75 Years After: Armenians at a Crossroads - July 1990

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75 YEARS

AFIER: ARMEN'AruS

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ROYAL IORDANIAN

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COVERSIORY: 75th Anniversory

@nocide

d

the Armenion

Armenians Worldwide Remember tlre Victims. Scholars Analyze Issues:

o

AnatomyofaGenocide O The Tirkish Evidence O PattemsofDenial

6 KARABAGH: Tumoil Conlinues

SPECIAL REPORT: Ihe Turkish Lobby Tukey Spends Millions

How the Conflict Started

to Whitewash Its Record

How Others

See

It

2 ARMENIA'S ECONOMY:

BUSINESS: Ihe Bdlliont Conneciion

O The Need to Renovate.

Armenians Play an Important Role in the Diamond indusory

O Free Enterprise Takes Off. O

Oil in Armenia?

u INTERVIEW:

ART:

An Exclusive Interview with Califomia Supreme

Talent and Tenacitv Push Yuroz to the Top

Court Justice Armand Arabian

4

r8 SPORIS PROFIIEI PUBUSHERS'NOIE 1EITERS

MONIHS IN REVIEW

PEOru

Jerry rarkanian

SO I pnOfO ESSAY: 4 5 26 37

Armenian Homes in rurkey

{$

IT{IERNANOTIAT

42

HUMOR OPINION

52

AlM, July 1990

5l


AIM

A Note fronr the Rrblisherc

HDlbhed by Alll, lrrc. EXECfTTIYE EDITOR: Charles Nazarian XAOIXO EDITOR: Vartan Oskanian

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ras]lf,AilT tailAotl{o

EDtToR:

VatdreOknaian DIBECTOR OF OPERATIOI{SE

Mi$adNahabet

tElllOR

EDITOBST Kevork lmizian, Ara lGlaydjian, Osheen Keshishian, Harut Sassounian, Rafti Shoubookian ASSOCIITE EDIIOR: Minas Kojaian GOFY EDITOR: Harry Squires

OORRESFO]{DEI{TS:

Drtrctt

AIX'r Lc Arqoloo 3t ft rd nglonel contdtntcr

Simon Payaslian

Ani Manoukian

Vlclrrel

Prd$

l,ondon:

Khatchig Keshishhn

Sebouh Baghdoyan

Armrn:

AraVoskian Syrncyl Haig Lepedjian

hen the rrcws spread

that a new Armenian magazine with worldwide

Buopr Alro* Sam Sarkissian Yonvrn Brroar: Souren Keghamian, Hratcfi Yerknabedian, Hrair Zorian

circulation was about to go to prcss, tlrc question most asked was: "what organization is behind this ambitious project?" In one word, ttrc answer is 'none.' Armenian Intemational magazine (AIM) was concieved by a group of Armenian businessrnen who are determined to preserve tlre independent status of the publication so that the pros and cons about Armenians and Armenian issues may be printed without prejudice or fear of stining contnoversies. More importantly, we believe the recent events in Armenia and the Diaspora has

ART UBECIOR: Vahe Fattal PRODI'GTIOII TII{AOER:

AIM clearly evident. AIM willmake the Armenian voice heard more loudly and on a professional level, as it links tlrc Motherland with the Dasporan communities, and brings Diasporan communities

PTIOTOORAPIIER* llow Yodr: Tony Savino Eorton: Lena

made the needforaquality magazine such as

closerto one another. You hold in your hands the inaugural issue of AIM. We tied to make this issue as representative as possible of how AIM will be in future issues, but because its inauguration coincided with the 75th annivenary of the Genocide, morc space was devotd to that significant event. Su@uent issues of AIM will cover a broad variety of comprehensive reports and indepft articles in the fields of politics, religion, business and global events, as well as rcgular deeartrnents on health, fashion, humor, entertahmenq art music , drama and literature.

AIM will also develop statistical data, conduct

research and investigation of issues conceming the Armenian communities, and present its findings for the purpose of ex@iting an amicable solution to tlre problems through bemer and understanding. We can not solve our problems until we first acknowledge them and then understand how they come about and persist. The special value of all tlpse is that they offer a way of addressing issues with logical and observational rigor. They let us pierce through our personal viewpoints and get a look at the realities beyond our normal vision.

The publishers of

AIM

are offering an opportunity to those who wish to

participate in this exciting project by sharing in its production or connibuting their alent as conespondents or fipe-lance writers. The first three issues of AIM wil be bi-monthly in oder to assurc its sandard of quality, but succeeding issues will be

monthly. We realize tlnt dl the above repesent a formidable challenge. And we, at AIM, are prepared to take that challenge. However, our commitrnent, although necessary, is not enough. It is your support, through subscription and responsivness, that will make this mission a success. We wistr to exprcss our heartrelt thanks to all the well-wistren who have encouraged us to make AIM a rcality.

Alt Prtlblrrl AlM, July 1990

Vaian Karaoghlanian

FnooucTto]a GoitsuLTAltT! JanetSamuelian

Pt BLIG BElIflON3: Charles Tanielian ADVERTISIXO AOE]IGY: B€dfod lntemational

Frrnco: Khatchig Karekin Kelelian DIBECITOR: Zareh Bastajian

Sanents, Ari Stamatiou

Keshishian

Jordru

BUtll{ESS

ctncutlTtol{ aI{D SuBscntP[to]{ IAIIAOER!

Thomas Yeterian

EUBSCRIPTIO}{ SALE& Garo Nalbandian

PRlllTlllo:

Califomia Olset Printers Co.

@LOBSEPABITTOil: High Tech Color, Inc,, Nashua, N.H. Mcushuaka & Vartanian, Amman, Jordan Universal Gra$rics, Los Angeles, CA

Aill]{lStBA'rlVE ASSlStAilTSE Urctlle Harcutunian, Karine Avedisian

BOAFDOFDIRECTORSI Zareh Bastajian, Vaftan Karaoghlanian, Shahe Keheian, Krikor Krikorian , Michael Nahabet, Vatche Oknaian , Vatan Oskar$an , Thomas Yeterian

Al[

(ISSN 1050-3471 ) is a monthly publication headquartered at 109 E. Haruard St., Suite 305, Glendale, CA 91205; (818) 546-2246. FN( (81 8) 546-2283. Copyright@1 990 by AlM, lrrc. All rights reserved. AIM magazine may rpt bo reproduced in any mannor, either in whole or ln part, without written permission lrom the pr.rHishers. The edilors cannot be responsible br unsolidted manuscripb or art unless a stamped self-addressed envelope is enclosed. Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necassarily repr€sent the views of the editors. StSeodptlon One Year, U.S. and Canada: US $5; Eumpe:$55; Middle East: $45; Soviet Union: $45; p.r...,: $55; Soutr America: $45; Alstralh: $55.

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Editor's Note: The following communications were received during the l8-month gestation period of AIM and spuned the originators to bring AIM into the world.

I would like to congratulate you for your idea of publishing a quality magazine in English for Armenian and intema-

tional affairs. Dr. Roupen Boghossian Aleppo, Syria

AIM

sounds very exciting and

I

wish

you unalloyed success in getting it off and running.

Roger Tatarian Fresno, Calif.

Your plan to launch a serious, professional magazine such as AIM is precisely

what is needed to bind the diaspora together...as apeople we elevate our standards and reach out beyond petty, parochial concerns.

I am pleased to extend my sincere congratulations on the release of the first issue of your publication. It promises to be of vital importance by keeping our Armenian community well-informed and encouraging us to preserve our revered heritage. By providing timely and accurate information about Armenian communities around the world, you are serving as a bond that helps unite our people across borders and oceans. AIM will play an important role for us, and you should take great pride in your dedication to this worthy endeavor. Please accept my very best wishes for every future success. George Deukmejian Governor of Califurnia We.wish you the best of luck with your new magazine. Please keep the Assembly and its staff in mind as authors of current topics of interest. Carole Long Dir. P ublic Affairs, Armenian Assembly of America Washington, D.C.

What a pleasure to have a group of highly motivated Armenians pursuing such an enterprise. We clearly need a

Mark Malkasian Astoria, N.Y.

First, I must compliment you on the sample copy of AIM...it's a fine effort...I do wish you the best! Louise Manoogian Simone P re side

nt Armenian General Benevolent Union

I view AIM's ultimate goal as not only becoming a premier journal, but also a data base of information and influential contacts.

Harutiun Topsacalian Woodside, N.Y.

Good luck on your magazine. There is a lot of writing talent among Armenians,

including a few in the media. Barry Zorthian Washington, D.C. I have long believed that there is a need

for a high quality, well-edited English language Armenian magazine, and recent events in Armenia have made that need glaringly obvious.

global medium that would not only re-

Barbara J. Merguerian

flect our present Armenian situation, but more importantly, would link us with our

Wellesley, Mass.

"Armenian situation". Simon Payaslian

Livonia, MI

AIM is an impressive venture in Armenian publication. J. Michael Hagopian Thousand Oaks, Calif.

AlM, July 1990


APRIL 24

ARMENIANS

WORLDWI DE REMEMBER

GENOCIDE VICTI MS

oF r 9t5 By ABA KALAYDJIAil

t a crucial milestone in their 3,000-year history, last month

Armenians marked the 75th anniversary of the most traumatic catastrophe visited upon them-the widespread massacres, deportations and death

by starvation, disease, dehydration and exhaustion. In 1990. the collective memory of the people was as vivid and fresh, with all the details of the suffering, as it was in 1915 or 1923-a memory

kept alive by anger and frustration as much as by the horrors of the Genocide itself. Both in Armenia and everywhere in the Diaspora, the observances of the Genocide had an additional urgency as events in Armenia and Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabagh) poignantly reminded everyone of the precariousness of the very existence of the nation; when more than 700.000 people visited the Genocide Memorial Monument at Dzidzemagapert in Yerevan on Tuesday, April24, they had flowers and prayers also for the khatchkar (cross-stone) erected near the monument in memory of the victims of the February 1988 Sumgait massacre. There, along

the wall near the monument, flowers were heaped upon the graves where young Armenians who had been killed while defending Armenia's borders this past January lay in peace.

A

Sense of Despair As April 24 dawned, a sense of utter despair and hopelessness had gripped almost all Armenians. The frustration

and anger at the defeat of an Armenian Genocide resolution in the U.S. Senate on February 27 was heightened by the seemingly inexorable tide of bad news from Armenia and Artsakh. The persistent and anxious question being asked by Armenians was: "Can't we at least have one good news for a change?" For the few survivors of I 9 I 5 still alive. this sense of despair was almost unbearable: having suffered as children the brutalities of the massacres, now,75 years

later, they felt history was repeating it-

self-the December 1988 earthquake

(perceived by many Armenians as having been a manmade catastrophe against Armenia). the economic blockade of the Motherland by Azerbaijan, the disintegration of the once-vibrant communities of Lebanon, Syria. Iran and Egypt. The dominant feeling everywhere was AlM, July 1990



that of abandonment, of being forsaken all-including the Soviet government and especially President Mikhail S. Gorbachev, President George Bush and the U.S. Congress, other countries, major

by

human rights organizations. Even the last-

minute statement on the Genocide anniversary issued by President Bush was unable to mitigate the frustration. In his

letter to President Bush, Hirair Hovnanian, chairman

of the board of

trustees of the Armenian Assembly of America, said that the Assembly regretted that the statement "avoided a direct reference to the word genocide."

Moreover, this frustration was augmented by the lack of comprehensive coverage of the Genocide issue by the media both in the United States and abroad. It was observed by many that in the rare occasions when newspapers or TV and radio commentators mentioned the Genocide, they almost invariably used the word "alleged" or simply stated that the veracity of the events of l9l5-1923

was disputed by many historians and scholars, There were, of course, exceptions such as Christopher Hitchens, who wrote in The Nation magazine of April 16 about the lobbying effort against the U.S. Senate resolution by the "corporate colossi of the arms race and the cold war." After stressing that "by 1923 a million and a half Armenians had been slaughtered," Mr. Hitchens wrote about the lobbyists: "With leading Democrats as their political executives, these forces

Cathollcos Vazken I says praycrs at the Genocide Monument's

of the Armenian people; the psychological effects of the massacres on the survivors and their descendants, etc. The second, a symposium on the state of neglect of Armenian architectural monuments in Turkey, was held April

The Genocide Observances For the first time, the govemment, Communist Party and Supreme Soviet

12-14 in Strasbourg, France, seat of the

were made by high-ranking party and

European Parliament. It was organized by the Armenian Educational Council, Inc. of Troy, N.Y., whose chairman is Prof. Vasken L. Parsegian. The sympo-

govemment functionaries, all govemment ministries, departments, offices, universities and schools were closed on April 24, and more than 700,000 people congregated at the Dzidzernagapert Monument. Catholicos Vazken I said prayers at the Monument's eternal fire, in the presence of guests from the Diaspora. Memorial Mass. was celebrated at Holy Etchmiadzin Cathedral. The same day, hundreds ofthousands took part in a rally at Yerevan's Liberty Square. Memorial

sium was sponsored jointly by Yazgenl,

Catholicos of All Armenians, and Kare-

kin II, Catholicos of the Cilician See. Some 60 scholars, mainly Armenians, attended, since Turkey had threatened

organized alast-minute defeat of the resolution and protected the good name of a

non-Armenian specialists who planned to participate, with exclusion from any

good customer-the only member of NATO or the Warsaw Pact to have been

future work in Turkey. Commented Prof. Parsegian: "Every archeologist who needs to work in Turkey is hostage to Turkey's whims. This has resulted in agencies such as UNESCO,ICOMOST and ICCROM hesitating about putting pressure on Tur-

found still to use torture as an administrative method; to have made an institution

of censorship and to have forbidden the formation of genuine political parties."

key. They are afraid Three Conferences on the Genocide Preceding and during the week of commemorations, at least three majorconfer-

ences were held on Genocide-related themes.

The first, a conference on "Denial of the Armenian Genocide: Compounding

the Crime" was held at Columbia University's School of Intemational Affairs in New York City on April 17, organized by the Armenian Center of that University. Taking part were seven specialists who discussed the ethical and moral dimensions of Turkey's continuing denial of the Genocide and its attempt at obliterating the cultural heritage

it will affect their

non-Armenian work. They feel they gain most when they do the least for the Armenians." The third, an international conference on "Genocide of the Armenians: History, Theory, Political Responsibility" took place at the Armenian Academy of Sciences in Yerevan, Armenia, April l7-20, and issued an appeal to the Soviet govemment to recognize the historical reality of the Genocide so that "present attempts ... to solve national questions by violent methods by eliminating people on the ground of their national identity" may be prevented.

AlM, July 1990

(Parliament) of Armenia officially marked the Genocide anniversary. Various official meetings were held, speeches

rallies also were held in other cities of Armenia. Again for the first time, Divine Liturgy was celebrated in Tbilisi, capital of Soviet Georgia, on April 24, and requiem was recited. Later, an Encyclical issued by Catholicos Vazken I was read. Celebrant was Bishop Kevork Seraydarian, primate of Soviet Georgia. Attending were thousands of Armenian residents of

Tbilisi. Similarly, memorial meetings took place in Akhaltzkha and Akhalkalak-two Armenian-populated regions in southern Georgia bordering Armenia. Rallies also were held in various villages of Bogdanovka region, such as Satkha, Kantza, Poga and Khochapeg. Meetings took place the same day in the cities of Simferopol, Yalta, Teotosia, Evbadoria and Kerch in Crimea, which is part of the Ukraine. In Simferopol, a cornerstone was laid at a special location for


a Genocide monument. Addressing the

committee representing the Diocese and

meeting were Armenian, Russian,

Prelacy, the three political parties and all

Ukrainian, Tatar, Jewish, Krimchak,

other organizations. On Saturday, April 28, a "National Gathering of Survivors" took place at the Statue of Liberty, sponsored by the Diocese and Prelacy, with a requiem service and cultural program. In Washington, D.C., the Very Rev. Khajag Barsamian, primate-elect of the Diocese, said the opening prayer at the

Vatche Hovsepian at St. Peter's Church in Van Nuys on April24,and the serrnon was given by Archbp. Datev Sarkisian. In the aftemoon, thousands gathered at the Montebello Genocide Monument, where a requiem service was held. Meantime, Armenian Youth Federation members picketed the Turkish Consulate in Los Angeles, and 50 were subsequently arrested by the police. In Sacramento,

April

the State Senate held a special session on

23, while Archbishop Mesrob Ashjian,

April 23, which was opened by Archbp.

Karaim and Georgian representatives. In Moscow, arequiem service was held

at the Armenian Church on April 24, performed by Bishop Diran Gureghian, primate of New Nakhichevan and Russia. Remembered also were those Armenians massacred during 1988-1990 in Azerbaijan. Later, a memorial meeting took place at the Progress Cinema, organized by the Armenian Cultural Association of Moscow, which also sponsored a conference on the theme, "The Genocide of

Armenians is an Intemational Crime." Taking part were Armenian, Russian, Ukrainian and other scientists, historians, politicians, including members of the Soviet Parliament. In Riga, capital of the Baltic republic

of

Latvia, literary and musical performances were held April 24 and 25 in memory of the Genocide martyrs.

In Artsakh, Armenians

gathered on Martyrs' Day in Stepanagerd, the regional capital, and held a public and peaceful rally. Despite orders by the commander ofthe Soviet Internal Security troops stationed in Artsakh to disperse, the rally continued and people demanded from

House of Representatives session on

prelate of the Prelacy, did the same at the

Senate. On Martyrs' Day, amemorial serv-

e

ice and laying of

;:

(

a

wreath took place at Arlington Cemetery, and some 1,000 Ar-

menians

to the

marcled Turkish

Embassy.

In Boston, a commemorative meeting was held at the Massachusetts House of Representatives on April 20, chaired by George Keverian, Speaker ofthe House.

Attorney General ol N.Y. State speaking to the assembled Armenlens

Among the dignitaries present was Rafael Ghazarian, vice president of Armenia. On April 24, a rally was held on the steps of the State House in Boston. Both events, as well as others were organized

by a joint committee representing all

Armenian crowd in lront of Massachusetles State House

Moscow recognition of

the

Genocide

and the recall of the soldiers. In reply, six prominent writers were arrested on April

26, accused of making inflammatory speeches during the rally. When crowds

gathered in Stepanagerd to protest the arrests, troops opened fire and wounded four, one ofthem seriously.

In the United

States, Divine Liturgy

Armenian groups and churches. In Chicago, Illinois, a candlelight vigil was held in front of the Turkish Consulate on April 23, and it was picketed the next day from 7:00 a.m. to l2:00 noon. Later, amass rally tookplace atChicago's Daley Center. Almost everywhere memorial services and Divine Liturgy were performed in all Armenian churches, and appropriate programs presented. On April 22, some 3,000 people gathered at a rally at Glendale High School stadium in Glendale, Califomia. Glendale mayor Lany Zaian, Cong.Carlos J. Moorhead (R-CA), Pat Nolan (representingGov. George Deukmejian), L.A. City

councilmen Mike Woo and Zev

was celebrated at St. Vartan Cathedral in

Yaroslavsky, as well as representatives

New York City on Sunday, April 22, and later some 7,000 Armenlans marched to Times Square where invited non-Armenian guests, including Mayor David Dinkins, spoke on the significance ofthe anniversary. The event was organized by a

of the three Armenian political

parties spoke. Remarks were also made by Sos

Sarksian, a well-known actor, head of

Sarkisian. Remarks were made by Sos

vigil took place on the west steps of the Sacramento Sarksian. A candlelight

Capitol.

In Canada, various public meetings, ceremonies, rallies and church services = E: 3

Gommemoratlon ln Parls were held during the week of April 24 in

Montreal, Toronto, St. Catherine's, Ottawa, Hamilton, Vancouver and Cambridge. In Montreal, Charles Aznavour presided over a public meeting on Sunday, April 29. In Ottawa, 3,000 Armenians gathered in front of the Parliament at noon, Tuesday, April 24. Present were 12 deputies representing the three Canadian parties. The rally was organized

Veradzenount charitable organization and a deputy to the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet.

by theArmenian National Committee

Divine Liturgy was celebrated by Archbp.

of Canada.

AlM,July 1990


In Paris. France, Divine Liturgy was performed at Notre Dame Cathedral on Sunday, April22, by the Armenian Catho-

lic

church. Present

were

Armenian

Catholic Bishop Krikor Gabroyan, the Papal Nunzio Lorenzo Antonetti, the Primate of Paris Archbp. Kude Nakachian. the head of the Armenian Evangelical Church Rev. Rene Levonian, and others. Presiding was the Archbishop

of Paris, Jean-Marie Lustiger. On April 24. a wreath was laid at the tomb of Gen-

Embassy, which was cordoned off by the

police. In Sydney, Australia, a special ceremony took place on Sunday. April 22, at the Armenian Monument in the central cemetery. On April 24,awreath was laid

at the Monument of the Unknown Soldier at Martin Place. The gathering was presided over by the Primate of Australia

and New Zealand, Bishop Aghan Baliozian. Present were representatives of Armenian organizations and religious denominations. and

Z

l)Ni0N r',

-tri

EXII

Stepan Boghossian from Yerevan, who was the main speaker at the memorial meeting and pro-

gram on Saturday evening, April28. In Santiago, Chile, the

small Armenian community (250 people) marked the anniversary

with Divine Liturgy at the Arab Orthodox Church on Sunday, April 22, and later a wreath

Burning an ettigy of a Turk in lront ol the Turkish Embassy eral Antranig at Pere Lachaise Cemetery. In the aftemoon. a requiem service was

held at St. John the Baptist Armenian church and later 2,000 people gathered at Champs-Elysees, near the Arc de

Triomphe, at the Monument of the Unknown Soldier. Following the ceremonies, at least 7,000 Armenians and 150

Kurds marched toward the Turkish

Genocide Gonfelence ln Yerevan An international conference on the Armenian Genocide was held in Yerevan,

of Soviet Armenia on April 10-20, with some one hundred scholars

capinl

pafiicipating. T he confere nce addressed the following letter-stateme nt to A. I. Loukyanov, chairman of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet: The intemational conference, "Genocide of the Armenians: History, Theory, Political

Responsibility" took place at the Armenian Academy of Sciences, April l7-20, 1990, on the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the Genocide of 1915. The participating scholars came from 16 countries, including the

U.S.S.R., the United States

of

America,

Canada, the Federal Republic of Germany,

the German Democratic Republic, France, Yugoslavia, Argentina, Israel, Austria, Cyprus,

Italy, Switzerland, Egypt, and Syria. The participants condemn the Armenian

was laid at the monument at the Armenian Square. On April24,the

community held a commemorative meeting at its Center, and bought advertisements in local newspapers demanding justice and restitution from Turkey. In Montevideo. the Parliament of Uruguay passed an Armenian Genocide resolution on April 2. The resolution, sponsored by six legislators, directs the Uruguay Foreign Ministry to advance the

GenocideinOttomanTurkeyas acrime against humanity. They urge the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet to examine the issue of condemning the Genocide, taking into consideration the fact that the intemational academic community

finds the reality of the Genocide to be irrefutable and extensively evidenced in relevant documents. The scholars express concem that even at present attempts are being made to solve national questions by violent methods, by

eliminating people on the ground of their

national identity. As such, official

denunciation of the Armenian Genocide by the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet can help prevent attempts to perpetrate genocide against other peoples. We appeal to you with a standing request: In the spirit of glasnost, assist us to have the conclusions of the intemational conference disseminated through the U.S.S.R. central mass media, especially as

April 24 marks the

75th anniversary of the Genocide.

AlM, July 1990

Armenian Cause at international forums. On April 24, two separate public meer

ings were held in Montevideo on

the

Plaza Armenia and the Armenian Boulevard on the seafront. In Buenos Aires, Argentina, the showing of the film, "Return to Ararat" was held on the evening of April 23 at Armenia Hall. It was followed by services at St. Gregory the llluminator Cathedral, presided by the primate, Bishop Krikoris Pouniatian. On the moming of April 24,

a memorial gathering was held at

the

AGBU Marie Manoogian School., Later Divine Liturgy was celebrated at St. Gregory Cathedral and the requiem service was at the Genocide Monument. A public gathering followed on Peru Square, a few blocks from the Turkish Embassy. After speeches by Argentine Parliament members, the crowd proceeded toward the Embassy which was cordoned off by the police.

The Turkish Reaction Anticipating a possible passage of an Armenian Genocide resolution by the U.S. Congress, Turkey embarked on an extensive lobbying campaign, highlighted by a visit to Washington of Turgut Ozal,

the Turkish president on January 18. Mr. Ozal made clear that his country would suspend American military activities and would abrogate the military and economic assistance treaty if the resolution were passed. Dozens of major U.S. industrial groups actively lobbied for Turkey, as did the White House, the State Department, the White House National Advisor, as well as public relations firms.

In a bid to prove that there was no genocide, Turkey unearthed a mass grave on April 3 near the village of Zeve in the Van province, claiming that 2,500Turkish villagers massacred by Armenians were buried there. It was also announced that more graves would be opened soon. Armenian sources, citing eyewitness accounts by American missionaries, said that the dead were Armenians. And finally, faced with the devestating and overwhelming proof of the Genocide as provided by U.S. Consul Lesllie A. Davis, whose report was edited and

published last year by Ms. Susan K. Blair, Heath Lowry of the Institute of Turkish Studies had nothing to say than to comment: "I don't know what her background is." A cruder reaction was a series of anonymous calls to Ms. Blair which made her to hide with her family for two years, and the ransacking of the

offices of her publisher, Aristide D. Caratzas, New Rochelle,

NY.

I


ANATOMY OF

A GENOCIDE: Turkish Strate gies That Led To Atrocities Of 1915 By GHRISTOPHER J. WALKEB BRITISHSCHOLA& AUTHOR OF SARVNAL OF A NATION

I n

some respects, Armenians and

I !

Turks had been getting along rather well in the years before the Genocide of 1915. Armenians had played a significant part in bringing about the Ottoman constitutional revolution of 1908; in the years immediately following, many Armenians returned to Turkish Armenia from Russian Armenia, where conditions remained repressive and anti-Armenian until 19 I 2. Armenians played a part, too, as soldiers in the Ottoman army in the Balkan War of l9l2; 8,000 of them served, and served well, according to observers. However, the Turks did not show much response to Armenian indications of faith in constitutional Turkey, and of hope for a better deal than under the murderous old sultan Abdul Hamid. Armenian trust was sustained by little more than hope. No move was made by the Turks for the retum of lands stolen from Armenians during the massacres perpetrated in 1894-96 under the old regime. In terms of ideology, the Turks were moving in the direction of race-based Turkism, away from the religious societism of Islam. Despite its periodic hostility to Armenians, Islam did at least allow a position for Armenians in its socio-political the-

peoples of Russia.

Sometimes the Ottoman Empire has been portrayed as the victim at the time

of its entry into World War l-poor Turkey, so soon assailed on all fronts. The opposite is true. The Ottomon Em-

pire's leaders ached for war. They sent their warships to bomb Odessa in October 1914, to create a pretext for the empire's entry into the war. Their armies were mobilized on all fronts, especially that of the Caucasus, where Minister of War Enver Pasha saw an opportunity of

and Halil Pasha achieved a similar fail-

ure in northwest Persia.

All

these as-

saults were aggressive, and all failures. These failures were in a way balanced by the Ottoman success in warding off

the British naval attack on the Dardanelles in March 1915. By that time, measures were already in place for the destruction of the Armenian people. Massive and brutal arms searches were taking place; conscripted Armenian soldiers were being disarmed, and the Armenian people in general were being terrorized.

Armenians remained law-abiding; the German liaison officer in Erzerum summed up the Armenian attitude in that

city as "perfect" in April 1915. Nevertheless, the deportations began, first in Cilicia (currently the region of Adana, Turkey). In the east, the people rose in revolt in the town of Van-not in orderto facilitate the entry of Russian troops, but to save themselves from extermination at the hands of a murderous govemor. In the Ottoman capital, Constantinople (Istanbul) the Armenian community was

ory. This was in contrast to the panTurkish ideology which was growing up among the Turks in the decade before World War I. Its essence was summed up in a slogan devised by a leading theorist, Ziya Gokalp "Butun Turkler bir ordu" (All the Turks are one anny). This slogan gained a diplomatic shape as the war clouds gathered in the summer of 1914: the Turks signed an agreement with Germany, by which Berlin would facilitate a link between the Turks and the Islamic

Waiting for death as they slowly stalve launching

a

pan-Turanian offensive-that

is, an offensive to unite all Turkish speak-

ers, which would necessarily mean the reduction or extermination of Armenians. Soon indeed the Turks were pressing ahead with their war ambitions: Jemal Pasha launched an attack on the Suez Canal; Envercame to grief at Sarikamysh, in the initial stages of his grand assault,

AlM, July 1990

rendered leaderless by the rounding up and assassination ofover 200 leading intellectuals. Then the people in the provinces were systematically ordered out of their homes and driven into the desert to perish of starvation or exposure. Guards prevented charitable representatives of neutral nations from giving them food or water, adding a sombre and emphatic


note to the genocidal proceedings.

because

it is the case of the greater

the

After the deportation of the Armen-

crime, the greater the forgetfulness. At

ians from Cilicia, those of Turkish Armenia (eastern Turkey) were driven to their deaths as well as those of central and westem Anatolia. The process was virtually complete by October 1915. A few months earlier, the U.S. vice-consul in Kharput summed up the events as "the most thoroughly organized and effective massacre this country has ever seen." In a few places, Armenians rose up in rebellion and defended themselves, most notably at Musa Dagh, where about 4,000

some level, we all are embarrassed by the

heroic Armenians were rescued by

a

French warship; but there was no organized resistance. This was not surprising,

given the war footing of the country at the time, and the vast distances between towns in Ottoman Armenia and Anatolia. What were the deportations for? Ger-

man observers noted that in some instances the Armenian exiles were driven aimlessly by their guards from place to place until they died. This indicated that

the intention was to

kill

them, not to

of genocide and horrible masskillings and prefer to cover them up, issues

pretending they never happened. Anotherfactor was that the Allies were too busy quarrelling among themselves, staking out territories to grab, planning to seize control of raw materials and markets (while posing as high-minded representatives ofcivilized values) as well as

worrying about the growth of Bolshe-

vism, to bother about redressing the appalling war crimes committed against the Armenians. On the Armenian side, it was unfortunate that the people and their

supporters did not keep the issue firmly and clearly in the sight of international

policy-makers. Where they did write about the genocide, Armenians did so in a wordy and generalized manner, talking in grand and vague terms like "civilization" and "barbarity," instead of putting together, in the manner of a lawyer preparing a case, chronological details cov-

of what happened in

relocate them. Those who survived were

ering the issues

herded into open-air camps along the Euphrates River. It was a horrible concen-

1915, indicating how it happened, who ordered it and what was the ideological motive behind it. If the Armenians had provided these details at the time, it is my guess that, given the pragmatic and empirical cast of mind which characterizes the British, they would have had a better chance of being heard. The nebu-

tration

of dying humanity,

pitilessly

starved to death by representatives of a brutal regime. Well over one million died; even the Turks (in the form of Jemal Pasha's memoirs of 1922) quoted the figure of 600,000 Armenians dead. Today the Turks say that many Muslims died as well. (They do not say Kurds, since Kurds are still non-people in Turkey as well as in official Turkish records.) And certainly many Kurds and Turks did die. But the memoirs of an Austrian military attache in Constantinople make it clear that these people died as a result of disease which spread following the anti-Armenian atrocities

committedby the govemment. The deaths of so many Armenians, as a result of

Ottoman policies, Ied naturally to the spread of disease among the rest of the

population. In other words, the Turks and Kurds were victims of the Turkish govemment's genocidal anti-Armenian actions..

Despite the terrible nature of events, these matters were forgotten. After l9l9

I

have found hardly a reference to the Armenian Genocide ("massacres" or

"atrocities," in the language of the time) in official papers. Why? Partly, I think,

lous language that they used did not benefit them. As it was, the Armenian genocide was forgotten, and disappeared from the consciousness of intemational policy-makers. Indeed, the world had to wait until 1943 even for the coining of the word "genocide." No recompense was made to the Armenians, and Hitler was given a precedent for the Holocaust. Today, 75 years later, Armenians everywhere are rightly striving to have the historical record accepted as correct, and not opportunist lies. For two very central reasons, it is right that the events of 1915 should be remembered: One is that they actually took place, they are part of the experience of the twentieth century. The other is that ifterrible deeds on the scale

of those of l9l5 are forgotten and ignored, it leaves the field wide open for violent dictators to repeat (or to attempt to repeat) what went unpunished in World

I

War I. AlM, July 1990

IIISTORIGAL

CHMiO.OGY

EI

Annexation of Eastem Armenia to Russiq by the Treaty of

TwkrnenAhAi.

IEI

Declaration of Armenian National Constitution in Consantinople

IEtrI Declamtim of OttornanConstitution.

@

Khrimian llairik takes drc Armenian Questiur o Bedin Summit.

IEI

Fint Arnenisr political party, the Armenakan party, forms in Van.

Ttre HunchakSocialDsnocratic, party forms in Geneva.

EtrI

Armenian Revolutionary- Fderatist party forms in Tbilisi. Hmnidian rnassacres of westenr Annenians begins. lleroic defense of Zeioun.

@I

Massacres of

Amenian in

Consqntino,ple.

ET

Heroic defense of Sasoun.

@

Bochos NubarPasha heads a

de6eation odiscuss tre Armenian queition witr European counfiies.

lnf,,tt A decrâ‚Źe to systernatically annihilae the Armeniari race is senf to local Turkish authoritie.

ItnE2a

The rourdup and anest of Armenian intellectuals begins.

drLYrratPt t3 ff"roic ,rff a"fenre of Musa Dagh.

@rrYzl

Heroic battle of Sardarabad.

n

Yzs

Cleation

o.f

independent Republic

otArmena

@ Itclo

Treaty ofSevres.

tprrSr

Soviets esablish authoriry in Armenia"

Eer

Treaty of Alexandropqle.

pary foundcd in Cairo.


TheTurkish Evidence Authentic O ttomnn c ourt-mnrtial re cords provide solid body of genocide evidence By KEVORK B. BARDAKJIAN PROFESSOR OF ARMEI{IAN HISTORY, I.JNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN, ANN ARBOR

he vast corpus ofdocuments on the

Armenian genocide

still

awaits franslation, annotation and publication. The

collections published by Bryce, trpsius and Andonian are well known, but they only represent a fraction of the countless documents found in numerous state archives throughout the world. The lack of a systematic effort and

records in archives that have been under lock and key for seventy-five years and are now being carefully "caalogued." Yet, even the available material has been given only acursory inspection. Andonian's publication of telegrams may well have overshadowed ttre significance of any other Turkish documents. H. Ghazarian and Kriger have published excerpts from the records of ttre Ottoman courts-martial and, more recently, V. Dadrian has effectively used such sources in his articles. Still, the effort remains largely individual and, useful though

sponsorship seems to have been the main ob-

The investigation lasted nearly six weeks, from early November to about mid-December, l9l 8. The hearings were conducted by the Fifth Committee of the Ottoman Chamber and, even though they had no legal consequences for the ministen, they offer some revealing admissions and deails. But a source of greater importance is ttrc Ottoman courts-martial records. After preliminary investigations in ttre closing months of 1918, Ottoman courts-martial sat in Is-

tanbul from early l9l9 to the concluding months of 1920, to try tlrc Young Turk leadership for war crimes and crimes against the Armen-

ians While the cen-

stacle. The Armenian genocide was a taboo in Soviet Armenia until 1965, and Soviet

tral

rid

was that of the

the leaders of

CommitteeofUnion and hogress (here-

Armenian scholarship

rlil

dispersion has been

afterCUP) andcabinet ministers, there were separate trials conducted on the

more productive, but

massacresanddepor-

has only since shown a growing interest in the topic. The Armenian

in

various

both in Soviet Armenia

tations

and abroad *re effort

places (such as Har-

has been the result of individual initiative. It's only in the past decade or so that a serious plan has been underway to collect the evidence in

put,

etc.) with separate

,,1

indicfrnents. An Inquiry Commission

rn[liii

collected evidence

a systematic and organized fashion.

In documenting the Armenian genocide one can hardly oventate the significance

Trebizond,

Yozg*BuyukDere,

rti'ii

of

ttre Turkish testimony. The published evidence aside, such Turkish sources arc scant and difficult, if not impossible, to procure, despite recentpublicity regarding the opening of Turkish archives. No serious importance should be attached to this announcement. Scholars of ttre Armenian genocide

know what they would like to see in the Turkish archives, but it would be unrealistic for them to expect to frnd any incriminating

they are, studies do not replace primary evidence. The availability ofdocuments would decidedly generate a greater interest and would engage a greater number of scholars in the research on the Armenian genocide and its relevance to other instances of mass murder throughout history. And there are still some primary Turkish sources that await close scrutiny. For instance, there is the

from the provinces (eg. , coded telegrams all of which were authenticated by the Ministry of ttre lnterior), depositions,preliminary interrogations and ttre testimony of wifiresses thus preparing rial files for the suspects. However, several factors, domestic and intemational, disabled the prosecution and weakened its position. The court was some-

bookentitled Harp Kabinelerinin IsticvabiThe Intenogation of War Cabinets, Istanbul Vakit, 1933-which is a record of ttre interrogation of tlo wartime cabinet members.

dissociate ttre Turkishpeople from the crime,

AlM, July 1990

what lenient, and went out of its way to accusing the CUP of masterminding it and heaping ttre blame on the brigands ttrat made

up the Special Organization as the main l3


insfiment of death and destruction. The fiials eventually degenerated into a meaningless process. They were abolished in January 1921, and in March 1923, a general amnesty was grantedto all those found guilty by these courts.

In their entirety, these legal p,roceedings provide an Ottoman Turkish perspective andcontextfutrcArmenian genocide. Found in these records are authentic documents, the unanswerable findings and unequivocal

ofthe prosecution, sentences and certain facts and admissions which represent a solid body of Ottoman Turkish evidence despiteflat denials on thepartof most of the defendants. What follows is a brief and incomplete description of some of the assertions

topics ttrat emerged during the tials.

The Principal Indictment The principal indictrnent held that the CUP combined nvo conhadictory identities--{nâ‚Ź public and the other covert--$ased on oral and secret instnrctions and activities; that its leaders Talat, Enver and Jemal, took advan-

tage of the War and resorted to terror to solveilrcproblensfacingtrccounry, amassed wealttr, brought about disorder and major changes in ttre fate of the counry, and dragged the country into the War through deceit and plotting; that the members of the Central Committee of the CUP engaged in wrongful and offensive activities to implement their secret intentions, they set up tlrc Special Organization, and facilitated ttre criminal activities of convicts they released from prisons to carry out the aims of the CUP; that acting on instructions from their leaders and guided and helped by the CUP

The Special Organization (Teshkilati Mahsusa) The prosecution believed tlnt the CUP leadership's secret decision to annihilate ttre Armenians was canied out mainly ttmugh the "Special Organization." The interrogation of the defendans revealed that it was

founded by Enver, the Minister of War. Commissioned by the larer, Suleyman Askeri set up a committee made up of Aziz, the

head of Public Security, Atif and Doctor Nazim. This Commission dispersed at the end of April 1915, and Enver in the same year formally employed Cezayirli Ali to replace Suleyman Askeri who left for kaq. While Behaeddin Sakir was stationed in Ezurum as head of the organization, Nazim and his colleagues recruited volunteers for tlrc Special Organization. The volunteers were equipped in Isanbul and sent to the provinces with their commanders. Once at their destination, they were attached to the army and, the defendants claimed, maintained no contact with the center. Convicts were released from prisons to join the Special Organization in accordance with a law made specifically for this purpose.

and The Government One of the prosecution's main tasks was to establish that the CUP sponsored and directed the criminal activities of ttrc Special Organization, most of the leaders of which were alsomembers of the Cenral Committee of the CUP; that both the Special Organization which, despite ia military character, was runchiefly by civilians, andthe Central

Committee

of the CUP, meddled in

the

affairs of ttre army and govemmentto attain

in disgraceful acts of manslaughter, plunder

their goal; that ttre CUP secretaries and delegates were heavily involved in the crimes against the Armenians. To support its claims, theprosecutionmade public numerous docu-

possessions and money, buming of

corpses and buildings, rape, cruelty and tor-

ture; that the population of the country, wittrout distinction of race or religion, was tlrc object of these calamities and, alttrough an important paft of ttrese victims werc

fu-

menians, a grcater part consisted of otlrcr elernents, particularly Turks; but that the subjectof the investigation was the specific issue of the tragedies which tookplace dur-

ing the deportations of the Armenians to

14

defense was that they heard about the massacres all too late and that they nevertheless applied toTalat, the Ministerof the Interior, to stop the massacres. There was, they said,

nothing else they could have done. Ziya Gokalp, an ideologue of Pan-Turanism and of the Cental Committee of the CUP, claimed that the Cenfal Committee could in no way have found out about the massaqes as the CUP officials, secretaries, representatives, etc., who came from tlrc provinces to CUPmeetings neverraised the issue. Ziya alleged that when the Central Committee members became aware of the a member

perperaon and spoke of them wittr disgust. Midhat Sukru,

too, claimed that ttre Cenral Committee and all his friends were entirely opposed to the massacres. They were tenibly upset, he said, by the news they receivedfrompeople coming from places where massacres were taking place. When tlrey appealed to Talat,

bottr Midhat and Ziya went on, Talat replied that he had sent commissions of inquiry, had set up courts-martial, had delivered thecriminals to thesecourts andthat he was pursuing the matter. The president of ttre court then told Midhat Sukru that Vehip Pasa, the former commander of tlrc Third Army Zone, in his

written statement attested that the Armenian massacres were caried out by the decision

But the defendants automatically

of the CUP and that a great amount of the

denied the charges. Faced wittr inefuable evidence, Midhat Sukru (Bleda), Secretary-

sums accrued from ttre properties of deported Armenians were appropriated by the CUP. Midhat did not deny, nor did he comment on Vehip's testimony that the massacres were masterminded by the CUP. He said that the allegation was nonsense, fabricated to render lawfrrl the disgraceful acts canied out in the Third Army Zone. There

ments.

General of ttre Cental Committee of the CUP, for instance, alleged that the Central Committee was simply rendering a service and performing a duty by helping organizations such as the Special Organization.

various places atvarious times. These tragedies were neitlrcr local nor isolated events. They were organized and directed by a united central power, made up of the aforementioned individuals, and were carriedout through oral and secret insffuctions.

tionaries ravelled throughout the country carrying oral and secret instructions to organize the massacres. The defendants, as usual, denied this and tlrc charge that ttre CUP secretaries and representatives had applied pressure on some of the govemors who had refused to carry out the insftuctions of the cenral authorities. However, it is exnemely significant that none ofthe defendants in ttrisparticularcase denied the bloody massacres. Their only

massacres they cursed the

The Special Organization, The CLJP Central Committee

representatives, these individuals engaged

of

representatives in the provinces had played a central role in the massacrcs. These func-

The CUP and the Armenian Massacres Not only did the prosecution believe that the CUP had masterminded the Armenian afiocities but also ttrat its secretaries and AlM, July 1990

was, Midhat Sukru alleged, no likelihood for Armenian properties and moneys, plundered from the bodies of slain children and slain women to find their way in the coffers of theCUP.

I


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Patterns of Denial Fail to lleil Genocide Turkish writers, the architects of this strategy appeal to

By RICHARD G. HOVANNISIAN ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR OF THE NEAR EASTERN CENTER, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES

he admission of genocidal operations by the perpetrator government or its immediate successor is rare in

modem times. The post -World War

II admission

and

acceptance of guilt by the West German govemment stand out in stark contrast with all other cases in the twentieth century.

The postwar German govemments, whether of free will, through coercion, or a combination of both, extended reparations to survivors, the families of victims and the state of Israel. No similarities exist in the Turkish response to the Armenian Genocide. There has been neither candid admission nor willing

investigation, neither reparation nor rehabilitation. On the contrary, state-sponsored attempts to suppress discussion of the Armenian Genocide have reached unprecedented

a

Western sense of fair play in insisting that the "other side" of a

grossly misrepresented situation be taken into consideration and that the Armenian movement be exposed historically as a treacherous but abortive national rebellion and cunently as a scheme to subvert Turkey and alienate it from its allies. In the first phase, during World War I, the Turkish authorities initially tried to hide the enactment of the deportations and massacres, but once the operations had gotten well under way, they shifted the blame for Armenian troubles to the Armenians themselves. With a selective compilation of hostile editorials from Armenian newspapers abroad, copies of seditious correspon-

dence between members of the Armenian revolutionary groups and photographs of Armenian bands and arms caches (many of them actually from the period of Sultan AbdulHamid II) Turkish leaders tried to convince the world of Armenian treachery. Post -World War I writings by both the Young Turks and their opponents include partial admissions of wrongdoing and

proportions. Presumably, the underlying cause for the Turk-

ish attitude is political, for there still exists an aggrieved

party, however disorganized and scattered, that demands some form of compensation.

even oblique references to wholesale massacres. These are

While many of the aggrieved would be satisfied

mixed with charges of Armenian treachery and disclaimers of responsibility for the Armen-

with a simple Turkish admission of wrongdoing and the

ian

tragedy. The triumphal

granting of dignity to the hundreds of thousands of victims by an end to efforts to erase the historical record, there are others who insist

conclusion of Mustafa Kemal's "War of Independence" and establishment of the Republic of

upon financial and even territorial restitution, thus adding to Turkish anxieties and at-

attitude toward the Armenian

tempts to obscure the past.

otype

The large corpus of evidence of genocide notwithstanding, the mechanism of

were facilitated by the Turkish reform programs and the general approval ofthese changes in the West. During this pe-

phase

problem. Efforts to surmount the stere-

denial and rationalization was put in motion as soon as the

of the "terrible Turk"

riod, Turkish authorities tried

to play down the unpleasant past. There was little discussion of Armenians in Turkish

deportations began. Turkish publications and official declarations characterized the Armenian Genocide as a hoax and "the greatest lie of the

publications and the rare references to Armenians in textbooks were found only in brief passages relating to sinister but

century." Enlisting the services of Turkish academics and nonl6

in 1923 began a new in the official Turkish

Turkey

unsuccessful Armenian and AlM, July 1990


Greek imperialistic designs to encroach upon the integrity of the Turkish homeland.

In its approach to continued, though weakened, Armenian efforts to keep the Armenian case before world opinion, the Ankara government relied heavily on diplomatic channels in this period.

An example of that tactic is the case involving the projected filming in Hollywood of Franz Werfel's celebrated novel, "The Forty Days of Musa Dagh," the story ofthe desperate resistance by several Armenian settlements near Antioch during the deportations and the eventual rescue ofsome 4,000 ofthe defenders by

Allied naval vessels. Plans by Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Studios to begin production in 1934 evoked

strong Turkish protests. Requesting intervention by the State Department, the Turkish ambassador complained that such a film would be "full of arbitrary calumnies and contemptagainst the Turkish people" and would give "an utterly false conception of Turkey," thereby hin-

of friendly TurkoAmerican relations. After more than a year of exchanges, MGM announced that plans to produce the film were being

dering the course

dropped.

By the beginning of World War II, the Armenian massacres had faded from recentmemory in the wake of new international crises and the Turkish government managed to keep the issue suppressed through diplomatic channels. Efforts to make the Armenian Genocide a nonissue had registered impressive gains by 1965, the fiftieth anniversary of the tragic event. The once influential and

highly vocal Armenophile organizations around the world had virtually disappeared and Armenian woes seemed to slip into the past. But on April 24, 1965, the unerpected occurred. Armenians observed the fiftreth anniversary of the Genocide with massive parades and demonstrations that swept across international frontiers. Plac-

ards and chants reminded the Turkish govemment and the world that the Ar-

menian Question still existed and the events received wide media coverage. Then, in 1973, the words Armenian and Turk captured headlines when an aged Armenian survivor of the Genocide

assassinated two Turkish consular officials in California. Armenian acts of ter-

rorism increased in subsequent years, focusing media attention not only on the violence, but also on its background, the Armenian historical experience and the Turkish denials of genocide. The Armenian manifestations drew the Turkish govemment reluctantly back into the arena when it realized it could no Ionger simply dismiss or ignore the Armenian problem and launched an intensive campaign to counteract Armenian propaganda. Pamphlets and brochures sent out from Ankara to foreign countries in the 1970s were mostly reprints of publications issued by Turkey between l9l7 and 1919, aimed at casting the blame for Armenian troubles on the Armenians themselves. Sometimes efforts to defame the Armenians entered the realm of the absurd. In a pamphlet sent out from Ankara entitled "Truth About Armenians," Ahmet

Vefa, aside from repeating the usual Turkish allegations, contended that when Adolf Hitler asked theoretically in 1939, "Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the Armenians?" he was re-

ferring not to Turkish excesses against Armenians, but rather to the Armenian destruction of the pre-Armenian Urartuans in the seventh century before Christ. The most recent phase of denial by Turkish authorities involves the allocation of substantial financial resources for newspaper advertisements, television and brochures, enhancing the Turkish image. One aim of the current campaign

is to create a breach between Jews and Armenians by emphasizing the true horror of the Holocaust and playing up Turkey's ties with Israel, while cautioning against an Armenian scheme to detract

from the Holocaust and dishonor the memory of its victims by winning recognition for a mythical genocide fabricated solely for political purposes. At the time of the deportations and massacres, no reputable publication would have described the genocide as

"alleged." The clouding of the past, however, and years of Turkish denials and political pressures, have had their impact on some publishers, correspondents, scholars and public officials. The Armenians search desperately for morality in politics and ask if there may be any just and practical alternative to the dictum "might makes right." I

AlM, July 1990


Arabian Gives New Meaning To Equal Justice

tion. I don't mean a neighborhoodjustice center where you go and commissars are going to hearyourcase, butthere oughtto be more settings outside the formal courthouse to resolve some of the things that can be resolved. Because, ifyou don't do that, it will collapse upon itself sooner or

later. For example, in Califomia, just under 200 people are on death row. This tells you the magnitude of just one little segment of what's out there. You have cases upon cases of heavy, heavy in-

Exclusive interview

withARMAI{D ARABIAN, newe st Associate J ustice

volvement, and the System can only

of Cahfornia Supreme Court

mately 1,300 judges. You are dealing

By CHARLES NAZARIAI{ and RAFFI SHOUBOOKIA}T Q. What was the most difficult decision you had to make in your judicial career? (C.N.) A. That was in 1973, as a newly appointed Superior Court judge, I had to give a rape jury an instruction that had come to us from England about 150 years earlier. It was called "cautionary instructions" that in effect told the jury that I, the judge, am instructing you to watch what the victim says with caution because rape is a charge easily made and once made, difficult or impossible to defend against. Therefore, the law urges that you do this with caution. Here we were, in modem times, uttering this liturgy of nonsense which, in my view, just ranked of sexism, and was discriminatory. To refuse to give "cautionary instruc-

tions" knowing that the law mandated that I give it was the most difficult deci-

sion I have ever made, and I literally "shook in my robe" as I pronounced my refusal from the bench. Then, in 1975, the Califomia Supreme Court, with Chief Justice Donald Wright presiding, rendered its decision in the People vs. Rincon-Pineda case, affirming my action and striking "cautionary instructions"

from Califomia law as outmoded and should no longer be given to a jury. It was

"first shot heard around the world," so to speak, and as a result other jurisdictions followed suit. the

Q. Do you remember any particular advice that was given to you by your parents or an elder member ofthe

family? A. Well, there is one that sticks in my

mind. It was given to me by my father.

"I'm not going to tell you what to be, or where to go to school, or where your path should lead, but whatever you select, make sure that you will be proud of it. If you can be proud of what you've done, that's enough for me." Here's an immigrant who comes to this country He said:

with only the proverbial "shirt on his back" and goes back and marries an orphan who was my mother and establishes

absorb so much. You only have approxi-

with

a state

that is equivalent in size to the

fifth largest country in the world when you are talking about California, so some modifications have to be made to expedite the administration of justice.

Q. In other words, instead of expanding the judicial system, you feel that it should have alternate tracks? A. It can be expanded, but not without the due consideration of alternate systems resolving the fight. It's as simple as

a family of five children. His name was Ovanes and he went by the name ofJohn

that.

Arabian. He graduated from a fashion

Q. Justice Arabian, the American news media has described you as a

design school run by an Italian master in Paris and became an expert couturier. He could take a bolt ofcloth and cut anything from it and put it on your back. I have his diploma to this day. He operated a coat factory in Long Island. My father passed away four years ago. My mother Aghavni, is still living.

Q. Justice Arabian, what would be your priority for reforms needed in the United States judicial system? A. The "system" is overburdened because of the litigious nature of the com-

munity. Everyone wants to sue somebody for something, and as the law progresses and different causes of action come to be, especially in the workers' compensation area or in toxic torts or in

"cutting edge areas,"the avenues of litigation expand. Now they expand because you have millions of people who are able to come to court. The case loads expand quicker than the capacity of the

judicial system to accommodate them. Because you can't build courthouses that

quickly and you can't legislate for more appointments for judges that quickly, the system can be overpowered. So there has to be some consideration for "alternate dispute resolution" and there is now a growing trend in that direc-

AlM, July 1990

"feisty, outspoken jurist". Do you think you will continue to fit that description as Supreme Court Justice? A. That's a little tricky. What you do as a private person or when you're giving a speech or when you're writing your own personal article is one thing. When you are a member of a collegiate body such as the Supreme Court of California or the Court of Appeals, there are certain constraints that limit what you can say. For example, in an opinion, unless you are setting forth your own view in a dissent on a separate concurring opinion, the views that are articulated in that opin-

ion are the "body's view" and there are seven justices

in this particular producSo that limits your ability to be "feisty." If I may use that word. I think the word "feisty" was created by joumal-

tion.

istic pundits who didn't have enough time to create something better. Outspoken, well, you have to be outspoken to be a Supreme Court Justice because your voice is one of seven that will dictate what the law is or what you think it ought to be. So this is not a home for shrinking violets. Everyone on that court probably has a very strong ego and is able to articulate very forcefully a point of view. I call it a spectrum of colors of view.


Q. You have been known as a lead-

together. It was a painful thing, and if I had to describe that deep emotion which

had to be resolved, the label is totally

In most

your decisions were based upon your cultural heritage or your own charac-

stirs me even as I tell you this now, I would call it the "Turkish Trauma Syndrome." I think that is what Armenians suffer from - the Turkish Trauma Syn-

ing proponent of reform legislation especially in rape cases. Do you think ter? (R.S.)

A. Well, I think your character is formed by your cultural heritage, but to get to the ultimate question

of

from

drome. Just as a rape victim has a rape trauma syndrome and others suffer from other types of shock, I think that as a

young person,

if

you are exposed to what this genocide

meaningless. The case dictates the result. cases where we

affirm, we

are

simply confirming the judgment of the lower court. Well, does that make us conservative or liberal? We are simply saying that someone else already saw this case. A jury consisting of 12 people already went through this case. We think they were right. Does that label then attach to us because it had a certain judgment from the lower court? It has to.

was about, given the tales of it by a father and grandmother who survived it, I think it is indelibly imprinted upon your Armenian psyche. I think it affects you more than anything else. I think that it's carried forth today in some of the sorry acts ofviolence that are still perpetrated in the so-called Ar-

menian cause for justice by people

Q. That wasn't the question. The question was. . . Can we predict now that you are on the Supreme Court, which way the court will go? A. I'll tell you how the court will go. The Court will have a blindfold on it, and

it will

have two scales in its hand and whichever scale is heavier, that is the one that has met the burden of proof. That's the way it's going to go. It's not going to go anywhere with any labels.

Q.

Can you define what the word

"justice" means to you? A. Justice to me can be defined in a number of ways, but basically: did the right side win under the laws and under

If

who violate the law,

the facts; if so, then justice was served.

which is something I have never advocated. But I can see where young and old have been traumatized by this experience, andthis is the first time I am

that didn't take place, then probably an injustice took place- whether it was procedural or for some other reason. If it didn't take place, we're going to reverse thatkindof acall oratleastl will. If itdid take place, consistent with the law, that judgment's going to be affirmed. Whether I like the result or not is of absolutely no moment to me.

articulating

the

"Turkish Trauma Syndrome," which I thinkis really what we suffer from.

whence does all this spring, obviously,I was fed the mother's milk of oppression, and I really thought this over, because for

a long time

it

was difficult for me to

articulate the pain that I felt as an Armenian. And, until I wrote an article which appeared in the Los Angeles Times in 1979, I had "stayed in the closet." I found

a.

You

are a conservative, but at other

known as times you have shown yourself as an open-minded liberal; so where would you put yourself as a judge? A. I'll answer your question like I do

it difficult to articulate that verbally. I

toevery otherjoumalist. Labels are interesting only to the journalistic and academic pundits. They have absolutely no significance in my life. It doesn't make

would try to read my own afticle to myself or to anyone in the room at the time. I rememberreading it to Maral Kirakosian who was in my chambers as a law student extem at the time. She, of course, is now an outstanding memberof the Municipal Court. Maral and I would sit there and cry

tion is: was justice served? Justice can be served all over the 360 degrees of the compass. If it makes you look like a "liberal" because that's the way that case had to be resolved, or conservative the next day because that's the way that case

any difference what the label is, the ques-

AlM, July 1990

Q. So you don't have a religious approach? A. Absolutely not. . . If I had a religious approach, I would be in the clergy. If I had a philosophical approach, I'd be up there with a guru on top of the mountain singing with the Beatles. I'm ajudge.

a. Could you discuss your longstanding friendship with Governor George Deukmejian?

A.

Basically, we met on opposite

sides in an Armenian domestic case. He

represented the wife and I had the husband. We resolved the matter over the telephone and we did it in such an amicable way that our friendship just sort of

startedfrom there. I was alawyer. I liked was a young senator and I wound up as part of his "kitchen cabinet"

him. He


along with Archie Dickranian and about six others. That's really what started it. We just had a natural affection for each other. We are both from New York. We are both from immigrant parents and we both wound up 3,000 miles away on the West Coast. We both married Armenian ladies and so forth. In 1972, when I started thinking about entering the judiciary, he was the only person I really consulted.

A. Yes. There is a tremendous deficiency, as I use your word. It's reflected in your observation that I have not made my bed in either camp. Like the Arabs of the desert, I am nomadic when it comes to which Armenian camp I am going to

He submitted my name to Governor Ronald Reagan and the rest is history.

have served on the Ferrahian School Board. I did that for two reasons. One,

ship. But as long as the students are indoctrinated not to like one another, or the churches are built so that they can compete against one another, then there is absolutely no purpose in having any of it. I'd rather they went to American schools and assimilated as U.S. citizens with no preconceived discrimination against one another which they are not going to receive in an American school.

because I wanted to serve both camps and secondly, to set an example to those who are so short-sighted and stupid that they

Q. Would you be in favor of unification efforts being started at the grass

Q. Deukmejian is the first Armenian Governor of the United States and I think you are the first Armenian Justice of a Supreme Court. Is that cor-

I visit them all. I have served on the St. Peter School Board; I

visit, because

refuse to visit the other church property

two miles away.

I think that this is a

disgrace. It's not a shortcoming, it's a disgrace. In this little handful of a com-

roots level instead oftryingto solve it at the top? A. Unfortunately, it's a situation of selfishness.

rect?

A. No. There was a Noel Manoukian who was Chief Justice of the Nevada Supreme Court. They voted him out of office in the late 1970s, after serving several years. He's an outstanding jurist and I believe he practices law now. I believe he lives in Reno. Q. Now that the Governor is going to leave office, are you going to take the torch from him and carry it for the Armenians? In particular, on Armenian issues such as the Geno-

"Obviously I was fed the mother's milk of oppression and I really thought this over, because for a long time lt was difficult for me to articu. late the pain ! felt as an Armenian... I can see where young and old have been traumatized by this experience...and this is the first time I am articulating this as the 'Turkish trauma syndrome' which I think is really what we suffer from."

cide? A. No. I think that my position on the Genocide is well known and has been stated over a decade ago. I will continue to support the concept that there should be a sincere effort to resolve the issue. If it does not get resolved politically or diplomatically, then the sore is just never going to heal and I don't think that that's good for our people nor for the Turkish people.

The Turkish people I have talked to are as embarrassed over this as we are pained by it and I think that if their government evercomes to terms with reality, they will see the futility of trying to be revisionists over what is so amply documented and one day they will come to terms with themselves. That is at least my prayer.

Q. Justice Arabian, you have the distinction of not siding with any particular Armenian group. Since the Armenian community has grown and expanded rapidly, do you see any deficiencies in it and what can we do to improve the community?

n

Ifyou only had one church,

then you couldn't have two archbishops; you couldn't have sepa-

rate church organizations with different presidents and all the hierarchy and all the underlings. You couldn't have all of this power base with people who have

nothing else in life to look for except some involvement. And for themselves it's a healthy thing, because it satisfies their ego. To that extent, it's wonderful. I think if you had a big church, you could have several heads all with egos that could be

satisfied. Q. As united Armenians, we

munity, and I mean the entire Armenian nation, where leaders of churches abhor one another; where we have political in-

would have a much stronger yoice?

A. At least, you would have a voice. You don't have much of a voice right now. The biggest disgrace was in New

volvement inside the religious house and where friends of mine from one church refuse to go to a function at another one and would never think of their son or daughter marrying someone 's child from the other church, I think that we have a

York City a few years ago where competing parades were being conducted for the commemoration of the Genocide. Now what does that tell us? And what does

basic cancer in ourcommunity. We were

level of intelligence? Now

menians." You can only have a judge every so often who can stand up and go to the Supreme Court and say I don't sleep in either camp and the rest of you folks can

does the California Supreme Court

fortunate and blessed to have Gov. George Deukmejian, who states, "I am a govemor for all the people and for all Ar-

go down there and have your local tongue

wars. Until we accept one another as brothers and sisters, and start to build single cathedrals so that we can worship as

brothers and sisters, we have a serious

problem, and religion is one of the big businesses of the Armenian world. I have all the love in the world for more Armenian schools and for more houses of wor-

AlM, July 1990

that tell the American public about our

if you can answer that question you have it solved. Q. About how many decisions a year

render?

A. Well, that's a tough question. If you ask the number of published opinions, let us just say that the target would be 2l published opinions times seven justices a year. But if you ask how many decisions, we may look at 200 petitions for review in a week or two-week period. Those are the decisions that you don't really hear about because they are made in the normal course of business. It's a major operation.

I



o d o

Soviet tloops

aboad armoled velricles patrcl the border of Nakhichevan as tensions rise

to fever pitch

ROOTS OF A GONFLIGT How the struggle over Karabagh began two years ago, it signalled a revival of massive nationalism that spread from the Caucasus to the Baltic republics.

By ROI{ALD GRIGOR SUilY ALEX MAI{@GIAN PROFESSOR OF ARMENIAN HISTORY, UNVERSTTY OF MICHIGAN, ANN ARBOR

rowds moved quietly through the streets of Yerevan. Well into the night they marched, silently, con-

fidently. Tens-even hundreds- of thousands of Armenians reverently engaged rn the struggle for Karabagh had answered the first call for support from demonstrators in Stepanakert, Karabagh. Now the Yerevantsis were responding with the most massive protests that

Soviet society had witnessed in half

a

century. But unknown to the demonstrators that fateful February of 1988 were the violence and bloodshed that lay ahead.

The world had not yet heard of Nagomo-Karabagh or Sumgait and had little knowledge about Baku or Yerevan.

When the now chronic crisis over Nogomo-Karabagh erupted more than

n

Ethnic conflicts merged with movements for the democratic renewal of Soviet society initiated by Gorbachev.

But at the same time, resentment and past bitterness bubbled out into the open

and long latent hostilities between the Armenians and Azerbaijanis soon emerged as extremely violent confrontations. In the Caspian town of Sumgait, where an Armenian minority had lived in peace

with the Azerbaijani majority, Muslim mobs rampaged through the streets killing Armenians. By the end of 1988 shootings and sabotage had become routine and hundreds

of

thousands of refugees fled from one Soviet republic to another. Armenia was emptied of Azerbaijanis and Azerbaijan, except for the contested region of Karabagh and the large colony of Armenians in Baku, was mostly free AlM, July 1990

of Armenians. In January 1990, a second series of riots, this time in the Azerbaijani capital of Baku, forced the remaining Armenians to flee the city: With marauding mobs seeking out Armenian victims, the Soviet govemment decided to launch an all-out attack on Azerbaijan to bring the nationalist movement under control. For historians, events of the last few years echoed clashes that occurred earlier in the century and were rooted more in the uneven social and political development of two peoples than in religious differences. Armenians have lived in Trans-Caucasia and eastern Anatolia (southwestem edge of the Soviet Union and eastern Turkey) since the sixth cen-

tury B.C. In the Middle Ages their neighbor to the west was a now-extinct Christian people, the Caucasian Albanians, who in the fourth century A.D. adopted Armenian Christianity and eventually blended into the Armenian culture.


When the Seljuk Turks invaded Trans-

caucasia in the eleventh century,

a

Azerbaijani Soviet republics were the scene of massive nationalist movements.

of l9l5 by Turks, Armenians saw the Ottoman

process of Islamization ended with their

Remembering the genocide

conversion to Islam. In time the Karabagh Albanians merged completely with the Armenians, while those to the east became the core population of Azer-

themselves as a beleaguered people, victims of their Muslim neighbors and ne-

baijan.

The Azerbaijanis, Turkish-speaking people, lived in the Iranian political orbit governed by khans appointed by Iran and adopting the Shi'i Islam of Persia. At the same time, semi-independent Armenian princes govemed in the mountains of Karabagh, called Artsakh by the Armenians, until the early nineteenth century, when the Russian empire annexed the region from Iran. The majority of Azerbaijanis were poor peasants, cut off from the rapid development of industry in oil-rich Baku. Armenia, on the other hand, rose to prominence in the industrial environment of Baku, Russia's major oil producing region. A sense of inferiority by the Azerbaijanis coalesced into anti-Armenian feelings. In 1905, during the first Russian revolution, Azerbaijanis and Armenians engaged in bloody clashes in Baku. During the century of Russian rule, Karabagh was linked administratively to the Azerbaijani plain. When Azerbaijan became an independent state briefly from 19 I 8 to I 920, Karabagh Armenians were compelled to enter the new republic. Then Soviet power was established in April 1920 and the region was declared a part of Armenia in a gesture of fraternal solidarity. But in 1923, the Soviet authorities decided that for economic and logistical reasons Karabagh must become an autonomous region with Azerbaijan. For 65 years Karabagh Armenians lived in uneasy relations with the dominant Azerbaijanis, occasionally protesting their separation from the Armenian republic. The region remained more than three-quarters Armenian in population, but as Azerbaijanis migrated to Kara-

bagh and many Armenians left, fears rose that Karabagh would suffer the fate

of once-Armenian Nakhichevan, which now is almost totally Azerbaijani. Not until February 1988, in the new environment of perestroika and glasnost, did the Karabagh Armenians organize mass ral-

lies to demand publicly their right to merge with Armenia. In 1988-1989 both the Armenian and

glected by their Russian protectors. At first sympathetic to the aims of the Soviet reformer Mikhail Gorbachev, the

Armenians more recently showed their

disillusionment with perestroika. They saw Gorbachev as favoring the Azerbaijanis and being insensitive to Armenian grievances. Even his well publicized visit to Yerevan after the earthquake of Dec. 7, 1988 ended with mutual recriminations and with Gorbachev cracking down hard on Armenian opposition. Reacting to Armenian protests, the Azerbaijanis rallied around the Karabagh question and directed their frustrations toward Armenians, whom they saw as an aggressive foreign threat to their republic. In 1989 they organized a blockade of the Armenian republic which prevented food, fuel and building material from reaching Armenia. Quake reconstruction efforts came to a halt. As Azerbaijanis became even more militant in their anti-Armenian stance, their Popular Front seemed to be the principal political force, eclipsing the Communist Party in Azerbaijan.

The Azerbaijani nationalists in Nakhichevan tore down border posts in an effort to link up with their compatriots in Iran. Strangely, Soviet authorities passively watched as the nationalists grew more aggressive. In desperation and fear, Armenians began arming themselves.

Unexpectedly, the two Soviet repub-

lics moved toward a de facto state of civil war in late 1989. In mid-January 199O, Azerbaijani militants stormed through Baku, invading more than 400 Armenian homes. Innocent people were butchered, set afire and their corpses left in the streets. The pogrom continued for three days as the world watched. The Kremlin finally sent troops into the city of Baku. Dozens of Azerbaijanis were killed to quell the uprising. Armenians were relieved that the immediate danger had passed, but unhappy with the presence of Soviet troops. After two years of struggle over Karabagh, a political solution seems as distant as it has ever been. I

AlM, July 1990


TURKS AND ARMENIANS AGREE

I(ARABAGH TWO YEARS UTER WHAT THE ARMENIANS

O

Removal of over Xn,W0 Azeris from Armenia in repnse to he

massacres and deportation of

C

Armenians trom Azerbaijan. Reversr,l ot lGn@h's &dining

AmenianWNation.

a Karabagh's & tacto reintqration withArmenia. Affnenian *nre of unity reinford a

hrougladtheworkl. nationalism rekindled during process of struggle for

O Armenian Karabagh.

O

Un@ntd

O

Retum to homeland ot Ameniarc

a

aN otlpr Soviet repblkx. Azei bldede tarN Arnenian

inbrndbnal

ndia

exposure.

fleeing prsecution in AzerMijan

self+eliane.

WHATTHE ARMENIANS

LOST: 1 Removal of Armenians from historic 1

Armenian territories inside Azqfui*n bn ouffi npunbilw.s Kara@h rqion. Billions of dollars of prqerty left bhind by the Annenian refugees

ford

from Bafu

aN oher

Azed

tovwts.

O O

cripild Armenia's eanomy aN brwght anhqtd<e reoonstruclion almN to a halt.

Azeri bld<ade

m*smd

HuMreds of Ampniars by Azai m6 in Sungaig KrouM

and Bakk Others killd dunrg fighting with Areri atlad<ers on Karabagh aN Armenia's furder

a

tolyzts.

Emigration of Armenians to other

parts

of the Soviet union and

ovetwas, due to wno mb hard$ ip aN fear for physical safeU.

By HAnUTSrSSOlrf,lAL

Karabagh is not a religious issue By LEVON MABASHLIAN ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, GLENDALE. CALIF. COMMUNITY COLLEGE

irtually neverdoTirrk and Armenians find common groundon anything. But rare glimmers of possible agreement could be detected in the media between January and March 1990. Hurriyet, Turkey's largest daily paper, repeated Turkish writer Mehmet Ali Birand's view in Milliyet, that the crisis in Azerbaijan and Armenia is "not" a "war between Christians and Muslims." Echoing this accurate assessment, Gulfem Aslan of Turkish Radio and Television (TRT) stated on CNN World Report that "this is not a religious conflict as related by some westem circles." Aslan was apparently referring to reports in western media. Itis significant that major Armenian organizations and spokesmen also have been emphasizing to westem media

that it is wrong to characterize this as a Christian-Muslim confl ict. Therefore, it was disappointing to read that accordingto Hurriyet, Birand "adds that the Armenians are manipulating the situation very well," and "ga",ning the sympathy of the West by saying they are being massacred by Muslims of Turkic origin." Birand charged that if "there is a religious element, it is the Armenian church, backed by Americans and Europeans of Armenian origin." The same charge was leveled in the Los Angeles Timesby Bulent Basol, vice-president of the California chapter of the Assembly

of Turkish-American

Associations (ATAA), who wrote that this "is not a

religious war as Armenians would like the public to believe." That these charges are wrong is best

demonstrated

by the joint declaration

issued in Los Angeles by both the Etchmi-

adzin and Antelias branches of the Armenian Church and the Islamic Center of

Southern California and the Muslim Public Affairs Council. The declaration reaffi rmed Armenian-Muslim harmony and stressed that the Karabagh issue "is not based on religious difference." Turning a point of agreement on a sensitive topic into a fabricated disagree-

ment is counterproductive because AlM, July 1990

Turks are missing a chance to highlight what may be a mutually fortuitous foothold, a small piece of common ground between themselves and Armenians. Clarifying the points on which Armenians andTurks agreeand disagree, and

determining whether simple ignorance or malicious intent is impelling Turkish commentators to make the false accusa-

tion conceming religion, will shed light on motivations and will show the connection between public opinion and Armenian-Turkish relations moving onto stable ground. "This is a war for land," wrote Basol of the ATAA. This, too, Armenians agree with---cxcept their explanation would add socio-economic causes and would include the fact that Armenians had been living there for 1,200 years before Turks from Central Asia first invaded and occupied the area. Basol asserted that Karabagh

"has never been ruled" by Armenians, that they "were sent there" by the Rus-

the "Christian population of this Muslim-dominated" resians to augment

gion. This revealed a gross ignorance of elemental history and, more seriously, exposed what appears to be a calculated desire in certain Turkish circles to inject religious overtones. Their target is clear. But given the Armenian people's long tradition of peaceful coexistence among Arabs and Iranians, the Middle Eastem peoples south of Anatolia and Transcaucasia should be able to see through the nefarious attempt by some Turks to manipulate Muslim opinion. "Armenians started it," wrote Basol. Again Armenians would agree, if, rather than centuries of oppression by Turkic invaders and their descendants, we take as a starting point the massive Armenian demonstrations in February 1988. But

according to Huruiyet, Birand "writes that it all began in the summer of 1987 when the Armenians rose against the Azerbaijanis in Nagorno-Karabagh. They rounded up 200,000 Azerbaijani Turks and beat them." According to TASS and virtually the entire international media, however, the sequence ofevents was as follows: Armenians rose up in NagornoKarabagh in February I 988, and approximately 160,000 Azerbaijanis fled or were


forced to leave Armenia after the February massacre of Armenians in Sumgait, and after there began a process to drive out Armenians from Azerbaijan-which resulted in approximately 200,000 Armenians fleeing or being forced out. Since then there has been another pogrom against Armenians, in Baku, a fact courageously acknowledged by moderate Azeri scholar Gassan Guseinov, on ABC's Nightline program, as "the terrible massacres of Armenians in Azerbaijan." Speaking from Moscow, Guseinov explained that "the local Azerbaijani govemment, the local police, was absolutely inefficient to stop the massacre of Armenians in Baku." Although he made a futile attempt to absolve leaders of the Azerbaijani Popular Front by claiming they had "condemned" those massacres, the central point for consideration here is that neither Guseinov the Azeri nor

any

lized communities are not immune to psychological warfare" and that "the

since Armenian newspapers regularly

scenario was prepared long ago and the people of Azerbaijan were provoked to react to defend their lands." Such pharisaic fodder has fueled the failure of many American reporters to stress the important distinction between indisputable atrocities, and rumors of isolated excesses in the heat of battlebetween Azeri pogroms against old women, and Armenians killing Azeris in self-defense or in military clashes. Particularly troubling is that some U.S. news agencies may be witting or unwitting accomplices to Azeri disinformation. This possibility was driven home by Michael Parks in a Los Angeles Times story on Soviet govemment charges filed against Radio Liberty andVoice of America. By contributing to blurring the distinction between bar-

found in the Turkish press. One recent example is aMilliyetintewiew with Ayaz Mutalibov, first secretary of Azerbaijan

2

third-party

=

z

source has charged

t

Armenians with ternational substan-

tiation which renders hollow Turkish columnist Oktay

Eksi's observation in Hurriyet that a BBC reportof"Azdeath" is "probably correct but our certainty that Armenequally savage murders is equally correct." In contrast, the IRT report made no such inference and in fact showed the funeral of an Armenian victim, rather than the funeral of an

Azerbaijani. Notwithstanding IRT's relatively mild segment, disinformation is routine in Turkish media. A recent Bayrak TV (Cy' prus) report on CNN was typical: "With the intervention of the Red Army" in Baku, "all eyes tumed to Armenia and

Azerbaijan." Cypriot Turks rallied "in condemnation of the brutal massacres there," held a ceremony at "the martyrs monument" in Cyprus, and protested to the UN that "the recent disturbances" have "shown that even today the civi-

barez. Another example is Hamid Kherishi's (leader of Azerbaijan Popular Front) outlook, published in Le Monde, and translated in the independent Armenian weekly Califurnia Courier. Turkish

public opinion, on the other hand, is denied exposure to Armenian views. Perhaps Turkish media someday

will have

the courage to offer the Turkish public, to accept or reject, access to Armenian perspectives as articulated in Armenian media. The Armenian position on the cunent

crisis is clear. The urge to unite Karabagh with Armenia is the direct result of on-going economic and cultural discrimination. For seven decades Azeri authorities have been trying to keep the Armen-

ians economically impoverished and

ice to

culturally suppressed, in order to assimilate them or drive them out. The same policy has succeeded in nearby Nakhichevan. ln l92l the Armenian population there was 4OVo,today virtu-

dispel this poor Anmniran Frmeral in Yerevan

communist party presented in the Armenian Revolutionary Federation organ, As-

forming a disserv-

hangs like an albatross around Turkish necks. Nothing would do more to

erbaijanis burning a pregnant woman to

committed

spokesmen are per-

Turkic peoples. They are enabling a minority of barbaric individuals to perpetuate a historically deep-rooted stigma which still

such atrocities. It is this absence of in-

ians

barity and battle, Azeri and Turkish

(and accurately) present articles and views

image than making progress in Armen-

ian-Turkish rela-

tions----on the 1915 Genocide issue as well as on the 1990's Karabagh crisis. A first step toward this long-term goal could be to cultivate the healthy anti-Pan Turanist sentiments expressed in a recent

Hutiyet editorial entitled

"Influence Mightier than Sword"-specifically, the suggestion that "Turkey should offer its good influence on the Azerbaijanis toward a peaceful solution of the problem without further bloodshed." To carry out

this salutary role, which would not go unnoticed by moderate Armenians if it proved sincere, an accurate understanding of both the Azeri and Armenian positions is essential. Armenian public opinion is well aware of Turkish positions AlM, July 1990

ally 07o. The policy is

a

continuing threat

in Karabagh. In 1921 Armenians were 957o, today 83Vo . Over 50 million Turkic peoples, enjoy-

ing control over vast and fertile territories extending from the Aegean to the Caspian, are surrounding four million Armenians who maintain a toe-hold on a rocky, land-locked fragment of a region where their presence antedates that of the Turks. Turks are in a secure enough position to demonstrate a generosity which would be unprecedented in human his-

tory. The public relations potential is equally unprecedented. Of course it would be naive for Armenians to think such an auspicious act is probable in the near future. But it is equally naive for Turks to think their grim image is going to be easily polished in the near future. Since Turks and Armenians agree that this is not a religious issue, perhaps in time they will agree that it is a human rights case based on self-determination. Perhaps then, all sides may agree that the only equitable and mutually beneficial solution is a boundary change based on compromise.

I




MONTHS IN REVIEW

l,ater in the day, branching out of a huge protest rally at Liberty Square, a smaller group of some 1,000 demonstraton marched

APRIL29 The Armenian Parliament in an extraordinary meeting passed the draft of a

ARTASHAT

proposal to ask the Soviet central authorities to lift the state of emergency in Karabagh,

MAY 1I A clash between two rival armed factions in the central Armenian town of Artashat, near the border of Nakhichevan, claimed four lives, including an eighryear-old child. According to Yerevan sources, political

motives were not behind the violence between the two groups, which were described as "organized hooligan elements." In anotherincidenttwo days before, abrigade of the Armenian National Army surrounded the headquarters of anotherarmed group in

to recall its military commandant, and to reinstate the authority of the local regional agencles.

ttrc building with stones and buming torches

in an attack that resulted in one man being accidentally killed and a young girl being injured.

APRILll Interior Minister Husik Harutunian was fired from his post after failing to control a

APRIL26 Soviet troops charged with riot shields and

opened fire on an unarmed crowd of Armenian demonsfiators in the Karabagh capital Stepanakert, injuring 20 people, four of them with gunfre. The protesters were

mob of protesters that auacked the Presidium the previous day. His replacement was not named immediately.

APRIL

Abovian; the explosive situation was defused

demanding the release of six people deained

10 Demonstrators rampaged the headquarters of the Armenian Supreme SovietPresidium,

only after officials arriving from Yerevan were able to get the two sides to negotiate.

for violating the state of emergency. They had spoken at a public gathering on April

beating and seriously injuring President llrand Voskanian. The incident came as an

YEREVAI{ MAYlO

Genocide.

24 to markthe anniversary of the Armenian

About 200 men of the Armenian National Army, amred with Kalashnikov rifles, pistols,

AKHALTSKA

and knives, surrounded the Communist Party

Clashes erupted in the southem Akhaltska region of Georgia - historically Armenian-

APRIL24

indirect result of the frustration of residents

of Armenia's border towns against the tenorizing tactics of the Soviet lnterior Ministry troops and the failure of the Armenian leadership to safeguard the security of Shamshatin, Goris, and Ghapan.

building in Yerevan for close to eight hours, but dispersed peacefully after presenting a list of political demands. The list ranged from postponing the May 20 parliamentary

Church, which had been tumed into

elections by six months, establishing a multiparty system in Armenia, and the

"goodwill among peoples" museum by the Georgians. Armenians had entered the

The Armenian Communist Party Cenral Committee elected Vladimir Movsisyan as its first secretary, replacing outgoing Suren

withdrawal of Soviet troops from Armenian territory.

church to celebrate special commemorative services over the martyrs of the Genocide.

Harutranian, who resigned. Movsisyan, who was first deputy prime minister and head of

between Armenians and Georgians over the use of the local St. Nishan Armenian a

-

Negotiations between local Georgian

MAY

9 The Armenian Lrgislature voted to follow the example of rebel Littruania and suspend ttrc springdraftof youngmen intothe Soviet

authorities and representatives from the Armenian Communist Party and

armed forces "until ttre creation of necessary conditions for guaranteeing their safety"

resulted in the setting up of

while in service. The move came following

reports that mistreatment

of

Armenian

soldiers had grown recently, with some 40 killed during military service over the past two years.

At

the same meeting, the parliament decided to hold general elections in the republic in two months to select a new president by universal suffrage.

The Armenian Supreme Soviet also set up the Armenian Defense Council, giving

MAY

the state agro-industrial committee, in his acceptance speech announced plans to

convene a pan-Armenian congress in Yerevan of representatives of all segments

situation. The three-pronged meetings

of the Armenian nation-both from the

ajointcommittee

homeland and the Diaspora. Calling for a "new level of understanding and unity," Movsisyan underlined the importance of the Karabagh question and left for Moscow three days later to meet with Soviet leaders.

that is to look into the future of the church.

YEREVAN APRIL23 Armenian party chief Vladimir Movsisyan proposed creating an intemational scientific research institute in Yerevan to collect and study archival material and documents on

of l9l5

the Armenian Genocide

MARCH3l Catholicos Vazken I in an offrcial ceremony

from

consecrated the soil and performed the

archives all over the world. The proposed institute is to be housed in the Armenian Academy of Sciences building.

groundbreaking of the site in Yerevan where the Cathedral of St. Gregory the Illuminator will be erected by the year 2001--+lp l700th anniversary of the founding of*re Armenian

Apostolic Church.

APRIL

15 At7:45 in the moming, an explosion at the

I

of the Nayirit

Yerevan Armenians tore down signs on

rubber production unit

streets bearing the name of state founder Vladimir knin or other leading Bolshevihs, tuming the traditional May Day festivities into an attack on Soviet leaders. No parade was held this year in the Armenian capital.

Chemical-Scientihc Production Association justouside Yerevan spewed 55 cubic meten of toxic chloroprene fumes into the air, resulting in the hospitalization of dozens of

Protesters replaced the signs on knin Boulevard with ones bearing ttre marking "Mesrop Mashtots Boulevard.

APRIL6

Erchmiadzin Catlnlicosate calmed tlrc tense

it he duty of protecting the republic's borden against intruders, namely Azerbaijanis.

28

to the KGB headquarten and bombarded

"

residents. The effluents were also discharged

BEIRUT MAY 14 Like otherresidents of Christian eastBeirut,

into the Hrazdan River, which carried the

Armenians continued to huddle in

Armenia's breadbasket.

populated disricts of Ashrafiyeh, Bourdj-

toxic chemicals to the Ararat Valley, AlM, July1990

underground shelters

in the

Armenian-


Hammoud, Dora, Antelias, and adjoining areas, seeking safety from the artillery exchange betrveen the regulararmy ofrebel

Gen. Michel Aoun and the [rbanese

of Samir Geagea. The intermittent shelling of residential suburbs, which began Jan. 30, claimed at least 949 lives, including an estimated 30 Armenians. The community suffered heavy material losses, with many buildings, schools, churches, and businesses in ruins or partly damaged. The Chamberof Commerce has estimated material damage in the enclave at over $1 billion. In March, His Holiness

Christian forces

Yazgenl launched a worldwide appeal for the Armenian community in Beirut, and allocated $200,m0 from the Etchmiadzin fund to its aid.

MAY 7 The Armenian community in TurkeY objected to new govemment regulations for the election of the Armenian patriarch on the grounds that they are undemocratic and untraditional, depriving the 45,000sfrong community of is freedom of choice.

Yazgen I in consecrating the new church of the 3,500-srong Armenian community

Brussels, named after St. Mary

Magdalene. Vasken I consecrated the main Atar, faretin tr the baptismal font; Abp. Kude Naccachian celebrated the Mass. This

in the history of

the

Armenian Apostolic Church that two Catholicoses jointly consecrated a church'

LOSANGELES MAY 2

A

5l-minute documentary film,'Ararat

Beckons', about the first Armenian-led expedition to the peak of Mt. Ararat in August, 1986, was introduced bY Carl held in the Terzian at its world premiere Directors Guild of America theater. The three climbers Hamlet Nersesian, Masis Parseghian, and son Gregory Parseghian were also intoduced by p,roducerJ. Michael

Hagopian. Also saluting the Atlantis Pr,oiluitions frlm was veteran Ararat climber

Bill

Crouse of Dallas, Texas, who is news

editor of "Ararat Reports."

additional $5 million to be made available for relief to earthquake victims in northem Armenia.

-

SAGRAiIENTO-

[7 San Francisco Earthquake

tf Hurricane Hugo t7

Explosion

APRIL 23 Noted Soviet Armenian artist and activist Sos Sargsyan joined members of the observance of the 75th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide. Sargsyan was invited by the Senate President pro{empore David Roberti, ard was joined by Archbishop Datev Sarkisian and other Armenian leaders.

tF fumenian Earthquake

E

Sargsyan was one of several Soviet Armenian elected leaders who visited

California as well as other diaspora

Simonian; and poet Razmig DavoYan.

NIGOSIA APRIL22

The l3th AGBU Navasartian

Games concluded with a traditional parade on the grounds of the new $500,000 sports complex of the Melkonian Educational Institute. Eleven teams from Cyprus, Syna lrbanon, Jordan, Egypt, and Greece competed in men's and women's basketball, volleyball, tennis, and table tennis.

WASHINGTONAPRIL2l

USSR Gas

Hurricane Gilbert

tr

u n tr Disaster reliefi,

wherever-whenever. Please help us... to keep on hehing.

Turkey expressed disappoinfrnent over the statement made the previous day by U.S.

President George Bush on the "terrible massacres" suffered by Armenians "at the hands of the rulers of the OttomanEmpire." In the written statement issued while Bush

1.800666.HOPE

was visiting Florida (See Page 54 this issue).

STBASBOURG-

use vour credit card or send a check to:

APRIL

14 Scientists from Armenia, the USA, France, Spain, Germany, and Italy concluded the

two-day International Symposium on

JERUSALEil MAY

offered by Minority lrader Robert Dole (R- Kans.) appropriating specific funding for Armenia. The measure earmarks an

Karabagh committee; writer Karen

6

His Holiness Karekin tr joined His Holiness

was the first time

The U.S. Senate approved an amendment

communities in April. That group included Rafael Ghazarian, Armenia's new vicepresident and a founding member of the

BRUSSELS-

in

WASHINGTON APRIL 27

California Legislature in its formal

rsTAllBUL-

MAY

other Christian goups in closing for one day shrines and churches in protest of the Israeli govemment's attempts to establish Jewish settlements in the Christian quarter.

1

Armed Jewish sefflers honored a Supreme Court-ordered deadline and left the hospice compound that they had leased from its

Fhotecting Armenian Architectural Heritage in Turkey, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, held in one of the meeting halls of the European

Parliament. The meeting formulated proposals about obtaining funds for repairs

situation in the Christian quarter of the Holy

from intemational organizations, such as ttre UNESCO, as well as from a sPecial

City. The Armenian Church had joined the

fund from Etchmiadzin's Spiritual Council.

Armenian occupant, defusing the tense

-

AlM, July 1990

l5l

Cherry St., New Canaan, CT 05840

The first to bring help The first to bring hope. 29


TUrkish Lobby ln America Turkey spends millions each year in an effort to whitewash its record By KEVOBK lMlRzlAN he age of Sultan Suleiman arrived

in America some four centuries too late, though with most of its glittering magnificence still intact. The invasion of the Sultan had been planned by public relations experts for years and, in January

Its glorious past notwithstanding, Turkey did not discover the real benefits of image-enhancing until the mid-1970s. The reports around that time of assassinated Turkish consular officials by Armenian "tenorists" also brought into light the "forgotten genocide" of the Armenians that the Turkish government kept denying with medieval vehemence.

Turkey resorted to "image building" to counter the wave of negative publicity triggered by these reports and soon tumed it into an indispensable element

of the Turkish

reality. It was a proud

in

:

Turkish

history, and a triumphant Turkish ambasthe

bonds between the United

States and

Tur-

key at the preview of the event in

Washington. Although

leveraged heavily on Turkey's strategic and economic value to the

diligence trumpeted the arrival of the exhibit, Suleiman the

U.S., rarely did the Turkish lobby assume

Magnificent, yet it did not fail to take note of the promotional overtones accompanying

a conspicuous role be-

fore 1965 - the year in which the worldwide commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide rekindled the fires under

the fanfare.

"Turks are showcas-

ing historical splendors," read one report,

an issue long thought to be extinguished. The Turkish response to the Armenian manifestations in America was a stepped-up diplomatic pressure supplemented by a spate ofbooks produced the

of a $10 million campaign to enhance their nation's global reputation." Another quoted the Turkish minister of as part

"A

distorted

image of Turkey has unfortunately emerged in the minds of many. We now face the task

chauvinistic frenzy of the first decade of this century in Turkey. Ten years hence, however,

of correcting this image."

licity stunts of Halide Edib, Kemal's chief

ture cordial ties with

Washington. The press with due

culture:

the

veteran Turkish lobby. Starting with the pub-

propagandist in the early days of the Turkish Republic, the govemments in Ankara always took pains to nur-

sador spoke of

strengthening

the ele-

virgin territory for

1987, it finally became

moment

propaganda

- pave the ment that would someday help way for the belated visit of His Magnificence to America. The United States, of course. was not

B,

the Turkish governAlM, July 1990


ment would go on an active campaign of unstinting propaganda - this time employing professional lobbyists, setting up

"research institutes," and enlisting the help of big business interests in canying out its mission. Since it was the nettlesome "Armenian problem" that had given it its new impetus, the Turkish lobby made the denial of the Genocide an inseparable part of its agenda beside its usual "bread and butter" lobbying for the annual aid check

from the U.S., the Turkish lobby now went to great lengths to prevent any mention of the Armenian Genocide from get-

ting onto any official documents or school cunicula in secondary schools and

institutions of higher education through-

out the United States to dissuade them from using texts that mention the Genocide and to discourage them from including the subject in curricula relating to Holocaust and Genocide studies. Before that, an unmitigated campaign to suppress any reference to the Armenians in the United Nations 1978 report on the prevention of Genocide proved to be successful when the Subcommission dropped the reference in its final report, as did the effort to defeat the Congressional resolutions mentioning the Armenian Genocide in 1984, 1985, and 1987. Yet, no Turkish effort to date could match the intensity and magnitude of the campaign that was launched to defeat a Senate resolution. which would declare Aprll 24, 1990, "a day of remembrance of the 75th anniversary of

of l9l5-23."

the Armenian Genocide

The government of Turkey, first appalled at the number of co-sponsors(62) and then alarmed at the Senate Judiciary Committee vote (8-6) to proceed with the resolution. decided to pull out all the stops in its effort to bury the measure. Immediately following the vote, Turkey, to underscore the cost to the U.S. of a favorable vote in the Senate, placed several sanctions against American ships, and suspended all negotiations with the U.S. corporations doing business in Turkey. The counter-measures had the effect of

securing the "vigorous opposition" of the White House and the State Department to the resolution, and sent a multitude of U.S. corporations scrambling to the aid of Turkey. "Typically, a local plant manager of one of these corporations will call the state's Senator and ask him to vote against the resolution," said Van Krikorian, director of government and legal

Jointly

of the higher circles in government. One such figure was Richard

tums

Perle, a principal at Intemational A(vis-

ers, who oversaw U.S. aid to Turkey while serving in President Reagan's

Defense Department. Another was Robert Gray, Reagan's former inaugural co-chairman and the head of communications for the Reagan-Bush campaign. Gray ran the renowned Gray & Co., which counted Turkey among its clients, and stayed on as a principal when Gray & Co. merged with two other firms in 1986 to

A

form Hill & Knowlton,lnc.

more curious player was Gary

a top aide to former House Speaker Tip O'Neill one of the most ardent supporters of-the Armenians in

Hymel, once

support of the resolution may hurt the company's business and cost the community jobs." Besides the vigilant corporations, the most rigorous lobbying in Washington was conducted by "foreign agents" lobbying organizations who engage in

International Advisers and a former leader of the pro-lsrael lobby, emerged

political or public relations operations on behalf of foreign clients- such as lnternational Advisers, and Hill & Knowlton, as well as individuals affili-

$1.5 million

With

$800,000

McCauliffee, Kelly, Rafaelli, & Siemens (1990contract) These are the "registered"organizations representing Turkey, of which

Hill & Ifuowlton

"foreign agents."The govemment ofTurtey re-

aad lntemational Advisen portedly paid $2 million to its lobbyists in the U.S. over the past year. are registered

(known as "superlobbyists") who offer their clients political savvy, Washington panache, and access to the inner sanc-

Congress. Meanwhile, Morris Amitay, another superlobbyist in the employ of

Hill & Knowlton, !nc.

Co.

in Ankara counted heavily on these "agents" and especially individuals

affairs at the Armenian Assembly of America. "The Senator is told that his

ORGANTZATIO]{S REPRESENTIilG TURKEY TH AMERICA

Thompoon &

ated with these firms. Sparing no expense, the govemment

AlM, July 1990

llAJoR u.s. OORPORATTOre DOING EUSIT{ESS IN TUBKEY:

Allie*Sigrul Aele$pffi So. Abbot laboratories The Boeirlg Co. Chrysler T'ectlrglogaes Corp. Fairchild ftdrgy -iec, I]tc, Ford Aerryce Corp. GM Ftughqs Alrcraft Co. General Dymmics Cory. Gsreral Etectric Co. Grumman Corp. Hercules lnc. Honeyuvettlnc. IBM Corp. lTTtlefens@,lnc. Lockheed Gorp. LTV Aetospace & Defense Co. Martin Marietta Cory.


tion" in the lobbying effort by the Turkish government "as

it

spends more and

more money" for the purpose. Krikorian claims confidence in his prediction since, he says, "Senator Dole has already announced that he will keep press-

ing for the resolution in the Senate." The irony of the situation was pointed out by the same Senator during the recent debate on the resolution that the annual U.S. aid of $500 million to Turkey helps that country finance its lobbying activities in the U.S. The irony is not lost on Roger Smith, a professor of Government at the College of William and Mary, who has written extensively on

-

Richad F.rle of Intematknal Adnisers as a valuable strategist for Turkey.

This battalion of lobbyists was joined by groups such as the American Friends of Turkey, the Aerospace Industries Association, and Amold & Porter, a law

firm retained by the Turkish-Jewish community, that descended upon Washington to talk Senators out of voting in support of the resolution. In the meantime, the Institute of Turkish Snrdies in Washington was not stand-

ing idle. Heath Lowry, the executive director of the Institute, weighed in with an opinion-editorial in the Wall Street Journal. The editorial, titled "Leave Armenia's History to Historians" ssp-n timent echoed frequently by Sen. Robert

Byrd on the Senate floor-

stated:

"Genocide is part of the lore of today's Armenian community. But is it his-

tory?" Justin McCarthy, another noted member of the Institute, co-authored a timely

booklet with Carolyn McCarthy titled "Turks and Armenians: A Manual on the Armenian Genocide" which was published by the Assembly of Turkish American Associations. The booklet, as with the other publications of the Association, was circulated in Congress for the benefit of unswayed Senators. Levon Marashlian, an associate professor of history at the Glendale Community College, notes a growing trend in the lobby's advocacy of"leaving history to historians," and believes that "Turkey will step up its campaign in the United States, placing emphasis on this sort of academic propaganda." "In the future", says Krikorian of the Armenian Assembly, as one who has

observed the Turkish lobby at close range, "you can expect to see an escala32

AlM, July 1990

Turkish historical revisionism. "It is not the Turkish government," says Smith, "but rather the American taxpayer who ends up with the financial burden for Turkey's effort to rewrite history." Over the years Turkey has added new weapons to its U.S. lobbying arsenal, responding to periodic Armenian claims

with, in Smith's words, "a systematic, elaborate, and preffy flexible" message through propaganda, even though the arguments have mostly stayed the same.

"Turkey will still be able to use its geopolitical position to exert pressure on the United States," says Smith on the future of the Turkish lobby. I


Tilting at

Global Network Revisionists

I t is a little after midnight when David I Oavidian finishes up his 845th article

and sends it off into the night. "Let's see what our friends have to say to that," he mutters as he hits the key on his com-

puter that will dispatch his handiwork into the invisible web of the electronic network connected to his machine. Davidian shifts his wiry frame uneasily up in the chair, but his piercing gaze is still locked on the screen as if trying to penetrate the pitch black darkness of the monitor in front of him. He could fit the description of a veritable David who has taken on Goliath, but observing him at work is to witness an ordinary man in his quixotic attempt at fighting Turkish revisionism. Davidian, 35, a computer scientist by profession and historian by avocation, has spent most of his spare time in the last two years researching, documenting, and building a case against "apologists" of the Armenian Genocide on a little-known yet widely-used global network. The nearly one million users of the Unix User Network choose to participate at will in newsgroups that cater to diverse interests from social and cultural to technical and recreational topics.

Although the network is notably the domain of scientists who say things like "let me throw in my $0.02 worth," and "holy macro," one particular newsgroup has practically created an electronic symposium on the Armenian Genocide that is being read, according to Davidian, by at least 30,000 people on any given day. Conducted away from the trappings of academia, though keeping within the bounds of respectable debate, the discussion has generated a body of literature which Davidian has compiled in four volumes under the title "Addressing Turkish Genocide Apologists." Davidian's first exposure to newsgroup debate came in December 1987, when he stumbled upon a relatively new

newsgroup on "talk-politics-mideast". After monitoring it for a while, he took note of a discussion about the role of early Zionism in Sultan Hamid's treatment of Armenians and was impressed with the high level of discussion being conducted by the participants. Increasingly disheartened by the lack of any Armenian participation, he soon decided to throw in his "$0.02 worth." Davidian, who is a native of Worc-

a pile of books, papers, and file folders in his study, which he calls "a center for regional studies." "It is also interesting how a single Armenian on this net elicited responses from a number of Turks." The most brazen Turkish propaganda originated from two accounts on the network, one from a university in Canada

and the other from a telecommunications firm in the mid-west, which relentlessly pumped out anti-Armenian articles

almost too glib and sophisticated to be penned by a pair of Turkish engineers. Davidian, who had suspected an expert's hand all along, read with interest when Justin McCarthy of the Institute of Turkish Studies posted through the account in Canada "Re{garding}: Claims of Mr. Davidian." Irked at being called a liar for his statistical inconsistencies and other historical re-

* visionism,

Mc-

fr Carthy wrote: "I d

ester, Mass., and who traces his an-

cestry to Chem-

would be glad to discuss this matter

ishkezek in eastern

further with Mr.

Central Anatolia, posted his first ar-

Davidian, but only

ticle on the network in the form

some demography

ofan inquiry about

ngrs.t'

the fate of

when he learns and some man-

the

Any lingering

Greek and Armen-

doubts about the

ian populations in

source of

Chemishkezek between l9l5 and 1923. When a few

propaganda were

Greeks responded

when he tuned into

erased

from Davidian's mind

that the

two peoples had met

the

Davidian monitors Turks

the same fate, this provoked a number of Turks to post articles that dismissed the interchange as innuendo and offered sanitized versions of the events in Anatolia. As time went on. the discussion drifted more and more toward the Armenian Genocide owing to Davidian's probing articles. He was encouraged by postings from several non-Turks, who made no secret of their support of his argument

Radio Turkey a couple of months later. He discov-

ered that the second account, used osten-

sibly by one Hasan Mutlu, posted articles that would be broadcast, almost verbatim, on RadioTurkey's weekly "Armenian File" series a few days later. "Turks will keep dumping propaganda on the net," Davidian says with a shrug, "but given an equal access, as on this net, we will always win, because history is on our side." Davidian also sees a side

after reading the heated exchange on the

benefit to his sparring with Turkish

network. Presently, the Turks came out of the woodwork, and a flood of Turkish revisionist literature began filling up the network screens. "lt is amazing how a single inquiry led to a display of Turkish revisionism for all to see," says Davidian, sitting amidst

"netters" on the network. "This has been educating a whole level of Turks," he says, shutting off his computer for the night, "by exposing them to the Armenian viewpoint, as well as to the absurdity of the Turkish propaganda."

AlM, July 1990

By Kevork lmirzian JJ


WuW

: t,

ri

r

M

*

s

ffifrfu

:"rlLl','f{1'rtiih,'li

:

r'fi#w*l

l.;,fl

Haig Arclanian offers rcugh diarnonds to clientele in his Antwerp office

THE

BRI

LLIANT CONNECTION

Armenian iewelers from all over the world come to Armenian"offites ii Antwerp for their diamond needs ewelry is sorne kind of a national profession fbr Armenians. There is hardly a jewelry district in cities with substantial Armenian communities where Armenians are not close to majority. And this phenomenon is very much reflected in the streets of Antwerp's diamond district

imd hallways

of its buildings. There

is

hardly a day where there is no Armenian jeweler who has come to Antwerp wholesalen to buy diamonds. Indeed. Armenian jewelen

flom all over the world converge on Antwerp for their diamond needs.

Antwerp, a seaport city in Belgiurn. is iamous for two things: It is the home of world famous painter Rubens; and it is the 14

world diamond capital. The sign at

rhe

airport reads "Welcome to Antwetp, World

Diamond Center" and in fact the industry here is five centuries old. For a long time it was overshadowed by Amsterdam, but earlier

in the century Antwerp finally surpassed its old rival. Following the discovery of the Premier Mine in South Africa in 1902 and alluvial deposits in South-West Africa in 1908. diamonds began flooding the free market. In general, the new South Afncan diamonds were very small and therefore not very lucrative tbr big establishmenLs in Amsterdam. At this time Antwerp definitely gained supremacy over Amsterdam. Today Antwerp is the largest. Diamonds are both

AlM, July 1990

polished and traded in the Antwerp market where there are more than 6000 independent flrms with a total 18,000 people that go into

motion each day engaged in cutting and trading diamonds. More than 507o of the world's rough diamonds are polished in Antwerp. The rest are polished in other major cutting centers, such as Tel Aviv, Bombay and NewYork. Antwerp's diamond distnct has a social, political and economic life apart from the community that surrounds it. Everyone on is srees is in the diamond business. There's no other reason to be there. Activities in the diamond business are based on faith and trust. When a deal is struck, both parties say


"mazel

Lurd broche", aYddish saying meaning "happiness and good luck to you." The ethnic

diamond people, are actively involved in

makeup of the market is fascinating. Any numberof languages are spoken at ils offices. And certainly, Armenian is spoken widely. The Armenian presence in Antwerp dates back to the early 1950s when two brothers, Melanton and Haig Arslanian, jointly with other Armenians, started operations in Antwerp to supplement their African office. Today, there are more than 30 Anneniaur

Armenia on December 7, 1988, they were the first to respond. Planeloads of goods were shipped to Armenia within one week of the disaster. Recently, the communiry completed its farm project in the Spitak

Armenian affain. When the earthquake struck

region.

Most of the Armenian offices are in the business of polished diamonds. Very few deal with rough diamonds and manufactuing.

a

Kevork Oskanian is one of the largest

combined annual sales total of $ I billion. "It is an extremly reliable and trusted Armenian diamond community," says Kevork

enffepreneurs in the polished diamond market.

to Antwerp from

diamond prices are fairly stable, the market has seen its ups and downs. [n the early 1980s diamond prices took a nosedive, creating an uproar in the market and leaving a lot of shattered businesses behind. Oskanian, because of the nature of his management style, was protected fiom ttre resulting market imbalance. fuslanians. on the other hand,

offices

in the Antwelp market with

Oskanian who came

lrbanon 25 yeani ago. "Armenian jewelers from all over the world do their buying from the Armenian offices because they feel more comfortable with their fellow Armenians," Oskanian continued. "Buying diamonds is not a simple process. Most of the time those who come to Antwerp to buy diamonds have to stay here at least a week to complete their mission. And that means something more than a casual business relationship," Oskanian said. Thememben of Antwerp's small Armenian community, inspired and subsidized by the

Across 3.3

[,ast year he was listed among the top five wholesalers

of polished diamonds Although

Kevod< Oskanian in

his otfice

Abijan, Ivory Coast, Liberia and New York Ciry, are one of the largest in the world with two per cent of the world rough production passing through Anlanian's Antwerp office. They are also one of the l0 largest

were hard-hit in the early 1980s. However, because of Haig Arslanian's leadership and managerial skills, the company bounced back and reached the top again. Today, the

Arslanians, with their headquarters in

sightholders (registered

Antwerp, and branch offices in Brazzaville,

buyers) with

billionyears andfour continents to awoman's hand

The ancient Greeks believed that diamonds

were splinters of stars falling on earth. It was even said by some that they were the tears of the Gods. Another legend has it that there was an inaccessible valley in Central Asia carpeted with diamonds. It was said to be "patrolled by birds of prey in the air and guarded by snakes of murderous gaze on the gound." The futh is, however,

that the exact origin of diamonds is still something of a mystery, even to scientists and geologists.

Even though the diamond is the hardest of all gemstones known to man, it is the simplest in mmposition. It is common calbon, like the graphite in a lead pencil, yet has a melting point of 6,900 degrees Fahrenheit, which is two and a half times greater than the melting point of steel. Billions of years

found today. Before a diamond reaches a woman's hand. will probably touch at least four continents

it

and the lives ofhundreds ofpeople. The expertise of many skilled and experienced craftsmen is necessary for the complicated process of extracting and finishing adiamond Though diamonds were f,irst mined in

India over 2,800 yean ago, the modem industry began wittr discoveries in South Africa in the late l9th century. Today, however, the top four diamond producing countries, accounting for a little over SOVo of the world's rough diamond supply, are: Australia, Zaire, Botswana, and the USSR.

ago, the elemental forces of heat and pressure

miraculously transformed the carbon into diamond in the cauldron of boiling magna that lies deep below the surface of the earth. The volcanic mass in which this crystallization took place then tlrust upwards and broke through the earth's surface to

cool Kimberlite pipes.

It is in

these

Kimberlite oioes that most diamonds are

WORID FI-M6US ijtfitvt-dffOS

The Regent, found 1701. cut to 140.5 cs. last owned byNapoleon, now in the

AlM, July 1990

owned now iri Smithsonian tnrtirure

The Hooe. once t

r

Lril

Xrv.

TheTaylor-Burton' 69.42cts was sold in June 1979 for $3 million,


DeBss'

box is either accepted or rejected. Buyers, however, rarely reject an allornent, ifonly

Central Selling Organrzation (CSO).

The diamond market is heavily controlled by DeBeers. If there is one corporation that comes closest to monopoly, DeBeers is the one. Incorporated on March 13, 1788, De Beers, through its subsidiaries and affiliated companies, exercises considerable

control overthediamondmarket.

because ttrey might not be invited back. However, CSO graders are so expert that they make sure the contents of the boxes will satisfy the sightholders' needs. There

: f

ill average of 200registered sighttrolden and ttre CSO claims to market 807o of the arc

world's ouput. The other 207o is sold independently. Through tlrc diamond corporation, DeBeers

tries to buy all or most of the production

from mines outside their direct confrol. They consistently seern able

With few exceptions, world f diamond prices are controlled {

to penuade independent producers, large and small, public and private, that the corporation is to everyone's

largely by the Diamond Trading I Co., and Indusrial Disributon, I both subsidiaries of DeBeen. Most rough diamonds enter the market through a single channel, DeBeers'

advantage. For example, when the USSR emerged as a producer of rough diamonds around 1960, ttrey also agreed to sell all oftheir rough

Cenral Selling Organization in london.

through DeBeen' Cennal Selling Organization. Ausftalia however,

Boxes of stones are made up, and are ready and waiting when the sightholders arrive at the CSO

wanted

in diamond marketing, ttrey needed

buying room. Usually ttre entire

DeBeers' pull to get financial

to be completely

independent, but with no background

terit

llaig Anahnian rcceiving

ol Cefltral Africa, 1975

backing. In 1982 DeBeers and Australian Mining Company worked out

an agreement DeBeers would market most of the gemquality rough diamonds and 75

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per cent of Australia's Argyle Mine. Anlanian's Annverp office was confiacted to sell Bond's five per cent. In 1982 Bond soldits share otlre strfeofWestem Ausnalia,

and since then the Arslanians are the representatives of Westem Ausralia in Antwerp, Belgium. Indeed, Antwerp's Armenians are playing a key role in the diamond industry. And

that'sbrilliant.

AlM, July 1990

I


All for JAZZ

AIM Admircrs

Datevik Hovanessian noted jazz singer and recording artist from Armenia, gave recent concerts in Boston and New York City.

In tlre offrces of Karmn Magazine in Yerevan, editor Meroujan Ter-Gulanian (sanding),

Levon Ter-Bedrosian and Vano Seradagian of the Pan-National Movement admire ttre AIM prototype.

Operatic Harmony Parsegh Tumanian, Spendarian Opera basso

from Armenia, sang four performances in Ins Angeles Music Center Opera with Placido Domingo in Verdi's "Don Carlo." The 3lyear old played his father, King Philip, as

Pavarotti Sings for Spitak On his first

rip to ttre

USSR

in

15 years,

Luciano Pavarotti sang at Moscow's Bolshoi Theafie in the first of a series of benefitconcerts to raise money forArmenian earthquake victims. Attending the May 3rd concert was President Mikhail Gorbachev and wife Raisa. Proceeds from the Italian opera star's concert tour will be used for building a $30-million hospital in Spitak.

three other Soviet opera stars plus a Soviet conductor also performed. Regal, solemn, harsh or cruel-still Tumanian succeeded in arousing pity for the monarch in a long despairing Act III soliloquy. Tumanian is

noted for his roles as Anhak II, Faust, and

Ramphis in "Aida" and will appear this yearin [,ondon, Munich, Melboume, Milan and at the NYC Metropolitan.

ForOmhan's Sake Garen Simonian, Armenian Deputy of USSR People's Congress, visited Europe and the United States to solicit sponsonhip of orphans of the Armenian earthquake.

Show Goes On L,osing an eye to political sruggle has only

strengthened the determination of TV Khachadourian tocontinue using satirical humor to combat political

comedian Raffi

oppression in Iran

FUNl>'amental Rafael Gazarian, Vice-President of Armenia met with politicians and business leaders in the U.S. and Canada to encourage immediate economic investment in Armenia.

AlM, July 1990


ARMENIA'S ECONOMY Hardships exist; so does potentialfor major improvement he visitor to Armenia need not he an economist to realize that Arnrenia's econorny. like the rest o1' the Soviet Union. is in shambles. .Stores rLrc cmpty. inl'lation is high. and uncnrplovrnent is rampant. What's more.

thc Krernlin has gone public with its long awailecl progrant lirr transition. With this prosram, things will get worse before thc-i'get anv better. Coltsumers will socln

pav hi-uher prices

lilr

ccrtain goods, includin-u bread. in an eftort to bring

prices closer Io the costs

of

production.

situation and its future, and thc general consensus is that the ccononly is the key

to Annenia's independence. Arnrenia is very rnuch dependcnt on the rest of the Soviet Union. lt's oil, gas and other necessities are brought in from the other republics 60%, ol its consumer goods are also irnportecl liom abroad. lndeed. the recent Azerbaijani blockade

pretty much exposecl the limits of Armenia's econontic capabilities.

Those who oppose

Arntenra's independence at this stage argue that Aflnenia at present is ltot

- Energy Hydroelectrical enengy Thermoelectrica ! energy Atomic Eneryy -

economically viable, cnrphasizing Armenia's geopolitical position and its heavy dependcnce on the rest of the rcpublics as

two major obstaclcs.

The proponents of

independencc contend that

Armenia has enough resources and economic

infrastructure that will make it cconomicallv viable. if they used and managed thern ef ficientlv. As lur lrs its geopolities ir concerned, they argue that

Arrenians will eventually manage lo come to lerms

Textile lactory in Yerevan

Yct. ..\n'neniu has onc ot' the highesl startdards of living in the whole union. In tcnns o1' "luxury" items, such as TV scts and cars, Arrnenia ranks hi-qh. Although Arnrenia's GNP is only l.tl 7 ol'Soviet Iinion's GNP, given its small populatron thc pe rcapita income is higher tltlur tlrc ir\ (riruc Soviet inconte. -l'oday. ,,\rnre nia's economy is not only

leeling the hcal from perestroika's backlash. but also frorn the recenf der astating e arthquake, Azerbaijani blockarlc urrd lhe massive and frequent strikes. [)uc to thc earthquake. I 70 enterprises har c be e n alfected. 1-10 ol which have bccn curnpletell, nullilied with the loss ot tt2.0(X) jobs. All tosether. 1.9 billion rr-rhles worth olproductive capability has bccrr rncapacitatecl.

('urrcntlv. there is continuous

debate

arrrl discussion on Arrncnia's economic

w'ith thc geopolirical

reality of having a contnton borcler rvith Turkey, Azerbaijan and Iran. There is a growing tendency among Armenian lcaders. intellectuals and the people at lar-ge ol'advocating negotiations and econonric coope ratrion with'I'urkey. "Not talking and bein-c hostilc with Turkey hasn't helped the Anncnian cause an inch," says Rafael Gazarian. Vice President of' Armenia. "lf we can benetit

from Armenian-Turkish economic coopcration. we should

give

serious

consicleration to the idea."

Thc planning of Arntenia's economic developrnent is being conternplated on sevcral fionts. One proposal is fbr more

efficient use 01' Armenia's natural re

sources and its economic infiastructure.

"Ccrtlrinlr rrc tlo ltavr un econornir'

structure, but the problcrn is that it is not mana-eed efficicntlv," says Vladimir

Gazarian, heaci

of toreign

AlM, July 1990

relations

Ghemical $rlfu ric acid nronohydrates Gaustic soda Minera! fertilizers Plastics Sttnthetic glue

-

Machinery & Metaluryy

Electrotechnical prcducts

Gompressons Metal cutting equiprnents Transforrmers

Automobiles Drilling machines - Electrcnics Vaeuum tubes Semiconductors Optoelectronic equip. Hybdd integrated circuits Gomputers

Textile Gotton and wool

sirk Leather and shoes Meat, milk, sugar, tobacco Wine and brandy Canned food Flour, culturcd gtain Beer, fats, fish, sah Mineral water Grain, barley, com Potatoes Gape, apricot, peach and plum


department of Council of Ministers of Armenia. "The high quality tomato pastes produced here are well known. We sell them in 20 kg unattractivejars to foreign firms. They repackage the whole thing in smaller and attractive packages and sell

the developed counffies, and not spend time and effort on reinventing the wheel," says H.A. Garabedian, plenipotentiary of USSR ministery for foreign economic

them internationally at much higher

are putting a

prices. Why can't we ourselves do that?

Another example is the case of our mineral waters. The bottles are so ugly that we can't even convince olu own people in Diaspora to buY them." Armenia, like the rest of the country, lacks the technology and the planning techniques for economic efficiency. For 75 years Soviet planners have followed an "unbalanced growth strategy." They focused scarce capital, managerial talent,

and skilled labor on a small number of key areas. "We need to take the technology from

relations. To achieve all these, Soviet Armenians

lot of faith and trust in

Diaspora Armenians to start joint ventures with Soviet Armenians and inject foreign capital and more efficient management into the local economy."For

us, the future development of joint

ventures is difficult to realize without the

active participation of Diaspora's economic potential," said Rafael Gazaian during his recent visit to Los

have approached appropriate ministries

in Armenia with business plans. Unfortunatly, however, due to lack of

perseverence and dampening of enthusiasm, but most notably because of the bureaucratic red tape and unorganized

reception of Armenian officials, most those projects remain only on paper.

Rostom Boyadjian is one of

of

the few

who has taken the project off the ground. Kilikia Industries International is the name of the joint venture signed between Boyadjian's Tri Star Industries of Los

Angeles and Armenia's Armbitkhim enterprise. The venture will produce and

sell consumer goods from polymer, including vertical blind curtains, plastic

Angeles.

Reciprocally, there is much enthusiasm

among Diaspora Armenians to start joint ventures in Armenia. Dozens of U.S. and

European firms owned by Armenians

AlM, July 1990

pipes, and plastic bags. "It was painfully difficult to get this contract signed," says

Rostom Boyadjian. "LegallY we should've been able to have the contract


signed in Armenia. But the enorrnous bureaucratic red tape forced us to go to Moscow. What we couldn't do here in months we did in Moscow in one day. People are addicted to the underground economy. Anything legal is illegal for them. I hope they change their attitude." Theft, cheating and corruption are hardly unique to a centrally directed economy. However, several institutional and policy aspects of the Armenian economy and behavioral nature of the Armenian people have given the underground economy special stimulus. Aside from these, there are several legal obstacles

that make joint ventures

less

attractive to foreign companies. Of course, the inconvertability of rubles to other hard currencies complicates the

organization of

joint

enterprises.

However, the enterprise can either sell part of its production outside the Soviet Union for hard currency, or sell for the

internal market and with the earnings from its sales, the foreign partner could purchase Soviet goods for export.

Another element being discussed

is

the ambitious project of tuming Armenia into a free economic zone. In the 1960's

and 70's countries like Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore were successful in turning their countries to such zones by accelerating the growth of their manufacturing outputs. Armenians however, are jumping the gun on this

OIL IN ARMENIA?

of 4,333 meters (13,550 ft.). The crude produced was a mixture of methane and nitrogen. Another well, 5,000m ( 15,500 ft.) deep, is presently being drilled in the same area.

The search for oil brought geophysicists

to the central region of

By HRAIB ZOBIAN

I

he existence of

!r

oil in Soviet

ermenian territory surtaced as

a

topic of debate only in the

pasr decade, especially after petroleum experts

from Gomel, a city in the Byelorussian Republic, came to Armenia with their survey equipment and drilling machines

to perform geophysical explorations to identify potential oil fields. Meanwhile, research by Armenian geologists had already shown that the geostructure of Armenia's crust lends

where the drilling operations of a third well have already started. The outlook for this third well seemed even more promising than the previous two because of better soil conditions. The earth structure contained higher proportions of salt and clay, making it better to trap the oil. However, after drilling 990 m (3,100 ft.) of the projected 2,200 m (6,800 ft.), an abnormal increase in pressure prompted

the operation's discontinuation. Although indicative of a sizable oil formation, further

of oil formations. The fact that reserves of oil already had

itself to the accumulation and preservation large been discovered in the republics neighboring Armenia-Azerbaijan, Georgia, Iran, and

drilling was considered too risky, and experts decided to acquire more modern equipment and machinery before resuming the drilling.

Turkey-provided added credence to the likelihood of the

standing blockade, the equipment is yet

Unfortunately, because

in Armenia because

are capable

of making high

quality

Armenia. First we have to become a self-sufficient unit which is capable of conducting its economy, to be able to enter the international market. The only

requirement to enter the international market is to produce quality that can compete with the other products." In the final analysis it is the human resources of a nation, not its capital nor

its material resources, that ultimately determine the character and pace of its economic and social development.

Luckily Armenians can count on that. -Vartan Oskanian

long

was intensified

of the Azerbaijani

blockade and the shutdown

of the Metzamor

nuclear power plant. The Armenian

"How can we attract foreign firms,"

products? At this moment it is senseless to talk about establishing a free zone in

of the

to be delivered. The search for new energy sources

issue. says Vladimir Gazarian. '' Our people are certainly talented, hard working and have golden hands. But can we at this stage compete with those countries who have already established such zones, such as Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong? Can we prove to foreign companies, like Sony, Toshiba, Sanyo and the others that we

Artashat,

specihcally nearthe village of Mekhrchian,

government has spent a total of 3.5 million rubles just

to organize the oil

exploration efforts of the Astarai Droject in the period 1988

tol990. "Armeniais existence of oil in the Armenian Plateau. Following the study of the initial geophysical data in 1983, drilling ofrhe first oil well started near the village of Voghtchabard. When oil started gushing out at a depth of 4,571 meters (14,200

ft.), the scientific observations of Armenian scientists were thus substantiated.

Drilling of a second oil well near the city of Hoktemberian provided additional impetus and encouragement. By 1989, when operations were shut down because

of Azerbaijan's economic blockade, the well had produced 30,000 cubic meters (900,000 cu. ft.) of oil daily, at a depth AlM, July 1990

a great prospect for

oil exploration,"

says

Vladimir

inelnikov, leader of the S

>

Byelorussian

e

=

scientific team." "It i, 7 would be unprincipled to refute that fact." Still, great expectations are attached with Artashat. Perhaps this will be the site where the Armenian mountains will disclose their secrets and tell the untold story

!

I


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O sovrrr uNroN

From Perestroika To Uncertainty Will Gorbachey's experiment survive forces pounding at Kremlin gates? the need for a general philosophical, psy-

Ere.

sin"e he emerged as the leader of the Soviet Union in March 1985, Gorbachev and his close advisers such as Leonid Abalkin, Abel Aganbegyan and Nikolai Petrakov have promoted ideologically unorthodox policies to invigorate Soviet political and economic life. These policies, however, if stretched too thin, can, as they are beginning to learn, undermine the very system upon whose unity their success rests. The consequences oftheir glasnost and perestroika might not be fully evaluated yet, but one thing seems to be certain: no longer can we look at the Soviet Union through the

chological and institutional overhaul, albeit in the form of experimentation. Gorbachev's experiment is similar to Lenin's New Economic Policy instituted in 1921. That experiment ended abruptly in 1928 with the rise of Stalin and his in-

dustrialization and collectivization. A word of caution: history can contrive innumerable ways to repeat itself. The

viets are failing to pay their Western suppliers of essential chemical and industrial products. . To achieve a high credit rating, Gorbachev recently announced a new economic package (effective in July if possible) whose object will be to free the Soviet economy from under the shadow of Marxism-Leninism, and to inaugurate liberalization ofprices and trade by eradicating state-held monopolies and by mak-

function effectively to accommodate a transformation of such magnitude. Three

closely interrelated factors have instigated the current pandemonium in the Soviet Union: economic stagnation, political atrophy, and the secessionist movements in the republics.

Economic Stagnation

ticles l0 and 17 of the

usual cold-war, Siberiaesque kaleidoscope.

Metamorphic transformations are inevitable as centrifugal political and economic structural plate tectonics betray the deeply rooted, volcanic tensions. In order to avert an eruption, a number of events have laid the groundwork for a putatively more open and democratic system. However, economic stagnation and the political and institutional paralysis accompanying such stagnation can at

building a more viable society. Hence

proximately 165 billion rubles) is increasing, and perhaps most alarming for Gorbachev, the Soviet credit rating has reached its lowest Ievels yet. While increased trade relations in the form of joint ventures with the West is a sound solution for the decrepit economy, the financial chaos created by joint ventures have so far only exacerbated the country's systemic shortcoming. So-

present institutional mechanisms cannot

Gorbachev hopes to establish an economic and political environment conducive to market-oriented economy in a less centralized system. The results of his efforts have been mixed so far. Ar-

42

catastrophe. Falling real income and real gross national product do not help the situation. Real gross national product fell by 4 to 5 percent in 1989 and is expected to decline by an estimated 8 to l0 percent by the end of this year. In addition, the quality of goods and services is still poor, the nation's finances are out ofcontrol, the budget deficit (ap-

BY SIiION PAYASLIAN

only hinder Gorbachev's attempts

eratives, have cautioned that the Soviet

economy is heading towards a major

Soviet

Constitution, for instance, had explicitly prohibited private enterprises in the name of building a socialist society. On March 6, the Soviet Parliament voted 350 to 3 to pass a new law (effective June l, 1990) to permit Soviet citizens to own small private businesses. It is worth remembering that Gorbachev's efforrs in 1988 to introduce some form of private enterprise failed miserably because local govemments refused to give up their hold on local economies. The law passed on March 6 is a step in the right direction: it will protect properties from local officials' obstructive measures against pri-

vatization, and

in doing so encourage

ing the ruble convertible. Nikolai

Petrakov, one of Gorbachev's pro-market economic advisers, has been encouraging Gorbachev to move quickly to market economy to avoid protracted financial instability. Wharever the policy,

the financial environment cannot be improved significantly so long as the ruble is not convertible and so long as the Soviet Union is not a full member of Westem intemational economic activities.

Most interestingly, the Petrakov plan

requires quick economic measures by decree rather than subjecting their economic proposals to the "pulling and hauling" of governmental processes. But Gorbachev and his advisers might find themselves in an unwinnable and unenviable position: If Gorbachev does follow Petrakov's plan, the political system will turn against him; recent events in

new entrepreneurship.

the Soviet Parliament indicate that Gor-

The Soviet economy under perestroica has not been very successful. Indeed, some experts, including Mr. Vladimir A. Tikhonov, president of the USSR coop-

bachev, to an unexpected extent, has been successful in fending off political pres-

AlM, July1990

sures. Can he also fend off economic pressures so deftly? The prevalence of


impermeable bureaucratic bottlenecks throughout the system suggest not. Neither the economic nor the political institutions are ready to accommodate desired changes at the desired pace.

bachev needed 1,497 of the 2,244 votes to bypass direct elections). On March

tection for national industries and other properties in Lithuania.

18, local elections were held throughout

Landsbergis, on his part, insisted that under international law Lithuania's prop-

the Soviet Union. The Communist Party lost in a number of cities throughout the

country, including Moscow, Leningrad

Political Atrophy

and Kiev.

The current political upheavals in the Soviet Union are the direct results of the

Communist Party's monopoly over all aspects of Soviet society since the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. To end this party absolutism, pro-democracy coalitions have called for reforms including:

Whether such reforms

will improve

conditions for the citizens themselves remains to be seen. The decision to end seventy years of Communist Party monopoly over Soviet institutions will undoubtedly and radically change the political and economic character of the country.

i i

ffr.

Republics

Intertwined with the economic stagnation and political atrophy is the problem of secessionist movement in the

republics. Most recently, on March 11, 1990, the Lithuanian Parliament declared itself independent of Moscow

and elected Sovlet shoilragss spawn long llnes

the right to organize formal opposition parties by repealing Article Six of the Soviet Constitution; introducing new local and national election laws to end the election-by-reservation system the Communists have employed tohold large majority of parliament seats; and the abolishment of the nomenklatura system and the institutions (for example, the KGB, party cells and militias) that perpetuate the system of privileges bestowed upon old party faithfuls. Not long ago Gorbachev and Sovietologists would have dismissed such proposals as mere absurdities, but things might be changing now. To get a sense

Vytautus

Landsbergis, a music professor and leader of the grassroots Sajudis movement, as president. Gorbachev's Kremlin called the declara-

tion "illegitimate and invalid." Soviet

erty belongs to Lithuania and that Gorbachev's decree had no legitimate authority in Lithuania. Furthermore, he rejected Gorbachev's order to Lithuanians to disarm themselves. To Lithuania's surprise, however, no government has extended formal recognition to the Lithuanian republic as a sovereign nation. By early April, both sides signalled a willingness to compromise and to begin discussions on the question of referendum on secession. Conciliatory signals from Vilnius give Gorbachev an alternative to the use of force. Such negotiations or the simulacra of negotiations allow both sides to buy time; and the more time they can buy, the better. For Gorbachev, a failure of such magnitude would certainly validate the conservatives' charges that his policies are doomed to fail if he is not more forceful in his dealings with the republics. To maintain Soviet unity, if cornered, as in Azerbaijan, Gorbachev would choose the military option, especially since no government has recognized the Lithuanian independent government.

of how far some of these changes have gone, a brief review of the events that transpired last month will suffice. On March 6, the Soviet Parliament voted 350 to 3 to introduce privatization. On March 13, by a vote of 1,817 to 133 (61 abstentions) it ratified the creation of a powerful new presidency, and by a vote of 1,771 to 264 (74 abstentions) it re-

pealed Article

6 of the

Soviet

Constitution. In a similar vein, on March 14, by a vote of 1,542 to 368 (76 abstentions) the Congress of People's Deputies elected Gorbachev as President of the Soviet Union for a five-year term (Gor-

Yercvan Annenlans stage mass rally over

Foreign Minister Eduard

A.

Shevard-

nadze was reported as saying that Moscow had no intention military force in Lithuania.

of utilizing

Tensions between Moscow and Vilnius remain high. Gorbachev demanded pro-

AlM, July 1990

lGra@h

For obvious reasons, Landsbergis also needs time. The calculus of secessionist aspirations invariably rests upon protrac-

tive as well as protective capabilities. The latter is hardly available to Landsbergis; the former, however, has at least two


advantages: the longer the independent

O TURKEY

government stays in power, the more institutionalized it becomes. Also, even if Gorbachev does use force to re-annex Lithuania, the current generation of the Lithuanian leadership will have (briefly but actively) demonstrated to the next generation the Lithuanian will to independence. Thus, they can protract and protect that demonstration of independ-

CONVERGING DESTINIES:

ence through protracted negotiations. The

Kremlin still holds all of the cards, however.

Complicating the matters further, the Byelorussian Parliament (undoubtedly under instructions from Moscow) issued a statement on March 30 claiming parts of Lithuania (the districts of Svevtsenis, parts of Vidzy, Godutishok, Ostrovets, Varena, and Radun) if Lithuanians pursue their secessionist course. Lithuani-

ans dismissed the statement as mere provocation.

On Friday, March 30, the Estonian Parliament declared independence from Moscow. However, Estonians have opted

for a more carefully planned disengagement to occur during the next three to five years via negotiations and close cooperation with Moscow. Georgians also are demanding independence. Georgia's Supreme Soviet postponed elections, initially scheduled for Sunday March 25, to allow opposition parties sufficient time to organize themselves against the Communists. The Armenian-Azeri conflict over Nagomo-Karabagh remains unresolved. In Armenia, while some Armenians have called for a Vilnius-style declaration of independence, the ruling Communist elite is hesitant at best. Russian nationalism, as it manifests itself in the form of anti-nationalities and

anti-Semitism, has resurfaced with a vengeance. Russian nationalists held demonstrations in Moscow and lrningrad demanding, with a touch of nostalgia, the reestablishment of pre-Bolshevik Russian Czardom and the creation of a new DERZHAVA, of the invincible, old Mother Russia to put an end to anti-

Clrunges in GuerrillaTactics Stir Anlara to Harden Fist on Rebel Kurds By RAFFI SHOUBOOKIAI{

Tn"i.

tragedy started in the aftermath of World War I. Despite the promises of the Allied Powers, despite President Woodrow Wilson's plans for the self-determination of indigenous peoples conquered by the Ottoman Empire, and despite the stipulation regarding a national homeland set forth in the 1920 Treaty of Sevres, their territorial, political, social, and cultural rights continue to be trampled upon and now they face genocide on their own land, not dissimilar to that of the Armenians. They are the Kurds-a dispersed nation that shares with Armenians geography, history, and aspirations for a national homeland on their ancestral soil. An ancient people of the Zagros Mountains and the eastern extension of the Taurus Mountain range, the Kurds are an ethnic minority of some 20 million, living in an area where the borders of Turkey, Iran, and Iraq converge, and small enclaves of about 500,000 each in Syria and the Soviet Caucasus. Around 51,000 of them live in Soviet Armenia, where they have their own newspaper, theater, and academic research center. Their history in Armenia dates back to the Seljuk conquest in the I lth century. For a time after Soviet rule replaced the Russian Empire, the Armenian alphabet was adapted for Knnldr stdentsattsnd openalrdassrcom

o 3 o I

Russian movements throughout the So-

viet Union. With so many forces colliding before the Kremlin gates, the Gorbachev experiment is bound to crash. Lenin's experiment lasted seven years. bachev's end in

4

1992?

Will Gor-

1, AlM, July1990

use by Kurds of the Soviet Union. It was

later replaced by the Latin and Cyrillic. But the larger groups are actively involved in underground wars against the central governments in Turkey, Iran, and Iraq, seeking autonomy in their mountainous regions. In Turkey, Kurdish guenillas have been

fighting for an independent Marxist state

in the eastem and southeastern parts of Anatolia. Since the summer of 1984, when they started hit-and-run attacks, and up to mid-

April, more than 2,500 people have been killed (roughly equal numbers of Kurdish militants, and security forces as well

as

civilians)

as a result

of

Kurdish

clashes in Anatolia. Kurds make up about one-fifth of Tur-

key's population of 55 million. Historically, Kurds have never achieved sufficient unity to produce even the prototype of an organized political movement for independence. Kurdish life in its traditional setting may be too organic, too close to nature to permit evolution of

political figures. At the same time, the forbidding mountains of Kurdistan have always granted an effective local autonomy to Kurds. "Although Kurdistan is divided among five nations ... and recognized by none, its people are united by blood, language

Tcr"ltodo3 clelm,ed by Kurdr


and sentiment-a sentiment often manifested in violent rebellion, which even the most brutal suppression has failed to stamp out," Archibald Roosevelt, a former senior official of the C.I.A. and presently director of International Relations for Chase Manhattan Bank, wrote in his memoirs.

In the past decade, the most brutal suppression that Kurds encountered came at the hands of the Iraqis. Successive regimes in Baghdad have pursued policies designed to dispossess, diminish, displace, and recently to destroy outright the distinctive ethnic identity of the 3.5

million Kurds that live within Iraq's borders. Between 1985-87, 781 villages in the Sorani region were destroyed. The campaign culminated with the chemical attacks by the Iraqi Air Force in March 1988, which left 5,000 Kurdish civilians dead and nearly 10,000 injured in Ha-

labja. The genocidal attempt resulted in tens of thousands of Kurds seeking refuge across the border, in Turkey. Now, probably encouraged by the success of the Palestinian "Intifada," the Kurds in Turkey's southeastem provinces have entered a new phase in their struggle for independence. For the first time in the

provinces of Mardin, Siirt, and Elazig, teenagers are throwing stones at the security forces, erecting roadblocks, and buming tires. People have closed shops, offices, and schools to protest the sometimes brutal action of the Turkish Inte-

rior Ministry.

At the same time,

a new wave of violence swept not only the countryside but also urban areas. Since the beginning of

March, 105 people were reported killed in Kurdish clashes. This compares with

only 16 terrorism-related deaths in the whole first quarter of 1989. Until late March, the Kurdish Workers' Party, also known as PKK, raided villages, "executed" so-called village guards

and their collaborators, and sometimes killed entire families. But now, according to a recent Turkish intelligence report, the PKK operates in major cities, encouraging popular resistance to the authorities and security forces.

It urges organized demonstrations, strikes, boycotts, and seizure ofpublic buildings. The unpublished report said intelligence

units have established that four Kurdish organizations based in Syria, Iran, and Iraq have reached a clandestine agreement with the PKK to set up liberated regions in eastern and southeastern Ana-

tolia, reportedly with the support of

Syria-Turkey's neighbor to the south. The four organizations in the united Kurdish front plan to establish themselves

in Turkey through sudden attacks from the countries in which they are based.

With

a

joint force of 500,000 men,

the

front will carry out attacks on Turkey's borders, while at the same time trying to involve their host countries as well as Syria in their war against Turkey, the intelligence report said. Prime Minister Yildirim Akbulut and other senior govemment officials publicly played down the uprising, but the government could not but adopt new se-

curity measures to fight the latest up-

able unity of the Turkish state." "No one will be strong enough to ruin the integrity of the Republic of Turkey," said the Turkish President who, a week earlier, had authorized the use of modern military equipment and helicopters to intensify the government's operations against the Kurdish rebellion. Although the Army has successfully

fought Kurdish militants in the eastern mountains and rural areas, officials say,

the task is more difficult now that the rebels are moving to urban centers. For the first time, seniorofficials and officers have talked publicly about the possibility

of an Israeli-style assault against PKK

surge of Kurdish unrest.

o

OnApril l0,the

parliament approved and put into effect a decree which re-

o I

o ,.

stricts news cov-

erageofincidents :

in

southeastern Anatolia, and increases the powers ofthe regional

S

governor charge

in of the I I

provinces where most of Turkey's

;

estimated 9 million Kurds live.

The governor {. was alsoempowered to ban strikes

and expel resi-

dents

deemed threats to public order.

The decree prompted a wave of protest both Kurdish youth leam guerrllla tac0cs from the inside and outside of Turkey. Turkish joumalheadquarters in Damascus and its camps ists and left-wing opposition political in the Bekaa Valley in Syrian-controlled parties immediately attacked the decree Lebanon. as anti-democratic, while the LondonArmenians and Kurds are two peoples based International Press Institute on locked in the same geographical area and April 17 sent a letter to President Turgut with the same national aspirations, with Ozal protesting the restrictions of news their territorial claims overlapping parts coverage and the "gross violation ofbasic of Western Armenia. Their shared hisand internationally recognized human tory is marked with bilateral relations rights." The independent institute, with that have been both friendly and antaoffices in London and Zurich, represents gonistic. With the ongoing realignment leading publishers and editors in more of political relations of the superpowers than 60 countries. as well as the countries in the region, the Defending the disputed measures, Ozal, destinies of the two people are certain to in an April 15 television address, said intersect in the near they are "aimed at protecting the insepar-

future.

AlM, July 1990

I


The Odyssey of Artist Yuroz FROM THE STREET LIFE TO THE SWEET LIFE

charismatic immigrant is forced to the streets by irate in-laws, frantically sketches on scraps at

hand, survives a suicide attempt, triumphs over

art

to help people, and becomes the darling of art galleries. A movie script ? Not at the past five years in the life of all

-justYuroz Yuri Gevorgian. painter Some artists die in misery and later

-

America!" While waiting six years for permission to emigrate, Gevorgian made a good living in Yerevan. He designed women's

less

foundation in the United States, Bos-

ton's Pine Street Inn, his work "Lovers on the Street" eamed $15,000.

Those street dwellers whom Yuroz portrayed, after his own homeless experience here was over, do not appear depressed. "Homeless people don't have some happy homes but go on living days, some sad. I wanted to make them see how beautiful they are-if they truly believe in themselves," said Gevorgian. The artist's altruism is somewhat startling in this decade of unprecedented greed-where art is more an investment than a beloved reminder of the etemal. As word of his talent and sincerity spreads, invitations abound. Late last year Yuroz was guest of honor at art awards in Barbizon, France. He was

-

featured on Dutch and Japanese TV. Now the Mayor of Minneapolis proposes Yuroz paint a huge mural in a park and do an indoor - outdoor architectural design for it. "Those who sleep outdoors showed me great things to paint and feel. Remember, they are not scum. Ifyou have hope, you can do anything-

especially in America." When Gevorgian painted his colorful characters so determined to survive and win against any odds, the artist had already learned in Soviet Armenia what

The Klsc

their works sell for millions. Others to live as millionaires. Artist Yuroz atage34 has had only two years of financial success in his new-

escape poverty

found country. Yet he showed America his gratitude by sharing his earnings with

those homeless people who initially inspired his first paintings. In his early months here in 1985 it was only they who taught him survival on the streets of Fresno and Los Angeles. In November 1988 as a way of aiding the homeless, Gevorgian donated an oil painting to a benefit auction for The Clare Foundation in Santa Monica. It sold for $7,000. In the fall of 1989 a

4

United States to work, they sneered at me. They believe that those who can't make it there are the ones who go to

Yuroz work garnered $6,000 for Camp Good Times. And for the largest home-

By JANET SAUUELIAN

disaster as he sells his

I could avoid the army. When I told them, stubborn and mad, that I have to go to the

pend, and only passed me so

great humanity exists even under socie-

tal oppression. His imagination and potential creativity was such by age l0 that he became one of the youngest students ever to be accepted to Yerevan's Hagop Kodjoian School ofArt. By age 14 he had graduated, winning top honors. But after 1973 when he entered Yerevan Polytechnic Institute for architecture, his natural artistry began to suffer under the school's

rigid academism. "They said I couldn't paint and actually, I could not paint then! At least, not

Hrrmony in Red clothing under the label "Yuroz," built architectural models, and worked as an

interior designer. He also successfully constructed an innovative metal-andglass portable fountain, using the labor of prison detainees for nine months. Yuroz' grandparents were from Bayazit and Kamo. A big influence, his mother

is also artistic. Because he has one brother, two sisters, eight aunts, seven uncles, 40 nieces and 50 nephews, the painter is ebullient, sociable and optimistic. Of all the painters in Armenia, Gevorgian admires Hagop Hagopian. Others he felt were empty, living in the past, with no healthy interest in politics. Those here seem to him to be negative complainers. "They think art is the only work they have in life. But when you really like your art, you must paint, whether

for money or not. So you do outside work to support it and not wait for support. When depressed,

I

I hear them angry and

ask--do you want to go

back?" He remembers when he just completed

his

first major painting "The Kiss."

In

his squalid apartment in Hollywood

a

rich man came to ask the price. "I was living poor and healthy like a Yogi,

do it realistic as they insisted, but I can't

spending two dollars a day for food, and said it was $3,000. Laughing, the guy asked me did I think I was Picasso? So I

look at something and then paint it. Teachers gave up on me, cut my sti-

matter, it's still worth that amount."

the way they required. I really wanted to

AlM, July1990

I

told him-how I live and work doesn't


Eventually the painting sold for $22,000

and the present owner has reportedly been offered $l million. Yuroz continu-

"If you wish to buy my art, you must pay whatever I want. It's the way you,

ed

image-a flash of color, a shadowed movement. Lnoking deep inside, images from my life appear to me. Those inbom emotions taught me all about myself so I love to make those images tangible.

the artist, treat yourself. Armenian people

Black surfaces became essential to me

think artists are poor and puppies. But the artist must be the first to stand up for

in order to create." With slides of paintings and pastels, Yuroz made the rounds of [.os Angeles galleries. Finally L.A. Art Association's May Babitz said, "I realized that with his originality and dedication, he was going to be a permanent influence on the industry." He was then introduced

his own work!" With as many as twenty people vying to buy the same painting, the artist real-

ized the impossibility of painting adequate quantities to satisfy orders. Through his own company, Stygian Publishing, he found an alternative making

to a pair of gallery owners about to launch

serigraphs with 50-70 separate colors in limited editions of 300.

In

1989 he created six different

lery in Beverly Hills, one of the largest

art gallery chains in America, Yuroz works are now displayed in 14 major cities, including Boston, San Francisco, New York, Denver and Washington, D.C. Collectors like Jeff Hess and Neil Forman each own two or three of his works.

Others, like a doctor

in Alaska, pur-

chased works to donate to the Anchorage Art Museum. He has sold in Hawaii, Jamaica, France, South Africa, Mexico, Spain and Japan through several International Art Expos. Last month in New Haven he did a feature TV interview "People in the 2lst Century." In September he may exhibit in a SoHo

editions and will do four more in 1990. From the original pre-publication price of $900, these now sell for up to $6,000 each. After numerous charity events,

Dyansen location.In Los Angeles at both Dyansen and Beverly Connection galleries, his latest serigraphs are continuously on

Yuroz has gained valuable expe-

view.

rience in business. He advised, "Never look at the market and then paint. You can't paint just to sell. Paint first, and then look. Always be open to what's hap-

The present crop ofYuroz paintings depict love and friendship. Couples kiss, sitting on wicker chairs. Pairs of women eat fruit on checkerboard tables. Fanciful

gallery and also

pening in the art market since you must understand it." The canny painter could not have achieved his present success singlehandedly. Homeless, he gave him office space where he made architectural models and, unknown to others, also slept. In time, Gevorgian could rent a

Gevorgian in his works celebrates the joys of the senses.

tiny apartment and quickly fin-

allowed to forget how wonderful and beautiful life is." He felt so energized, he says, that whatever blocks he had in Armenia fell away. He discovered a method of working on black canvas, rather than the tra-

ditional white, which he calls "Stygianism." In myths Styx is a dark and dreary river which dead souls cross before seeing Paradise. "Appropriate since I felt I passed through dark times in my life," said Gevorgian. Yuroz explains the process: "In my mind's eye, black is always the beginning. I close my eyes to catch the first

Boston's

mates play music. Bodies are blue, black ormauve, and limbs are exaggerated to fill up the canvas space. Clothing, hats and long gloves can be strong red, green or bright stripes. His stylized human forms are reminiscent of Juan Gris, Chagall, or Matisse, whom he loves. An enthusiastic admirer of women,

was helped by a fellow university student, Aram Alajajian, who

ish his "Hollywood Boulevard" series; those powerful portraits show the human, caring side of homeless people whom Yuroz says "are still waiting for a chance to improve their lives, who must never be

in

Currently he is preparing a July

4th Yuroz in Action the Gallery Connection on the eighth floor of Beverly Center. He sold eight of his Hollywood paintings for $40,0O0, making sure that not only would he help himself but also the destitute street survivors he had seen struggling. Gallery owner Deborah Murry, whose involvement is very important to the artist, is a friend as well as promoter of his work. "Yuri was strong enough to survive negative reactions even from his own people, and is so admired that we have three movie deals on his life, if we want!" Since his one-man exhibition in mid-1988 in Los Angeles and Palm Desert, he has sold everywhere. With additional representation by Dyansen GalAlM, July 1990

exhibit of erotic art for a Danville, California gallery, "Day of Independence."

Gevorgian's natural openness

has

helped him to adapt quickly to American ways, but he spoke warmly about Armenian issues. "I want to do one big project now-the homeless in Armenia and the homeless in the U.S. Without money you can't give money. Now that I have built up connections who would be willing to help, we can do something

professional." He continues, "Especially for us, it's most important to be

a

great human being

first. True, we have been victims historically, but we have much to offer. Build! Create! Fight self-satisfaction and there's no limit to what we should be

able to achieve

here."

I

,


Turn-Of-The-Century Armenian Homes An exclusive AIM photo essay by Armen Aroyan, Southern California photodocumentiarian, who has traveled four times to eastern Turkey

I II

initiallv took these oic-

like the large windows in

*cause Rrmenian houses have generally

tlrcse houses, where

tures

been ignorcd by

tE

top,s

can be opened for ventila-

visiors who

tion. By contrast, their

win-

mainly phoograph monas-

dows are of such size that

teries or chtrrctres. As I traced

their women not be exposed

the steps of my grandparents

to on lookers.

frorn village to town, I was able o speak with Turkish residents and photograph fieely. The houses are not

The houses of each town have theirown

uniqrr archi-

tecture and use local stones. as

if there was always one

monuments; nevertheless, they are important for our

builder-family in each city. Thus Marash is different

records.

from Hajin, Hajin from

Moreover, unlike churches,

Aintab, and so on. Of all the towns I visited, Ainab

homes are not apt to be desuoyed since people live in them. The Turts who live in these houses formerly owned

Armcnhn lrouces hAlntab Keyalkarcr

has gown the mosl [t is located on E-24, theEuro-

pean highway network

offvery proudly. They call them healttrycool in tlrc summerandwarm inthe winter-ttrcy were so well-

which is heavy wittr commercial taffic, whereas the otlprs are on

insulated.

Armenians lived in AinaUs lkyajik hill area where therc was a Protestant church and on the neighboring hill, Tepebashuh, where

by Armenians show them

Instead of having flat roofs like Turkish houses, their sloping roofs are covered with red tile, angled and have chimneys. In the late 1890s and early 1900s those rcofs were much more difficult to build and Turkish builders were unskilled. Present day Turks also

ilanrlt nc*

Kanll

Dor

secondary roads.

the Armenian Apostolic church was located. Most houses in Kayajik have remained intact or in relatively good condition because they were built to last by Armenians. Even the original

Aroyan photognphlng

AlM, July1990

Krle ]laze/t lrure,

Affi-


attend the lavish engagement party for one daughter to hof. Jesse

Maossian. It was held

in ttrc courtyard wi0t the black

and white tile rug design, she râ‚Źcalls. Another spacious home in

Kara Nazar (Nazaretian) house. He was consul ofPersia and a citizen Aintab is the

of

krsia who survived

the mas-

sacres and actually sold his

house, unlike other Armenians who were forced to abandon their homes. He was the

l(eramenr*len

lrourq now

Alnt*

wealthiest Armenian in

Ainab

and the main benefactor of St.

EUtttogr+hlc If,usuem

LMngrconr ontrrnco

Goutfd

Mary's Cathedral and local schools as well.

pattemed lloor to ldt.

Armenians also chose the most desirable and

shownabon,

safest areas in which to

knockers and knobs remain like small works of art. If ttre house had no painted walls or ceilings, then there might be

lot of paneled woodwork, detailed carvings on doors and built-in cabinets. Floral decorations and scrolls of gilt are Ialianate in feeling, since many times ttre artists were imported from Europe. In Aintab is ttre "comer house" of Garouj effendi Karamanukian which dates from early 1900 and is now the Ethnographic Museum. It was recently bought by Hassan Suzer, a Turkish indusrialist who is the previous owner of the Pera Palace Hotel in Istanbul. It is open to the public for an admission charge of 75 cents. Karamanukian was very wealthy and even had a separate bedroom for each of his three unmarried daughters. Mrs. Vehideh Dekmejian, 87, of Pasadena remembers going ttrere in l9l2 to a

buildJrigh up, where it was possible to protect or close access to envious neighbors.

Ingeneral,mosttowns

still have their Armen-

ian houses. They are readily identifi ed by t}rc local residents and are so distinctive that they stand out.

Sbronly

ruwtutf bdldktg olthoconpbr d thoGrttollcoedr

Annrnlrn hou!. ln l0yrllk

Iftlqrcom ol Kr;r llezrr houeo AlM, July 1990

49


Tarkanian, Affierica's Top Collegiate Goach, Unspoiled ByViclory By CHARLES LAZAR!,AI{

!!u"""., !*u**,

has not sported lerry Tarnea. DasKe,au coacn or the University of Nevada Ias Vegas. Tarkanianwashonoedas tlrc "winningestcoach in America" after his

when he was very young because his parents insisted on it in their home. I have forgotten the language, but I'm proud of my Armenian heritage, he said. During a nationally televised basketball game the day after the tagic earthquake in Armenia, Ta*anian was seen wearing a black band in mouming for the thousands

is an attomey and Creuge is in a doctoral prograrn in political science. Tarkanian's b,rother, Myron, also was prcsent at ttp interview with AIM's saff. Myron is a physical education teacher and ten-

nis coach at Pasad-

teamc4redtrc1990

City College. He is nine years younger than Jerry. His wife

National Collegiate Athletic Association

is the former Virginia Fagerlin and

championship tophy a few week ago by crushingDrkeUniversity, 103to73, forthe title. Tarkanian has concluded his 17th season at UNLV and

ttrey have four chil-

ena

dren:

William, Rose,

Jane andKendra.

Despitehisachieve-

Our AIM staff held an exclusive interview wittr Tarkanian in the men's gymna-

commented one sportscaster, "but he does it behind closed doon instead of in front of a national television audience. " Would Tarkanian consider taking his basketball team to Armenia for a goodwill or benefit game? Ta*anian said NCAA rules allow only one tip abroad every four years and a ransatlantic tip has never been discussed. However, a goodwill tip to Armen-

ia is within the realm of possibilities,

Tarkanianmakes his home on thebasketball court. He is both father and teacher to his "Runnin' Rebels" team, preaching the virtues of hard work, loyalty and discipline. His wife, Dr. I-ois Tarkanian, has been of

Tar-

conducts basketball camps for youngsters as well asbeing an active memberof several chariable organizations. When asked about his activities in the Armenian community, Tarkanian said: "I have always accepted invitations to address Armenian groups whenevermy schedule permitted." He said he did speak Armenian

valuable assistance to ttre team by establishingan academic support systemthatis among the finest and mostprogressive in America. AnotlrcrArmenian in tlrc UNLV athletic

deparrnent is Ed Goorjian, a close friend of Tartanian, who is an administrative assistant to athletic director Brad Rothermel. He directs off+ourt activities of ttre basketball team, including academic assignments and teamtravel. A l95l graduateof theUniversity of Califomia Los Angeles, Goorjian has served with distinction as basketball coach of high school and college teams

throughoutSouthemCalifomia.

sium ofPasadena City College shortly after he won ttrc title. He had come for a reunion

with colleagues and friends at the college where he was the head basketball coach

inl%668. Bom in Euclid, Ohio, Aug. 30, 1930, Tarkanian graduated frorn Fresno (Calif.) State University in I 955 and began coaching high school basketball teams in 1956. His 29 years ofcollegiate coaching endeared him o teams he has coached atcolleges ttuoughout Southem Califomia befo,re becoming head coach of UNLV n 1973. His wife, Dr. Lnis Ta*anian (tlre former

Lois Huter) serves on ttre Cla* County (Nev.) School Board. They have four children: Pamela, Jodie, Danny and George. Pamela is a teachec Jodie is a nurse; Danny 50

Ta*enhrr

he

ball court,

it

praise best describes his humble, unassuming'aaitude in the limelight of success.

kicks a few butts and has a few choice words forhis players inthe &essing room,"

added.

due to his low-key missing the title on profileandunassumseveral occasions. Tafienbtdrplayrylctorymillc ing character. Most When asked if the recently, he was honvictory was sweet revenge, Tarkanian qui@: "It wasn't revenge, but was ored as Man of ttrc Year by the Las Vegas Kidney Foundation and similarly recogrized sweet." When the time came for presentaby Southwestem Christian College. He also tion of the championship tophy, Ta*anian was reluctant to accept it. He wanted Brad Rothermel, UNLV athletic director, to accept tlrc trophy, but relented when NCAA officials persisted. Tarkanian's reaction to

Tarkanian is rcspected by tlrc news media as a "classy" coach. "Sure, Tark no doubt

ments onthe basket-

kanian'scurtibutions to the Armenian and Americancommunities are little known

battled the NCAA for 12 of thern, nanowly

of

victims.

hold

trltt gnndchlld !n lmilly portrrlt takcn ln 1988

AlM, July 1990

t


THE FOOLISH MAN By HOVHANNES TOUMANIAN DRAWINGS BY:

SABKIS POSTAJIAN EDITED BY HAROUT POSTAJIAN

He explained and the wolf said: Ask God for me-since you created me, how long must lstarve?

'f;.li#ffitffif'&. ONCE upon a time there was a poor man. No matter how hetried, he remained poor.

Hedecidedto golind God and ask him how to gel out of his poverty.

On the wav. a wolt asked him:

Theman continuedand meta pretty girl who invited him inside to eat.

She serued him and requested: Ask God why I'm not lucky.

Then he met a dry tree who said: Ask God why l'm so dry. winterand

Brolher Mari, whereare you going?

summer.

a+) The man promised to ask

The poor man told everything. God

you want?

promised him good fodunC and advice lor the oihers-

He savs there's oold under vour roots. Untilthey rE removed, ybu'll never be green.

Take the gold, be rich, and I'll be qreen. No. I have no time-J must flnd myfortune and enioy it.

you'll be happy.

No-o-o! God gave me a lortune to

The starving woll waited on the road for the poor man lo return.

So what did God say, asked the wolf.

continued on his path.

find and enjoy.

On his return the man met the dry

tree who asked-What did God say for me?

The man told about thetree and the

gold. Did you dig it out? No. He explained.

3f-;.\>He told about the oirl who should marry. So you mariied her?-said thewolf. No, my fortunewaitsto be

lound.

And for you. God said--You ll stay hungry uhtrl you find a foolish man

Wherewill I everfind a morefoolish man than you, said the wolf.

and eat him

AlM, July 1990

So the wolf ate the poor and

toolish man.


THI WHITE

PRESIDENT STOPS BEATI NG

HOUSE

Offrce of the Prms Seeretary

(Orlando, Florida)

April 20,|W

STAIEMENT BY THE PRESIDEM Throughout this century, *re United Sates has had a special, enduring relationship witlr the Armenian people. Armenians around the world share with their friends in the United States a love of freedom, and as proud people they

AROUND

have a sfong commitrnent to the preservation

THE BUSH

nonefheless reflects dreirtaittr and the srengfr and resilience

of

their

heritage and culture.

Their history, though marked by a number of ragedies, of their tr"dition. Those mgedies include *re Earthquake of 1988 and, most pmminendy, the terrible massacres iuffered in 1915-1923 at the hands of the rulers of the Ottoman

By HARUT SASSOUNIAN

Ernpire.

President Bush's statement is a candid expression of sympathy

for the Armenian victims of genocide. Even though he does not use the word genocide, the President leaves no doubt as to the nature, the scope and the identiry of the perpetrators: "The terrible massacres suffered in 1915-1923 at the hands of the rulers of the Ottoman Empire." He also calls for the observance of April 24, 1990, the 75th Anniversary, " as a day of remembrance for the more than one million Armenian people who were victims." All of these words together add up to an acknowledgment of the crime of genocide.

The presidential statement is further strengthened by the fact that Mr. Bush refers to his earlier remarks in which he did use the word genocide and which he says "represent the

The United States responded to the victims of this crime against humanity by leading intemational diplomatic and private reliefeffots, The Armenian-American community now numbers nearly one million people. Those who emi$aed to the United States, and their descendants, continue to make significant contributions to the bettermentof ourcountry inmany fields ofendeavor. On this soventy-fifth anniversary of the massacres, I wish tojoin withArmenians and all peoples in observing April 24, 1990 as a day of remembrance'for ttre more than a million Armenian people who were vietims. I call upon all peoples to work toprevent future actsof inhumaniry againstmankind, and my comments of June 1988 represent the depttr of my feelingforthe Armenianpeople and the sufferings freyhave endured.

depth of my feeling for the Armenian people and the sufferings

they have endured." The President is refening to his campaign pledge of 1988 acknowledging the Armenian Genocide. The White House Press Office clarified to us that the June 1988 reference is in fact an allusion to then candidate Bush's response to a questionnaire released by the Armenian Assembly in October

of

1988.

"The United States must acknowledge the attempted genocide of the Armenian people in the last years of the Ottoman Empire, based on the testimony of survivors, scholars, and indeed our own representatives at the time, if we are to insure that such horrors are not repeated," said Mr. Bush in writing in 1988. He pledged that the Bush administration would "never allow political pressures to prevent denunciation of crimes against humanity." He promised that he "would join Congress in commemorating the victims of that period." Regrettably, once in office, the hesident forgot all of his promises and rather than supporting such a comrnemoration, his administration worked feverishly to obstruct acongrcssional resolution introduced by Senator Bob Dole. Succumbing to

political pressure, which he had said he would not do, Ivh. Bush wrote a letter to the Senate leaders last November expressing his "vigorous opposition" to the genocide resolution. Ironically, he then tumed around and issued his own statement calling on all people to observe Apil24, 1990, "as a day of

remembrance." Even though we regret the President's inconsistent record on this issue, we are pleased that he finally arrived at the truth, having crossed a long and tortuous road. To his credit, the President chose to ignore and dismiss all Turkish denials and threats, thereby indicating a sffi in the strategic significance of Turkey following the reduction of Soviet danger in eastem Europe. Needless to say, the Turkish govemment was furious at Mr. Bush. It called the President's remarks "outrageous and incompatible with a responsible statesman's behavior." The President's statement is more than iust a tribute to the

victims of the genocide. It is an indictment of the past Ottoman

rulers who committed the crime and a repudiation of the present Turkish leaders who continue to deny it. f

AlM, July 1990


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