Ajit Doval A New Chapter in Indian Intelligence Iraq Bleeds As Sunnis Fight Shias
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Black Money: A Mirage
India cannot bring back money stored in Swiss Banks, say analysts
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Join your hands to control noise pollution
Dr. Vaman Acharya, Chairman Karnataka State Pollution Control Board
Say No to honking Don’t startle the pedestrians by honking right their behind. Wait till they move. Never honk while going in sequence . Always use dimdip light.
Practice Patience Do not start honking Immediately after the Green signal is lit in the traffic to signal others to move. Instead wait for some seconds allowing fellow drivers to disperse.
Use gentle horns Vehicle Drivers should not use noisy horns at their own wish. Instead they need to use gentler horns (Maximum 65 decibel) prescribed by the government.
Sound limit range Region
Participate in awareness camps (In decibels)
Day (Maximum)
You can participate in several awareness programs about noise pollution conducted by pollution control board, NGOs and other organizations. Thus you help more people to understand noise and its pollution.
Night (Maximum)
Industrial area
75
70
Commercial area
65
55
Residential area
55
45
Noise sensitive area
50
40
(School, Court, Hospital etc.,)
Self - control is essential Industry owns should prefer machines, that generate lesser noise.
Reduce the Sound level from speakers Try to keep the sound minimum at public gatherings. High intensity sound is always hazardous to health.
Exceeding the limit - call for the punishment
Rules under the Noise pollution Act: Region consisting Schools, Hospitals, Courts etc. and the region 100 meter around these institutions must be kept noiseless.
l
Before using loud speakers in public gatherings , taking written consent from concerned Police officials is necessary.
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Loudspeakers must not be used in public places from 10 pm to 6 am.
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RTO officials can exercise their right to penalise people, who honk needlessly in jam packed traffic and in other public spots.
SAY NO TO NOISY LIFE STYLE Karnataka State Pollution Control Board #49, Parisara Bhavan, Church Street, Bangalore - 560 001
website: www.kspcb.gov.in Facebook: kspcbofficial
IN THIS ISSUE
Election Verdict
Atrocities against Ahmadis
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14 Pseudo Secularism of UPA Exposed
Negotiating with Terror
Intolerance touches a new low in Pakistan
Dangers of Free Market Economy
10 The dilemma of an elected government
Ajit Doval
17 Will Modi Government Generate Growth without Drying Up Resources?
Turning Waste into Wealth
12 A New Chapter in Indian Intelligence
Can BJP Find a Replacement for Munde Iraq Bleeds As Sunnis Fight Shias
18 22 24
IN THIS ISSUE
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Transcending Boundaries Volume: 15 Issue: 12 July 2014 Aashaada (Jaya) Published & Printed by NARAYAN SEVIRE for and on behalf of the owners JNANA BHARATHI PRAKASHANA, Mangalore. aseemamagazine@gmail.com / 0824-2497091
Black Money: A Mirage India cannot bring back money stored in Swiss Banks, say analysts
Restricting God Muslims in Malaysia Oppose using the word Allah by Christians
Nourishing Sugar India’s dream to overtake Brazil as the largest sugar exporter
Apparel Appeal Can Sri Lanka inject growth into its dying textile industry?
Taming Inflation
32 34 36 38
Govt acts fast to boost supplies
40
Seeing Terrorists Turning on Pak…
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Pseudo Secularism of UPA Exposed • Prabhat P Shukla
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he period 1987–89 was a watershed in recent Indian political history. It was during this period that the Congress dominance ended and a period of coalitions began. The speed of the collapse of the Congress Party from its historic peak of 400plus seats won in the Lok Sabha elections in 1984 to a split in 1987, and a seat tally of 197 in 1989 is relevant to what happened in the 1990’s and the stunning outcome in 2014. The Congress Party, since the days of Gandhi’s dominance, was a Big Tent party, which approached India and the Indian electorate as a conglomeration of different religions and castes. It had worked assiduously at putting together a coalition of castes and religions over the 20th century,
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to ensure its primacy in the political domain. It started with co-opting the Muslims by endorsing the Khilafat movement in 1921, even though
the Arabs (and even the Turks) did not want the continuation of the Ottoman Caliph. It then proceeded to bring in the Dalits by offering reservations and the emotional appeal to the “Harijan” Samaj. Finally, it co-opted the upper castes through a mixture of “secular” appeal, together with a soft Hindu message through Gandhi’s references to the Bhagwad Gita and his working with the Hindu Mahasabha to form a winning, and unbeatable, combination. This was what Nehru inherited, and this was strengthened by the assassination of Gandhi, which was used to destroy the standing of the centre-right and Hindu forces. To this, Indira Gandhi added a large measure of nationalism, especially after she split the party in 1969. The bank nationalisation and the successful war for the liberation of Ban-
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‘The UPA had made it clear that it was no longer interested in seeing India as one entity, only as a collection of castes and religions to be used as vote-banks. It had revealed its hand and it was not worried about the Hindu voter, because it was confident that the divisions along caste lines had destroyed any coherence among the Hindus. Similarly, it was not concerned even with the country’s interests.’ gladesh cemented her position in the hearts and minds of the Indian public as a leader who was a nationalist and one who cared for the poor. The Emergency did set her back, but only for a short while, as much because of the ineptitude of the Janata experiment, as for her own resolute response to the defeat of 1977. By 1987, the Congress Party had exhausted the Big Tent construct. The Shah Bano episode alienated a large segment of Hindu opinion, and the re-opening of the Ayodhya dispute soured Muslim opinion towards the party. In a way, the leadership split that occurred in 1987 exemplifies the nature of the collapse of the Congress. Two pillars of the government, VP Singh and Arun Nehru, left the Party together, but then went their separate ways later. The first became
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the father of the Mandalisation of society, and spawned the later parties that were based on narrower caste appeal and the Dalits; the second drifted to the BJP. The 1989 election results illustrated the impact of this split. The Congress remained the largest party
in the Lok Sabha, but with 197 seats, a drop of over 200 seats from 1984. VP Singh’s Janata Dal emerged in second place with 143 seats. The BJP went from two seats in 1984 to 85 in 1989. In short, the three-way split from within the Congress resulted in the break-down of the caste and reli-
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gious combination that the Congress had stitched together over a hundred years. The backward castes and the Muslims went with VP Singh, in the main; the upper castes went largely with the BJP. This is not to minimise the Bofors effect in the election of 1989. Of course, it was a serious challenge, but it is important to recognise that the corruption charge, the credible charge that Rajiv Gandhi was personally involved, hurt the Congress. But the Bofors issue did not point the way to any one single party deriving the benefit of the haemorrhaging of the Congress Party. The period of the 1990’s was one where the Mandal vote was further sub-divided, as individual caste leaders emerged, representing different, and ever-narrower, segments of society. The Dalits found expression in their own Party, the Bahujan Samaj Party. This was the period when it was presumed that only a leader belonging to a particular caste could see to the welfare of that caste. This was particularly true of the Hindi heartland; in other parts of India, especially in the South and the East, it was regional parties that were coming up. However, under the surface, other forces were in play. The abandonment by all parties, except the BJP,
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of the nationalist agenda after 1989 was a cause of worry among many middle-class Indians, even though it did not find a political outlet. The BJP did tap into this in part, but the charge of communalism ensured that the average urban educated Indian, brought up on Nehruvian secularism, remained non-committal. A deeper reality was the growing concern of the Hindu, qua Hindu, that their religion was getting unfair treatment. But the worst and most egregious assaults from the “secularists” came under UPA 2. The first was the public take-over of one after another Hindu temple, putting them under the charge of state governments, sometimes under non-Hindu management; every Hindu understood that this would never happen with a religious establishment belonging to any other religion. The second was the empowerment of minority educational institutions, which gave
such an unfair advantage to minority institutions that even bodies like the Ramakrishna Mission sought to be declared a minority organisation. And the third was the Communal Violence Bill introduced in 2011, under which the Hindus were pre-judged guilty in any incident of communal violence. In addition, religious conversions by inducement and fraud remained a leitmotif all through. To clinch the argument about Hindu unease, it is instructive to look at the results of the elections of 2004 and 2009. There is a widespread belief that the state of the economy is the largest determinant of the extent of support that a ruling party gets. By that reckoning, the NDA deserved to be voted back in 2004, for there is no gainsaying that the economy, especially in the closing years of their term in office, was in very good shape. Since it did not, the bogus hypothesis of “India Shining” having done in the NDA was advanced. It suited all sides, including the BJP, since it evaded the central issue – that of Hindu disenchantment with the BJP. Not only did it not even attempt the agenda it had campaigned on, for that would have been bad enough. Worse, even on the nationalist agenda, such as counterterrorism or illegal immigration, it was no better than previous governments.
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This disenchantment shows in the electoral turnout. From 62% in 1998, it fell to 58% in both 2004 and 2009. Clearly, a large number of the Hindu voters decided to stay home and not vote at all. This time, by contrast, the voter turnout, at 66%, has been the highest in history, and the result is there for all to see. It is important to understand that there is nothing communal in all of this. The backlash is against the unfair treatment of Hindus over the decades, and in particularly egregious form in the last decade, as has been enumerated earlier. And it is not just Hindu anxiety. This is coupled with nationalist anxiety: frequently enough during the current elections, ordinary voters from all parts of India made the point that they were troubled by the weakness shown by the government in the face of hostile action across the land borders with China and Pakistan. This was the dynamic that the BJP confronted going into the elections. The UPA had made clear that it was no longer interested in seeing India as one entity, only as a collection of castes and religions to be used as vote-banks. It had revealed its hand and it was not worried about the Hindu voter, because it was confident that the divisions along caste lines had destroyed any coherence among the Hindus. Similarly, it was not concerned even with the country’s interests. This could be seen across the board – in the economy, in internal security, in foreign relations, and in all else. Its only response to any challenge was, never to fix the problem, but to dissemble and somehow manage the popular revulsion. Corruption added to the cup of sorrows of the Indian voter. [That it was not paramount is shown by the dismal showing of the Aam Aadmi Party.] Thus, what was happening in Indian society was a growing consolidation among the Hindus and among the nationalists, and it is hard to say which was [and is] the dominant strand. All of this was the consequence of the Congress having abandoned the
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two planks that had kept it in power for several decades – nationalism and a modicum of accommodation of Hindu sentiment. This was where a bold move was called for – to try and tap in to the growing consolidation of the Hindus, which the political parties had not taken cognisance of, thinking the Hindus remained divided along caste lines, and offer a credible alternative who would address the concerns of a growing number of Hindus and nationalists at the dangerous state of affairs. This would en-
2009, as the BJP abandoned its ideological moorings. And this time, with a clear message of both, a return to ideological clarity, and efficient economic management, the number has crossed the half-way mark. The strategy of the Congress and the Mandal offshoots to scare the minorities, especially the Muslims, and offering “secularism” as the panacea has already worn thin. With good governance, as has been promised, all residual fears can also be laid to rest. The results also indicate that the
able the country to overcome the divisions sown by the Mandalisation of society. The changing demographics also helped, since the younger generations were also more aware of the way the world was changing, and the importance of getting a politico-economic order that would offer better economic prospects and meet their aspirations for a better future. The evidence of the Hindu consolidation is in the numbers. From two seats in the Lok Sabha in 1984, the BJP’s presence rose to 85 in 1989, buoyed by the Ayodhya developments. This number went up to 120 in 1991, following the Rath Yatra of LK Advani. It touched 160 in 1996, and then stagnated at 182 in 1998 and 1999. This was a period when doubts began to emerge, as the weak responses of the NDA-I became apparent. And, of course, their numbers fell in 2004 and went down still further in
much-vaunted “idea of India” – so beloved of the “secularists” - has no appeal among the people. That “idea” sees India as just a collection of minorities, to be played off among each other. Worse, it makes no real effort to change their status in life: the poor remain poor, the Muslims and Dalits remain backward, while the parties continue to exploit them for their political ends. However, it is important to stress that the strategy of NDA - II is going to be challenged – and challenged viciously - making it vital for the NDA Government to deliver. One more disappointment of the kind delivered by the NDA-I will lead to the resurgence of the casteist parties with a vengeance – or worse. It could lead to a kind of disenchantment with democracy itself, with unpredictable results. (Mr. Prabhat P Shukla is Joint Director of VIF)
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The US government was forced to release five hard-core Taliban militants lodged in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, in exchange for its soldier Bowe Bergdahl who was languishing in a Talibanheld area in Afghanistan. While his parents and friends are rejoicing his return, there are some who believe that he had deserted the US Army. Whatever be the views, it is a fact that an elected government is always under pressure when it comes to the safety of even a single citizen as it has happened in this case. No doubt, the terrorists will definitely use these tactics to achieve their goal and no solution seems to be anywhere in sight.
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e is being called a hero; he is being called a traitor. Some want to felicitate him and some others want to court marshal him. Bowe Bergdahl has seen life and near-death from close quarters in the last five years, and it has been a roller coaster ride for him, to say the least. Bergdahl is a United States Army soldier who was held captive by the Taliban-aligned Haqqani network in Afghanistan from June 2009. He was recently released by his captors after the US government agreed to trade five terrorists locked up in a prison at Guantanamo Bay. From the very outset, it had the making of a fairytale story. Bergdahl is a young American soldier, doing his duty in the harsh terrains of Af-
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Negotiating with Terror The dilemma of an elected government ghanistan. He is the only son to his parents. His captivity for five years and his eventual homecoming is the stuff Hollywood screenwriters dream of. But Bergdahl’s disappearance and his subsequent release are shrouded in mystery and the American media and people are not sure what they have to think of Bergdahl. Bergdahl, the only remaining US soldier captured during the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, was recovered by US special operations forces at a “pick-up” point in eastern Afghanistan, near the border with Pakistan. But rather than his release, it’s his disappearance that is raising lots of questions. Sometime before being held captive by the terrorists, there were
evidences to believe that Bergdahl was disillusioned with the US army. On June 27, 2009, Bergdahl sent his parents what would be his final email from the field, condemning the military system and the mission in Afghanistan. “The US army is the biggest joke the world has to laugh at. It is the army of liars, backstabbers, fools, and bullies,” he told his parents Three days later, at 5:30 a.m., a soldier went to wake up Bergdahl for guard duty. Their platoon was living at an isolated post, a two-acre stretch of a riverbed, surrounded by wire. Bergdahl slept in a one-man pup tent. On this morning, his body armour and weapon were there. But Bergdahl was gone. The American military launched a
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massive search operation through bunkers, latrines, vehicles, even Afghan National Police posts. Within a day a radio operator intercepted Afghans chatting about a new bargaining chip. A Pentagon investigation concluded in 2010 that the evidence was “incontrovertible” that Bergdahl indeed walked away from his unit, but did not accuse him of desertion. The Taliban repeatedly offered to swap Bergdahl for Afghan prisoners held by the US at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. But the proposed deal sat in the limbo for years. Then talks renewed after a video surfaced in December showing Bergdahl in what officials described as poor health. While Bergdahl’s family and his friends are celebrating his safe return, many in the US, including his former colleagues, are not too pleased with the development. Many believe that Bergdahl brought it upon himself by walking away from his secure post.
Some even went to the extent of saying that he was a traitor and should be court-marshaled. Interestingly, Bowe Bergdahl’s ultimate release also brings to the fore the way US handles terrorist threats and their perceived demands. While it’s easier to say on paper that Americans do not negotiate with terrorists, it’s very hard to implement that policy in real life. The government of every country is answerable to its own citizens, and when their own citizens are endangered, the government will have very little negotiating powers in its hands. While the countries all over the world swear that they do not negotiate with terrorists, every country in the world has at some point negotiated with terrorists. While all the countries accept that terrorists need to be severely dealt with, that cannot be done by endangering the lives of its own countrymen.
Of course, the acts of exchanging terrorists for your countrymen will definitely encourage other terrorists to adapt same strategy to kidnap more people to make the government kneel down before them. It’s a double-edged sword, but one has to remember that lapse in security has occurred not while exchanging the terrorists, but while the hostages were being kidnapped. Terrorists use various tactics, even emotional blackmailing, to achieve their goals. The kidnappers of Bowe Bergdahl released videos which showed him in supposedly poor health, which instigated the family and members and the general public in the US to campaign for his safe release. An elected government cannot overlook such overwhelming emotions of the general populace and will have to take necessary action.
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he names of the five released Taliban detainees are: Khair Ulla Said Wali Khairkhwa, Mullah Mohammad Fazl, Mullah Norullah Nori, Abdul Haq Wasiq and Mohammad Nabi Omari. They were mostly mid- to high-level officials in the Taliban regime and had been detained early in the war in Afghanistan because of their positions within the Taliban, not because of ties with al Qaeda. Khairkhwa was an early member of the Taliban in 1994 and was interior minister during the Taliban’s rule. He hails from the same tribe as Afghan President Hamid Karzai and was captured in January 2002. Khairkhwa’s most prominent position was as governor of Herat province from 1999 to 2001, and he was alleged to have been “directly associated” with Osama bin Laden. Fazl commanded the main force fighting the US-backed Northern Alliance in 2001, and served as chief of army staff under the Tali-
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The Five Detainees
ban regime. He has been accused of war crimes during Afghanistan’s civil war in the 1990s. Noori served as governor of Balkh province in the Taliban regime and played some role in coordinating the fight against the Northern Alliance. Wasiq was the deputy chief of the Taliban regime’s intelligence
service. His cousin was head of the service. He was arrested while trying to help the United States locate senior Taliban figures. He denied any links to militant groups. Omari was a member of the Taliban and was associated with both al Qaeda and another militant group Hezb-e-Islami Gulbuddin.
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Ajit Doval, the new National Security Advisor, is an accomplished intelligence gatherer with many feathers in his cap. It is he who found out Khalistan leaders hiding in the Golden Temple. This information later led the Indira Gandhi government to launch Operation Blue Star to flush out the militants. He also fed the government with information about Pakistan’s preparation to make a nuclear bomb at Kahuta. Again, Doval played a key role in weeding out radical elements in the Mizo National Front before forcing its leader Laldenga to sue for peace. His profile as an intelligence gatherer mirrors that of legendary James Bond.
Ajit Doval
A New Chapter in Indian Intelligence
B
efore the election results were out in this year’s election, there were some important decisions Narendra Modi made. One of them was the decision to appoint Ajit Doval as India’s fifth National Security Adviser or NSA. Narendra Modi and his team obviously knew that they will sweep the elections this time, or maybe they had some useful intelligence updates from their trusted aides like Mr. Ajit Doval. Ajit Doval’s appointment as the new NSA comes as no surprise to those who know India’s secret intelligence scene. Doval, 69, is considered to be a legend in the secretive world of intelligence and covert operations and is referred to by many as the James Bond of Indian intelligence for his sheer brilliance of planning and the audacity he showed to carry it out. While Doval has deservingly reached the top rungs of Indian Intelligence, his exploits as a premier
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agent had started much earlier. As a mid-level Intelligence Bureau officer in the north-east, he infiltrated the underground Mizo National Front, then waging an insurgency against the Indian state, weaned away half a dozen of its top commanders and all but broke the back of the MNF, forcing its leader Laldenga to sue for peace. The Mizo Accord of July 1986 -- after 20 years of insurgency -- was propelled largely by Doval’s initiative. An Army officer’s son, Ajit Doval was born in Ghidi - B anel syun, Garhwal, Uttara-
k hand,
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in 1945. He received his early education at the King George’s Royal Indian Military College (now Rashtriya Military School) in Ajmer and graduated with a master’s degree in Economics from the University of Agra in 1967, obtaining the first position. In the late 1980s, when militancy was at its peak in Punjab, Doval walked into the besieged Golden Temple in Amritsar posing as a Pakistani agent months before the 1988 Operation Black Thunder and obtained vital intelligence on the militants holed up inside. Doval was the man who dared to sneak deep into Pakistan at the risk of his life. He remained in that country incognito for years, delivering virtually real time intelligence on Pakistan’s Kahuta nuclear plant. One of his last high-profile acts in a career spanning 37 years was as part of the negotiating team that worked behind the scenes during the December 1999 hijack of the Indian Airlines flight IC 814 to Kandahar. Having functioned as operations chief of IB for no less than eight years, Doval penetrated the Indian underworld and jihadists to pre-empt attacks on India. He was also the man behind the rescue of abducted Romanian diplomat Liviu Radu from Delhi by Khalistani terrorists in the 1990s. Doval was headed to an important post-retirement assignment if the
The Vital Role of NSA J U L Y 2014
BJP-led NDA was voted back to power -- as was largely expected in 2004 -but the BJP was narrowly beaten to second place by the Congress, leading to the formation of a UPA government and effectively ending the chances of any role for Doval in the national security set-up. Narendra Modi becoming the Prime Minister and Doval becoming the NSA chief have already sent shivers down the spines of the most wanted criminals of India. Dawood Ibrahim went underground just days before Narendra Modi was sworn in as the Prime Minister. Since both Modi and Doval are believed to be hardliners who
believe in strong counter-terrorism methods, Pakistan is wary of these two people and their future plans for Pakistan. Pakistan knows its counterparts. Doval has a habit of excelling in every intelligence operation he starts and the awards he won are a testimony to his prowess as an intelligence man. Doval received India’s second highest gallantry award, the Kirti Chakra, for his daring exploits in the Golden Temple operation. In Kashmir, he lured away prominent militants like Kukkay Parey and turned him and his colleagues into counter-insurgents, a policy criticised in some quarters but praised by others as an effective tool that helped combat militancy in Kashmir at its peak. For the past nine years, Doval headed the Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), a think tank that has turned up significant work on critical issues in the realm of comprehensive national security. A quintessential back-room operator, Doval is held in high esteem by the security and intelligence establishment for his approach to counter-terrorism. He wrote a definitive paper on Chinese intelligence last year for VIF and has been working to counter Islamic radicalisation in India with the help of leading Muslim intellectuals.
T
he National Security Advisor (NSA) is the chief executive of the National Security Council (NSC) and primary advisor to the Prime Minister of India on national and international security. It is the National Security Advisor to whom intelligence agencies such as the Research and Analysis Wing and the Intelligence Bureau report, rather than directly to the Prime Minister. The NSA receives all intelligence reports and co-ordinates them to present before the Prime Minister. He is assisted by a Deputy NSA. Due to such vested powers, NSA is a prominent and powerful office in the bureaucracy. All the NSAs appointed since the inception of the post belong to the Indian Foreign Service except M. K. Narayanan and the incumbent, Ajit Kumar Doval who belong to the Indian Police Service. The National Security Advisor is tasked with regularly advising the Prime Minister on all matters relating to internal and external threats to the country, and oversees strategic issues. The NSA also serves as the Prime Minister’s special interlocutor on border issues with China, and frequently accompanies the Prime Minister on foreign state visits.
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Atrocities against Ahmadis Intolerance touches a new low in Pakistan
Ahmadis, a Muslim sect that has a number of followers all over the world, are a persecuted lot in Pakistan. Recently a doctor, who had devoted his whole life to treating the needy patients in Pakistan, was shot dead for no reason other than the fact that he was an Ahmadi. And this is not an isolated case. Religious intolerance in Pakistan has touched a new low, with Hindus too being targeted for attack and harassment. Predictably, the Pak government is doing nothing to stop these atrocities, thus making such attacks a frequent occurrence.
H
e was not a criminal, neither did he offend anyone. He was a compassionate doctor who believed in serving the needy patients. But a country like Pakistan has other notions about criminals and men who need to be ‘punished.’ Recently, an American volunteer cardiologist, Mehdi Ali Qamar, was shot dead in full public view. Qamar had taken his wife, young son and a cousin to a graveyard in Punjab province at dawn to pray when he was shot. His crime? He was an Ahmadi, a sect that did not
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subscribe to the theory of Islam practised by mainstream Muslims of Pakistan. Mehdi Ali Qamar’s is not an isolated incident in Pakistan, where mainstream Muslims are becoming increasingly intolerant of minorities who practise different versions of Islam. In fact, many Muslim sects in Pakistan believe that the Ahmadis are not even Muslims. The major ‘crime’ of Ahmadis is that they believe there was one more prophet after Muhammad; that’s all.
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Qamar’s killing follows the fatal shooting of a 61-year-old man who was also an Ahmadi. A teenage gunman killed Khalil Ahmad in police custody after he was arrested on blasphemy charges for objecting to stickers denouncing his religion. Mehdi Ali Qamar was born in Pakistan, but moved to the US in 1996. He had returned to do voluntary work at a state-of-the-art heart hospital built by the Ahmadi community in the eastern town of Rabwah. He moved to Columbus, Ohio, in the United States, where he founded an Ahmadi centre and raised funds for medical charities in Pakistan. If you thought that Qamar’s assassination was the handiwork of a few fundamentalists and the Pakistan government would not approve that, you are probably living in some saner parts of the world. The Pakistan government may not expressly support the killing of Qamar, but the blasphemy laws in Pakistan usually provide penalties ranging from hefty fines to death. An accusation of blasphemy commonly subjects the accused, police, lawyers and even judges to harassment, threats and attacks. An accusation is sometimes the prelude to vigilantism and rioting. In fact, just an accusation is enough for the religious fundamentalists in Pakistan to take the law into their own
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Ahmadis in India W
hile many alleged intellectuals raise lots of hue and cry about the safety of minority communities in India, Ahmadis live an incomparably safer and prosperous lives in India. In fact, this has been true about most of the Muslim minority sects living in India. Despite facing persecution and criticism from dominant Sunni majority, Ahmadis continued to spread in India. They were the supporters of the Pakistan Movement. After the creation of Pakistan, the majority of them moved to Pakistan with their spiritual leader Mirza Basheer-ud-Din Mahmood Ahmad. While their number decreased in Pakistan, it increased in India after partition. Ahmadis are declared as Muslims by the Constitution of India. Most of them live in Rajasthan, Orissa, Haryana, Bihar, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, and a few in Punjab in the area of Qadian. Qadian remains the spiritual centre of the Ahmadi Community. They had an international gathering in Qadian named Jalsa Salana. But the Ahmadis continue to be treated like second rate citizens by the mainstream Muslims even in India. They are not allowed to sit on the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, a body of religious leaders India’s government recognises as representative of Indian Muslims and they are declared as infidels by other Muslims.
hands and deliver the punishments they think fit. Some mullahs promise that killing the Ahmadis earns a place in heaven and give out leaflets listing their home addresses. Few attacks are ever solved, even when the victims can identify their attackers. As a result, atrocities against the Ahmadis, including murder, are on the rise. Seven Ahmadis were killed and 16
survived attempted assassinations last year. Others were driven from their homes or had their businesses seized. Vested interests in Pakistan have always resisted any attempt to repeal or dilute the blasphemy laws in the country. Prominent figures like Salman Taseer (former governor of Punjab) and Shahbaz Bhatti (Federal
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Minister for Minorities) were assassinated for their opposition to the blasphemy laws. Several sections of Pakistan’s Criminal Code comprise its blasphemy laws. Section 295 forbids damaging or defiling a place of worship or a sacred object. Section 295-A forbids outraging religious feelings. Section 295-B forbids defiling the Quran. Section 295-C forbids defaming Prophet Muhammad. Except for Section 295-C, the provisions of Section 295 require that an offence be a consequence of the intention of the accused. Defiling the Quran merits imprisonment for life. Defaming Muhammad merits death with or without a fine. If a charge is laid under Section 295-C, the trial must take place in a Court of Session with a Muslim judge presiding. Those accused of blasphemy are subject to immediate incarceration, and most accused are denied bail to forestall mob violence. It is common for those accused of blasphemy to be put in solitary confinement for their protection from other inmates and guards. Like those who have served a sentence for blasphemy, those who are acquitted of blasphemy also usually go into hiding or leave Pakistan. Besides its blasphemy law, the government imposes what amounts
to an apartheid-like system on Ahmadis, through both its constitution and criminal law that penalises basic acts of their faith. The government also tolerates violence by mobs and extremists whom it fails to bring to justice. Hundreds of minority Shia Muslims have been killed at the hands of militants who attack their processions, pilgrimage routes and gathering places. The vulnerable Christian community has endured vigilante and terrorist attacks, such as the horrific September 2013 assault on the All Saints Church in Peshawar. Ahmadis are regularly killed in drive-by shootings. Hindus continue to flee the country due to violence and forced conversions, with the recent attack on a Hindu shrine being a further example of that community’s continuing vulnerability. It is hard to believe that death sentences are handed over to people for being a followers of a different religion. Mehdi Ali Qamar is neither the first nor will be the last to be killed by the fundamentalists in a country which almost ridicules the right of expression. Unless international community exerts pressure on Pakistan by means of economic sanctions and other applicable strategies, Pakistan is all set to reach new lows in terms of religious tolerance.
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Dangers of Free Market Economy Will Modi Government Generate Growth without Drying Up Resources? Most often, in free market economies, healthcare and education costs rise sky high, making life tougher for a majority of the population. Another of its drawback is it widens the gulf between the rich and the poor. It brings in investment but shoots up the prices of everything. Finding a way to spread the wealth across social sectors may be a key to resolving the hurdles of free market economy. • MK Shridharan
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ith inflation soaring and GDP declining, India sees an urgent need to put its economy back on track. To achieve economic progress, the country needs to work hard and activate its bureaucratic machinery. Governments over the years have adopted free market policies to stimulate growth. As the liberalized economy interlinks with global markets, international trade agreements direct our policies. But the existing system only continues the current way of things, taking us deeper into the free market economy. The problems with the free market economy are known. The cost of food, clothing, shelter, health care, and education escalates. As the prices of basic amenities go up, a large part of the population finds it increasingly difficult to keep pace with others. In other words, it leading widening gulf between the rich and the poor. Tremendous pressure would be exerted
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on individual earnings, family systems, relationships and interactions among individuals. Progress has two components : optimising resources and achieving next level of prosperity. As companies scale up their operation to increase output, resources dry up quickly. Ability to mobilize additional resources can only sustain growth. Mobilization of resources has multiple facets – but most of them are not based on sound sustainable principles. For example, access to capital is possible through foreign investments – but excessive investment increases inflation, depreciating the value of money and misbalancing distribution of wealth among citizens. Many people may find life tougher to lead even though the country’s GDP continued to soar. For Indian economy, there are additional problems. Choosing the right path and ensuring streamlined executions are the biggest challenges. A path completely aligned with free market economy – even pursued dili-
gently may not produce intended results. Selection of an alternate path is not easy but inevitable. Economics based on simplicity, and thrifty utilization may be detrimental to the unsustainable developed economies. But a simple economic system can save millions of people from the trap of artificial money. Responding to the developmental pressure may be inevitable to the Indian government. But, while doing so, would it initiate concrete steps leading to directional change for a better world? Would India move towards economic sovereignty in the real sense? Narendra Modi government has indicated that it would launch tough measures to streamline the economy. Proposals for 100% FDI in defense, opening up doors for foreign universities to set up centres in the country, allowing operation of market forces in many sectors – continuing the economic policies of previous governments – are being discussed.
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Treating wastewater and recycling garbage are vital to help cities sustain their growth. Bangalore’s municipality recently made headlines as a group of villagers took to the streets protesting its decision to turn their vicinity into a dumping yard. In this article, environmental expert Beluru Sudarshana gives a chronicle of examples wherein people have turned waste into wealth.
Turning Waste into Wealth • Beluru Sudarshana
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rratic urbanisation is taking its toll on Bangalore residents. The recent protest by Mandur residents over using their vicinity as municipal dumping ground points to the growing challenges of urbanisation. Many small and big cities in India have adopted scientific ways of waste disposal, but Bangalore, the so-called Silicon city, is increasingly becoming a garbage city, largely due to corrupt and irresponsible urban management. With the Chief Minister Siddaramaih personally mediating to resolve the dispute over Mandur dump yard,
angry residents are venting their displeasure on social media channels, calling Bangalore ‘New Garbage City’. Bangalore’s waste woes are not new. The city’s understanding of solid waste management has long been low for many years. Things went out of control when the villagers protested. The situation may turn sour
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again, because it is not just waste that needs to be recycled but also the waste water. Bangalore can learn how to recycle from other cities.
Toilet water for cooking! Place: TZED apartments, Whitefield, Bangalore.
The residents of TZED cluster of apartments, constructed on ecofriendly philosophy, have been drinking the water processed from their own wastewater treatment plant. The residents, numbering over 500 are also using the same for cooking and bathing for the last 18 months. Dr Vaman Acharya, Chairman of Karnataka State Pollution Control Board, who visited the complex recently, also drank the same treated water without any hesitation. “Bangalore has hundreds of such apartments. If all these install the similar system to treat water, the city’s water woes will be resolved and the precious water will no longer be wasted,” says Dr Vaman Acharya. Each household here saves about 35 Kilo Litres of water everyday. There was a traditional water treatment plant in existence. The apartment block has put in place a unique water filtering system that cleans water
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at three levels. The second level of cleaning happens in sand-carbonionisation plant, the third in sandcarbon, nano filter pass system and the fourth in 2 stage reverse osmosis system. Filtered water flows into an expansive pond within its compound. The pond collects water from rooftops. The residue that the treatment plant separates is injected to the ground water system. Thus, not a single drop of water is wasted. A microbiologist, also a resident of the apartment, tests the treated water once a week. The TZED cluster avoided generating around 20,000 tons of carbon during the course of its construction. It has reused or recycled 75% of the debris generated at the time of construction. It has over 77 % of the rooftop for greening. The whole area has kept 40% of natural area intact. With low-flush toilets and sensor based urinals, it has saves 20% of water at source itself. It also has double glazed glasses and LED lamps. The interiors have around 87% of natural illumination. It has also adopted chemical-free treatment of swimming pool water. The apartment block has avoided using spray pumps for car washing and has implemented a system of usage of bucket water for car wash.
had information on the minimum age for marriages, compulsory adult education, list of communicable diseases, family planning, child labor etc. Campaign also reached slum areas through videos, slide shows and banners. All the 360 waste collection drums were taken back after the campaign. Who needs these when there is a segregation of waste at source? The vermicompost site in Ambedkar Nagar was shifted to Jamuna Nagar, 10 Kms away from the city. Earthworms were brought from Khammam. The city was
micompost in three sheds. vermicompost will be ready in 15-20 days. Dry waste is separated as per the materials like paper, plastic, glass etc., All are sold to scrap market buyers. Poultry and hospital wastes are buried safely. Plastic is banned in the city; violations attract fine. The city got ISO 14001-2004 Certification in 2004 and also a cash prize of Rs. 25 lakhs from the Andhra Pradesh Government. ‘The city has earned a sum of Rs. 1 lakh in one year. There were no additional fee on the residents; there were no NGOs’ says
divided into seven sanitary units; 13 tractors and four autos started roaming around to collect trash. All the poultry and hospital waste is collected at noon. There are separate vehicles to collect dry and wet waste. The wet waste is converted into ver-
Almitra Patel, who single handedly fought the issue of Municipal Solid Waste (MSW) in the Supreme Court and subsequently succeeded in making MSW mandatory in towns with more than one lakh population.
Waste: No, it is wealth! Place: Suryapet, Nalgonda District, Andhra Pradesh Suryapet, popularly known as Gateway of Telangana, has a municipality with a reign over an area of 24 Sq. Kms. With 37 wards and 44 slums, this city has roads totalling 269 Kms. The 25,000 houses produce 62 tonnes of waste everyday. Now, all the waste is being recycled and reused. In 2002, its Commissioner S A Khadar, launched an organic manure manufacturing unit. Street plays, resident meetings, leaflets, stickers, slogans - and many other tools were effectively used to create awareness among residents. The literature also
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Tips for a sustainable urban life • Individual residents can install solarroof top units and generate power. They can also install kitchen waste to LPG gas units which will halve their regular LPG cylinder consumption. Alternately, they can go for Daily Dump, a movement which sells smart waste to manure units and use the manure for gardening. • Apartment dwellers can always go for community sized solar roof top units, waste to LPG units and water reclamation units. This will reduce their dependency on the civic administration to a great extent, apart from making the apartment more eco-friendly.
Tips for a megacity A
lmitra Patel, whose tirade made her a fighter against the maladministration of MSW, has definitive tips for cities like Bangalore. She suggests that the very first initiative must be segregation of waste at the source itself. She opposes the use of compactors used in mixing dry and wet wastes to minimise the trips. The whole idea of segregating the waste goes in vain, she says. ‘It is true that Western countries use compactors, as they have disposed packets accounting for more than 85% of the waste., But that is not the case in Bangalore or any Indian city’. When a small city like Warangal can segregate waste and dispose scientifically, why not Bangalore? Almitra Patel asks. The website of Warangal Municipality publishes daily statistics on waste disposal.
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• The Civic authorities should make segregation at source mandatory and implement it rigourously. There is alternative to seperate collection of dry, wet and hazardous wastes. • Wet waste can be easily and scientifically converted into energy components like vermicompost, LPG. Dry waste can be sold to scrap dealers. All the money that comes here can be spent on improving the slum areas. • Roof water harvesting should be implemented in all the houses, irrespective of the size. This will greatly reduce the demand for domestic usage. Treating and recycling of water in caged communities is the best alternative. • Following a green life (reduce-reuserecycle, avoid plastic bags, use degradable materials for temporary usage, reduce private vehicle usage, support public transport, do not waste food, avoid cutting trees etc.,) is a long but satisfying way.
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Tr a n s c e n d i n g B o u n d a r i e s
Can BJP Find a Replacement for Munde
• Narayan Ammachchi
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opinath Munde’s sudden death in a road accident is a shocking reminder of the country’s poorly managed road network. A mere look at the accident site and the car he travelled in may make you assume that he survived the crash. It was a sheer bad luck. Munde’s liver ruptured as the speeding Indica car rammed into the backdoor of his car. Soon the flow of blood was cut off to his brain. As a result, he suffered a heart attack, says the post-mortem
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After the sudden death of Pramod Mahajan, Munde was leading the BJP in Maharashtra. Many analysts had predicted that he would be the next chief minister of Maharashtra. Munde’s death has left the BJP scrambling to search for a replacement, because he was one of the few leaders loved by everyone. It is unfortunate that Munde died at the height of his political career. report. Munde’s death has dealt a severe blow to BJP in Maharashtra, because the party is now bereft of its high profile leader in the state. 64-year-old
Munde had almost become the face of the party after the death of Pramod Mahajan, who was also killed by his own brother a few years ago. Unfortunately, Munde died at the height of
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his political career. Munde was the brother-in-law of Pramod Mahajan. Born in Maharashtra’s Marathwada region, Munde had the first-hand experience of poverty. The rural school where he finished primary education had no building and operated under the shade of a tree. Son of a farmer, Munde had a vision as to how to strengthen farmers and promote agricultural growth. Of course, that was what prompted Modi to name him as the Minister of Rural Development. Munde, who was the deputy chief minister in the earlier Shiva Sena – BJP coalition government, enjoyed recognition throughout the state. He helped the party woo backward caste voters without losing upper caste appeal. As Maharashtra’s home minister, he backed the police plan to ‘encounter’ mafia hoodlums and thereby protected Mumbai’s reputation as the country’s commercial capital. His order led to the death of several underworld goons. He more or less maintained a clean political profile, as there were no criminal or corruption charges against him. His death has come at a time when Maharashtra is going to the polls. He was a certain chief minister
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candidate, because he was elected to the state assembly five times. In 2009, he made his way to national politics by being elected from Beed Lok Sabha constituency. He even served as the deputy leader of the BJP in the Lok Sabha. Munde was born in Parali, Maha-
rashtra, on 12 December 1949, to Pandurang and Limbabai Munde in a middle class farmer’s family. He moved to tehsil town Parali for the secondary education in the Zilla Parishad School. He used to go to Arya Samaj Mandir everyday to read newspapers and books. After matriculation, he joined the college in Ambejogai for graduation in Commerce. There in the college, he was intro-
duced to Pramod Mahajan and joined the ABVP. In later years, he even worked for the RSS. After Gopinath Munde became Rural Dev. Minister in 2014, controversy erupted over his educational qualification. According to the affidavit submitted to Election Commission by Munde for the Lok Sabha elections, he graduated from New Law College, Pune in 1976 but the college was established in 1978. Later it was confirmed that the degree was issued by the Pune University, not by the college. He has done a BCom and a BGL. he did an LLB for two years from the ILS College. However, it isn’t the college that issues the degree certificate, it’s Pune University. Munde was imprisoned for more than 15 months when Indira Gandhi imposed a state of emergency. In 1971, he contested Lok Sabha election from Beed constituency, but lost. He soon became the Sambhajinagar Mandal Karyavah, looking after half a dozen shakhas of the RSS, and subsequently, the in-charge of its Pune City Students’ Cell. Later, he was made a member of the executive committee of the city RSS. He entered politics formally when the BJP made him the state’s youth wing.
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Iraq Bleeds As Sunnis Fight Shias Sectarian Clash Threatens to Tear the Country Apart A Sunni Muslim group is now turned Iraq into a bloody battlefield, with terrorists massacring thousands of soldiers in a brazen display of cruelty. The group, closely aligned with Osama Bin Laden’s Al Qaida, is in fact a byproduct of Wahabi movement. They have already taken control of many major cities across Iraq and currently closing in on the capital Bagdad. If they do succeed in their mission, they would sow the seeds of eternal enmity within the Muslim world.
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he ongoing violence in Iraq explains the rivalry between the different religious groups in the Arab world. Violent clashes between Sunnis and Shias are common in many Islamic states, but never in the past has the clash led to the extent of tearing a country apart. The Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (or Islamic State in Iraq and Syria) are abbreviated as ISIL or ISIS, is an active Jihadist militant group and unrecognized state in Iraq and Syria influenced by the Wahhabi movement. The self-proclaimed independent state claims the territory of Iraq and Syria and its implied future claims extends over more of the Levant (e.g. Lebanon). It was established in the early years of the Iraq War and pledged allegiance to al-Qaeda in 2004. The group is composed of and supported by a variety of Sunny Muslim groups, including its predecessor organisation, the Mujahideen Shura Council, Al-Qaeda in Iraq, Jaysh alFatiheen, Jund al-Sahaba, Katbiyan Ansar Al-Tawhid wal Sunnah and Jeish al-Taiifa al-Mansoura. It aims to establish a caliphate in the Sunni majority regions of Iraq, later expanding this to include Syria. In April 2013, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi annonced that Islamic state of Iraq had merged with Jabhat al-Nusra, an armed Islamist group in Syria. Ayman al-Zawahiri, the group’s global chief, disagreed with the decision and ruled that the ISI and al-Nusra should operate as separate entities. But, Bagadadi insisted that the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant will remain. In February 2014, after an eight-month power struggle, al-Qaeda cut all ties with ISIL. The ISIS mobilises resources through extortion, such as demanding money from truck drivers and threatening to blow up businesses. Robbing banks and gold shops is the other means. During the battle of Mosul in June 2014, ISIS allegedly looted $429 million from Mosul’s central bank along with a large quantity
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of gold bullion. According to one estimate, with $429 million, ISIS could pay 60,000 fighters around $600 a month for a year. The group receives funding via private and government donations from the Gulf states – Saudi Arabia and Qatar. ISIS has fewer than 10,000 fighters. But it forced the retreat of the betterarmed Iraqi army forces many times its size. Their incredible success on the battlefield of the small band of fanatics has attracted a lot of attention. The success does not belong to
can take down a country. The truth is more basic and it’s something ISIS doesn’t want to admit—they weren’t acting alone. ISIS, soon after gaining control of cities, is imposing newer laws over the people of the cities. They include restriction on women (dress code for them and movement restrictions), and abolition of alcohol, drugs and cigarettes. ISIS has ordered destruction of shrines and graves, ban on carrying flags other than that of Islamic state, and guns. Special places have
ISIS alone because they weren’t acting alone. It wasn’t having God on their side that let ISIS conquer Mosul and Tikrit. It was the other Sunni insurgent groups that were there alongside them, unacknowledged partners in the coalition. Those groups have deep organisational roots and were instrumental in the takeover but have been largely overshadowed by ISIS. There is a broad coalition of Sunni groups—both nationalist and Islamist—who had been plotting against Iraq’s Shia government for years before ISIS’s rise provided the chance to strike. ISIS and its partners are unnatural allies. Maintaining their unity was the key to their early success. With fewer than 10,000 fighters ISIS forced the retreat of the better-armed Iraqi army many times its size. Their incredible success on the battlefield has fed into a growing lore about the group: the small band of fanatics that
been opened for soldiers, police and Kafir institutions to repent and death for those who are not repentent. Death is through decapitation, cricifications and other barbaric methods. Mass executions and tortoure is common generating fear and terror among the enemies. The Shias, and other Muslim denominations along with non-Islamic population are targetted by ISIS fighters. Sunni identity is the real strength behind the success of ISIS. Mosques, Islamic scholars, and Sunni proponents have strengthened the Sunni identity among ISIL fighters, justifying the methods of resource mobilisation and eliminating the opponents in a consistent way aligning with the core principles of Islam. Non-Sunnis, Western countries, and others are surprised once again, by the expansion of Sunni regime in the Middle East.
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Suicidal Prov
need to be abroga
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vision
For the past decade, Article 370 has prevented Kashmir from integrating into Indian mainstream. And that’s why Indians are calling for its abolition. But the so-called secular parties say the law is vital to protect Kashmir within the country’s fold. This provision in the Constitution is one of many strategic blunders of the Nehru government that the country is struggling to fix.
F
or most part of its roller-coaster ride in the power in the national capital, the Congress Party has been mainly an appeaser of minorities. The party has tried everything within and outside its power to assuage the minorities, even at the risk of compromising national integrity. The unwanted gift from Nehru era, Article 370, is a prime example of this minority appeasement exercises. It’s time we stopped setting bad examples for our next generation. Now that the BJP is in power at the Centre, the rightful clamour to abolish Article 370 is again gaining momentum. BJP wants an open discussion on the relevance of Article 370 under the current political scenarios of the state. Expectedly, it’s the self-styled custodians of minorities in the
ds e ated
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Kashmir valley who are opposing this, trying their best to prevent even a semblance of dialogue on this issue. In fact, the very birth of Article 370 itself was a painful reminder of the minority appeasing ways of the Congress government, then headed by Jawaharlal Nehru. Article 370 was worked out in late 1947 between Sheikh Abdullah, who had by then been appointed Prime Minister of J&K by the Maharaja and Nehru, who kept the Kashmir portfolio with himself and kept Home Minister Sardar Patel away from his legitimate function. Hence Nehru is answerable to all acts of commis-
sion and omission, consequences of which we are suffering till date as far as J&K is concerned. The British, while leaving this country, didn’t leave before they further divided India on religious basis. Lord Mountbatten convinced Nehru to take the J&K issue to the UN and Sheikh Abdullah, who had no intentions of joining the Indian state, persuaded Nehru to grant a special status to Jammu and Kashmir. Nehru readily agreed to this and Article 370 came into being. The Nehru government didn’t have to wait for long to feel the effects of its misadventure. Sheikh Abdullah soon started showing his
true colour and his anti-national intentions. It came to a point when Nehru had to arrest him for his misdeeds. No sooner was Article 370 introduced than Sheikh Abdullah used the provision that any changes could be brought about in it only by the concurrence of the J&K Assembly. He abolished the hereditary monarchy and redesignated himself as Sadar-e-Riyasat who was to be elected by the Assembly. The accession of J&K into the Indian Union was approved by the J&K Assembly only in 1956. Since then, Article 370 has been a thorn in the flesh for the sovereignty of India. It is often forgotten that
The process of abolishing Article 370
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he government can amend the Constitution to facilitate the abrogation of Article 370. But it is not going to be an easy job. According to Lok Sabha legislation rules, money bills and bills seeking to amend the Constitution can’t be passed by calling a joint session of Parliament. The total strength of the Lok Sabha is 543 and the ruling BJP-led NDA has 336 MPs in the Lok Sabha. The twothirds majority requires over 362 MPs’ votes in favour of the amendment bill. It can take the help of other regional parties. But many legal experts are of the view that abrogating the provision would put the accession of the state to India in jeopardy, because the nature of the accession of J&K into the Union of India is totally different from the merger of all other small and big states. Moreover, there is a debate over whether Article 370 is part of the basic structure of the Constitution and whether it can be amended. Amendment procedure: For the purposes of amendment, the provisions of the constitution fall under three categories. The procedure of each category is laid down in the Constitution. Firstly, those that can be effected by a simple majority required for passing of an ordinary law. Secondly, those that can be effected by a special majority as laid down in Article 368(2). Thirdly, those that require, in addition to the special majority as described above, ratification by a resolution passed by not less than one- half of the state legislatures.
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J&K state is not a homogeneous entity. Apart from Valley Muslims, Jammu has a predominantly Hindu population, while Ladakh has a mix of Buddhist and Muslims. Then you have the Gujjars and Bakarwals. Why is Article 370 detrimental to the full integration of J&K state into the Indian Union? Firstly the Central Government can make laws only with the concurrence of the State government, practically giving it the veto power. Articles 352 and 360 for the declaration of national and financial emergency respectively cannot be applied to Kashmir. While a citizen of India has only Indian citizenship, J&K citizens have two citi-
zenships. Anti Defection Law is not applicable to J&K. And no outsider can buy property in J&K state. The beneficial laws such as Wealth Tax, Gift Tax & Urban Land Ceiling Acts and intermarriage with other Indian nationals do not operate in J&K State. Even Article 356, under which the President of India can impose his rule in any state, cannot be enforced in J&K without the consent of the Governor who himself is an appointee of the President. The State of J&K can refuse building of any cantonment on any site or refuse to allot land for defence purposes. Article 370, included in the Constitution as a temporary provision
(as promised by Nehru), should have been gradually abolished. But no government has been able to do that. When anyone tries to open a debate on the issue, vested interests raise an outcry that the legitimate rights of the Kashmiris are being trampled upon. The stated agenda of the National Conference is a return to the pre-1953 status. It’s hard to understand why any part of India should be given special status for eternity. It conveys a wrong signal not only to Kashmiris but also to the separatists, Pakistan and indeed the international community that J&K is still to become integral part of India.
What is Article 370? A
rticle 370 has only 450 words. It is a temporary provision with respect to the State of Jammu and Kashmir. 370(1)(a) provides a basis for article 370 as a temporary alternative for provisions of article 238. But interestingly, Article 238 consisted of provisions dealing with the administration of states in Part B of the First Schedule of Indian Constitution. In 1950,the Constitution contained a four-fold classification of the states of Indian Union - Part A ,Part B ,Part C, Part D states. The Article 238 was omitted from the constitution by the 7th Constitutional Amendment Act,1956 in the wake of reorganization of the states. The instrument of accession signed by Raja Harisingh and accepted by Lord Mountbatten on 26th October, 1947, was the same instrument signed by the other Kings of India. Article 370 was included in the Constitution to satisfy the demand of autonomy by Muslims represented by the Sheikh Abdullah. It reflected the contents of the Instrument of accession was applicable only to the Jammu and Kashmir state. From this perspective, the Article 370 cannot be seen as a core provision of the Indian Constitution as other princely states who have signed the instrument of accession have smoothly integrated into the Indian unitary state. Article 370 admits superior power of the President of India to declare cessation of this article. In normal circumstances, Article 370 would require consultation of the state assembly, through the governor of the state, by the president of India to issue orders related to Jammu and Kashmir. Irrespective of any other
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provision, the President may, by public notification, declare that this article shall cease to be operative or shall be operative only with such exceptions and modifications and from such date as he may specify. Article 368 of the Constitution lays down the procedure for amendment. An amendment of the Constitution may be initiated by introduction of a Bill in either house of Parliament. The bill has to be passed in each house by a majority of total membership of that house. The attendance of the house during voting should not be less than two-thirds of the members of that house. Then, the bill would be presented to the President. Upon his assent to the Bill, the constitution would be considered as amended. For amending certain provisions a special procedure is followed. Along with voting in each house of the parliament, the bill would be notified by the legislatures of not less than one-half of the states before presented to the president for assent. The provisions requiring this special procedure to be followed include- manner of the election of the President, matters relating to the executive power of the union and of the state, distribution of legislative powers between the union and the states, provisions of Article 368 relating to the procedure for amendment of the Constitution among others. The provisions which require simple majority for amendments include formation of new states and alteration of areas, boundaries or names of existing ones, laws regarding citizenship among others. The proposal for amending the Constitution can be initiated only in the House of the Union Legislature and the State Legislatures have no such power. In case of ordinary legislation, if both houses
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of the Parliament disagree, a joint session is convened. But in case of amendment of bills, unless both the houses agree, it cannot materialize, as in such cases there is no provision for convening the joint session of both the Houses of the Parliament. In view of these facts, the Parliament could invoke its constituent powers under Article 368(1) to cease Article 370 from operation, which could then be brought into force by the President of India through an Order, after “consulting” the J&K Government. The amendment to the Indian Constitution to abolish Article 370 would fall under the provision of the 370(1)(d) which deals
with the matters specified in the instrument of accession. It should be noted that in Indian Constitution, Part XXI, Articles 369-392, deals with “Temporary, Transitional and Special provisions.” Provisions specified under Articles 379-391 are already deleted long back through constitutional amendment. Article 370, in respect of Jammu and Kashmir, is classified under “Temporary provisions” whereas 371(A-I), on nine other States, are under “Special provisions.” It is meaningless to continue with a “temporary” provision, even more than 60 years since Independence.
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Black Money: A Mirage India cannot bring back money stored in Swiss Banks, say analysts
Dealing with tax havens has been a challenge for even giant economic powers such as the United States. A French economist has recently suggested setting up of a global financial registry to keep track of the money flowing overseas. Such a plan can be implemented only if leaders like Narendra Modi and Barrack Obama try jointly. • Narayan Ammachchi
T
he Narendra Modi government is talking of uncovering the names of Indians who have stashed away a huge sums of money in overseas tax havens such as Swiss banks and Cayman Islands. But it is easier said than done, say analysts. Swiss banks do say that they would share the information about the money deposited by foreigners, but it does not really do so. Even for Switzerland, it is easier said than done. India can never know the
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actual amount of money stored in tax havens unless governments in those countries scrap their secrecy laws completely. Thanks to its global economic muscle, the United States has
made a little headway in blowing the cover of these secretive banks. India, with little or no international clout, can hardly think of pulling off such a success. Tax havens of this kind have long been hampering growth in several countries, including the superpowers like the United States, China and Russia. If offshore assets were properly measured, says a recent article on “New York Times�, Europe would be a net creditor, and American indebtedness would fall from 18 percent of gross domestic product to 9 percent. In other words, America
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can reduce its debt by a half if it successfully taxed the income of its businesses and people. Therefore, a French economist, Gabriel Zucman, has recently put forward a plan to solve this puzzle. He has suggested setting up of a global financial registry. That means everyone will have to notify to the registry how much asset (movable or immovable) they own outside their country’s border. Tax officials in their country can crosscheck with the registry every time their citizens bring in cash from foreign lands. The cash will be treated as black money if it was not mentioned in the registry. These tax evaders cannot be able to move their money without notifying either one of the authorities (registry or their own government). Given this NYT article, money that leaves the United States for an offshore tax shelter is recorded as a liability there, and it is listed nowhere as an asset. Similarly, many Indian multinationals are believed to be storing money in tax havens by slightly tweaking their account books. Nowadays, the Swiss government is talking of disclosing Indian account holders in its banks. But that will not be enough for India to catch hold of its tax evaders, because they can close down their account and move the cash to another tax haven such as Mauritius or Cayman Island. A global financial registry can deal with this problem, because those who move cash overseas without notifying to it run the risk of losing their entire wealth. Only two kinds of people can stash money in tax havens: businesses with extensive foreign operations, politicians and government officials. To gain government contracts, multinationals often promise politicians and officials that they would open a secret account in their names in overseas tax havens and deposit the bribe there. Politicians can use this money overseas itself or they can bring it back to their own country in
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How Much Black Money? N
obody knows for sure how many Indians have deposited how much money in Swiss banks. In 2009, BJP released a conservative estimate, saying the black money accounted for almost half of the country’s GDP. Another estimate by the US-based group Global Financial Integrity Index pegs illicit capital flows between 1948 and 2008, at $462bn — an amount that is twice India’s external debt. “What is the source of black money, which has been stashed away in foreign banks? Is it from arms dealing, drug peddling or
the form of FDI. Only multinational corporations and people with more than a hundred crore rupees in financial assets usually have the resources to engage in offshore tax evasion. The less wealthy are paying taxes. Multinationals have found an easy way to stash money in tax havens. That’s tweaking account books, showing profits as loss. In Bermuda, according to a study by Citizens for Tax Justice, U.S. companies reported $94 billion in profit. How can it be? The island’s GDP is only $6 billion. Bermuda, a tiny Caribbean country, is one of the tax heavens. Some businessmen undervalue
smuggling?” asked the Supreme Court last year. The court’s observation came following former CBI director AP Singh’s statement that Indians could have deposited $500bn in overseas tax havens. Of the total $1.6 trillion in global wealth that is stored away in Swiss banks, only 0.15 percent of it can be traced back to Indian nationals. Funds were being sent to tax havens such as Mauritius, Switzerland, Lichtenstein and the British Virgin Islands, among others, he said.
their export transactions or overvalue their import bills to hide the track of cash deposited secretly. The Swiss government has been refusing to share details about the Indians named in this ‘HSBC list’, which was stolen by a bank employee and later found its way to tax authorities in various countries, including India. India is one of the 36 countries with which Switzerland has signed treaties to provide administrative assistance in tax matters in accordance with international standards. As it has little or no clout international stage, India cannot frighten the Swiss government just the way America does.
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Restricting God Muslims in Malaysia Oppose using the word Allah by Christians
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ou may naively think that God belongs to everyone. Every religion preaches that God is one, and he is for everyone. This is often seen as a way to spread the messages in a religion and take it to new horizons. But a high court in Malaysia would have none of it. Malaysia’s top court had upheld a government ban that restricts non-Muslims from using “Allah” to refer to God, rejecting an appeal by the Roman Catholic Church that argued that the law failed to consider the rights of minorities in the largely Muslim nation. The legal wrangling were seen as a test case for Malaysia’s wider Christian community, but the government later clarified that the verdict was confined to the Catholic newspaper at the centre of the controversy. Worshippers can still use “Allah” to refer to God in church, the government added. Most Christians in Malaysia worship in English, Tamil or Chinese dialects, and refer to God in those languages. But some Malay-speaking people on Borneo island have no other word for God but “Allah”. The Church had argued that the ban failed to consider the rights of all minorities. Christian leaders argue that the ban is unreasonable because Christians who speak the Malay language have long used the word in their Bible, prayers and songs. Christians make up about 9 per cent of the population. The ban appears to apply mostly to published materials, not spoken words – newspapers using the term would lose their licence. Imported copies of Malay-language Bible containing the
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Malaysia’s highest court has banned non-Muslims using the word “Allah” to refer to God, in a highly divisive legal case in the Muslim-majority nation. The decision has pitted Muslims against Christians. term have already been blocked. The divisive case, in which the Catholic Church challenged a government ban on its long-time use of the Arabic word, comes as minorities raise concerns that their rights are under threat from increasing Islamisation in Malaysia. The government had previously banned the use of “Allah” in the local Malay-language edition of the Church’s “Herald” newspaper. The use of the word had angered Muslims, who say Christians are overstepping religious boundaries. Some experts believe the issue
is an attempt by Prime Minister Najib Razak’s ruling Malay party to strengthen its conservative Muslim voter base as government policies have made Islam and Malay identity inseparable. They say that freedom of religion will remain the biggest hurdle for civil liberties in Malaysia, with the issue becoming fodder for political parties of both sides of the aisle. Muslims make up 61.3 per cent of the Malaysian population, followed by Buddhists at 19.8 per cent, and Christians at 9.2 per cent. Religion is considered key to appealing to the dominant community owing to the constitutional requirement for Malays and also to Muslims. The University of Malaya’s Centre for Democracy and Elections (Umcedel) conducted last December that politicians’ use of religion was ineffective in generating support, and served only to create “more inter-ethnic tension” in the country. In fact, the majority community of
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Sunnis in Malaysia do not even consider Shiahs as proper Muslims. Shia is Islam’s second-largest branch and is practised by an estimated 15 per cent of the 1.5 billion Muslims worldwide, but is regarded as deviant by Malaysia, which strictly adheres to the Sunni school. Over the past year, Putrajaya, which endorses the Sunni school of Islamic jurisprudence, has stepped up its campaign against Shia teachings and followers in Malaysia. This dispute started in 2007 when Malaysia’s home ministry threatened to revoke the Herald’s publishing permit for using the Arabic word in its Malay-language edition. The Church launched a court case to challenge the directive, arguing that “Allah” had been used for centuries in Malaylanguage Bible and other literature to refer to “God” outside of Islam. But authorities say using “Allah” in non-Muslim literature could confuse Muslims and en-
seized hundreds of copies of Bible, which contained the word “Allah”, from a Christian group. Human rights in Malaysia tend to be interpreted through the lens of religious provisions, resulting in non-Muslim and non-Malay minorities and indigenous populations in Sabah, Sarawak and peninsular Malaysia experiencing restrictions and disadvantages in religion, language, employment, education and land rights. Many aspects of the various affirmative action programmes and favouritism based on religious, ethnic or linguistic background may also be discriminatory in international law. The Constitution itself may be discriminatory and violate freedom of religion, as it defines all Malays as necessarily being Muslims and speaking the Malay language. In practice, a number of state policies clearly seek to discourage non-Muslim religious activity and promote conversion to Islam,
tice them to convert -- a crime in Malaysia. In 2009 a court ruled in favour of the Church, sparking a spate of attacks on houses of worship. Last October, an appeals court reinstated the ban. Two petrol bombs were thrown at a Malaysian church in January, causing minor damage. Also in January, Islamic authorities
particularly of indigenous peoples. This has at times taken the form of denying permits to build churches and temples, or a refusal to make burial land available to non-Muslims. Conversions to Islam can also take place by force of law; if a non-Muslim marries a Muslim, the former must convert.
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What Hindus Feel About the Decision? T
he decision of the Federal Court to dismiss the church’s leave application to appeal the “Allah” ban in its weekly publication, “Herald”, has left the minority faith communities vulnerable to injustice, said Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikkhism and Taoism (MCCBCHST). The organisation has stated that the decision had also disregarded the “clear protection” granted to all Malaysians in the Federal Constitution. Hindus in Malaysia are living in an oppressed state. In 2004, Shamala Sathiyaseelan, a Hindu woman, went to the civil courts to challenge the conversion to Islam of her two young children (both aged under 5). Without her knowledge, her estranged husband, an ethnic Indian, converted to Islam together with the children. Under civil law, children under the age of 18 cannot change their religion without the parents’ consent. Despite this, the Syariah court had awarded the custody of the children to her husband because he was a Muslim looking after Muslim children. As a non-Muslim, Shamala cannot appear before the Syariah court. When she went to the civil court, it refused to intervene, arguing that it does not have jurisdiction. It ruled, however, that the children should stay temporarily with her, but she cannot expose them to any non-Islamic religion or practice. Because there is no legal remedy to the issue, as the civil and Syariah courts are equal, Shamala fled Malaysia with the children.
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In India, sugarcane is grown in fourty lakh hectares. Yet the country is not as dominant sugarcane exporter as Brazil. But India has an advantage over Brazil. India is the largest consumer of sugar as well. If India stops importing sugar, Brazil will go down all on its own.
India’s dream to overtake Brazil as the largest sugar exporter
Nourishing Sugar I
ndia always has had a sweet relationship with sugar. The country is the home of sugar and sugarcane. Indian mythology supports the above fact as it contains legends showing the origin of sugarcane. India is the second largest producer of sugarcane next to Brazil. Presently, about 4 million hectares of land is under sugarcane with an average yield of 70 tonnes per hectare. Now, the new Narendra Modi government is all set to make this even sweeter for the local sugar growers. The country will soon raise its import duty on sugar to 40% from 15%, as the government tries to revive business at mills that owe farmers around $1.84 billion. While this is a much awaited move for the indigenous sugar growers, it will hit the sugar exporters to India very hard. India is one of
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the largest consumers of sugar in the world and Brazil, the largest producer of sugar in the world, will be badly hit. The steep increase in import duty will make overseas purchases nearly unviable for refiners. They will have to rely on local products to get sweeteners for their products. In India, traditional sweeteners, gur & khandsari, are consumed mostly by the rural population in India. In the early 1930’s nearly two-thirds of sugarcane production was utilised for production of gur & khandsari. With better standard of living and higher incomes, the sweetener demand has shifted to white sugar. Currently, about onethird sugarcane production is utilised by the gur & khandsari sectors. Being in the small scale sector, these two sectors are completely free from controls and taxes which are applicable
to the sugar sector. The Indian sugar industry uses sugarcane in the production of sugar and hence maximum number of the companies is likely to be found in the sugarcane growing states of India including Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh alone accounts for 24% of the overall sugar production in the nation and Maharashtra’s contribution can be totalled to 20%. There are 453 sugar mills in India. Co-operative sector has 252 mills and private sector has 134 mills. Public sector boasts of around 67 mills. Although the Modi government is doing all it can to revive the sugar industry, the UPA government had shoved a bitter pill down the throat of sugar industry in India. The outgoing
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UPA government had reduced incentives on raw sugar, from Rs 3,300 per tonne to Rs 2,277 per ton leaving the sugar industry flummoxed, as it was expecting an increase in incentives to Rs 3,800 to Rs 4,000 per ton. After three years of surplus production and another expected surplus season in 2013-14, sugar prices were below their costs of production, mills were incurring losses, there were issues of cash flows and it was feared that cane price arrears would cross alarming levels delaying farmer payments. After several meetings of chief ministers and government with the sugar industry, a fiscal package and other measures were announced to mitigate the losses faced by the industry, which in turn would result in prompt repayment of dues to sugarcane farmers. Subsequently, loans were given out to sugar mills against their excise duty payments of last three seasons, the group of ministers also said that incentives would be given out for raw sugar production to encourage mills
to diversify their product mix and cater to the export market where the demand was more for raw sugar. It was also decided that the incentive rate would be re-calculated every two months, taking into account the rupee-dollar exchange rate. The biggest problem for the industry is the strict state control on every aspect of the business, right from the purchase price of sugarcane to how much each mill can sell in the open market. Then there is a levy sugar obligation under which every mill sells 10 per cent production to the Central government at a pre-determined price for sale through the public distribution system. At current market prices, this helps the government save Rs 3,000 crore, with the burden being borne by the sugar sector. The plans of the Modi government to improve the conditions of the sugar industry in the country are multidimensional. The government is trying to follow Brazil’s improving biofuel industry. In fact, even the UPA gov-
ernment had introduced its ambitious ethanol blending programme in 2006, but disagreements between sugar mills and oil companies over pricing stymied progress. Now, the Modi government is trying to promote ethanol blending that could help reduce its current account deficit and also boost mills’ earnings. Indian mills produce ethanol from molasses, a byproduct of sugar production. The government is also considering extending the duration of repayments of interest-free loans made to mills against excise duty to five years from three years.
The sweet history of sugar I
ndians discovered how to crystallize sugar during the Gupta period, around 350 AD. Sugarcane was originally from tropical South Asia and Southeast Asia. Indian sailors, consumers of clarified butter and sugar, carried sugar by various trade routes. Travelling Buddhist monks brought sugar crystallization methods to China. During the reign of Harsha (r. 606–647) in North India, Indian envoys in Tang China taught sugarcane cultivation methods after Emperor Taizong of Tang made his interest in sugar known, and China soon established its first sugarcane cultivation in the seventh century. Chinese documents confirm at least two missions to India, initi-
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ated in 647 AD, for obtaining technology for sugar-refining. In South Asia, the Middle East and China, sugar became a staple of cooking and desserts. In the year 1792, sugar rose by degrees to an enormous price in Great Britain. The East India Company was called upon to lend its assistance to lowering of the price of sugar. On the 15th of March 1792, his Majesty’s Ministers to the British Parliament, presented a report related to production of sugar in British India. Lieutenant J. Paterson, of the Bengal establishment, reported that sugar could be cultivated in India with many superior advantages, and at less expense than in the West Indies.
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Sri Lanka in recent years has been trying hard to groom a lucrative apparel industry and compete with low-cost Bangladesh. But it is seeing too many hurdles in its way. It seems the country cannot compete with bigger players in terms of capacity, price and productivity.
Apparel Appeal
Can Sri Lanka inject growth into its dying textile industry?
S
ri Lanka is not a country known for its industrial prowess. The country has unfortunately been known for wrong reasons like internal strife and atrocities on minorities and of course, cricket. But an outsider would find it hard to believe that Sri Lanka tops the list among the apparel-producing countries in the world relative to its population. Obviously, the top apparel brands in the country have bigger ideas for the international markets. They are now eying a bigger pie of an estimated two billion US dollar domestic market. In fact, the leaders of apparel brands in the country would do well to cover the apparel market in their own country, which currently stands at only 40%. Although the design, manufacture and export of textiles and apparel products are one of the biggest industries in Sri Lanka, and one which plays a key role in advancing the country’s economy, their performance in the domestic level hasn’t been very appealing. Apparently, the apparel industry in Sri Lanka could not compete with bigger players in
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terms of capacity, price and productivity, the positioning took into account the industry’s strengths and market opportunities, notably the high social and quality standards in the industry. When it comes to exports, the US is a prime target for Sri Lankan apparel industry. The US imports 80 percent of the total garment exports in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka is heading towards achieving the apparel export target of 10 billion US dollars by 2016. The apparel industry association also plans to open up a wholesale mall for international and domestic buyers to buy any fabric requirements and branding cloths. Currently, the retail value of the domestic market is estimated at two billion dollars which comprises imports and domestic products and the domestic industry has grown 10 percent from the last year. Hameedias, Reborn, Avirate and Amante are among the few brands that have started expanding abroad. These brands are trying to position Sri Lanka as an apparel hub to the world.
Sri Lanka is quite a different story when it comes to exports. Sri Lanka’s apparel export industry is the most significant and dynamic contributor for Sri Lanka’s economy. The industry has enjoyed epic growth levels over the past four decades and is today Sri Lanka’s primary foreign exchange earner accounting to 40% of the total exports and 52% of industrial products exports. This industry, entirely privately owned has successfully exploited the opportunities in the international market. Apparel categories span includes Sportswear, Lingerie, Loungewear, Bridal wear, Work wear, Swim wear, children’s wear. The US and the United Kingdom have historically been the largest buyers of Sri Lankan apparel throughout the decades. The industry produces high quality garments combined with an industry which is flexible and uniquely capable in servicing leading international brands such as Victoria’s Secret, Gap, Liz Claiborne, Next, Jones New York, Nike, Tommy Hilfiger, Pink, Triumph, Ann Taylor, Speedo, Abercrombie &
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How Sri Lanka’s Apparel Industry Evolved? S
ri Lanka’s apparel industry began to grow significantly in the 1980s as an alternative to India’s garment manufacturers because of its open economic policy as well as the trade and investment friendly environment. Under the Multi Fibre Agreement, quota regime Sri Lanka became an attractive new venue for businesses. In 1985, Martin Trust, one of the pioneers in the develop-
ment of “speed sourcing” for the American fashion retail sector, began working with Sri Lankan textile and apparel companies. ‘ In 1986 and 1987 he established joint venture partnerships with The Omar Group (formerly known as LM Apparels and part of the Brandix group) and The Amalean Group which helped make the country more competitive through knowledge
transfers and technology, attracting further foreign investors.[6] These were the first of nearly two dozen joint venture companies in Sri Lanka which made the country competitive in the garment sector. Including Trust’s partnership with German brassiere maker, Triumph International, and Sri Lankan company, MAS Holdings, to create a new venture called Bodyline.
Fitch, Land’s End, Marks & Spencer, Intimmissimi, etc. Worn by quality conscious consumers all over the world, products belonging to these international brands are sourced and manufactured in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka is a producer of “Garments Without Guilt”. The ‘Made in Sri Lanka’ label is comfortably synonymous worldwide with the values of high quality, reliability, social and environmental accountability. Sri Lanka’s envisaged exponential growth through hub services will emphasise the industry’s rise to international fame. It is no surprise that Sri Lanka’s top three apparel companies are already amongst the world’s 50 most important suppliers, and the industry has sustained over US 3 billion
in export revenue for five consecutive years. Sri Lanka’s textile and apparel industries could be categorised into three groups. (1) Apparel companies that manufacture mainly to the export market. (2) Textile mills and finishing plants that supply existing apparel exporters or export directly overseas. (3) Companies engaged in accessory manufacture for the export apparel industry. Sri Lanka’s textile and apparel companies consist of ninety percent Apparel Manufacturers. They are totally foreign or locally owned enterprises and joint ventures. They produce a wide range of international branded clothing such as Victoria’s Secret, Tommy Hilfiger and Ralph Lauren. Nearly 50% of textile
and apparel companies operating in Sri Lanka are BOI approved ventures and account for almost 90% of Sri Lanka’s garment export. The success of the textile and apparel industry can be attributed partly to the Sri Lankan government’s policy of attracting foreign investment by offering— through the Board of Investment(BOI) a number of special incentives including special industrial zones, tax holidays and import duty exemptions. The industry, for its part, has gained a reputation among buyers for quality, on-time deliveries and customer service. Importantly, its reputation also extends to ethical and environmentally friendly practices, and good working conditions.
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There is a sense of urgency in the government in tackling the main problem that is facing the economy – inflation. The Finance Ministry has arranged deployment of sufficient foodgrains to the market and also imposed some restrictions on the export of onions and potatoes. Hoarders will have tough time, considering the fact that there is likely to be some shorage of food items owing to the weak monsoon as predicted by the Met department.
Taming Inflation Govt acts fast to boost supplies
T
he BJP government has inherited an economy which is in disarray, with almost all sectors showing a downswing. Inflation is on the rise; the manufacturing sector is in torpor and the trend in farm sector is far from being encouraging. Under the circumstances, it is but natural that the government will have to administer some “bitter medicines� to stimulate the economy. It has stated that it will have to resort to such measures and the first dose of medicine has already come in the form of a hike in railway fare. Though there are criticisms from almost all quarters, one has to face the reality of the situation and bear the burden with grit and de-
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termination. The next most important step should be the one that will help tackle inflation which is not an easy task. The Finance Minister will have to address this problem from a broad perspective as it is dependent on various factors. Food inflation can be tackled to some extent by streamlining the supply machinery. It has already taken steps to increase the supply of rice, potatoes, onions, fruits and vegetables in the local markets and announced strict action against hoarders. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has stated that additional quantities of rice will be released into the market. He has also hinted at importing
pulses if there is a shortage. Cereals and edible oils will also be imported if states feel the need to do so. But a worrying factor is the weak monsoon predicted by the Met department. This is already driving the prices and now a new development has added to the worry of the government: the civil war in Iraq which is threatening to send crude oil prices soaring. Food inflation has been a nagging worry for the UPA government too and the last four years have witnessed a steady upsurge in food prices, making it difficult for the common man to make both ends meet. Seasonal factors, plus supply bottlenecks and hoarding, have added to
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the problem and the new government has to tackle them urgently since it has promised to tame inflation during the election campaign. There has been some moderation in the latest data, but food price inflation hovered around 9.6% year-on-year in the month of May. Fruits, egg, fish, meat, milk, milk products and vegetables prices were in double digits. Another worrying factor is that potato and onion prices are again on the upswing. Forestalling a shortage of potatoes and onions because of a patchy monsoon, the government has already imposed certain restrictions on their shipments. It has imposed a minimum export price of $300 a tonne on onions to discourage exports. A similar levy on potatoes is expected. As for rice, 50 lakh tonnes will released in the open market. One positive factor is that the Food Corporation has enough stocks, but it has been holding hem back even though the prices of wheat and rice were soaring in the local markets. A redeeming feature in an otherwise sombre scenario is that exports rose by over 12% to $28 billion in May,which is considered the fastest pace of growth in seven months. This was largely due to continued de-
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mand from developed markets and also due to depreciation of the rupee against the dollar. Data released by the department of commerce showed that during May, exports of engineering goods rose by 22% to $6.1 billion, petroleum products by nearly 29% to $5.9 billion, readymade garments by
25% to $1.5 billion and pharmaceuticals by 10% to $1.4 billion. The fall in import was mainly on account of a whopping 72% drop in gold imports owing to higher import duty. All this has contributed to a narrowing down of trade deficit to $11.2 billion in May 2014 compared with over $19 billion a year ago. As could be expected, stock markets were abuzz with news of reformoriented measures by the new government and their response has been life-time high in Sensex and Nifty. The Sensex closed 184 points higher on Monday, June 9, at 25,580, while the Nifty was up by 71 points at 7,665. Foreign investors were keen buyers and the inflow so far is estimated at Rs.1 lakh crore. That the perception of the global fund managers’ perception of India has changed is clear from the fact that the market capitalization has crossed $1.5 trillion after four years, thanks to the Modi wave. The ongoing spurt in the market has also pushed India to the 10th place in terms of market capitalization and the second biggest in the BRIC group of countries.
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Seeing Terrorists Turning on Pak…
• Sushant Sareen Senior Fellow, VIF
T
he terrorist strike on the Jinnah International Airport in Karachi was neither the first nor the worst attack on such a high profile target in Pakistan. Just like similar attacks in the past – the GHQ and the Parade Lane mosque in Rawalpindi, the Naval War College, FIA building and ISI HQs in Lahore, the Mehran Airbase in Karachi and the Minhas Airbase in Kamra, the DI Khan and Bannu jailbreaks – did not quite serve as a wake-up call for Pakistan, there is no reason that the Karachi airport attack will. After the usual blamegame and finger pointing, followed by some bombastic declarations of how the country will not surrender before the terrorists, followed by a series of high level meetings on how to meet the terrorist challenge, it will be back to business as usual, until the next
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attack when the whole familiar cycle will repeat itself. And yet, like in the case of every major terror strike, there is always a method behind the madness that has been unleashed by the Taliban on Pakistan. Given their savage and barbaric behaviour, there is generally a tendency among analysts and commentators to underestimate the sophistication and carefully calculated and calibrated nature of the Taliban strategy. This is a mistake that should be avoided. While it is true that the bestiality of the Taliban (and the rest of Islamist cohorts) has no modern parallel, they must be given credit for choosing their targets and planning their attacks with great care and calculation to cause maximum impact. To explain away an attack either as a sign of their growing desperation (a familiar tack used by governments to put a shine on their failure to pre-empt or prevent an attack) or as a senseless
revenge attack or even as an attack whose only purpose was to create a splash, is nothing but self-deception. Even worse are the bizarre conspiracy theories that are conjured up to somehow lessen the import of the attack and dilute the horror perpetrated by the actual culprits against whom neither the Pakistani people nor their political and security establishment are ready to take an unequivocal stand. Among the most popular of these conspiracy theories is the involvement of the Indian or Afghan intelligence in directing the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) attacks on Pakistan. According to the latest conspiracy theory (i.e. after the Karachi attack), the Indians were retaliating against the Lashkar-e-Taiba’s attack on its consulate in Herat and the Afghan presidential candidate, Dr Abdullah Abdullah was doing the same against the suicide bombing aimed at assassinating him. The evi-
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dence: recovery of some Indian made medicines, conveniently glossing over the fact that these carried the label of the Karachi based importer; recovery of Indian origin ‘weapons’, and even though no one ever specified what these weapons were, everyone kept parroting the line. Quite frankly, if indeed India was behind this and other attacks and was using the TTP against Pakistan, it would be the greatest intelligence coup of the millennium and would be every Indian spook’s dream come true. Only it isn’t. Come to think of it, if India had such covert capabilities, why has it not used them to take out international terrorist like Dawood Ibrahim, Hafiz Saeed and some Khalistani terrorists who continue to strut around inside Pakistan? Clearly, if the Pakistanis were really serious about fighting terrorism, then instead of wasting their time on silly theories that hold no water, they would worry about dreadful implication of the attack on Karachi and the ground (or is it a trap?) that the Taliban are preparing for taking on the Pakistani state. In other words, rather than looking for the apparition of India behind the attack, they should be worried about the possibility that just as 9/11 was a trap that the Al Qaeda laid out for getting USA enmeshed in the Afghan quagmire, the Karachi attack could be aimed at embroiling Pakistan in something similar. But first, a bit about the timing and circumstances of the attack and why it presages something far more serious about the fight that Pakistan faces if it wants to get rid of terrorism. Unless it is somebody’s case that this attack was planned and executed independently of the political and military situation facing the Taliban, the question of when the attack was planned becomes critical to understand its significance. Normally such assaults take weeks of recce and meticulous planning to get all the nuts and bolts in place. It is of course possible that the Taliban have made blueprints of plans to attack a multitude of targets around Pakistan and
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It is the Pakistan that created Taliban - most of whose members were students in Islamic schools called Madrasa – to seize on the confusion in neighboring Afghanistan. Today the Taliban has turned on its own creator: Pakistan. Will Pak ever realize its error and wake up to the growing dangers of terrorism?
that the Karachi attack was mounted with only rudimentary planning and the terrorists went in ‘blind’. Although published accounts of the attack belie this possibility, even if this was the case, the fact that the terrorists were willing to attack, and in the process create a massive psychological impact, is scary in terms of what it implies for the future. What is more, the fact that the Taliban were able to get together all the elements that go into the launching of such an attack in such a quick time speaks volumes about their network and strike ability.
these are put into action at a time and place of the terrorists’ choosing and in accordance with their larger strategic game plan. The problem with such set plans is that they tend to become somewhat dated if not executed within a certain timeframe. At the very least, their damage potential reduces in direct proportion to the time they remain on the shelf because of changes in the security and other procedures in the target area which could hamper the original plan. Even so, if such plans exist, it means that there is probably no high value target in Pakistan that is not in the crosshairs of the terrorists. Alternatively, it is entirely possible
Clearly then, the first objective that the TTP has achieved is that it has once again proved its firepower and reach. This was important given that many analysts, within the government and without, were gloating about the split in the TTP ranks after the breaking away of the Mehsud faction from the main Fazlullah-led TTP. There appeared to be a consensus among most of these analysts that this split would deal a body blow to the TTP and deprive it of its most lethal component and significantly impair its ability to strike outside of FATA and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The Karachi attack rebuffs all these analyses.
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Another objective of the attack could be to exploit the divisions between the civilian government and the military on the strategy to combat terrorism. While the former is keen on continuing to pursue the dialogue track – it points to the sharp fall in terror attacks during the month or so of ceasefire between the Taliban and the Pakistani state – the military is itching to (or is at least making a show of it) launch an operation against the Taliban. Although it is not quite clear what sort of an operation the military has in mind – whether it will strike only from the safe distance of the skies and not send in foot soldiers or it will carry out steam-roller military operations – the civilians are reportedly reluctant to give a free hand to the military. The Karachi attack will only deepen this civil-military divide and add to the existing confusion and lack of national consensus on how to combat the menace of terrorism. Under these circumstances, even if the civilians give a go-ahead to the military to launch an operation, questions will continue to be raised and doubts will continue to be expressed
on whether or not this was the right path to take, something that works well for the Taliban. Finally, the Karachi attack could be part of a strategy to provoke a major military operation that would not only lead to the Taliban of all hues closing ranks but also enmeshing the Pakistan army in a debilitating war of attrition. Even if the closing of ranks does not happen, the TTP (and for that matter so should the Pakistani state) would be calculating that if the breakaway faction of Mehsud Taliban, which is as fanatical and committed to radical Islam as the main TTP faction, sides with the Pakistani state it will not be for free. It will demand a price that the Pakistani state will be loath to pay. In addition, the hamhanded approach that the Pakistan army adopts in clearing out areas only works to the advantage of the Taliban who get new recruits with enough cause to fight the Pakistani state. The resulting destabilisation of the region will be exploited by them to extend their area of influence, both inside Pakistan and Afghanistan. The big dilemma for the Pakistani authorities is
that they are damned if they move in, and they are damned if they don’t. By not launching an operation, they will buy some more months of peace but it will make any subsequent operation even more difficult, if not impossible; But launching an operation may precipitate the crisis and ensnare the Pakistani security forces in a bloody battle of attrition eventually breaking its will and coherence. Whatever the real objective/s of the attack, and regardless of whether or not it was successful in achieving all it aimed for or how much actual physical damage it caused, it is a no-brainer that the Taliban have for now stuck yet another body blow to the state of Pakistan, not just psychologically (their strike reach and ability) and perceptually (image as an unsafe investment and business centre, something the Taliban spokesman also pointed out while taking responsibility for the attack), but also financially (in terms of actual and notional loss of business opportunities), and in terms of prestige (bumbling government response).
Himachal’s Hydro Power Dam Gobbles 20 students M
ore than 20 students are feared dead in Himachal Pradesh state due to what newspapers called “appalling negligence” of authorities. A group of 24 students was on a holiday in the Himalayan state when they were swept away by a sudden surge of water released from the upstream dam. The students, who were on a college trip, had reportedly left a bus to take photographs when the surge occurred. Rescue workers later found the bodies of five students. Searching for 19 others missing has reportedly continued. The accident happened because
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the the power company that manages the dam had failed to warn visitors that it was releasing more water from the reservoir. Had they warned before police would have banned anyone entering the dam premises. The dam built across Beas River supplies water to Larji hydropower project. Analysts said that this is a man-made tragedy in the country where respect for human being is decreasing. An investigation is now underway to ascertain precisely who is responsible for informing release of water from the dam.
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ENGLISH MONTHLY ON ISSUES THAT MATTER THE NATION
aseema Tr a n s c e n d i n g B o u n d a r i e s
Published by Jnanabharathi Prakashana Trust, Mangalore, Karnataka
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Kashmiri Pandits to Fast for Temples
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ashmiri Pandits have threatened to launch fastunto-death dharnas if the Kashmir Temples and Shrines Bill was not passed in the J&K Assembly. The Bill is pending for the past five years.
Parbandhak Committee which manages the Muslim religious places and gurdwaras, respectively. The Kashmiri Pandits alleged that the temples and other properties of their community were being sold by some “elements”. They demanded that temple land that had been leased out by the managing bodies of these temples since 1990 should be declared null and void and all temples in the Valley should come under the management of the Kashmiri Pandits. Chairman of the All Parties Migrants Coordination Committee (APMCC) Vinod Pandit said it was unfortunate that even BJP legislators opposed the bill vociferously (when presented for passage in the Assembly).
Indian Aid Worker Kidnapped in Afghanistan In 2009, the Kashmir Temples and Shrines Bill was introduced in the Assembly. In 2013, the Bill was referred to the Select Committee headed by Law and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Saifullah Mir, who then submitted the Committee’s report in the Assembly. In March this year, the Congress and the BJP joined hands in the Legislative Assembly and blocked the passage of the Bill, claiming that it would divide the Hindus of the state. Apart from the Temples and Shrines Bill, Kashmiri Pandits have demanded the state government to investigate the multi-crore temple land encroachment in Kashmir, initiate dialogue with Pakistan for facilitating visit to Shardha Peeth temple in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, establish Shardha Peeth University in J&K, one-time compensation for the over-aged unemployed Kashmiri Hindus and a special employment package for Kashmiri Pandits living in the Valley. Kashmiri Pandit Sangarsh Samiti (KPSS), an organisation consisting of the community based in the Valley, and other such organisations called upon the Centre and the state government to fulfil their demands by August 17. The KPSS has been seeking enactment of the Bill on the lines of the AQAF board and the Gurdwara
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n Indian aid worker, Jesuit priest Father Alexis Prem Kumar has been kidnapped by unidentified men in western Herat province of Afghanistan. He has been traced to the Gulran district of the province. While the Afghan officials had not yet confirmed his location, air searches were being conducted to trace his exact location. Twelve suspects were arrested in connection with the kidnapping. Alexis Prem Kumar, head of NGO Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS), was abducted from Zendjan district, while he was visiting a project site. Alexis was visiting a school for Afghan refugee children and had just returned from a trip to Iran and Pakistan. Local residents in Zendjan district had said that the kidnappers might have taken Prem Kumar to Gulran district. No group has so far claimed responsibility for the abduction. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa, who met Prime Minister Narendra Modi evening had sought PM’s intervention to secure Ku-
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mar’s release. His family in Tamil Nadu, meanwhile, is praying for his safe return. “We are all in the dark about my brother kidnapped in Afghanistan. Please give us some good news about him and his safety,” said his brother Albert Manoharan.”The information flow seems to be one way - from our side. There is no news about my brother in Afghanistan.” He said his brother was working with an education charity in Herat province. “We spoke to him after the Indian consulate in Herat was attacked by militants recently. My brother said he is safe and there are no threats to him,” Manoharan said. An official of the Indian Embassy in Afghanistan has reportedly spoken to Manoharan and assured him that necessary steps are being taken. Meanwhile, Indian Ambassador to Afghanistan Amar Sinha has stated that it’s unfortunate that India has not been able to get him released. He said concerned officials have been tracking him and they have been told that he is with his abductors but he is safe. They are working with Afghan agencies to get him released unharmed, he said.
Palestinian’s ‘unity’ government
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n the latest power struggle between Israel and the Palestinians, it was Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu who blinked. This step came after it became apparent that no other country would join him in opposing the Palestinians’ controversial new “unity” government – largely a group of unaffiliated technocrats agreed on by the PLO and Hamas. Even Canada, Israel’s strongest backer under the government of Stephen Harper has been ambiguous about reaffirming its position that Hamas is “a listed terrorist organization under Canadian law”. Mr. Netanyahu looked to make it more difficult for Palestinian cabinet ministers to travel across Israel between the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. According to Israel, each request for permission is to be individually considered. The Israeli government said it would not negotiate with the Palestinian unity government – although no negotiations are planned. It also said it will hold the
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Palestinian government responsible for any rocket or other attack on Israel from either the West Bank or Gaza Strip, oppose Hamas running for parliament in Palestinian elections to take place in six months’ time, and won’t permit any campaigning or voting in predominantly Arab East Jerusalem (which Israel claims to have annexed).
Even the tried and true punishment of withholding tax revenue was not invoked. Instead, the government merely deducted some 20 million shekels (about 360-million rupees), from the 400 million shekels or so it collects each month on behalf of the Palestinian Authority, to cover the cost of electricity from Israel. It didn’t take long for the international community to make clear where it stood. Turkey was the first to recognize the unity government. The government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has supported the Hamas government in Gaza for several years. Barely five hours after the Palestinian cabinet had been sworn in, the Obama administration announced it “will work with this government.” Mr. Netanyahu was quoted saying he was “deeply disappointed” by the news. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry had assured him only a few days ago that Washington would not immediately recognize any unity government.
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Mamata Banerjee Pays Government’s Money for Painting her Party Color
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esidents in Kolkota will have their property tax written off if they agree to paint their house in white and blue, the favorite color of Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. The ‘color scheme’ aims to make the jam-packed city look bright and vibrant. In other words, this is Mamata’s style of improving things. Mamata, who always wears white and blue saree, says the colors are the symbol of happiness. The announcement was made by the city’s mayor Sovan Chatterjee, saying he would waive off property tax for 2014-15 if anybody painted their apartment
building in white and sky blue. The government is now set to table the proposal in the legislative assembly. If passed, it will be sent to the governor for his signature. Red Kolkata turned white and blue soon after the Trinamool came to power in 2011. Most public buildings, including Nabanna, the new state secretariat, and police stations all wore the coating of white and blue. These days even public buses and taxis have started sporting the colour. But there are exceptions. Writers’ Buildings is still red. So is Lalbazar, headquarters of Kolkata Police. It all began after Mamata Banerjee stated in a function that blue and white signifies happiness. Color matters in the state, which was under communist rule for more than 3 decades. Now the white
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and blue colors are replacing the Communists’ red. Analysts say the scheme will push the bankrupt civic body further deeper in a financial crisis.
When Educationists are Confused, Students are their victims
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tudents seeking admission in Delhi University (DU) are caught in a web of confusion created by their university and the country’s university watchdog, UGC. Last year, the university decided to stretch its three-year under-graduate courses to four years. But the University Grants Commission (UGC), has now recommended that the DU must revert to the threeyear system. Confused colleges suddenly stopped admission, sparking fear and anger among students. Angry students took to streets and the Delhi plunged into a chaos. The confusion could have been avoided if the Delhi University had acted quickly to implement the order issued by the regulator. But it became an issue of prestige and as a result students felt deprived. This confusion has left students waiting for admissions for weeks on end. And those who took admission in the FYUP last year are also facing an uncertain future. Today, there are 60,000 students under the FYUP. This controversy has cast a shadow on this year’s admission process, leaving more than 20000 students confused about their education system. UGC said the Delhi University should have made it homework before extending the timeframe of degree courses from three years to four years.
Researching on Lions’ behavior in Gir Forest
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he lions of the Gir Forest in Gujarat are being tagged with radio that would track the animals movement inside and outside the protected region. The move comes in the wake of growing incidents of straying and poaching.
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had undergone breast surgery before the marriage. The man complained that his wife was not able to do any household work. But the court rejected the man’s plea, saying such issues can never be a reason for seeking a divorce.
Series of Rape Cases Hit Uttar Pradesh
A A team of eight experts, researchers and trackers has embarked on a study to know the animals’ behavior and migratory nature. Reports say the study is aiming to enable the forest department to ensure better protection of lions and better management of the jungle. According to Pioneer, this is for the first time in the world lions are tagged with trackers. In the first round, four lionesses will be ‘radio collared’ and six will be tagged in the second round. The study is also aimed at ascertaining the area a lioness requires during the breeding season. In addition, they want to know how they hunt their preys while caring for their cubs. Researchers says also want to know if the lions attack livestock in outlying villages. As per the May 2010 census, there are 130 lions outside the sanctuary. Forest officials believe that their number might have been increased.
When Obesity Leads to Divorce….!
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he Bombay High Court has recently rejected a man’s plea for divorce over his wife’s weight problems. The husband argued that he cannot live with his wife as he had grown lot of weight. He also said she had concealed that she
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khilesh Yadav government in Uttar Pradesh is struggling to answer questions as the state reported at least five new cases of rapes in space of two weeks rape. It all started with the hanging of two teenage cousins in Badaun district. The girls, thought to have been 14 and 15, went missing on 27 May. They had apparently gone out to relieve themselves as they had no toilet at home. Their bodies were discovered the following day. A post-mortem examination confirmed multiple sexual assaults and death due to hanging. To add salt to the wound, Mulayam Singh Yadav asked people to ignore such incidents saying “men are always men.”
He is facing criticism for his earlier remarks mocking female journalists who asked about the rising number of rape cases at a news briefing. “You are safe, why are you bothered?” the chief minister had said. Several appalling incidents of rape have been reported from different parts of Uttar Pradesh over the last weeks, yet Akhilesh Yadav government appears to be doing nothing. Just two years ago, Akhilesh Yadav, young chief minister, rode to power, raising high expectations with his schemes like free laptop for girls. But all
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such schemes have now been wasted amidst growing incidents of rape. Angry SP leaders are criticizing the media for reporting such incidents. In one of the statements, party spokesman blamed Bollywood movies for such behavior among men in the state. Autopsy reports showed that the two teenage cousins were hanged from a tree while they were still alive.
13- year-old Climbs the Everest
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13-year-old girl from Andhra Pradesh has become the youngest to climb the world’s highest peak, the Mount Everest. Malavath Poorna was accompanied by 16-year-old Anand Sharma in the climb.
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Poorna, the daughter of M Devidas and M Lakshmi — both farm labourers — is a class IX student in an Andhra Pradesh Social Welfare Residential Educational School at Tadawai in Nizamabad district of the state, according to the Indian Express. Poorna and Anand were selected out of a group of 110 students from 300 welfare schools to be sent to the Himalayan Mountaineering Institute by the state government under a social welfare department scheme called ‘Op-everest’ Anand’s father Kondala Rao told to the paper: “It is a great achievement for my son and the welfare department which encouraged him, helped and gave my son this opportunity. I have not been able to speak with Anand as he is still coming down the Everest. But we are all very happy…”
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