residence fifth and final level plan. Source: Suhail and Fawad Architects facebook page

Looking at Abbasi’s sketches of his childhood home, a traditional courtyard typology, drawn by him from memory for the purpose of this study, we can actually establish some links be tween the two homes. (Contemporary: figures 83 - 85 | Childhood: figures 86 - 89)

Similarities between Abbasi’s childhood home and current contemporary villa which are typ ical of traditional haveli typologies include; firstly, the central courtyard acting as the heart of the house with the rest of the home surrounding it, (A) in the contemporary villa this is reinterpreted as a hybrid central atrium / courtyard space.

Furthermore, the intelligent height changes for maximising space and privacy with the addition of a ‘parchatti’ or mezzanine (B), typical of havelis, is seen in both. The roof plans are almost identical excluding the size difference, with the top of the courtyard left open in the childhood home but covered with glass in the cotemporary for safety and maintaining artifi cial cooling/heating.(C)

Finally, both homes feature balconies (D) accompanying most rooms, jharoka balconies (D) can be seen in the childhood home while the contemporary one features a jharoka window (E) that looks down upon the entire house, perhaps mimicking the hatch window that opens into the adjacent house in the childhood home. (E)

Thus, having grown up in this traditional courtyard typology, perhaps the haveli influence was embedded in the architect’s consciousness, rather than being explicit.

Taking the three case studies forward; the ‘Suhail & Nighat Residence’ contemporary villa, the ‘Barood Khana’ haveli and the drama ‘Dastaan’, we can begin to analyse specific haveli design features and their corresponding impact on shaping the lifestyle and maintaining cultural/religious norms of the local families and begin to unpack how these are being reinterpreted in the contemporary villa along with the resultant lifestyle impact of today.

Suhail

B

Privacy in design to maintain ‘Pardah’:

A key design feature of the haveli was a strong sense of privacy for the family, maintaining the idea of ‘Pardah’ or ‘veil’ for Muslim women.

This can be seen in ‘Barood Khana’ and ‘Dastaan’. Firstly, the intelligent changes in height levels throughout the haveli. Whereby the ground floor main courtyard space which is ac cessed via the main entrance is most public and thus sits slightly below ground floor level (figure 90) and as you go deeper into the haveli, the inner courtyards become increasingly private and gender separated. Eventually leading you to the living spaces, the entry doors of which have dark shadows cast on them by the inner ‘baramdah’, (veranda gallery’s) pillars and arches. (figure 91). As you go higher into the terrace and balcony spaces, privacy increases upwards, including the multileveled roofs. Tucked behind these terraces and ‘bar amdah’s’ (verandas), the most private bedrooms can be found.

Figure 91: Dastaan scene showing inner courtyard and veranda with shadows cast on the bedroom entrances. Source: Hum tv youtube channel

Figure 90: Section of ‘Barood Khana’ showing height changes between the semi-public vs private. Source: (own colour coding on top of drawings provided by Omer Salahuddin)

A specific example from ‘Dastaan’ of these height changes is the back entry (filmed in ‘Ba rood Khana’ back entry porch) being accessed at a slightly lower level compared to the street. This was shown as the male entrance when political party members would come over for confidential conversations in drama ‘Dastaan’ (figure 93 - 95). This entry allowed male guests an unobstructed journey (figure 92) to the main courtyard for meetings, without crossing paths with any women of the house. Therefore, even circulation was divided be tween less and more private.

Figure

Ground floor plan of ‘dastaan’ haveli showing male journey for political conversations. Source: own sketch

Figure 93: Dastaan scene, Hassan entering for political meeting in the male courtyard via back entrance. Source: Hum tv youtube

Figure 94: Dastaan scene showing male political meeting in main courtyard. Source: Hum tv youtube

Figure 95: ‘Barood Khana’ back entry porch (appears in Dastaan as back male entrance). Source: Salahuddin

Design features such as ‘jalis’ (screens) and chiks (traditional natural bamboo craft blinds that cast soft, diffused light) as seen in Barood Khana (figure 96 - 98) also offer privacy. In ‘Dastaan’ you often see women hiding behind these ‘jalis’ and ‘chiks’ to overhear conversa tions going on around them (figure 99, 100).

Figure 96: Bamboo ‘chik’ in Barood Khana. Source: capital tv documentary

Figure 97: Wooden ‘Jali’ or screen features in Barood Khana. Source: capital tv documentary

Figure 98: The same Barood Khana haveli terrace with wooden jali work as seen in Dastaan drama filming. Source: worl dorgs

Figure 100: Dastaan scene, woman behind net curtains of one terrace looking onto the opposite terrace for elders. Source: hum tv

Figure 99: Dastaan scene, Bano hiding behind ‘jali’ or screen on the terrace looking down at courtyard meetings. Source: humtv

The contemporary home also has this strong sense of privacy with height changes whereby to get around Islamabad laws of maximum 2 storey homes, Abbasi divided the floors so the house has seven sub levels, dividing each level into two and thus the basement also has a semi basement. The bedrooms are placed so that they’re on a different sub level to any space that may require guest access such as the dining or drawing room, even the ground floor bedroom and family room is on a separate sublevel to the entrance (figure 101).

The base of the private courtyard also sits lower than the semi public architect’s studio and servant quarter entrance. Additionally, the circulation for the family is all private and mostly held in the central atrium, separate to the stairs used by the servant quarter and studio users so they don’t cross paths with the family.

Like the haveli, the bedrooms being the most private part of the house still exists in the villa. “My father says that in the living areas he can feel the pulse of the house, he can almost see and hear everyone in their spaces but the rooms are completely private; each is some how sunk into its own space as being secluded from the shahra-e-aam (family paths) of the house. Once inside a room, with the door closed, you can be completely separated from everything else.”55

Additionally, ‘chiks’ and ‘jalis’ can also be spotted on the most public facing windows. (figure 102, 103) Abbasi also mentions that the water feature wall not only adds “beautiful calming sounds throughout the home”56 but was also added to act as a screen between his home and the neighbours allowing maximum privacy (figure 104).

Figure 101: ‘Suhail and Nighat residence’ Section showing height variation in semi public vs private spaces. Source: Sec tion from Suhail and Fawad facebook page with own colour coding

55. Interview with Suhail Abbasi and family

56. Interview with Suhail Abbasi and family

Figure 102: ‘Jali’ or screen on small window opening near the entrance. Source: Suhail and Fawad facebook page

Figure 103: ‘Chik’ or bamboo blinds on a window near semi public studio office. Source: Suhail and Fawad Architects

Figure 104: Running water wall feature in courtyard acting as screen between neighbour’s home Source: ‘Banjaiga’ you tube

Allocation of space dictating family dynamics and gender norms:

Secondly, through categorisation of living and circulation space, the haveli moulded family dynamics and upheld gender norms.

As shown in figures 105 - 109, in Dastaan the haveli had designated spaces for men vs women which varied during day and night. For men, ‘Mardan Khana’ or male sections in cluded semi public courtyard extensions to the street or ‘gali/mohalla’.57 (figure 105) E.g. the main courtyard located close to the entrance enabled male members to communicate with the outside world by sitting with neighbours and business associates. Thus, these ‘mardan’ areas became high-status spaces reflecting the family capital, consequently becoming the most ornamented rooms in the haveli. E.g. ‘sheeh mahal’ or ‘mirrored palace’ in Barood Khana (figure 107) which was portrayed in ‘Dastaan’ as the male sitting area. Women in the show are normally only seen to enter these ‘mardana’ areas when they’re coming from the kitchen bearing snacks (figure 106). These exact “extensions to the street” spaces were westernised with European architectural tones in ‘brown sahib’s’ (sir’s) hybrid havelis during colonial times while keeping the rest of the interior layout the same.

Figure 105: Dastaan haveli ground floor plan showing male vs female allocation of court yards. Source: own sketch

57. Amita Sinha, “From tradition to modernity: The role of the dwelling in social change.” EDRA21,(1990): 6-9, accessed March 11, 2021, http://www.edra.org/sites/default/files/publications/EDRA21-Sinha-157-162.pdf

Figure 106: Dastaan scene showing men having a meeting in the main courtyard and bano bringing them snacks via the inner courtyard. Source: humtv

Figure 107: Ornamentation in Barood khana’s ‘sheesh mahal’ used as the male sitting room in dastaan. Source: capital tv

Figure 108: Female (top) vs male (bottom) day time journey and occupation of space on ground floor in ‘Dastaan’ Source: own sketch

Figure 109: Female (top) vs male (bottom) day time journey and occupation of space on first floor in ‘Dastaan’ Source: own sketch

Figure 110: Female (top) vs male (bottom) night time journey and occupation of space on ground floor in ‘Dastaan’ Source: own sketch

Figure 111: Female (top) vs male (bottom) night time journey and occupation of space on first floor in ‘Dastaan’ Source: own sketch

On the other hand, female or ‘Zanan Khana’ sections as depicted in ‘dastaan’ are formed by the private domain of the extended family, consisting of female friends, family and some trusted male servants (figure 113). Mostly consisting of the inner courtyard and the living, dining and kitchen connected to it on ground level. Where as on first floor they are mostly seen occupying terraces and ‘jharoka’ balconies connected to their bedrooms, looking down into the semi public spaces of the house (figure 114 - 117), thus giving the woman a domes tic observer role. They are often seen running from these observation spaces connected to their bedrooms upon a man’s or an elder woman’s arrival (figure 118).

Figure 112: Inner female courtyard in dastaan. Source: humtv youtube

Figure 113: Trusted male servant (in blue shirt) in female areas in Dastaan. Source: humtv youtube

Figure 116: Elder women occupying the same terrace space in dastaan. Source: humtv youtube

Figure 115: Elder women occupying the same terrace space in dastaan. Source: humtv youtube

Figure 114: Young women observing from first floor terraces. Source: hum tv

Figure 117: Sequence showing young girl peeking onto the public street from a first floor window in dastaan. Source: humtv youtube

Figure 118: Sequence showing Bano peeking out of the jharoka style window when she senses a male member of the family coming and runs. Source: humtv youtube

In contrast, comparing the allocation of spaces in havelis to the contemporary villa, (figures 119 - 121) although some gender roles are still maintained such as the women’s domestic role, spending more time in the kitchen and less time in the studio office (perhaps simply because the two men of the house are the architects who run their business from there).

Besides that, women now dominate all the outdoor spaces rather than only gender allocated ones e.g. the lawn, the courtyard, the balconies and even the roof. Mariam mentions how she loves to paint on the highest of the 3 levelled roof which offers ”the whole city stretched out before me”.58 Whereas Amna and Nighat like to spend time with the kids while they play in the lawn and courtyard.

Although there’s been gender progress within the private family sector through increased occupation of outdoor private space, there is still more to be achieved in the public realm. Perhaps this hints at Pakistani women still somewhat lacking safety and comfort in pub lic spaces outside the home, so they subconsciously overcompensate by occupying open spaces within their private sphere. Using the vantage point of roofs and balconies to observe the public realm rather than entering it.

Similar gender roles are still reflected in the occupation of space but the level of ‘pardah’ (veil) found traditionally within the family has definitely disappeared. With ‘pardah’ only being maintained with the outside world.

58. Interview with Suhail Abbasi and family

Figure 119: Female (top) vs male (bottom) journey and occupation of 1st/2nd level Source: drawing via Suhail and Fawad facebook page with own colour coding

Figure

Female (top) vs male (bottom) journey and occupation of 3rd/4th level Source: drawing via Suhail and Fawad facebook page with own colour

Figure

(top)

(bottom) journey and occupation of 5th level Source: drawing via Suhail and Fawad facebook

with

colour

Additionally, the master bedroom belonging to Suhail and Nighat on the 3rd/4th level has a modernised jharoka window that opens into the atrium (figure 122). Similar to how in ‘das taan’ the jharoka offering the vastest views into key conversational spaces of the house belonged to the head of the household, this one belongs to Nighat, the matriarch of the house. (figure 123, 124). “My mothers corner as we call it, the jharoka looks down to all the rooms of the house, standing there one can see the central space opening out into the back veranda, the lounge, study, dining room and kitchen. We call it the parents spy window”59 says Mariam.

Abbasi mentions that this window comes from his childhood home where his mother would stand at a similar window in her room, central to the house and shout out to call him. He adds how his wife didn’t want to be disconnected from the family and wanted to be able to call upon anyone, anytime, using her voice alone, thus he built this. He jokingly adds this is where “she now rules over the rest of the house from”.60 Thus we see a role reversal in the jharoka, from the female observation point to the female ruling point.

Figure 122: 3rd/4th level plan showing location jharoka style window. Source: Suhail and Fawad facebook

59. Interview with Suhail Abbasi and family

60. Interview with Suhail Abbasi and family

Figure 123: Jharoka style window view from atrium Source: Suhail and Fawad facebook page

Figure 124: jharoka style windows in the entrance foyer. Source: Suhail and Fawad facebook

Flexibility of spaces for cultural and religious events:

Lastly, looking at the flexibility of spaces within the haveli such as the courtyard, rooftop and basement in lending themselves to day to day use, as well as cultural and religious events that are part of the local lifestyle e.g. multiple wedding functions within the culture.

Since the arrival of Islam in the 13th century AD. courtyard typologies became a constant in religious buildings e.g. mosques. A space open to the sky, yet enclosed, presenting a private link to God, who is usually said to be found by man in the sky.61 The idea of biophilia made these courtyards perfect venues for religious and cultural events. As popularised by the Mughals, the four-square garden or ‘char bagh’ was a representation of a garden in paradise. The close connection it offered to nature, water, earth and sky made it the perfect place to feel God, thus perfect for blessed weddings and birth ceremonies.

The presence of earth was emphasised with the courtyard being slightly lower than the living area, with trees rooted into the ground. As rain would fall and slowly dry, an earthy aroma would be dispersed in the air. The water features would offer soft sounds and act as mirrors to reflect the surroundings and disperse sunlight to form patterns.62 Thus feeling the pres ence of God all around with all 4 senses during ceremonies. We see such features in both Barood Khana and ‘Dastaan’.

Reynolds, J. (2002). Courtyards: Aesthetic, social, and thermal delight John Wiley & Sons.

61. Tadgell, C., 1990. The History of Architecture in India by Christopher Tadgell. 1st ed. Cambridge: Phaidon Press Ltd (1 Jan. 1990).

Barood khana fountain with fish in main courtyard (left). Bird feeders on wall (right) Source: Salahuddin

Figure 126: Barood khana inner courtyard filled with greenery. Source: Salahuddin

Figure 127: Barood khana inner courtyard with water feature and greenery. Source: Salahuddin

As apparent in ‘Dastaan’, the courtyards formed social centres of the house63 acting as a flexible space responding to the many social needs of the family. Ranging from sleeping, working, children playing and domestic chores. (figure 128,129) but also providing a venue for Bano’s brother’s wedding which takes place in the courtyards. (figure 130)

Even today such spaces are utilised for weddings e.g. this recent nikkah (islamic marriage) ceremony that took place in the barood khana courtyard. (figure 131)

63.

Cultural Heritage.”

Figure

Inner female courtyard being used for meal prep, cutting vegetables. Source: humtv

Figure

brother gets married in the courtyards. Source: humtv

Figure 129: Bano helps Hassan wash hands in the inner courtyard before having dinner. Source: humtv

Figure 131: Nikkah/wedding ceremony in the Barood Khana courtyards. Source: Hashim Ali designs

The roof or ‘chatts’ also acted as an extension of the living spaces, providing space for activities like kite flying, drying food, washing clothes, sleeping and socializing. Such archi tectural solutions allowed havelis to adapt to their crowded urban conditions. Roofs are also key spaces in cultural events such as ‘chaand raat‘ (moon night - the eid moon is spotted by family and friends, welcoming eid with food and festivities, figure 134) and ‘basant festival’ (kite flying) which is actually hosted on ‘Barood Khana’s’ roof. (figure 135).

Figure 132: Moon view from Barood Khana lower roof. Source: Salahuddin

Figure 133: On hot summer nights, men sleeping on lower roof (bottom) while women sleep on higher roof (top) for in creased security and privacy in Dastaan. Source: humtv

Figure 134: Roof top ‘chaand raat‘ (moon night) festivities. Source: famyglamy

Figure 135: ‘Basant’ or kite flying festival on rooftop. Source: thenews.pk

Figure 136: The Barood Khana basement is also used for musical or traditional ‘qawali‘ nights due to its cool nature and acoustic qualities. Source: Omer Salahuddin

Similar spaces in the contemporary villa e.g. the courtyard, rooftops and lawn are also used in a variety of ways to host similar ceremonies and events but also for day to day activities according to the family. Abbasi mentions that he designed the house so that “you can social ise, sleep or play in any corner or windowsill”. The family mentions how besides simply using the courtyard, roofs and lawn for family tea time or the kids playing, these spaces are often used for Eid bbqs and chand raat (eid moon spotting) with family and friends.

Abbasi also mentions how his roof reminds him of his childhood home the most, being almost identical and mentions fond memories of sleeping on the roof on summer nights in his childhood home. However, sleeping is no longer something that they use the roof for perhaps due to the availability of AC and safety issues.

Figure 137: ‘Suhail and Nighat residence’ rooftop with furniture to enjoy the sunset with family. Source: Suhail and Fawad facebook

Figure

‘Suhail and Nighat residence’ Courtyard where family spends most time. Source: Suhail and Fawad facebook

Furthermore, this sense of biopillia is apparent in the contemporary villa case study too. Firstly, the recreation of a modernised courtyard (figure 138) which also sits at slightly below ground level (like the haveli). Every window of the house opening to plantation, water body or unobstructed views. Also, a water wall, fountain, lush greenery, as well as a huge rear lawn with a natural lake at -40 feet. To paint a picture of a typical day being surrounded by this nature, Mariam describes how “it’s a great feeling when you wake up in the morning with Akhtary Begum’s voice (a classical ghazal singer from the 60’s) permeating through the house. You can sit in the green veranda, look down and listen to the water in the court below or even put your feet in the rear pond on a hot sunny day”

and Nighat Residence’ nature features. Source: Suhail and fawad facebook

Figure 140: ‘Suhail and Nighat Residence’ water features. Source: ‘Banjaiga’ youtube

All in all, the three case studies display an abundance of similar traditional spatial qualities along with the resuting occupation of such spaces by the family as embedded in the culture despite the vast difference in time periods between the case studies.

It is interesting to observe the changing social and political narrative in the drama play out architecturally through the characters’ changing homes and even the furniture of these homes, supporting the findings of earlier chapters.

As the drama follows the family’s journey between 1947-1958, from their pre-partition haveli, to their haveli becoming occupied during the declaration of independence leading them to become displaced and split apart during migration, to ultimately whatever is left of the family (now reduced to two members), settling in an average middle class contemporary villa in Pakistan with their savings. In the final scene we see the elderly couple in their new front lawn, sitting on classic 60’s Victorian lawn chairs, sipping ‘chai’ and reading the paper as the camera pans out to what appears to be a British built home with ionic columns marking its entrance. (figure 142)

Figure 141: First episode: Bano’s pre-partition haveli with traditional ‘charpai’ seating (woven bed with wooden frame seat ing) in Dastaan. Source: Humtv

Figure 142: Last episode: closing scene in british built contemporary villa (post-partition) in Dastaan. Source: Humtv

Pakistan has a rich cultural backdrop and architectural heritage formed by the coming to gether of diverse dynasties since pre-historic times. However, set within a rapidly globalis ing world with lasting ideological colonial scars and withstanding years of pre/post-partition bumpy authoritarian and complexly polar, political eras has resulted in a lack of regional identity apparent in the built environment.65 Reflecting an extremely tangled and endlessly wavering relationship of disconnection and connection with the local tradition and culture.

Nonetheless, after years of identity crises and rejection of tradition, the country’s upper/middle class who had previously sculpted itself into a western mould is finally starting to grow out from under the shadows of inferiority cast by its colonisers and their succeeding ‘brown sahib’ rulers. We can see a post-80’s reinvention of tradition for contemporary purposes. Traditional forms are being reinterpreted by local architects to fit the lifestyle of modern day Pakistanis. Whether that is commercial buildings such as the ‘harsukh’ school or contem porary villas such as Abbasi’s home which may not be a grand Mughal haveli ornamented with mirrors and hand painted fresco, but a home with a contemporary outlook, carrying in troverted design features that are traditionally, characteristically haveli-like, cloaked in a veil of modernity, serving the modern family’s, modern needs.

I believe this return to the vernacular is part of a much wider cultural shift encompassing popular media such as television, music, fashion and literature conveying a fasciation with tradition and turning it into a sought after aesthetic. Consequently, fuelling this revival of tradition as reflected not only in the architecture commissioned by the rich, enlightened Pakistanis but also in the way they occupy these spaces and their overall lifestyle. The elite circle’s revival of traditional arts has turned attainable local craft into an expensive and exclusive club, requiring ‘exquisite taste and intellect’, perhaps ignorant of the lower working class craftsmen who have kept the tradition alive all these years. This explains the huge disparities in price of traditional crafts e.g. rattan furniture if brought from a craftsman in a small inner city ‘bazaar’ compared to a big city center showroom.

65. Javed Shah, S., Ahmed Qureshi, R. and Akhtar, M., 2021. ‘Quest for Architectural Identity of Pakistan: Ideological Shifts in the Works of Kamil Khan Mumtaz’, Pakistan Journal of Engineering and Applied Sciences, vol. 28, pp. 1-15.

We can observe this ‘traditionalism fashion’ in the concepts of fashion campaigns, wedding venues, television and music video sets (144 -146). Whereby the clothing, furniture, colour themes, cuisines, cutlery, makeup style and jewellery are all increasingly traditional. There is even a current trend in music, poetry and promotional posters to use written Urdu for its visually ‘traditional looking’ aesthetic or “vibes” and spoken Urdu for its ‘romantic and royal’ connotations from Mughal times. Ironically put to use by a social class which had previously strayed so far from their roots chasing westernisation that majority cannot even fluently read and write this native language.

The generational nature of ‘tradition’ means that it uses culture as a precedent and forms a common identity with its specific social groups. E.g. the upper class traditional haveli typology is not only connected with the traditional urban morphology but with the social relation ships, behavioural patterns, gender hierarchies, even leisure, cuisine and dressing rooted deep in the culture66 as reflected in the haveli study of drama ‘dastaan’. This suggests that the culture of the people and their built environment is symbiotic and any shift in either one will inevitably impact the other. Thus explaining the current ‘traditionalism fashion’ impacting the middle class’s outer appearance, building and lifestyle.

According to ‘Theatres of memory’, “a ballad or song, a novel or a poem, is as much a historical document as a cartulary or a pipe roll”.67 Today, aesthetes such as filmmakers, production, furniture, interior designers and even seamstresses have become key figures in “Memory-keeping”.68 Therefore, Pakistan is seeing an increased role played by those in creative roles in dictating and selling this fashion of traditionalism. It is interesting to note that the architects leading the revival of tradition studied as part of this essay were almost iden tical in age, graduating in 1963-64, but nearly all the individuals leading the traditionalism revival media campaign in Pakistan are 20-30 somethings e.g. creative director ‘Hashim Ali’ in his 30s, who’s work can be seen in figure 147, photographer and art director ‘Mahoor Jamal’ in her 20s (figure 148) and singer ‘Ali Sethi’ in his 30’s (figure 149). This could simply be because the field of media is generally populated by younger people or perhaps the country is actually seeing a grand generational ideological shift.

66. Mumtaz, K., 1999. Modernity and Tradition: Contemporary Architecture in Pakistan. 1st ed. The University of Michigan: Oxford Uni versity Press.

67. Samuel, R., 1996. Theatres of Memory: Past and Present in Contemporary Culture. 1st ed. Oxford: Verso, 1996.

68. Samuel, R., 1996. Theatres of Memory: Past and Present in Contemporary Culture. 1st ed. Oxford: Verso, 1996.

Figure 144: Home decorated in traditional style for wedding scenes in movie ‘parey hut love‘, 2019. Source: amazon prime

Figure 145: Romanticising local street food in promotional music video ‘qabool hai‘ by fahsion designer ‘‘Nomi Ansari, 2018. Source: youtube

Figure 146: Craftsman making traditional clothing depicted in promotional music video ‘qabool hai‘ by fahsion designer ‘‘Nomi Ansari, 2018. Source: youtube

Figure 147: Art director Hashim Ali’s campiagn for fashion brand ‘farah and fatima’ (top) and ‘Zara Shahjahan’ (bottom), 2020. Source: Hashim Ali on instagram

Figure 149: (left) Singer Ali Sethi who revives 40-70’s urdu ghazals with modern tones e.g. ‘ranjish hi sahi‘ (1950’s) origi nally by Pakistani ghazal singer Mehdi Hassan (right). Source: ali sethi instagram and mehdihassan webpage

Figure 148: Photographer and creative director Mahoor Jamal’s Eid campiagn for fashion brand ‘generation’, 2021. Depicting wooden furniture with floral prints and tones reminiscent of the 50’s and vintage ‘kajal‘ bottles (traditional kohl eyeliner with Islamic connotations, worn by people of the region since prehistoric times)

One has to question the drive behind this ‘traditionalism fashion’ not only in contemporary villa architecture but in the rest of the built environment, media and lifestyle aspects. But in a country so complex with its people’s and building’s identity tortuously interwoven with pol itics, colonial ptsd and religion, it is almost impossible to pin down one particular reason for its emerging traditional revivalism

Is it perhaps a newfound pride in Pakistani heritage? If yes, then what was this fuelled by? Does it stem from a fear of the uncertain future within a globalising world, whereby latching on to familiar aspects of the past is the most dependable way to move forward?

Could it be a coping mechanism born out of panic to form a distinctive identity in the contemporary world among competing neighbouring nations e.g. India who seems to have done well for themselves with their media i.e. Bollywood embracing their culture and dominating the world even though they suffered the same colonial history? Maybe this attempt at a new distinctive Pakistani identity could even be a means to stand in front of the west whose approval the country so badly seeks and to finally appear ‘complete’ and ‘resolved’ by em bracing the very heritage that was attempted to be erased?

I believe the entire complicated concept of ‘Pakistani identity’ is in a period of reinterpretation with the contemporary villa’s haveli revival just being one piece of the bigger picture. From having a post-partition national ‘Pakistani identity’ borrowed from the west, to a post 80’s religious national identity, to finally the current fertile period of reinvention and revivalism in a contemporary setting. The identity is in an age of reinterpretation.

Nevertheless, looking to the future one has to question that given the fleeting, egocentric and exotic nature of the ‘currency of fashion or fad’, limited to a specific sub-culture within the lager matrix and centred around the outer self, to uphold public image, perception and projection,69 if this revival of traditionalism as a fashion trend will cause it to be short lived and eventually fade. Especially since it does not impact the entire country but only specifc social classes.

69. Mumtaz, K., 1999. Modernity and Tradition: Contemporary Architecture in Pakistan. 1st ed. The University of Michigan: Oxford Uni versity Press.

Upon completing this essay even I am left questioning my own intentions behind it. Perhaps was my inclination towards this topic subconsciously motivated by the same popular media romanticism of tradition which will also eventually diminish with changing trends?

Ready for the next phase in the unsure, easily influenced and still malleable Pakistani iden tity, once again turning over the built environment and impacting the lifestyles of locals.

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Abbasi, Suhail & Family. Interview. By Areesha Khalid. 2021. (Personal communication)

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ILLUSTRATIONS

Cover: Own illustration

Figure 1-7: Property images found on https://www.zameen.com

Figure 8 - 9: Maharaja Naunihal Singh, walled city of Lahore, Pakistan via Trip advisor https://www.tripadvisor.com/ShowUserReviews-g295413-d7811070-r373129406-Walled_ City_of_Lahore_Authority-Lahore_Punjab_Province.html

Figure 10: Haveli Jamdar Khushal Singh, walled city, Lahore. Via Maria Waseem

Figure 11: Maharaja Naunihal Singh, walled city of Lahore, Pakistan via Trip advisor https:// www.tripadvisor.com/ShowUserReviews-g295413-d7811070-r373129406-Walled_City_of_ Lahore_Authority-Lahore_Punjab_Province.html

Figure 12: Haveli Bhatti Gate, Lahore. Source: Maimoona Jawaid

Figure 13: Fresco work in havelis via forbes: https://www.forbes.com/sites/sonyareh man/2021/09/25/rediscovering-pakistans-cultural-history/

Figure 15: ‘Jali’ work via Taj mahal.net

Figure 16: Maharaja Naunihal Singh, walled city of Lahore, Pakistan via Trip advisor https:// www.tripadvisor.com/ShowUserReviews-g295413-d7811070-r373129406-Walled_City_of_ Lahore_Authority-Lahore_Punjab_Province.html

Figure 17 – 18: Mumtaz, Kamil Khan. 1985. Vernacular Tradition. In Architecture in Pakistan. Judith Shaw, ed. Singapore: Concept Media Pte Ltd

Figure 19: Governor House, Lahore, 1882. Source: The Times (Thornton Butterworth, 1932). https://www.lookandlearn.com/history-images/M544579/Government-House-Lahore-1882

Figure 20: Governor House dining room, Lahore built on first floor of Mughal tomb, 1870. Source: The Friday Times https://www.thefridaytimes.com/government-house-lahore-cir ca-1870/

Figure 21 – 22: The Governor House website, https://governorhouse.punjab.gov.pk

Figure 23 – 24: Mumtaz, Kamil Khan. British Colonial. In Architecture in Pakistan. Judith Shaw, ed. Singapore: Concept Media Pte Ltd, 1985.

Figure 25: Khan, S., The Sethi merchants’ havelis in Peshawar, 1800-1910: form, identity and status. PhD. London: University of Westminster. 2016.

Figure 26 – 28: Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Saracenic_architecture

Figure 29: wood craftsman https://www.turquoisemountain.org/jordan/products

Figure 30 – 31: CA Doxiadis’ capital city Islamabad (1960). Manifesto by Ahmed Z. Khan

Figure 32: Quaid’s mausoleum proposal by British architect William Whitfield of Squire and Partners 1957. Via brown history on Instagram

Figure 33: Yahya Merchant’s eventual design for Quaid’s mausolem 1960. Via wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mazar-e-Quaid

Figure 34: Refreshment shelter, Lalazar Park, Karachi late 60s, KKM. Via Mohammad Khan.

Figure 35: Mumtaz, K., 1999. Modernity and Tradition: Contemporary Architecture in Paki stan. 1st ed. The University of Michigan: Oxford University Press.

Figure 36: Nepra, Islamabad, 70Ss, KKM. Via geotv https://www.geo.tv/latest/378372-ne pra-approves-69-paisa-per-unit-hike-in-k-electric-tariff

Figure 37: Kot Karamat’ project, 1969, KKM. Via Architecturex https://architexturez.net/doc/ az-cf-166701

Figure 38 - 39: https://banjaiga.com/mega-database/Search/Profile/Architect/MTY2

Figure 40: Womens cricket team. Via Siasat pk https://www.siasat.pk/forums/threads/paki stan-in-60s-70s-zia-ul-haq-ruined-everything.477829/

Figure 41 – 43: The ‘swinging seventies’ in Pakistan: An urban history Via Dawn news https://www.dawn.com/news/1037584

Figure 44: Protests of Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) Via White Star Archives https://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/668/1/uk_bl_ethos_428263.pdf

Figure 45: Women violently arrested during a protest organised by Women’s Action Forum, Lahore, 1983.Via Aitzaz Ahsan Archives. https://www.dawn.com/news/1364410

Figure 46: The Taj Mahal Hotel in Karachi, Pakistan, 1980 by Yasmeen Lari. Via done.mit. edu https://dome.mit.edu/handle/1721.3/61541?show=full

Figure 47: Pakistan State Oil House, Karachi 1981, Yasmeen Lari. Via https://psopk.com

Figure 48: Finance and Trade Center, Karachi, 1988, Yasmeen Lari. Via thehecarfounda tion.org,

Figure 49: Retrospective: Yasmeen Lari Via https://www.architectural-review.com/buildings/ retrospective-yasmeen-larii

Figure 50: Conservation project Sethi Haveli Peshawar, 2000’s by Yasmeen Lari. Source: Youlin magazine

Figure 51: N.C.A university auditorium Nayyar Ali Dada, 1960s. Via sos brutalism https:// www.sosbrutalism.org/cms/18876543

Figure 52: Alhamra arts council, Nayyar Ali Dada, 1979. Via Archnet https://www.archnet. org/sites/308

Figure 53: The Lahore Open-Air Theater, 1989. Via tribune.pk https://tribune.com.pk/sto ry/2166672/historic-open-air-theatre-lahore-risk-damage-development-project

Figure 54 - 56: https://www.nayyaralidada.net

Figure 57: Fashion brands ‘breakout‘ and ‘zara shahjahan‘ campaign photos via @breakout pakistan and @zarashahjahanofficial on instagram

Figure 58 - 59: Harsukh mansion Via Banjaiga documentary youtube https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=NyrL6EvNiA4

Figure 60 – 66: Harsukh mansion Via Harsukh facebook page https://www.facebook.com/ harsukh.bedian/

Figure 68: Mumtaz, K., 1999. Modernity and Tradition: Contemporary Architecture in Paki stan. 1st ed. The University of Michigan: Oxford University Press.

Figure 69: Suhail Abbasi Banjaiga documentary youtube https://www.google.com/ url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwirhNXV7q f1AhVUTcAKHdChBl4QtwJ6BAgFEAI&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2F watch%3Fv%3DjAe223Ljvs4&usg=AOvVaw0zPsG8E-DFvVRm0r0VV-Ns

Figure 70 - 71: Barood khana haveli Via Salahuddin, posted by Rabia Qureshi

Figure 74 - 76: Scenes from ‘Dastaan’ Via Hum TV youtube channel https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=DUWIkBjuwF8

Figure 77 – 78: Own sketch drawings of plans of haveli as depicted in ‘Dastaan’.

Figure 79 - 85: Suhail and Nighat residence. Via Suhail and Fawad Architects facebook page

Figure 86 – 89: Drawings by Architect Suhail Abbasi for the purpose of this essay

Figure 90: Barood khana haveli Via Salahuddin, posted by Rabia Qureshi

Figure 91: Scenes from ‘Dastaan’ Via Hum TV youtube channel https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=DUWIkBjuwF8

Figure 92: Own sketch drawings of plans of haveli as depicted in ‘Dastaan’.

Figure 93 – 95: Scenes from ‘Dastaan’ Via Hum TV youtube channel https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=DUWIkBjuwF8

Figure 96 – 97: Barood Khana via capital tv documentary https://www.google.com/ url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwj3-pnS8a f1AhVZhlwKHfiVBCUQFnoECAMQAQ&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2F watch%3Fv%3D0-dIzD59B3M&usg=AOvVaw2FtqHgZESuD-ZyZAAtikxw

Figure 98: Barood Khana via worldorgs https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&es rc=s&source=web&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwid4_ff8af1AhV0oFwKHVK5B 1gQFnoECAcQAQ&url=https%3A%2F%2Fpk.worldorgs.com%2Fcatalog%2Flahore%2F book-store%2Fhaveli-barood-khana&usg=AOvVaw0xcE4KbST4J7UiBu7_RxSr

Figure 99 – 100: Scenes from ‘Dastaan’ Via Hum TV youtube channel https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=DUWIkBjuwF8

Figure 100: Own Annotations on Suhail and Nighat residence drawings Via Suhail and Fawad Architects facebook page

Figure 101 – 104: Suhail and Nighat residence. Via Suhail and Fawad Ar chitects facebook page https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&es rc=s&source=web&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwiM_KmA8a f1AhVKQkEAHfVEAT4QFnoECAcQAQ&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww. facebook.com%2FSuhail-Fawad-Architects-379410938790290%2F&usg=AOv Vaw1RfjBUM9yVEIosmJlGA5wN

Figure 105: Own sketch drawings of plans of haveli as depicted in ‘Dastaan’.

Figure 106: Scenes from ‘Dastaan’ Via Hum TV youtube channel https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=DUWIkBjuwF8

Figure 107: Barood Khana via capital tv documentary https://www.google.com/ url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwj3-pnS8a f1AhVZhlwKHfiVBCUQFnoECAMQAQ&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2F watch%3Fv%3D0-dIzD59B3M&usg=AOvVaw2FtqHgZESuD-ZyZAAtikxw

Figure 108 - 111: Own sketch drawings of plans of haveli as depicted in ‘Dastaan’.

Figure 112 - 118: Scenes from ‘Dastaan’ Via Hum TV youtube channel https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=DUWIkBjuwF8

Figure 119 – 122: Own Annotations on Suhail and Nighat residence drawings Via Suhail and Fawad Architects facebook page

Figure 123 - 124: Suhail and Nighat residence. Via Suhail and Fawad Ar chitects facebook page https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&es rc=s&source=web&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwiM_KmA8a f1AhVKQkEAHfVEAT4QFnoECAcQAQ&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww. facebook.com%2FSuhail-Fawad-Architects-379410938790290%2F&usg=AOv Vaw1RfjBUM9yVEIosmJlGA5wN

Figure 125 - 127: Barood khana haveli Via Salahuddin, posted by Rabia Qureshi

Figure 128 – 130: Scenes from ‘Dastaan’ Via Hum TV youtube channel https://www.you tube.com/watch?v=DUWIkBjuwF8

Figure 131: Nikkah/wedding ceremony in the Barood Khana courtyards. Via Hashim Ali de signs

Figure 132: Barood khana haveli Via Salahuddin, posted by Rabia Qureshi

Figure 133: Scenes from ‘Dastaan’ Via Hum TV youtube channel https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=DUWIkBjuwF8

Figure 134: Roof top ‘chaand raat‘ (moon night) festivities. Via famyglamy. https://famy glamy.wordpress.com/2016/07/05/chaand-raat-eid-celebrations/

Figure 135: ‘Basant’. Via thenews.pk

Figure 136: Barood khana haveli Via Salahuddin, posted by Rabia Qureshi

Figure 137 - 140: Suhail and Nighat residence. Via Suhail and Fawad Ar chitects facebook page https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&es rc=s&source=web&cd=&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwiM_KmA8a f1AhVKQkEAHfVEAT4QFnoECAcQAQ&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww. facebook.com%2FSuhail-Fawad-Architects-379410938790290%2F&usg=AOv Vaw1RfjBUM9yVEIosmJlGA5wN

Figure 141 - 142: Scenes from ‘Dastaan’ Via Hum TV youtube channel https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=DUWIkBjuwF8

Figure 143: Campiagn for fashion brand ‘lajwanti’, 2021. Via Hashim Ali on instagram

Figure 144: Screenshots from movie ‘Parey hut love‘, 2019. Via amazon prime

Figure 145: Promotional music video ‘qabool hai‘ by fahsion designer ‘‘Nomi Ansari, 2018. via youtube https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=& cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahUKEwj47M_39Kf1AhVMeMAKHeY0BFoQwqsBegQI BRAB&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fwatch%3Fv%3D22BCm7Adwew&us g=AOvVaw0t_u7B4qBGpNLb0y3iLpp3

Figure 147: Art director Hashim Ali’s campiagn for fashion brand ‘farah and fatima’ (top) and ‘Zara Shahjahan’ (bottom), 2020. Via Hashim Ali on Instagram

Figure 148: Photographer and creative director Mahoor Jamal’s Eid campiagn for fashion brand ‘generation’, 2021. Via generation Instagram

Figure 149: Singer Ali Sethi who revives 40-60’s urdu ghazals with modern tones e.g. ‘ran jish hi sahi‘ (1950’s) originally by Pakistani ghazal singer Mehdi Hassan Via ali sethi insta gram and mehdihassan webpage

Master of Architecture (MArch), RIBA/ARB Part 2

School of Architecture and Cities, University of Westminster

[7ARCH023W]

Architectural Reflections II: Dissertation

Ethics declaration (to accompany submitted written work where relevant)

Name of student (block capitals): AREESHA KHALID

‘The Past is Now’

Title of submitted work: "Contemporary Traditional Revivalism in Pakistan"

Nature of submitted work: Dissertation

Declaration: I understand the University’s Code of Practice governing the Ethical Conduct of Research and confirm that my research has been fully compliant with all ethical requirements.

Signed: