CREATIVE ADJACENCIES by Arno Heeren

ADU2020

Creative Adjacen â&#x20AC;&#x201D;cies

A joint publication of Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, campus Ghent, Hoogstraat 51, 9000 Gent http://arch.kuleuven.be/ Research-Department Architecture, KULeuven Arenberg Castle, B-3001 Leuven (Heverlee) http://www.asro.kuleuven.be/ ADU_2020: The restructuring of Higher Education for the 21st century in the Expanded Field of Architecture, Design and Urbanism. European funded ALFA-project. http://adu2020.org/ SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE

ORGANISING COMMITTEE

prof. Michael ANGUS, Department of Architecture, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, Scotland, UK

prof. Yves Schoonjans, Research-Department Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium

prof. Rodrigo CORTES, Maestría en Arquitectura de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogota, Colombia

prof. Margarita Greene, Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Estudios Urbanos, Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Chile prof. Kris Scheerlinck, Research-Department Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium

prof. Julio C. DIARTE, Facultad de Arquitectura, Universidad Nacional de Asunción, San Lorenzo, Paraguay prof. Carmen GALAN, Escuela Técnica Superior de Arquitectura, Universidad de Sevilla, Spain prof. Guido GEENEN, Research-Department Architecture, Faculty of Engineering Sciences, KULeuven, Belgium

arch. & interior arch. Jeroen Nys, Research-Department Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium

dr. Thierry LAGRANGE, Research-Department Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium

arch. Ferran Massip, Research-Department Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium MaSC Business José Reyes, Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Estudios Urbanos, Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Chile arch. Catalina Cortese, Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Estudios Urbanos, Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Chile arch. Isabel Barra, Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Estudios Urbanos, Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Chile Renke Bouwen, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium Celine Monbailliu, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium

dr. Laurens LUYTEN, Research-Department Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium

VOLUME EDITORS AND LAY-OUT

prof. Margarita GREENE, Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Estudios Urbanos, Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Chile dr. Nel JANSSENS, Research-Department Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium

dr. Burak PAK, Research-Department Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium prof. Claudia PERALTA, Facultad de Arquitectura y Diseño, Universidad Catolica de Santiago de Guayaquil, Ecuador prof. Ada PORTERO, Instituto Superior Politécnico José Antonio Echeverria, La Habana, Cuba prof. Kris SCHEERLINCK, Research-Department Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium prof. Yves SCHOONJANS, Research-Department Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium prof. Johan VERBEKE, Research-Department Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Belgium

Yves Schoonjans, Kris Scheerlinck, Jeroen Nys & Ferran Massip

All text are solely the responsibility of their authors. ISBN:

Creative Adjacen —cies

New Challenges for Architecture, Design and Urbanism

Proceedings of the conference ‘Creative Adjacencies’ at the Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven, Campus Ghent from 3rd - 6th June 2014

002

ADU2020

INDEX INDEX

INDEX 019

INTRODUCTION

Freddy Cooper, Margarita Greene, Denise Pinheiro Machado & Yves Schoonjans, eds.

023

CREATIVE ADJANCENCIES Yves Schoonjans, Kris Scheerlinck, Jeroen Nys & Ferran Massip

KEYNOTES

Lorenzo Romito (Italy) Bart Lodewijks (The Netherlands) Claudi Aguilo (Spain) Britt Baillie (United Kingdom — South Africa) Christophe Mercier (Belgium)

028

TRACK 1 — PUBLIC SPACE: SPACES FOR ALL?

029

Ephemeral Urbanism- Urban Activities and Transformations Public Space: Spaces for Everyone Daniel Cid

031

Social struggle for the Public Spaces in Guayaquil Luis Alfonso Saltos Espinoza

038

Temporality and rhythmanalysis in Brussels: exploring new attitudes and tools towards urbanism Koen De Wandeler

042

Levantine Urbanism. Fragments of Public Space in the Palestinian city of Nazareth, Israel Els Verbakel

003

025

004

ADU2020 019

Learning from the Favelas: a symbiotic relationship to reclaim the public space in the Capital of Crisis - a toolbox to reform the Athenian immigrant neighbourhoods from non-places to creative adjacencies. Vasiliki Gogou and Anastasia Tsaparoglou

023

Public ? Beirut Rana Haddad and Sandra Richani

042

Creative Adjacencies as Educational Strategy Liliana Bonvecchi, María Jesús Baires, Fernando Pérez Losada, Virginia Noelia Sorribes and Juan de Souza

019

Espacios Sucre. Interdisciplinary program that develops a system of small and medium scale interventions in public spaces Daniel Belandria and Fabio Capra

023

MAPOCHO 42K. Riparian continuity as a social connection for Santiago de Chile Sandra Iturriaga

025

Towards the De-artificialization of Public Space; The Possibilities of the Creative Adjacency Between Public Space and Landscape. Case study: Lima Pauline Ferrer

028

Enough Architecture. Learning Through Basics. Víctor Alcérreca Molina, Juan Carlos Cano Aldana and Miguel Fermin Andrade Jiménez

029 031

Digital narratives: geo-social networking as a tool of grasping the values of contemporary urban open spaces Yuri Torres and Lucia Maria Sá Antunes Costa

038

Guayaquil’s Playgrounds: Soportales. Collective Objects and Actions on Contemporary Public Space Alejandro Gonzalez

042

Design challenges in hybrid contexts Erik van Daele

048

In-between urban spaces of creative dissent Ana Betancour Crossing borders: recognizing public space as a phenomenon Patricia Monteiro and Rosangela Cavallazi Nomadic

052

Cuisine and the anarchic activation of Public Space in Asunción’s Metropolitan Area Juan Cristaldo and Lorena Silvero

068

Displacement and Settlement in Colombian cities: Bogota Amparo Edith Vega Arévalo

INDEX INDEX

TRACK 2 — HERITAGE AND LOCAL IDENTITY: FRAGILE SCENARIOS?

023

Addressing Heritage and Local Identity through a teaching practice complementing allographic drawing with strategies of autographic representations Ephraim Joris and Riet Eeckhout

019

The architect as mediator between the built heritage and the social construct Gisèle Gantois and Yves Schoonjans

023

Program of Heritage Dwelling Reconstruction in Chile. The case of Region VI. One last chance to keep local identity Paula Ramorino

025

Landscapes through Movement Carolina Travaglio and Johana Arias

028

Culture as a ‘mega-event’ – how do heritage and local identity ‘fit in’ the cosmopolitan ‘image’ of the city? Ana Beatriz Da Rocha and Paulo Reis

029

Galapagos Islands: the thin line between Conservation and Sustainable human settlements. Case Study Isabela Island Ana Cristina Rousseaud

031

TRACK 3 — SOCIAL HOUSING: NEW COLLECTIVE SPACES?

038

Living and building: Progressive housing as a teaching – learning subject Dania González Couret, Mabel Matamoros Tuma and Dayra Gelabert Abreu

042

Market-Oriented Urbanism by Apartments - The decision elements of self-destruction and redevelopment by apartments in South Korea Joonwoo Kim, Bruno De Meulder and Kwang-Joong Kim

048

Understanding Informal Settlements: An Emergent Approach Armando Caroca

056

Tumulte dans l’ensemble’: A transnational approach of modern and contemporary utopias in housing history at the limits of two contemporary metropolis: Paris and São Paulo (1960-2010) Diego Inglez de Souza

005

019

006

ADU2020 019

TRACK 4 — URBAN GROWTH AND DENSITY: THE POLITICAL DIMENSION?

023

Costa del Este, Panama. Peripheral development patterns Rodrigo Guardia and Alexandre Pessoa

025

Pavas-Escazu, Inequity and Opportunity Ivan Delgado

023

TRACK 5 — EMERGENT SYSTEMS: WANTED TOLERANCE OR NEEDED GUIDANCE?

025

An informal economy in informal settlements. Case study Moshi, Tanzania Freya Candel

028

Bridging the gap between Do-It-Yourself urban practices and urban systems: insights from Lebanon and Bolivia Juan Cabrera, Jihad Farah and Jacques Teller

029

Ready for Beirut Rana Haddad and Maha Nasrallah

031

Understanding Creative Adjacencies: Community Based Alternatives to Urban Challenges and their Role in Contemporary Urbanism Natalie Rosales

038

TRACK 6 — COMMUNITY BUILDINGS: BLENDING IN OR CONTRASTING SCENARIOS?

042

Health-y architecture Dag Boutsen

049

Knitting capacities and building possibilities: reflecting about two SESC units’ installation, in São Paulo Serena Muccitelli

055

Fit in, stand out! , From adjacencies to agencies in prison architecture Gideon Boie and Fie Vandamme

059

TRACK 7 — OPEN TRACK

063

Constructing Agency - a design & build graduation studio architecture Dirk Van Oosterwyck and Karen Kesteloot

067

The Real Deal. Case Studies in Alternative Teaching Strategies Derek Hill

INDEX INDEX Dense Knowledge: The Challenges Of Architectural Research And Its Possibilities Horacio Torrent

023

Vague Teritories, Blurred Identities: Urbanisms in Southern Twin Border Cities Gabriel Duarte, Marcos Favero and Pierre Martin

025

The Rhizopian research Veronika Valk

027

Challenge and paradox Archaeologist of Meanings Carl Bourgeois and Annelies De Smet

028

Design studios associated with hackerspaces: stimulating students’ collaboration, creativity and transdisciplinarity Erica A. C. Mattos, Diego F. Da Silva and José R. Kós

029

Interaction between Urbanism and Complexity: an Alternative Maria Beatriz Afflalo Brandão and Denise Barcellos Pinheiro Machado

031

Student Perspective On Adu Learning In Postgraduate Courses Francisco Garcia-Galindo, Carmen Galan-Marin and Carlos RiveraGomez

038

Potential application of the adaptability concept in the practice and teaching of project-based disciplines such as: Architecture, Design and Urbanism. (ADU) Adrian Aguilar, Ana María Marín, José Alejandro Santana, Elena López Ariza and Juan Carlos Molina Dominguez

042

Unlikely Encounters Tomas Cortese

019

Creative adjacencies in the architectural expression of immigrants of Huehuetenango, Guatemala Mario Ramirez

023

A cybernetic model of ICT-enabled participation in and through urban design Burak Pak and Johan Verbeke

029

The production of new knowledge in a contemporary professional practice. Jan De Vylder, Inge Vinck and Jo Taillieu

033

Design process and space suitability- a search for a redefined framework and tools for the new mobile architect Johan Nielsen

007

072

INTRODUCTION INTRODUCCIĂ&#x201C;N

INTRODUCTION INTRODUCCIĂ&#x201C;N Freddy Cooper, Margarita Greene, Denise Pinheiro Machado & Yves Schoonjans, eds.

During recent years Latin America and Europe have been subject to a complex social, economic and spatial process that has imposed new expectations and demands on the built environment. Cities in Europe have been transformed into a post-industrial landscape, presenting acute economic and social challenges for designers and planners who are continuously confronted with the redevelopment, regeneration and renewal of the existing urban fabric. This new landscape defines a new framework for urban and architectural design, taking into account the attendant socio-economic and cultural dimensions.

In Latin America, rapid urbanisation processes have changed the environment and the lives of most inhabitants. Although in general terms the urbanisation process brings better education, health, and access to culture and facilities to the population involved, in Latin American cities this has not always been the case. Many of these

009

010

ADU2020 cities have grown inorganically, creating vast areas with insufficient urban services and equipment, while many of their central areas have suffered from abandonment and decay. The process has left a footprint of physical, economic and social challenges which will take years to deal with, to turn the existing environment into a proper and enriched sustainable urban fabric. Furthermore, new technologies have developed exponentially and have changed Latin American major cities –intelligent buildings, communication networks, sophisticated infrastructure– creating isolated areas of prosperity and development. At the same time the region has been affected by a string of natural disasters –earthquakes, tsunamis, volcanoes and tornados– and instability (displaced communities) that have damaged many urban areas forcing instant responses from the authorities and professionals. This new environment has certainly changed the way design, architecture and urbanism is made and perceived.

cities have grown inorganically, creating vast areas with insufficient urban services and equipment, while many of their central areas have suffered from abandonment and decay. The process has left a footprint of physical, economic and social challenges which will take years to deal with, to turn the existing environment into a proper and enriched sustainable urban fabric. Furthermore, new technologies have developed exponentially and have changed Latin American major cities –intelligent buildings, communication networks, sophisticated infrastructure– creating isolated areas of prosperity and development. At the same time the region has been affected by a string of natural disasters –earthquakes, tsunamis, volcanoes and tornados– and instability (displaced communities) that have damaged many urban areas forcing instant responses from the authorities and professionals. This new environment has certainly changed the way design, architecture and urbanism is made and perceived.

The aforementioned phenomena can be seen as a multiplicity of intermingling layers, creating a complex multiple-reality that defines the daily working dynamics of professionals and researchers. Designing is responding to, or at least interacting with, those different layers. As a consequence, the designer is forced to rely upon additional insight from a growing group of specialised professionals. It would seem to be impossible to conceive of the expertise being held by one person—impossible to be able to control all layers and intensities in one single mind. This multiple reality presses the architect to not only rethink the fundamental basis of the discipline but also the required competences. Intercultural aspects, with the combination of global and local competences, are essential requirements for both ensuring critical practice and also the coherent development of architectural or urban project/s. On the one hand there seems to be an increasing need to form teams—to share authorship— without imposing traditional hierarchical structures that no longer allow a qualitative project to be coherently conceived or

INTRODUCTION INTRODUCCIÓN developed. On the other hand we detect within some young firms the necessity to go back to the roots of the craftsmanship.

One of the ways in which the traditional Higher Education Institutes (HEIs) of Latin America involved with the built environment have responded to these challenges, is by encouraging their schools of architecture, geography or design to carry out their studios and courses about real and relevant world problems. However, this strategy has yet not been able to provide students with the methodological and theoretical tools necessary to intervene the built environment in a comprehensive manner. As a result, the ADU disciplines have lost presence in the professional world and among public bodies, leaving the field with little direction and subject to the result of market forces, political decisions or emergency actions. In this complex setting plagued by poverty, inequality, low social sustainability and emergencies with a strong technological development at arm’s length, there is a need to rethink the traditional built environment field on a human base, and understand it as an expanded field. That is, not only the ADU professionals’ field, but also one where many disciplines converge and have to interact: architecture, urban planning, transport planning and engineering, urban geography, design, landscape architecture and others. We believe that a new generation of ADU professionals is needed where critical thinking, but especially creative design, sustainable articulation and trans-disciplinary communication are essential.

The required skills and competences in the education of architects, designers and urban planners, which are crucial to be more responsive to the changing societal and professional needs, have a specific complexity. Unlike the hard sciences, the ADU disciplines both shape and reflect the very specific characteristics of the regions in which they are practiced. Thus the formation of these professionals for the 21st century needs

011

developed. On the other hand we detect within some young firms the necessity to go back to the roots of the craftsmanship.

ADU2020

012

to include the knowledge of specific and necessary subject-related skills, but more importantly, some common and regional specific competences that will allow them to respond to society’s changing needs in the built environment appropriately. In this context, it is essential for HEIs to establish strong partnerships with public authorities and professional bodies, in order to provide valid responses to answer these challenges and to ensure an appropriate formation in lieu of future employability. The training of ADU professionals is been currently questioned within the HEIs, but there is no consensus about new curriculum directions and the refined particular competences that these new professionals should have. In an open world there is a real need for a better intercultural understanding of global and local parameters. It is eminent and mutually beneficial, to establish a bridge between EC and LA HEI’s, creating bigger synergy and facilitating research, professional mobility and collaboration

INTRODUCTION INTRODUCCIÓN towards lasting educational and professional cooperation between both continents. In the last years important steps have been taken in this line through previous Alfa Projects: the Tuning ProjectLA and ENHSA/LA–Project. These projects pinpointed new challenges for the education of designers in the 21st century: (i) further defining of competences in relation to regional needs; (ii) identifying actions to move towards competencebased education; (iii) developing new performance competence-based educational techniques and strategies in relation to the specific global/local context7. In this new project we want to take the results already achieved into a next phase, expanding them to a broader area that we have called the expanded field. Four partners of the Tuning Project are members of this consortium to assure continuity. Our partner ENHSA (and the EAAE) contributes to the definition and establishment of a common EC HEI Area in relation to their local needs and particularities. It is important that precisely now, at a time when Latin American HEIs are at the start of a curricula renewal and reform considering the challenges ahead, an academic interchange consortium between European and Latin American HEIs is created, such as the one we are proposing here, with the ambition to restructure Higher Education for the 21st century in the Expanded Field of Architecture, Design and Urbanism. For this the European ALFA project, ADU_2020, (www.adu2020.org) was created. It focuses on future education for Architects, Designers and Urbanists to meet the demands of this new context: identifying “renewed professional areas” for the twenty-first century in a regional and international contexts in order to raise the employability of ADU graduates; clarifying the new skills and competences required in accordance with public authorities, as well as professional and economic bodies; refining the “common and regional-specific competences” for the different educational programs in ADU in relation to current challenges; describing the indicators and guidelines for implementation in a renewed

013

towards lasting educational and professional cooperation between both continents. In the last years important steps have been taken in this line through previous Alfa Projects: the Tuning ProjectLA and ENHSA/LA–Project. These projects pinpointed new challenges for the education of designers in the 21st century: (i) further defining of competences in relation to regional needs; (ii) identifying actions to move towards competencebased education; (iii) developing new performance competence-based educational techniques and strategies in relation to the specific global/local context7. In this new project we want to take the results already achieved into a next phase, expanding them to a broader area that we have called the expanded field. Four partners of the Tuning Project are members of this consortium to assure continuity. Our partner ENHSA (and the EAAE) contributes to the definition and establishment of a common EC HEI Area in relation to their local needs and particularities. It is important that precisely now, at a time when Latin American HEIs are at the start of a curricula renewal and reform considering the challenges ahead, an academic interchange consortium between European and Latin American HEIs is created, such as the one we are proposing here, with the ambition to restructure Higher Education for the 21st century in the Expanded Field of Architecture, Design and Urbanism. For this the European ALFA project, ADU_2020, (www.adu2020.org) was created. It focuses on future education for Architects, Designers and Urbanists to meet the demands of this new context: identifying “renewed professional areas” for the twenty-first century in a regional and international contexts in order to raise the employability of ADU graduates; clarifying the new skills and competences required in accordance with public authorities, as well as professional and economic bodies; refining the “common and regional-specific competences” for the different educational programs in ADU in relation to current challenges; describing the indicators and guidelines for implementation in a renewed

014

ADU2020 curriculum; and assessing and describing “new practices on competence-based creative teaching.” It is important to detect and explore new ways of reading and intervening in the field of Architecture, Design and Urbanism; to reveal changing practises beyond conventional approaches. The project determined four questions to tackle those issues: - Which are the future challenges for ADU in the framework of the new professional fields? How does the discipline of architecture, design and urbanism change? - Which is the impact of interdisciplinarity, design thinking, research by design on ADU education? - Which are the common and local competences to achieve success in the different tracks? - Which are the new educational strategies in function of the changes in the professional world?

curriculum; and assessing and describing “new practices on competence-based creative teaching.” It is important to detect and explore new ways of reading and intervening in the field of Architecture, Design and Urbanism; to reveal changing practises beyond conventional approaches. The project determined four questions to tackle those issues: - Which are the future challenges for ADU in the framework of the new professional fields? How does the discipline of architecture, design and urbanism change? - Which is the impact of interdisciplinarity, design thinking, research by design on ADU education? - Which are the common and local competences to achieve success in the different tracks? - Which are the new educational strategies in function of the changes in the professional world?

In this framework three conferences where organized. The first one was held on ‘New Educational Strategies’ at the Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima, Peru between the 9th and the 14th of December 2012. The second one took place at PROURB – Programa de Pos-graduação em Urbanismo – Faculdade de Arquitetura e Urbanismo,Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil on ‘The Sense of Innovation in a Cross world cultures’ from the 25th to the 28th of November 2013. The third on ‘Creative Adjacencies – New Challenges for Architecture, Design and Urbanism for updating, modernizing and synchronizing the University curricula’ took place at the Faculty of Architecture, KULeuven at the Campus Ghent from the 3rd to the 6th of June 2014.

INTRODUCTION INTRODUCCIÓN

015

ADU2020

CREATIVE ADJACENCIES â&#x20AC;&#x201D; A CHANGING RESPONSE

016

Yves Schoonjans, Kris Scheerlinck, Jeroen Nys & Ferran Massip

Societal, political and cultural differences, tensions and contrasts are part of todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s everyday life and therefore of increasing influence in contemporary discourses in Architecture, Design and Urbanism (ADU). It seems as if the aforementioned phenomena of a changing context are squeezed in two (apparently) opposite directions: increasing formalisation on the one hand and informal, emergent projects that are less dependent on traditional development scenarios on the other. Multiplicity, simultaneity and contrast could be the words to describe best the characteristics of our changing environment. This means that new challenges for ADU appear to be: that the political and socio-cultural debate becomes a protagonist of design, architectural and urban discourses, demanding a more critical attitude of all actors involved. On a more operative level, increasing technological, environmental, administrative, legal, and financial demands create highly complex working conditions for the architect, urban planner or designer in which to conceive and develop coherent projects, increasingly often and commonly more quickly. Related to the increasing complexity of the environment we inhabit, new answers are needed and indeed provided to respond to the mentioned challenges and potentials. Contrary to the past planning and design models, alternative approaches emerge in the field of Architecture, Design and Urbanism. More than ever, research and design approaches seem surprisingly provocative, rather unexpected or even edgy: stereotype interventions based on problem solving and blueprint thinking are avoided in many new practices of design and research. New ways of appropriating space, designing objects, defining interior spaces or restructuring urban areas seem to look for alternative and creative solutions, in many cases based on what is already there, ie on existing adjacencies. Unplanned hybridism, spontaneous use, ambiguous appropriation of space, unexpected or weird combinations of activities, contrasting elements or alternative forms of delimiting and using space seem to occur increasingly, at different scales and on a global scale. At the same time, research and design consortiums have developed similar characteristics: of new emerging alliances, defining new partnerships, focusing on new ways of transdisciplinary thinking, of setting up new kinds of joint professional or academic projects. The sum of these new phenomena in Architecture, Design and Urbanism and its new ways of joining forces will be the main conference topic: this ADU2020 conference focuses on Creative Adjacencies.

CREATIVE ADJACENCIES A CHANGING RESPONSE Creative adjacencies, unusual combinations or alternative scenarios can and do generate interesting and unique visions, new openings, possibilities and constructive solutions. By looking at these phenomena, schools for Architecture, Design and Urbanism might realise that their students lack the needed specific skills and competences new professionals should have to meet current and future challenges, whilst at the same time, might discover skills in design ability, and design thinking that could open up the much needed innovative vision and potential solutions in this ever-changing context. The aim is to explore, analyse and discuss through “case studies on creative adjacencies” the ADU questions and distract strategies for updating and modernising the university curricula in Architecture, Design and Urbanism. ADU 2020: Creative Adjacencies invited submissions under a series of thematic tracks that are understood as open ways of aligning or contrasting reflections related to different “exemplary cases” of Architecture Design and Urbanism, coherent with the general theme of “Creative Adjacencies”. Submission types included individual or group presentations and full papers. Authors could submit multiple proposals to multiple tracks however, following blind reviews.

017

ADU2020

TRACK 1 — Public Space: spaces for all?

Public space is becoming more and more complex and is ever more challenged, while at the same time gaining increased importance as the most democratic and community building space. It is the space of encounter where people of all creeds and ideas have equal rights, where co-presence can be the first form of social relation, where un-programmed interaction can take place. Nevertheless in recent years we have seen it privatised, appropriated by groups and in some cases replaced by collective space. Public space is defined by and dependent upon systems of adjacencies, and integrated territories, interacted by multiple agents. Do territoriality, permeability, and proximity indeed become the real protagonists of urban life and transformation, and how does it affect social networks? Focus may be laid on the collective use of public space, interaction between public and private domains, living experiences, urban agriculture, urban landscapes, commercialisation of public space, the political dimension of public space, ways of appropriation, safety and other emergent perspectives.

018

TRACK 2 — Heritage and Local Identity: fragile scenarios?

Locality, as an element of social sustainability, plays a significant role in a world of growing globalisation. More and more researchers and professionals realise that the identity of the city is not solely constructed by the monumental heritage but also by modest heritage, referring to those aspects of a city that, while not related to monumental buildings or spaces, are nevertheless responsible for a large part of its identity, quality and social cohesion. On the other hand the excessive protection of heritage buildings and their surrounding areas can make the adaptation of the place to contemporary functions difficult and not allow for its renewal. How can we relate the different heritage declarations with today’s multi reality and rapid changes? What is the status of heritage as a social construct in deprived areas? How can we detect intangible and informal aspects of that heritage and its relation to the social construct? What is the role of heritage in a multicultural society where the appropriation of the existing fabric is much more complex than solely national or regional identity? What is the way of intervening in heritage areas, allowing for new uses while at the same time protecting its values? How can it interact with the different stakeholders, and what kind of scenarios could be set up?

TRACK 3 — Social Housing: new collective spaces?

In this track new perspectives and challenges on housing can be elaborated. Possible topics are: new typologies in social housing; new typology for a changing societal structure beyond the classical family; housing and community development; housing and urban poverty; privacy and exposure in housing scheme; non-traditional urban households; housing for minorities; incremental housing; and neighborhood upgrading programs. Starting from real cases focus can be laid on the process of participation; teamwork and interaction of non-experts and experts; etc.

CREATIVE ADJACENCIES A CHANGING RESPONSE

TRACK 4 — Urban Growth and Density: the political dimension?

Whereas higher density generates many advantages, many regions do not have the luxury to build cities from scratch, and remain to a large extent a vast anomic suburbia. Suburbia is there and makes up a considerable asset. However, the challenges suburbia is facing within the perspective of an aging and/or shrinking population, and an increasing demand to curb energy consumption and CO2 emissions are very substantial and hitherto little explored. This includes cases on, amongst others, alternative transportation, infrastructure and urban quality of life, problems of densification and intensifying the suburban areas, elaboration of diffuse models of growth, diversification of monofunctional low-dense landscapes, models of proximity, densification in areas well connected by public transport systems, and other possibilities in this line.

TRACK 5 — Emergent Systems: wanted tolerance or needed guidance?

How can potential urban micro-strategies be developed through exploring alternative urban/architectural solutions and simulations in a given emergent context? How can they take into account the larger social impact of architecture through small-scale projects within a complex urban context in transition? How can informality (e.g. Emergent Systems, Informal Settlements) and formality define creative adjacencies?

TRACK 6 — Community Buildings: blending in or contrasting scenarios?

TRACK 7 — Open Track

This track is an open session on different aspects of creative adjacencies that are not grasped in the other tracks: for examples (& not limited to): adjacencies of different disciplines as source for new creativity; unexpected aspects created by crisis and unusual circumstances, accidents as opportunity; new professional challenges born by adjacencies; creative adjacencies as new education strategy, etc….

A number of grants were given to accepted papers for post-doc, young professors and young professionals in Design, Architecture or Urbanism of Latin America & Europe. The conference was funded by the ALFA program – Europe Aid

019

The role of community buildings has certainly changed due to secularisation processes in western society, radicalisation of the religious dimension of community services in nonwestern contexts, the fall-back of the cultural sector as a result of the financial crisis, the challenged accessibility because of more severe security conditions, the needed hybridity of complex programs. This track will focus on the near surrounding of community buildings (in a contextual as well as in a non-contextual way) and discuss the new challenges new adjacencies can bring. Active community engagement in planning, building and experiencing community buildings is another possible angle.

ADU2020

KEYNOTES LORENZO ROMITO

BART LODEWIJKS

Founding member of Stalker (since 1995, http://www.stalkerlab.org), ON/ OsservatorioNomade (since 2001http:// www.osservatorionomade.net) and Primaveraromana (since 2009, primaveraromana.wordpress.com) Graduate in Architecture at La Sapienza University, Rome (1997) “Prix de Rome, architecte” at the Accademia di Francia VillaMedici. Rome.

Urban artist. During long work periods in Lisbon, Porto, Willemstad, Ronse, Rio de Janeiro and Ghent, his chalk drawings were deeper embedded in the social fabric of the city (publications: Lisbon/ Ghent /Porto Drawings, Roma Publications / S.M.A.K. 2006; Unforgettable Neighbourhood, Roma Publications / S.M.A.K. 2010; Rio-Ronse, forthcoming).

Stalker is a collective of architects and researchers connected to the Roma Tre University who came together in the mid-1990s. In 2002, Stalker founded the research network OsservatorioNomade (ON), which consists of architects, artists, activists and researchers working experimentally and engaging in actions to create self-organised spaces and situations.

Between the end of 2007 and 2010 worked on a commission by S.M.A.K., Ghent, making drawings in a neighbourhood of Ghent called Moscou. For three years he became part of the daily reality of this area’s inhabitants, his drawings becoming one large work: not only finding a place on the facades of private homes, but also continuing on walls and ceilings of living rooms and bedrooms. In the second half of 2010 and in 2013 he was working for several months in Brazil (residency Capacete, Rio de Janeiro.)

020

Italy

The Netherlands

http://www.bartlodewijks.nl/

KEYNOTES

CLAUDI AGUILO Spain

Since 2000 he is co-founder of the architectural office, dataAE. They have won several competitions in architecture and landscape. Awards received include: the

FAD public opinion Prize in 2007, finalists of Catalonia Construction Prize 2008, 1st Prize in single family home category in the Baix Llobregat Triennial 2008, Selection Landscape Biennal Rosa Barba 2008, JAE selection (Young Spanish Architects) 2008, selected for Spanish Architecture Biennale 2009, Finalist FAD awards 2009, Selection Landscape Biennale Rosa Barba 2009, 1st Prize ‘Saie Award 2011 the best concrete building’ (Bologna, Italy), Selection ‘Green Building Challenge 2011’, Selection Landscape Biennale Rosa Barba 2012, 1st Prize Nan Awards 2012, best residential work and best project 1st Prize AJAC Awards to young architects 2012, 1st Prize Sacyr Innovation Award 2012, Mention on Construmat Award 2013, finalist on Catalonia Social Housing Award 2013 and finalist FAD awards 2013, 1st Prize sustainable architecture on Arquitectura Plus Award 2013, finalist on BigMat Awards 2013. Their work has been selected in the exhibition Sensitive Matter 2010 in Lisbon, La Coruña, and Berlin. http://www.dataae.com/

021

Architect from ETSAV (Spain) in 2001. From 2002 to 2006 had a FI Research Grant at the University of Architecture in Vallès, ETSAV, in the Department of Architectural Technology, where he continues to teach. He has also taught nationally and internationally at various universities, such as ETSAB (Barcelona), LaSalle (Barcelona), UIC (Barcelona), University of Illinois at Chicago, UMEA School of Architecture (Sweden), Sint Lucas University (Belgium), ERASMUS Intensive Program Workshops in Norway, Ireland, Denmark, Belgium, Poland and Catalonia. He was a visiting professor at the Rural Studio at Auburn University School of Architecture in Alabama, and was Assistant Professor of Architecture at the Institute of Architecture BIArch 2010-2011 in Barcelona.

ADU2020

BRITT BAILLIE

022

United Kingdom — South Africa Dr. Britt Baillie is and Affiliated Lecturer at the Division of Archaeology, University of Cambridge; an AHRC funded Early Career Researcher on the Cambridge Community Heritage Project and a Researcher Fellow at VU University Amsterdam (Cultural Landscapes and Urban Environments Centre). Previously, she was a PostDoctoral Research Associate on the Conflict in Cities and the Contested State ESRC funded research project and a PostDoctoral Researcher on the AHRC/NWO funded Landscapes of War, Trauma and Occupation project. She is also one of the coordinators of the Cambridge Heritage Research Group and the Director of Studies for Archaeology and Anthropology at Peterhouse. She completed her PhD in Archaeology and Heritage Management at the Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge.

Her research concerns the politicization of cultural heritage, memory and identity, religious uses and concepts of space, and theories of destruction. She is the coeditor of (2013) Locating Urban Conflicts: Ethnicity, Nationalism and the Everyday, Palgrave, London.Her thesis title was ‘The Wounded Church: War, Destruction and Reconstruction of Vukovar’s religious heritage’. She features in National Geographic’s documentary entitled: ‘Viking Apocalypse’ in which she explores the fate of 54 beheaded skeletons found in a massgrave in Dorset, UK. Her current research interest include: the politicization of cultural heritage, memory and identity, religious uses and concepts of space, and theories of destruction. Her work with Conflict in Cities focuses on the changing landscape of East Jerusalem. Her other work focuses on heritage management in Cambodia and the Former-Yugoslavia.

KEYNOTES

CHRISTOPHE MERCIER Belgium

The Brussels office address was Rue de … Suède, 36 in Saint-Gilles but now has moved to Forest. Murielle Dasnoy and Christophe Mercier develop projects and promote reflection on the processes behind urban management from an eclectic office that often consults the public and encourages analytical and creative dialogue. The agency works on various levels through urban planning and architecture projects. For some years now focus has been on public spaces and children’s play areas. The agency team varies depending on the project. They work with designers, artists and re-use specialists.

The areas of activity stated above sometimes rely on what you might call ‘participation’, a term we try to avoid as it can lead to confusion. For us the aim is to build constructive dialogue both with project users and all those involved in the design and future management of the project. These are key stages in our work allowing us to analyse and feed into a project, drive our creativity or check that options given are relevant.

PICTURE?

023

Through working on complicated urbanplanning and public-space projects it is clear how useful a role you can play as mediator, assistant and expert in fully understanding public works, in particular when there are multiple actors working on a given issue. Good examples of this are the boulevard du Saint-Lazare and l’îlot Scailquin projects where Suède 36 was gobetween and intermediary.

Our agency isn’t looking to expand for expansion’s sake but rather to better respond to each challenge and acquire the necessary expertise. That is why we have increased the number of projects we work on. It’s also an excellent strategy for enriching our breadth of knowledge. We have worked with designers from Blink (Walking Madou), re-use experts at Rotor (Place de Liverpool), the artist Ana Rispoli (Bon État area), landscape artist Ana Bejo (Tivoli Competition), mobility specialists at Tritel-Technum (Mouscron), the Buurthuis community centre (Bonnevie), lighting designer Isabelle Corten (Piétro), identity and marketing experts at Minale Design Strategy (future outline for shopping districts) and various urban-planning and architectural bureaus for competitions or one-off projects (Pierre Blondel, Sébastien Moreno, Bob 361, B-architecten, Periphériques…)

ADU2020

TRACK 1 — PUBLIC SPACE: SPACES FOR ALL? EPHEMERAL URBANISM

Urban Activities and Transformations

024

DANIEL CID Elisava Barcelona School of Design and Engineering http://elisava.net dcid@elisava.net ABSTRACT Against the backdrop of Barcelona’s past and present, this essay sets out to champion an everyday town planning that takes advantage of the selforganisational capacity of public space—the street. It understands ephemeral urbanism as a tool for learning from the urban context and the human actions that take place within it, as a way of designing that starts from the citizens’ needs (those that have been faced and those that are still to be met), and from the desires that emerge in the use of public space. The term ephemeral urbanisms, an ubiquitous term in recent academic discourses in Barcelona used by authors such as Josep Bohigas, is endorsed as a reversible urban tool for participation in the design of the city.

KEYWORDS Street; ephemeral; everyday; community; Barcelona.

BARCELONA: OFFICIAL AND UNOFFICIAL PUBLIC SPACE In 1873 German thinker Friedrich Engels claimed that Barcelona had suffered more barricade struggles than any other city in the world. He was referring to the uprisings that took place in Spain in the summer of 1873, and included these reflections in his book Internationalesausdem “Volkstaat” (1871-1875) published in Berlin in 1894. That workingclass and rebellious Barcelona coexisted with the city of the Eixample, the urban planning project designed by Ildefons Cerdà to extend the city that was then slowly but surely moving up from the Rambla. A few decades later, in the summer of 1909, when a wave of construction that was densifying, reforming and classifying the heart of the Eixample coincided with architectural Art Nouveau (García-Espuche, 1990), working-class Barcelona

TRACK 1 — PUBLIC SPACE: SPACES FOR ALL?

025

rose up again. Barricades were built anew and over sixty religious buildings were burnt down. Once again, the image of Barcelona was debating between the urban grid and the ‘Rose of Fire’, as suggested by Joan Ramon Resina (2003) in his text From Rose of Fire to City of Ivory. What is the image of the Barcelona of today, at the beginning of the twentyfirst century? That of a model city? Or that of a top-model city, as described by Manuel Delgado (2007)? It could of course be the city of the Movement of Mortgage Victims (or PAH, its initials in Spanish (http://afectadosporlahipoteca.com, March, 2014). This group of activists fights for the right to a decent home and practices peaceful resistance and civil disobedience, occupying the streets with its demands and defending those who are evicted for non-payment of their mortgage. On 5 March 2013, The New York Times published an article entitled ‘Spain’s Crisis Sparks Another Revolution’, signed by prestigious journalist Scott Johnson and illustrated by a picture of a group of PAH activists dressed in green T-shirts occupying a bank in Barcelona. The action was intended to put pressure on financial bodies to make them accept payment on account, i.e. settling the mortgage debt by handing over the property (an arrangement that had hitherto been impossible in Spain). Another significant example of passive resistance were the protest meetings outside homes facing eviction, preventing the entry of the judicial officers sent to implement the orders of judges. This campaign was set up in 2010 and has managed to stop over a thousand evictions all over Spain. In short, the PAH represent a wellarticulated struggle from the grass roots against the abuse of power and great financial, urban and property privileges. Along these lines it is interesting to consult the study of the property bubble and the right to a home in Spain published by two of the members of the movement, Ada Colau and Adrià Alemany (2012). In 2011, a few years before actions such as those shown in the photograph illustrating the article in The New York Times, the streets of Barcelona and of so many Spanish cities had staged protests by the so-called indignados (the outraged), those who had sparked the 15-M Movement (protests had begun on 15 May), also known in the social networks as the Spanish Revolution. Filling streets and squares with peaceful citizen demonstrations, many of them spontaneous, they obtained the support of over two hundred associations, including the PAH. Their demands were varied but they all reflected the desire for change in Spain’s democratic and economic model. Intellectuals like Zygmunt Bauman challenged the effectiveness of the movement, declaring it was emotional and that it lacked thinking, which is essential to produce change, as he stated in an interview with Vicente Verdú published on 11 October 2011 in El País newspaper. In hindsight, we could say that such reflections didn’t appreciate the fact that it was a spontaneous citizen movement and as such mobilised and brought a host of people together who suddenly realised they could join forces. Following that surge of social unrest, preexisting movements became louder and new movements emerged, all of them with clear and concrete ideas. Today they are fighting for the right to a home (PAH), against the privatisation of water (Red Agua Pública), in favour of banning the use of rubber bullets by Catalan riot police (STOP Rubber Bullets), defending a democracy free from plundering by political parties (Procés Constituent), standing up for the right to quality public education (Marea Verde). To this we should add the Marches for Dignity from Barcelona, Madrid and Palma (Majorca) to Madrid, where they arrived on 22 March 2014 bearing the banner ‘Bread, Work, Roof and Dignity’. In all these cases the demands were staged following the re-appropriation of public space. To return to the question of possible images of the Barcelona of today (a city that certainly offers an exceptional quality of life to those of her inhabitants who are able to afford it), we come across further contradictory answers. Beside the image of an attractive city projected by official media, the street walls—the city’s subconscious—often contain messages suggesting the town is up for sale. Half way through the first decade

ADU2020

026

of the twenty-first century, geographer and town-planner Jordi Borja (2005) spoke of Barcelona’s urban malaise, according to which citizens gradually sensed they were being dispossessed of their city. Later on, the same author warned that the reflection and citizen action that had governed town planning in the city since the return to democracy, which culminated in the celebration of the Olympic Games in 1992, had been left behind (Borja, 2010). While the post-Olympic euphoria and international success of the city were put to good use by the tourist industry, they were not taken advantage of by the local administration. We could say that a significant number of residents of Barcelona believe that public space is becoming increasingly less public and more market-oriented (Casellas, 2007), that the city is being designed for external consumers and that the economic impulse of tourism doesn’t revert to the people (Clarós, 2007). If there was one thing that those who gathered in streets and squares throughout the country on 15 May 2011 managed to prove this was that the problem of governments today is their democratic deficit. And they did so in a very creative way, occupying the very place where urban life is generated: the plaza. PARALLELS AND DIAGONALS So in order to understand how the city can today be creatively built, I shall tell two very different stories, both of which took place in June 2010 on one of the main thoroughfares dividing the city diagonally in two. The first story was set on Avinguda Diagonal, a boulevard that encompasses various districts including the university campus, the financial city and the district housing upcoming industries and companies. The Town Hall decided to organise a popular referendum to remodel the avenue, and commissioned a team of architects to draw up an urban development plan that would allow them to propose alternatives for the renewal. The proposed objective was twofold: to remove cars and to introduce a new tram service. Two possible solutions were then put to the vote, and citizens had to choose between creating a large central promenade, a rambla (option A) and widening the pavements to form boulevards (option B). The political opposition (that is now governing the city) proposed a third solution, which was to leave the Diagonal as it was (option C). The citizen debate aroused very little interest and was greatly contaminated by electoral interests. Only 12.17% of the population actually took part in the referendum and option B (boulevard), for which the mayor had publicly declared his preference, won only 11.38% of the votes. Option A (rambla) received the least number of votes, barely 8.28%, while 80.36% of votes chose option C, thus proving that the referendum, which had cost three million euros, was a failure. The second story was set on what has been termed the red-light diagonal, Avinguda Paral·lel, which up until the nineteen fifties had been a Barcelona hotspot for entertainment, and today it is still the street that boasts the highest number of theatres. It could have been just a coincidence, but the same week the Diagonal referendum was held another much better idea was set in motion for this avenue, which consisted in closing the street to traffic and staging live theatre and music performances. The Molino music hall had just reopened on Parallel, an emblem of a district that had been considered the Pigalle of Barcelona. In collaboration with the Town Hall, entrepreneurial businesswoman Elvira Vázquez, new owner of the Molino, shut the street off and set up the stages. For just one day she wanted the Parallel to recover its former splendour, and she succeeded, managing to involve all the theatres in the area as well as over two hundred local associations. It is important to remember that the Parallel connects Sant Antoni, Poble Sec and Raval, three popular yet quite distinct neighbourhoods that encompass 33% of the city. Professional musicians and actors made an appearance (Joan Pera, Lloll Beltran, Toni

TRACK 1 — PUBLIC SPACE: SPACES FOR ALL?

THE INVENTION OF EVERYDAYNESS The festive event on the Parallel revealed a new way of making cities conceived from the everydayness of street life. But this will hardly be the case while our ordinariness is still a universal condition for the bureaucratic society of controlled consumption. It is worth our while to defend the present validity of Henri Lefebvre’s thoughts on architecture, everyday life and the nature of space. I am referring specifically to texts such as Critique of Everyday Life (Critique de la vie quotidienne, 1947, 1961, 1981), Everyday Life in the Modern World (La Vie quotidienne dans le monde moderne, 1968) or The Everyday and Everydayness (Quotidien et Quotidienneté, 1972). He staunchly upheld the concept of

027

Albà and Dagoll Dagom) and the Pakistani and Bengali communities performed Bollywood dances. The total number of spectators amounted to 35,000, revealing the initiative to be the best citizen response to the desires to change the city and proving that the avenue could accommodate other uses as well as traffic movement. Clearly, the city’s democratic revolution is also aimed at regaining the space occupied by cars. Barcelona’s most disreputable avenue thus became a much more effective testing ground than the Diagonal for exploring today’s urban needs and creativity. In sharp contrast with the previous situation, instead of planning a space to generate social interaction this was produced before planning began. The ephemeral and inexpensive festive event on the Parallel filled the street with people whose feasible programme recovered the avenue’s partying past, at once its best legacy and its best future. The proposal was to convert the space into an area where people could come together rather than create a watershed between neighbourhoods. Urban development (traditional town planning) usually follows a common sequence: the space to be developed is planned and built, generating urban life and social interaction, as in the case of the Diagonal, a process which was apparently inverted in the case of the Parallel. Faced with an area of the city that requires remodelling, social interaction was generated by a festive event that simultaneously activated the existing infrastructure (the actual street and its theatres) and the various communities, that usually operate independently of one another, generating new relationships with the city. Filling the street with people was a key step in considering what its future uses could be. It would have been interesting to subject the results of the social interaction created during the event to systematic analyses, and thus be able to plan later for these new uses. Although this last step was skipped, the event did confirm that the city needed to activate specific areas in order to generate urban life. Thanks to four barriers that closed the road to cars, the people of Barcelona were able to put the Parallel to the test, and the avenue was thus transformed from urban frontier into community square. Suddenly, a new and creative urban tool seemed to have come into being: ephemeral urbanism. These theoretically contradictory terms define a creative and transitory tool for urban activity and transformation, a reversible expression of participation and commitment consisting of new ‘soft’ urban features that reuse and promote existing infrastructure, involve different communities, and are within easy reach (e.g. traffic barriers, bikes, jardinières, skips). Indeed, everyday life depends on such small things that, working on the larger things within the system, become possible alternatives. These parallel stories reveal that the debate is now about finding new formulas that may dissolve the increasingly coercive borders of public space. If we want to continue generating an attractive urban environment, we must understand how to establish new relationships with the city. While we obviously cannot rely on the public administrations to create these new relationships, they should be insightful enough to allow schools of design, architecture, anthropology, economics, etc., to work together with local residents.

028

ADU2020 everyday life contrary to all static categorisation, an everydayness that simply defends that which is most basic, real life, the here and now, in other words our clothes, furniture, home, neighbours or surroundings. As Mary McLeod has declared (1997: 9-29), Lefebvre has the transcendental certainty that everyday life cannot be circumscribed within bureaucratic regulations. In The Everyday and Everydayness he denounces that the totality of the world addresses the uniformity in which ordinariness is hidden by obsession and fear, masked by the repetitive gestures of the work of consumption. Yet it is precisely in this everydayness that Lefebvre believes we can discover the extraordinary in the ordinary. In his book on the invention of everyday life, a follower of Lefebvre’s, Michel de Certeau (1988) shares resistance tactics and subtle arts of doing with readers, enabling us to resist and demand a personal use of space. As pointed out by Walter Benjamin (2007: 151) in Arcades Project (Das PassagenWerk), to revisit the popular town planning that emerged from the confrontation and Haussmann’s renovation of Paris, the barricades were a genuine liberation that transformed the city into a genuine public space, the expression of another city, the offended city. The barricades were built with whatever happened to be close at hand, a process characteristic of the bricoleur, according to Lévi-Strauss (1966). Objects and materials designed for other purposes were used to urgently solve the need of altering the constraining line of the street, in a sort of parasitic town planning that took advantage of pre-existing elements employed in the organisation of the daily life of the city and its dwellers: movables, carts, trams, cobblestones, etc. The study of the 1909 riots in Barcelona published by López Sánchez (1993: 236-241) clearly explains how the barricades slowed down the accelerated mobility imposed by urban development. As I endeavoured to explain in the joint article published with my colleague Albert Fuster (Cid, Fuster, 2011), in the barricaded city of Barcelona, legitimate town planning coexisted with an insurgent urbanism sparked by revolutionary explosions. When the cracked dams containing the rage of oppressed citizens suddenly burst into torrents, a transgressive urbanism appeared out of the blue, a working-class urbanism in which proletarian revolts spread without a regular code (López Sánchez, 1993: 236), opening up the possibility of new urban growth based on the community. As Blanchot (2009: 139) tells us, this frontier between classes symbolises a break with the radical notion of power. Following this author, we could say that the barricades erected during that warm Barcelona summer liberated space, and those who built them ceased to be demonstrators to become fighters combating a society whose values, truths, ideals and privileges were very remote. The fight furthered the possibility of a new future. After so many unlearnt lessons, in the twenty-first century it should be possible to create cities starting from communities; this should indeed be the norm, not the exception. In 2014, during the cold Burgos winter, Spain experienced another significant phenomenon that arose from indignation and took to the streets. Residents of the Gamonal district in Burgos spontaneously revolted against the construction of a pedestrian area and an underground car park, a project with a budget that was far greater than those of the local schools and health centres. The mayor of Burgos had awarded the construction work to an entrepreneur, builder and proprietor of the main local newspaper, who in 1992 had been sentenced to seven years’ imprisonment for corruption (of which he served only nine months). On this occasion, citizens managed to stop the project, and the local authorities were forced to give in to the counter-power exerted on the streets. The struggle was intense; the fences used to protect the construction work were reused by the indignant demonstrators to cut the street off, and plastic tarpaulins were put up to shelter them from the rain. Every morning the neighbours would rustle up coffee, fruit juice and biscuits for the protesters, and each evening they would warm up chicken broth. The following morning they would sweep up the glass from broken bank windows and the

TRACK 1 — PUBLIC SPACE: SPACES FOR ALL? remains of refuse containers burnt during the last revolt. At lunchtime, a neighbourhood assembly would plan the route to be followed by the demonstration set to begin at seven o’clock in the evening. More and more people would join the protest. By night, neighbours strove to avoid disturbances. In short, they were there, on the street, resisting to make sure that the excavators didn’t start digging. Further details can be found on the Gamonal neighbourhood associations website (www.erasdegamonal.blogspot.com.es: April, 2014) and in the essays written by residents in works such as Observatorio del conflicto urbano (Doris Palacín, Giuseppe Aricó, 2014), and other articles by experts such as Vicenç Navarro (2014). Gamonal is an example of citizens actively defending their right to take part in decisions related to the development of urban space, over and above ideological frameworks, fighting widespread corruption, unemployment, the lack of basic services, the private interests of the property sector and the greed of neo-liberal urbanism, as described by Giuseppe Aricó and José Mansilla (2014). Manipulated and transformed by the political parties in power and their kindred media outlets into a radical anti-system street riot, we could, however, affirm the opposite: it was the system that acted against the people. The residents of Gamonal have fought to prove that they are not merely consumers of communal space but active participants in it. As stated by Lefebvre in Everyday Life in the Modern World, thanks to these acts of spontaneous urbanism, citizens have managed to reveal the extraordinary potential of the ordinary precisely when it succeeds in breaking repetition, obsession and fear. And perhaps they have also proved that not only their thoughts but also people’s hopes and feelings can end up generating transformations in cities. Public space does indeed have its own answers, as revealed when it is taken over by citizens united in a common cause.

I first heard the term ‘ephemeral urbanisms’ described by architect Josep Bohigas, who was also a key figure in the Parallel project. The reference appeared in a conversation with Maria Solé, also an architect, who was then working in collaboration with Brent Richards, architect, designer and chief executive officer of The Design Embassy Europe (London) planning a huge ephemeral event in a European city based on the methodologies we could consider characteristic of ephemeral urbanism. REFERENCES Aricó, G. and Mansilla, J.: 2014, Retòriques y resistències d’un conflicte: la lliçó de Gamonal, Directa, 348, p. 11 Benjamin, W.: 1999, The Arcades Project, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts Blanchot, M.: 2009, Affirming the rupture, in V. Rome (ed), La Comunitat Inconfessable, Institut Ramon Llul, Actar, Barcelona, p. 25-50 Borja, J.: 2005, Un futuro urbano con un corazón antiguo, Biblio 3W, Revista Bibliográfica de Geografía y Ciencias Sociales, 584 (10) (http://www.ub.es/geocrit/b3w-584.htm: March 2014) Borja, J.: 2010, Llums i ombres de l’urbanisme de Barcelona, Empúries, Barcelona Casellas, A.: 2007, Gobernabilidad, participación ciudadana y crecimiento económico: adaptaciones locales a estrategias globales, Scripta Nova. Revista electrónica de Geografía y Ciencias sociales. 243 (11) (http://ub.es/ geocrit/sn/sn-243.htm: March 2014) Certeau, M. De: 1988, The Practice of Everyday Life, Arts de Faire, I, University of California Press, California Cid, D. and Fuster, A.: 2011, Barricades and marquees. Ephemeral Urban Planning in 20th Century Barcelona, Design History Society Annual Conference. Design Activism and Social Change 7-10 September 2011 Barcelona Spain (http://

029

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

ADU2020 www.historiadeldisseny.org/congres/pdf/Daniel%20Cid%20&%20Albert%20Fuster%20%20Barricades%20and%20 marquees_Ep.pdf: March 2014) Clarós, S.: 2007, De la Ciutat dels Prodigis a la Barcelona social, Biblio 3W, Revista Bibliográfica de Geografía y Ciencias Sociales, 751 (12) (http://www.ub.es/geocrit/b3w-751.htm: March 2014) Colau, A. and Alemany, A.: 2012, Vidas hipotecadas. De la burbuja immobiliària al derecho a la vivienda, Angle Editorial, Barcelona Delgado, M.: 2007, La ciudad mentirosa. Fraude y miseria del “modelo Barcelona”, Los libros de la Catarata, Madrid García-Espuche, A.: 1990, El Quadrat d’Or. Centre de la Barcelona modernista. La formació d’un espai privilegiat, Lunwerg, Barcelona McLeod, M.: 1997, Henri Lefebvre’s Critique of Everyday Life: An Introduction, in S. Harris, D. Berke (eds), Architecture of the Everyday. Princeton Architecture Press, New York, p. 9-29 Lévi-Strauss, C.: 1966, The Savage Mind, University of Chicago Press, Chicago López Sánchez, P.: 1993, Un verano con mil julios y otras estaciones. Barcelona: de la Reforma Interior a la Revolución de Julio de 1909, Siglo, XXI, Madrid Doris Palacín, D. and Aricó, G.: 2014, La rabia de Gamonal. Aspectos claves para entender un conflicto anunciado, Observatorio del conflicto urbano, January 15th 2014 (observatoriconflicteurba.org/2014/01/15/la-rabia-degamonal-aspectos-clavespara-entender-un-conflicto-anunciado-y-olvidado: March 2014)

030

Resina, J.R.: 2003, From Rose of Fire to City of Ivory, in: J. R. Resina and D. Ingenschay (eds), After Images of the City, Cornell, Ithaca (NY), p. 75-122

TRACK 1 — PUBLIC SPACE: SPACES FOR ALL?

THE SOCIAL STRUGGLE FOR PUBLIC SPACES IN GUAYAQUIL Academy and citizens symbiosis for the public spaces struggle in Guayaquil LUIS ALFONSO SALTOS ESPINOZA1 1 LASE Ecuador http://www.lase.com.ec lsaltos@lase.com.ec

The purpose of this essay is to emphasize the lack of urban-architectural social planning in the city of Guayaquil. Projects guided by the state, such as the “Urban Regeneration of Guayaquil”, have generated discontent among the citizenry resulting in a social struggle the manifestations of which have been and are outbreaks of civil protest, fights for rights to the city and the protection and use of public spaces. We must pay more attention to the contributions of architects, urban specialists, social activists and others involved in urban issues where any change in the physical and social context of the city is concerned and simply rely on government direction.

KEYWORDS Public spaces: right to the city; urban regeneration; social struggle; Guayaquil.

ARCHITECTURE, DESIGN AND URBANISM Architects and urban planners design buildings and spaces, private and public. Most of these spaces are located in the urban centers; therefore, the education of these professionals needs a fundamental touch of expertise - Urban Agglomeration Studies -to obtain a more detailed and specific technical, social and urban point of view of the unique environments where they find themselves. Architecture and urban planning faculties must design, coordinate and establish ways on how the student profile should be, so that at graduation they are willing and capable of working both technically and socially.

031

ABSTRACT Architecture, design and urbanism are courses of study with technical and social components through which equilibrium is achieved as a result of academic training. It is this approach to education that provides students the opportunities to become contributing citizens by acquiring necessary tools for productive criticism and towards the design of new approaches in crafting and improving their urban environment. When this symbiosis doesn’t occur and city planning and growth is managed by the financial sectors, the voices of academic institutions and the young professionals they are committed to forming are silenced, and economically-based models of city control are imposed onto the general population at the price of an evolving ergonomic approach to urban development. One such example is the “Urban Regeneration of Guayaquil”.

032

ADU2020 Social education is not acquired only by the number of subjects taught in the schools along with the core course of technical studies that tries to prepare the individual. Social consciousness requires a constant investigation of the society by the academics themselves, as well as the institutions as a whole with both engaged in a critical discourse concerning the urban and architectonic developments planned and executed. Such approaches should maintain a path towards a design of utopia projects, as “utopia is to be considered experimentally by studying its implications and consequences on the ground” (Lefebvre, 1996). This divorce between the academy and the urbanite can be seen in the lack of interaction between universities and government institutions, where the former ceases being critical of the decisions, processes, models and urban planning of the latter. They have become so distant that civil society at present does not have technical representation in the government. This relationship is imposed upon students which maintain a distance from active social responsibility and are rendered as mere social spectators. One thing that must be asked: What is the current involvement of Academic Architectural Studies in the urban/architectonical development processes of Guayaquil? The answer put simply: Institutions with these academic programs are developing a new generation of architects with a view towards the housing market, where most graduates end up as employees of construction companies or in other cases, as contractors for state or local projects following established patterns for urban growth and development. There are a few exceptions where graduates become social activists or use their professional knowledge to break from the neoliberal urban planning schemes imposed by the government models and their view of city planning. These exceptions find a niche through their participation with neighborhood organizations, social movements, forming groups of professionals, etc. These new generations of professionals in architecture, design and urbanism support the current system. However, they are counted upon to not generate innovative approaches, ideas, schemes or paradigms that favor the citizen’s right to the city and public spaces. The average citizen, whether educated or not, an expert in urban planning or a simple member of society, is not a participant neither in the urban planning process, nor in the architectural construction promoted by the City of Guayaquil for Urban Regeneration. THE AGE OF URBAN REGENERATION Guayaquil is the most populated city of Ecuador and since the nineties has entered its latest administrative, political, social, and territorial metamorphosis. This development has generated economic and tourism growth through the implementation of an urban planning model with neoliberal policies where the private sector has been directly involved in the growth and management of the city at the expense of the freedom and participation of the citizenry in general. Harvey (2012) commented that “the neoliberal urban policies considered distribute wealth through neighborhoods, cities and disadvantaged regions was useless, however, resources should be directed towards the poles of dynamic business development”. This model was created by the need to rebuild a city that was hit by administrative dealings that led to the population’s lack of confidence in city hall. Factors that contributed to this lack of confidence were the low self-esteem of the public, a mismanagement of public funds, the lack of provision of basic services to the population and the abuse of municipal workers who received pay but never attended work. The promise to solve these problems was used by the political party to get into city hall. From

TRACK 1 — PUBLIC SPACE: SPACES FOR ALL? the beginning, the party undertook a campaign of “urban cleansing” starting from city hall, and later moved to the streets and then to the public spaces of the city. After new ordinances and laws were passed by the city council, the cleansing of the city center forced the eviction of street vendors that were cataloged as an undesirable element of the city’s past - to be erased and removed in order to build a new city model. They were confined in the new municipal markets where they could carry out their work in a controlled environment, but these new buildings were not accompanied by an urban planning project that would maintain old customers and attract new customers. Therefore many of these merchants were hurt economically. Taking in this scenario as the background for the new urban ideology, a project emerged that consisted in the architectural reconstruction of the linear coast park, which is the traditional public space of the city and had suffered deterioration and carelessness by the previous administration. Here, the informal trader, juvenile offender, low-life, homeless person and drug dealer had made their headquarters (Wong, 2005). This project was called “Malecón 2000” To execute this plan, “Malecón 2000 Foundation” was formed. This entity designed and managed the reconstruction of the linear coast park and was an example of how the private sector appropriated a public space by turning it into a semi-exclusive space. The new architectural visions that were implanted were symbolic; a shopping center within the park creating a visual obstruction from the sidewalk to the river, building a perimeter fence, controls and prohibitions for entry and stay, and the exclusion of citizens considered as undesirable or second category that were not included in the primary model of user or potential customer for these new spaces.

033

Up: Malecón Simón Bolívar (1960), Down: Malecón 2000 Shopping Mall (2014)

Door and wall that separate the two sides of Santa Ana Hill

TRACK 1 — PUBLIC SPACE: SPACES FOR ALL?

(http://noticias.guayaquil.gob.ec/2013/01/municipio-de-guayaquil-premiara-el.html: Jan 2013) ?????? This whole process of physical, functional, social and urban regeneration holds the vision of creating a city that visually denotes a consistent change from its chaotic history of negligence. It is necessary to show the areas and spaces that have undergone reconstruction, while covering up and hiding the undesirable portion of the population. The urban regeneration market uses local, national and international propaganda; it shows the change of the imaginary city of their habitants. Since the beginning, the vision was focused on the intervention of existing public spaces and in other cases building new ones, such as coastal parks, squares, vehicular and pedestrian streets, among others.

035

Paradoxically, the citizenship was pleased with this process of urban sanitation, where social actors that generated a messy, dirty, chaotic and undesirable city were expelled from the “touristic” areas, to other more confined spaces or were marked as illegals which resulted in their apparent extinction. The physical aspect has not been suffering all that much considerable change: in the field of operation and public use, there is still exclusion and indoctrination of the citizenship (who have been a part of its development) through creating regulations, ordinances and laws to identify and dispose the activities, actions, schedules, through the prohibition of taking photos or filming inside the park without prior permission of the Foundation, who is all in favor of economic growth of the private sector to boost tourism , commerce and construction. Such is the case of the Malecón 2000. (Allán, 2010) The intervention of the “Diego Arteta y Noboa stairs” in the Santa Ana Hill followed after the Malecón Urban Regeneration in 2001. This architectural and ornamental intervention in favor of tourism and economic development improved the quality of life of the citizens and further enforced the previous model imposed by the municipality to restructure the city with a view of the same social undesirables that were previously excluded. With this intervention, the hill was divided into two sectors: the regenerated part and another that had no such luck. The neighborhood became fragmented and its urban imagery was changed and controlled by municipal policies imposed by the foundation in charge of this project. “Moral codes,” stipulating how the inhabitants had to dress, maximum decibels they could play on their sound equipment in their homes, bans on clotheslines used to sun dry and the playing of traditional games or neighborly recreation on the steps , etc., where all enforced to not bother the visitors to this “rehabilitated” and regenerated urban space. Bars and doors were placed to separate the two sectors, alluding to the improvement of the tourist safety. (Murillo, 2012) But the urban regeneration did not only stay in typically tourist areas, it also expanded to include historic and influential neighborhoods like “Barrio del Centenario” with an enormous investment from the municipality. Also, the regeneration reached the slum neighborhoods through patronage tools such as contests called “Mejoremos Nuestra Cuadra (Let’s improve our block)”. The method of this type of contest consists in a section of a neighborhood, or a succession of two blocks being grouped together, and through their own investment the residents pay for their own “urban regeneration” by painting the facades of their houses with colors common for urban regeneration projects and the establishment of green areas, street furniture, and decorative elements that emulate the work performed by city hall. The local government, investing only in the publicity of the contest, awards $20,000 to be divided among the four first place winners and their neighbors. The difference between these two urban interventions demonstrates the local government classification of the type of involvement that will take place in the city by his part.

ADU2020 Through this national and international marketing, governing and financial bodies began locally and internationally exporting “Urban Regeneration” as a model for city planning and land management, allowing municipal entities to develop urban projects by granting public spaces to foundations for their reconstruction, maintenance and control, taking into consideration that visual change is the way that cities can enter into a globalized and competitive world, and ignore solving the social problems of the majority of citizens. All of this “urban progress” is gradually administered to educate people with the idea that this model can only be maintained by the current administration. The masses are told that if changes are made to the administration, the city will lose the restored public spaces, contests, foundations, international conventions, etc. This has produced conformity among the habitants, especially those who lived in or have a visual memory of the eighties. However, over the period spanning 20 years during which this urban renewal has taken place, a new generation of citizens has spawned who are the children of those originally benefitted by urban regeneration, and it is they who are now the ones that criticize this model.

036

CITY AWAKENING - THE GENERATION OF THE REGENERATION The age range with the largest urban population in the last census of Guayaquil is between 5 to 24 years old. This proves there is a generational change. Young people are critical of their city. Their urban image is not subject to the historical fear of the chaotic eighties. This younger generation has lived through the municipal actions aimed at social control and exclusion from public spaces, as well as other urban problems such as a deficiency in the quality of public transportation and the lack of green areas, among others. The protests and events by these younger citizens have been politicized by the municipality and its related groups. This is controversial, especially considering that since 2007, the presidency of Rafael Correa Delgado introduced a political movement towards changes in the state and provoked political criticism against the neoliberal model of Guayaquil city. This has led to a perception that public outcry should be stigmatized: if you protest against the local government for rights to the city and use of public spaces, it is immediately presumed that you support the national agenda and become the enemy of local city politicians and leaders and their agenda for progress. It is important to point out the use of social networks as a way of expression, dissemination and the exchange of opinions and ideas about this social dilemma. These social networks have provided individuals with the means for logistical organization of events and peaceful civil protest. Since 2009, social protest has occurred using public spaces as stages for the urban struggle and civil protest against the exclusive ownership model of the “Urban Regeneration.” The current urban projects represent a form of cultural and social indoctrination that has fragmented the city and revoked the citizens’ rights to freedom of movement, activities and the use of piers, squares, parks and sidewalks. This is all a result of the lack of inclusivity and a failure in comprehensive urban planning on the part of all the actors involved in the development and progress of the social, economic and political empowerment of Guayaquil. That same year, people held protests such as the Gay Pride Parade on Nueve de Octubre Avenue, even though there was a municipal ban on the execution of this event. “The tongue does not reserve the right of admission” protest where artists and social activists invited journalists, couples and the general public to be on the Malecón 2000 and passionately kiss each other because the legislation forbade public displays of affection in public spaces. The “Rockers Parade” along the Malecón 2000 was staged to promote free access to these areas by removing signs displaying the message: “We reserve the right to admission”. (Andrade, 2005)

TRACK 1 — PUBLIC SPACE: SPACES FOR ALL?

037

In 2013, two “flashmobs” took place, protests by a group of people in the form of coordinated dances; one in Barrio Las Peñas between steps 37 and 38 of the Santa Ana Hill to protest municipal regulations on the operation of bars and clubs in this sector; and the other, in the Administration Square (Municipality of Guayaquil) focused on protesting the right to use public spaces. This last demonstration was unlike 2009 ending with clashes between protesters and the Metropolitan Police who used clubs and tear gas to control and intimidate the protesters. Thereafter, the political discourse between the two political fronts (local and national) used these events for their own political agendas, proselytizing for the mayoral election. Young citizens continue their social struggle with many demonstrations throughout the city attempting to promote change in the neoliberal model that excludes informal mercantilism, freedom of dress, minority groups, international models of social and urban architecture in favor of privatized public spaces. But this is a battle without the support of academic institutions backing these claims and avoiding proposals and possible solutions in the field of the architecture, design and urban social engineering. Public board in Malecón 2000 in the year 2003

CONCLUSIONS The link between the academy and the civil society can be seen throughout history and in the development of the cities. It is from of these colleges and universities that many of the current leaders, officials, politicians, technicians and architects of urban, regional and national progress have emerged. This symbiosis provides college students with the preparation for the socio-territorial reality where they will practice their professions taking into account principles such as equality, inclusion, participation and development in political, economic, social and environmental areas. Course of studies like architecture, design and urbanism have many qualities and strengths that other professions do not have or have in less quantities, in being both technical and social at the same time. This combination fosters a more direct approach to citizenship and helps to propose urban-architectural solutions by acknowledging the social problems that afflict them. It is for this reason that A.D.U. schools are responsible for instilling, motivating, and guiding future professionals with methodologies for social understanding; urban development is not an automated process established by public policies in urban-regional planning.

038

ADU2020 Students can become proactive and use critical thinking while developing new approaches, theories, hypotheses, studies, investigations, proposals, etc., to open up the range of possible solutions for the problems facing society. When new professionals do not acquire the necessary tools to develop critical thinking and social interest, they are faced with a limited opportunity in the housing sector that governs the growth of cities, and urban planning models that benefit the private sector at the expense of public interest, creativity and investments in architectural projects in favor of lower-cost living. In the case of Guayaquil, where the “Urban Regeneration” projects have caused urban fragmentation due to the loss of public spaces by the exclusion of various social groups considered undesirable, with a vision towards the tourist and commercial development, the citizen’s rights are traded in for a biased model of progress and social cleansing, where both the people and the local government forget that “the right to the city cannot be conceived of as a simple visiting right or as a return to traditional cities. It can only be formulated as a transformed and renewed right to urban life”. (Lefebvre, 1996) And this case is not unique to Guayaquil, Ecuador. Several other cities in Latin American have experienced this model of economic and social improvement through the beautification of touristic and historical areas, while hiding or eliminating the negative aspects of society considered unattractive for tourism. Then the call is not only for local A.D.U. faculties, but for each country and city to customize their own case studies and programs hoping to innovate the way government defines the development of cities. With or without help, collaboration, and reviews coming from the academic sectors, society reinforces the atrocities and violations of everyone’s constitutional rights. Young people with global vision, nurtured by the processes of other Latin-Americans cities to reclaim public spaces, have taken the initiative using social networking to coordinate activities towards this same objective. So what can be done to change this urban reality? Criticism within the walls of the academic schools through books or papers is not enough. The Academic leaders must become executioners socialized proposals that benefit everyday citizens, especially at the neighborhood level, because this is the closest to a territorial unit in the daily life of city dwellers. The joint work between academia and civil society can be achieved through mechanisms and initiatives for participation in public spaces, producing a sense of belonging and empowerment of the community. In Guayaquil, discussions revolving around the bicentennial celebration of the city’s independence from Spanish colonial rule have begun. This new endeavor is taking form and creating alliances among the universities in the city. This historical landmark can be used as leverage to generate a change of mindset not only of public and private institutions, but also of the academic establishment and the general citizenry through the development of architectural and engineering urban technical projects with fundamentally sound positive social bases. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my deep appreciation to Professor Claudia Peralta Gonzalez for their friendship and useful critiques in the elaboration of this work. I would also like to thank to my parents Jenny and Alfonso for their eternal love, support and encouragement during my studies. I extend my thanks to my University English Instructor, Enrique Sebastian Luna Holder, for the final edits. Finally, to Camila and Nicolas, cause they are the motivation for my personal and professional development.

TRACK 1 — PUBLIC SPACE: SPACES FOR ALL? REFERENCES Andrade, X.: 2005, Guayaquil: Urban Regeneration and the destruction of public space, in Carrion, F. and Hanley, L (eds.), Urban regeneration and revitalization in the Americas: towards a steady state, FLACSO–Ecuador, Quito, pp. 147-167. Allán, H. (ed.): 2010, Urban Regeneration and Social Exclusion in Guayaquil City, FLACSO, Quito. Arias, A. (ed.): 2002, Urban Indicators: Guayaquil City 1993-2000, Guayaquil City Hall, Guayaquil. Benavides, B. and Poveda A. (eds.): 2002, What it takes and leave: Investigation about the habitants of Diego Noboa stairs around the changes that occur in their way of live after the Urban Regeneration Process, Casa Grande University Thesis, Guayaquil. Borja, J.: 2012, The End of the postmodern anti-city and the right to the city in metropolitan areas, in Corti, M. (ed), Cities: and impossible equation, Café de las ciudades, Buenos Aires, pp. 276–320. Camacho, M.: 2008, Change of social-urban facts and spacial improvement: Guayaquil Urban Regeneration Case Study, in Wong, D. (ed), The Positive City, Mariscal Publishers, Guayaquil, pp. 120–131. Cervilla, T.: 2005, The spacial urban design: the architecture as public space, in Monteros, K. (ed), Latin-American Conference of Architecture Schools and Faculties: the participation of architecture schools and faculties in the regional context, UDEFAL, Loja, pp. 181–185. Chancay, A. (ed.): 2002, The cultural consume of the public space of the young people from popular sectors around the Urban Regeneration: Malecón 2000 case study, Casa Grande University Thesis, Guayaquil. De Wind, J. and Crespo, J. (eds.): 2003, The Imaginary Guayaquil form the cabdriver view, Casa Grande University Thesis, Guayaquil. Harvey, D.: 2012, The urban roots of the financial crisis, in Corti, M. (ed), Cities: and impossible equation, Café de las ciudades, Buenos Aires, pp. 321–358.

Niño, A.: 2005, Exchange and workshops as architecture, city and regional teaching methods, in Monteros, K. (ed), Latin-American Conference of Architecture Schools and Faculties: the participation of architecture schools and faculties in the regional context, UDEFAL, Loja, pp. 177–180. Lefebvre, H.(ed.): 1996, Writings on Cities,Blackwell Publishers, Massachusetts. Rojas, M., Villavicencio, G., Becker, A. and Chang, L. (eds.): 1989, Urban land market and popular neighborhoods in Guayaquil,CERG, Guayaquil. Velázquez, I. and Velázquez, P. Bernus.: 2011, Contribution of the communication representations in the urban identity configuration of the young adults in Guayaquil, in Compte, M., (ed.), Architecture Magazine, Catholic University of Guayaquil Architecture and Design Faculty, Guayaquil, pp. 19–37. Wong, D. (ed.): 2005, Urban Renewal: Guayaquil Trademark. Poligráfica Publishers, Guayaquil. Wong, D.: 2008, Competitive City, in Wong, D. (ed), The Positive City, Mariscal Publishers, Guayaquil, pp. 132–136.

039

Murillo, D. (ed.): 2012, Impact of the Urban Regeneration Plan in the way of living of the residents of Santa Ana Hills, Diego Noboa y Arteta stairs, Universidad Católica de Guayaquil Thesis, Guayaquil.