Malay Houses and Social Structure Azmah Arzmi Dissertation AR599 Master of Architecture University of Kent Spring Term 2014
INTRODUCTION The Malays make up the largest indigenous ethnic group in Malaysia, making up half of the population. They are known for their rich heritage and cultural values that help shape their lifestyle and daily activities. Traditionally the Malays were mainly rice-cultivators, traders or fishermen. Their beliefs and culture can be reflected in the way their traditional houses were built. Peter J. Wilson, an author who frequently writes about the Malay villages with reference to his research on the houses in Jenderam Hilir in the 1960s, describes the Malay house as the ‘most highly valued material possession of the village Malay. Not only does it represent his single investment of wealth but it is also the centre and focus of all that is vital in his emotional, social and cultural life’ (Wilson, 1967, p. 116). This attachment to their house results in several interpretations of the spatial layout and as such, each space contains symbolic meaning. In current times, however a large number of the Malays have now resorted to contemporary urban lifestyles due to the rapid industrialisation of Malaysia. The urbanized Malays are now in their second and third generation. There are however, certain aspects of their traditions that they still hold onto despite the change of environment from rural to urban. OBJECTIVES The main objective of this paper is to explore how the traditional Malay house is informed by the socio-cultural norms of the Malay community. From 1970s onwards there was a mass rural to urban migration which results in a lot of Malays living in urban areas. The most common house that they dwell in is the urban terrace house. Hence, I also intend to look at how these changes in environment has led to a compromise of their cultural needs. METHODOLOGY In the first part of this essay I will discuss the social structure of the Malays, which are the defined roles of each husband and wife within the family, their Islamic beliefs and customary laws, the community way of life and their activities. In the second part of the essay I will discuss the traditional Malay house in terms of the construction, and how various parts can be reinterpreted to suit their cultural needs. The three main themes in the design of the house are flexibility, privacy and open space. Thirdly, I will delve into a very brief history of the mass urban migration and the appearance of the urban terrace houses. I will look at how the urban environment has changed the lifestyle of the Malays who still keep to their traditions. LIMITATIONS The focus of this paper is limited to the Malays, and more specifically on the middle class Malays within the Malaysian peninsular. The houses I will focus on are the traditional Malay houses in the rural villages and the urban terrace houses.
THE MALAY SOCIAL STRUCTURE
Figure 1 An example of a Malay family in a traditional Malay house. The parents, aunts and uncle standing at the back, while the daughters and cousin are in front with the grandmother (Zin, 2013)
FAMILY Wilson notes that the household are the only meaningful social unit in the Malay villager’s life since the house is an expression of the major social events and relationships. He said that
“……the household is a group of people mutually and intimately dependent on each other for fulfilment and support. A household is a commensal group which also sleeps together, works together, and budgets in common. It is a group of people related together through primary kinship and affinal ties, i.e. ties which carry with them the maximum expectations of emotional support and legal rights and duties.” (Wilson, 1967, p. 118) In 1966, when conducting a study on the Malays in the small rubber-tapping village of Jenderam Hilir, Wilson found that 65% of households consist of a nuclear family whereas 20% are of continuous families that includes three or four generations. The remaining percentage consist of other versions of extended families that go vertical or lateral. The vertical families would mean the grandparents and great grandparents while the lateral families would include the aunts, uncles and cousins living together. The dominance of the nuclear family which also features the married couple shows the’ bilateral nature of Malay kinship and the individual focus of Malay social relationships’ (Wilson, 1967, p. 121). The Malay household undergoes changes, especially when the grown children are married, they either move away or stay with their parents and grandparents. They may inherit the whole house or
parts of the house. Thus, the house must be able to be dismantled or retrofitted accordingly to these events. ROLES OF HUSBAND AND WIFE
Figure 2 A Malay couple on their wedding day. Traditionally they have allocated roles and the couple make up a basic economic unit. (Kongsi, 2010)
Marie-Andree Couillard in her essay A Brief Exploration into the Nature of Men-Women Relations among Pre-Colonial Malayan People discusses extensively on the roles that men and women play and the sexual division of labour with regards to agriculture and the idea of obligation and reciprocal of duties to each other. While the nuclear family is common, a married couple, or as often referred to as the kelamin by the Malays was described as being the basic economic unit within the community because each person contributes to the household income and are mutually dependent (ed: Matthews and Nagata, Couillard, 1986, p.92). In her essay Malay Women and Terrace Housing, Farah Md Zohri explains that in a traditional Malay culture, women have specific roles in the welfare of the home. They are required to maintain the physical cleanliness of the home, be skilled in food preparation, child-birth and health care. However, they are not totally confined to the household, as they also need to maintain good social relations with their neighbours and their kin (2010, p. 23). While the Malays were mainly rice cultivators, women contribute in other areas in the provision of subsistence. They are the ones who plant tubers and vegetables, raise chickens and fish in the rivers and swamps. They are also the ones who process raw food such as drying the fish. Thus, they are in charge of producing food for their husbands and children (Couillard, 1986, p.86). While traditionally the women were busy engaging in food-producing activities, their husbands were busy acquiring wealth through their travels. Couillard elaborated that for more than 500 years before direct colonization, the Malay Archipelago were heavily involved in long-distance trade. The port of Malacca was an important destination for trade and much coveted by Western colonial powers in the 1400s due to its strategic location between China and India. ‘Commercial ports rose and fell with the fluctuation of trade and the ability of monarchies to control exchanges’ (Couillard, 1986, p.86). The Malay men have this tradition of travelling abroad or as they call it, merantau. The wandering,
journeying seems an important part of society, as men do it for material gain and social prestige. They would travel to the far flung corners of the Archipelago and around Southeast Asia. These men would often bring back ‘prestige goods’ within the community, and Freeman (1970, p. 222) mentions them as gongs, Chinese jars and shot guns, jewellery, fine cloth as well as numerous plates and bowls for feasts. It is essential to keep in mind that women are not considered subordinated to men. In fact, they have equal inheritance of land and they play an important role in food preparation during feasts, which is a vital to gain prestige within the villages. According to Couillard,
‘The prestige gained is proportional to the amount of food served…It is the women who appropriate subsistence goods and control their utilization during feasts. Women decide what to serve, to whom and how much, thereby making statements on the nature of the relation they entertain with various guests.’ (Couillard, 1986, p.88-89) Thereafter, men and women are said to work together to gain prestige in the community. The labour of men involves journeying to trade produce or any income they collected is used as means to acquire prestige goods while the labour of women is in food-producing activities. The spouses carry out their work autonomously. In addition, the Malay women have a right to the prestige goods, as the husband in this case is recompensing for her labour in taking care of the family through cooking and food production by gifting her with gold jewellery or other valuables (Couillard, 1986, p.92). As the man’s role is clearly defined as someone who accumulates possessions from afar, the traditional Malay house must have a veranda for men to receive visitors and a living space to display his wealth. The house must also have practical spaces where the women can conduct their daily activities and a large open space for gatherings and feasts.
ISLAMIC BELIEFS AND ADAT The Malays are usually Muslims and much of their roles and way of life are defined by their Islamic beliefs which is still relevant to them today. Among them are the need for privacy for the family and for the women. There are several verses in the Quran where privacy is emphasized. O you who believe! Enter not houses other than your own, until you have asked permission and greeted those in them that is better for you, in order that you may remember. (Surah An-Nur 24:27) The prophet Muhammad has also been quoted as saying that It is not lawful for a Muslim person to peep into the house of another person until he has asked permission. If he peeps into the house before asking permission, verily (it is as if) he had entered. (Al Bukhari, 1955, p. 281) As a rule, visitors are not allowed to enter the house when the owners are not present and male visitors cannot be received by the female resident when her husband is away, as to protect her
modesty. Therefore the traditional Malay house must allow a form of privacy mechanism not only in the form of doors and windows but also the in the intermediary spaces that protect the family household. According to adat, which is a set of Malay inherited customary laws that is also influenced by Islamic beliefs, the roles and responsibilities of women is to guard their virtue and chastity and this depends on their marital status. The unmarried adolescents, called anak dara meaning virgin, are bounded by restrictions such as keeping their distance from unrelated men and are expected to have certain characteristics such as being modest and not raising their voices. Their daily clothing would be the loose-fitting baju-kurung and they have to stay close to their homes. Oftentimes the men have a role in preventing their adolescent, unmarried sisters from interacting with other men (Ong, 1990, p.261).
Figure 3 Young unmarried Malay women, or anak dara dressed modestly in their baju kurung (Zin, 2010)
For the married women, when their husbands are away, they are required to be obedient by looking after the men’s property and their children. While married women are allowed to move freely within the village and tend to their crops or do minor trade, they are not allowed to be within close proximity with other males in a way that could arouse suspicions. This is how the married Malay women guard their husband’s honor (Ong, 1990, p. 261). Another Islamic principle that the Malays follow is the rigorous act of maintaining cleanliness. Joel S. Kahn, in his study of the Malays in his book, Other Malays: Nationalism and Cosmopolitanism in the Modern Malay World, mentioned about the high value that Malays place on the neatness and cleanliness of their physical environment (2006, p.150). This can be seen in certain rituals, such as
taking the shoes off before entering the house, performing ablutions before their prayers and the tidying up of the compound. The Malays also emphasise on respecting their elders and traditionally they have a floor culture whereby they would often or do certain activities by sitting cross-legged on the floor.
Figure 4 Malay family practising their custom of sitting on the floor and eating with their hands. (Abdul Malik, 2011)
These Islamic set of rules that the Malays adhere to would require effective spaces within the traditional Malay houses that needs to be gender appropriated and the need for privacy. This would also call for a hierarchy of levels or spaces to exist in the house.
THE MALAY KAMPONG The kampong is the Malay village, and it is important to note that no Malay traditional house ever existed on its own. The Malays within a kampong share a common bond and there is more emphasis on community life than individual needs. Several authors, from Colin S. Freestone, Joel S. Kahn and J.M. Gullick mention that the villages are predominantly ethnically and religiously homogenous, with shared common beliefs. Thus, prayers within the mosques and festivals are formalised and celebrated together. Other important rituals done together as a community include the house building ritual, open feasts and funerals. Thus, for these occasions to be carried out, every Malay house is set within a large compound.
Figure 5 Feasts are held in the compound (halaman), and it involves co-operation of neighbours. Often men and women are given specific tasks to do. (Mawar, 2010)
ACTIVITIES The kampongs are usually located in hamlets, a clustered layout near the rice paddy fields, or palm oil and rubber tree estates. The kampong is a machine to grow and generate food. Traditionally,
the Malays have mainly been rice cultivators. Thus, lands adjacent to the village are wet rice fields, while some are other food plantations such as sago and fruit orchards. The women are equally involved, if not, more in the production of subsistence than men. This is due to the advantages that the women have in possessing knowledge that determines success of the crop, such as the various forms of edible vegetation to be gathered and varieties of rice seeds. Men, on the other hand, are required to perform heavy tasks such as clearing virgin jungles and ploughing wet rice fields (Couillard, 1986, p.85).
Figure 6 The village, kampong is often situated near paddy fields and the villagers would traditionally be rice-cultivators. (M. Said, 2012)
Some kampongs are located near the sea or the river. Sometimes the Malays are fishermen if not traders. Lim Jee Yuan, who wrote about the Traditional Malay House mentioned that
The seasonal patterns of work leave much spare time to the villagers during the offseasons for housebuilding, mending nets and boats, making household implements and doing other part-time economic activities. The addition system of the Malay house is well suited for this seasonal pattern of work by facilitating housebuilding during the offseasons, and thus allows the house to be built up gradually at a pace controlled by the users. (2012, p. 85)
THE TRADITIONAL MALAY HOUSE
Figure 7 Rumah penghulu (headman's house) in Kuala Lumpur originally built in Kedah, relocated and restored by the Badan Warisan Malaysia. A good example of a basic Malay house; made of timber, raised above the ground and lots of openings for ventilation (Jacobs, 1998)
The basic Malay house comprises of the public spaces anjung (covered porch) and serambi (veranda) and the private spaces rumah ibu (main house), selang (passageway) and rumah dapur (kitchen). In a traditional house there are no partitions or a solid floor-to-ceiling wall separating the areas. These areas are distinguished from each other not just by their forms and locations within the house, but through slight floor level changes and the positioning of doorways (Chen, 1998, p. 21). The construction of the Malay house begins with the erection of the rumah ibu. Depending on the resources that are available to the owner and growing needs of the household, other parts of the house may be added later. Due to the fact that these additions take place over a period of time and in a variety of arrangements, a typical Malay village usually consists of houses at different stages of construction and arrangements (Chen, 1998, p. 23).
Figure 8 Different parts of the Malay house. (Elias-Moore, 1998)
The Malay house is raised off the ground on wooden or brick pillars. The elevation serves many purposes; as a solution to cope with the damp ground and flooding as a result of a hot and tropical climate, as security from wild animals and to allow proper ventilation through the cracks in the raised floor. The resulting space underneath the house is a utility area, for storage and ‘workshop’ space (Chen, 1998, p. 20).
Figure 9 Cutaway of the Malay house (Elias-Moore,1998)
CONSTRUCTION OF THE MALAY HOUSES Prior to building a house, there are rituals that accompany it, associated with the Malays’ religious beliefs and community involvement. Gullick (1989) explains that the house construction was an important family event and rituals are needed to ward off evil spirits. The site and orientation of the house does not depend on the presence of a road, electricity or water supplies, but rather on a ‘complex framework of geomancy and ritual to ensure that wandering spirits are appeased and the house will be harmonious and tranquil for its occupants’ (Chen, 1998, p. 23). Along with other Figure 10 The construction of a Malay house, which is aspects of their culture, the Malays blended both often a village affair (Jacobs, 1998) Islamic and pagan elements into their housebuilding ritual. Gullick describes an account of house-building at Endau in the state of Johor, in 1917, where it
“….begins with the assembly, at the invitation of the builder and prospective occupier, of a working group of neighbours. They dug the holes in which the main posts would be placed and put togetherthe posts and horizontal crossbars, which at this stage were left lying on the ground. A broken silver coin and other objects were thrown into each hole, and packets of rice were attached to each recumbent main post. The village magician (pawang) and his assistant went round and poured water and a mixture of rice flour and water on to the timbers. All then partook of a preliminary feast of glutinous and parched rice before raising the first pair of upright posts and their crossbar into position, with loud shouts of “Mohamed rasul’ Allah.” While this was going on, the lebai of the mosque, who shared the ritual with the pawang, recited prayers. The final stage of the ritual came before the owner movied into his house; he fired ‘several volleys to drive away the evil spirits.’ (Gullick, 1989, p. 182) As demonstrated by Gullick, its construction was often a cooperative labour among the villagers, and everyone in the community learnt by simply lending a hand. The act of building the house itself was a straightforward event, and local materials were used and the design was part of the community’s cultural heritage. The main components of the house, such as the wooden posts, beams, trusses, wall panels and screens are either prefabricated in a workshop or at the site using only simple hand tools (Chen Voon Fee, 1998, p. 23). The essential structure of the house, the posts and cross-beams were jungle trees which the house-owner had obtained by having the buffalo drag them over to the site. Before they developed a complex joining system of timber wedges, the posts and cross-beams were lashed together with rattan ties. Traditionally the earliest Malay houses had walls made of bamboo that were woven into panels forming patterns and reinforced with timber studs. Further on, the wall and floorboards began to be constructed from moderately strong wood. As for the traditional roofing material, the atap is made by ‘splitting fronds of the nipah, rumbia or bertam palm’ (Chen Voon Fee, 1998, p. 22).
The following diagrams show the physical elements of the Malay house and the sequence of construction.
Figure 11 Physical elements of the Malay house (Wan Abidin, 1981)
HOW THE HOUSE ACCOMMODATES THE DIFFERENT NEEDS OF THE FAMILY The following diagram shows the basic layout of the Malay house. There are slightly different variations in the layout between different regions of peninsular Malaysia. The concept of having intermediary spaces exists to allow the transitions from public to private. The serambi usually acts as the reception area, and in regions where the serambi is absent, the main house is extended to act as the entrance. The kitchen or rumah dapur where the women usually are is situated at the back with a rear entrance for privacy.
Figure 12: Layout of the Malay house and its variation at Bota Kiri (Abidin, 1981)
The following illustration shows some common activities carried out in the Malay house. These spaces can be used for different functions depending on the occasion. The hierarchy of levels denote the privacy levels. The higher the floor, the more important and private it is, in this case it is the rumah ibu. The rumah ibu, loosely translated, means the main area of the house. This is the most
private part, where the occupants pray, sleep and do household chores. There is a lack of minimal partition or interior walls, which allows for the flexible use of space and for good cross-air ventilation. The traditional Malay culture emphasises on the importance of community rather than personal intimacy through the use of shared spaces and lack of physical barriers (Yuan, 1991, p.84).
Figure 13 Common activities that are carried out at different parts of the Malay house. (Yuan, 2012)
Figure 14 Inside the rumah ibu, the most important and private area for the Malay family (Adhy, 2013)
Within the rumah ibu, where wooden partitions are absent, the private sleeping areas are curtained off and they might be ‘a low wooden platform, with sleeping mats unrolled at night and the mosquito net unfurled over it’ (Gullick, 1989, p. 181). Sometimes an attic space is built under the gables of rumah ibu and traditionally would be where the unmarried daughters would be accommodated. Most precious possesions would be kept in this part of the house and spare clothing are stored here in baskets (Gullick, 1989, p. 181). The husband and wife usually sleeps in the rumah ibu while the adult unmarried sons sleep in the serambi.
Figure 15 The serambi, adjoining with the rumah ibu is usually where male guests are entertained (Jawe, 2010)
The serambi is where the male guests are usually received and entertained by the master of the house. It is marked by its openness, one of the most congenial aspects of the house. It is also where the men would often display their wealth. Wilson (1967) describes the serambi is often the most elaborately furnished, usually with a
“…a suite of rattan or cane furniture and a glass-fronted cupboard for glassware, trinkets, trophies, ceremonial betel sets, and various odds and ends. Plastic flowers, colored portraits of the King, Queen, Sultan…..along with a large number of family photographs and commercial posters and calendars to decorate the walls. Windows are curtained and there is usually a framed quotation from the Koran above the door.” (Wilson, 1967, p. 117)
Figure 16 The interior of the serambi of a traditional Malay house in Melaka, which displays wealth and status of the homeowner. (Ismail, 2013)
In addition to displaying lavish furniture, the wealth and privilege of the owner is often demonstrated through the various carvings and decorations of the facades.
Figure 17 A Malay house in Melaka with elaborate faรงade and carvings to denote status (Ismail, 2013)
The selang is essentially a covered gangway that links the rumah ibu to the rumah dapur, which is housed in a separate hut. Both the selang and the dapur is at a lower level than the house floor. The selang acts as an alternate entrance for women and children of the house, and is also a place where female visitors are received. The rumah dapur, situated at the back is usually female-dominated and where cooking commences, though it may also be a place where the family dines, seated cross-legged on tikar, (floor mats). When there are visitors, the men would eat in the serambi separately from the women who eat in the rumah dapur or the rumah ibu. These practical spatial arrangements allow women to have privacy at the rear of the house.
Figure 18 The kitchen, or rumah dapur, is usually the woman's domain and is situated on ground level as cooking involves a messy and wet preparation (Pakatan Rakyat, 2012)
Figure 19 Family dining together in the rumah dapur (Sri Aman News, 2012)
When both parents in the household have passed away, different components of the house can be inherited by different children. The system of using mortise and tenon joints in the traditional Malay house allows it to be dismantled, moved and re-joined with other houses more easily. Moreover, when there is a marriage and the bride moves in with the husband’s family or vice versa, additions are made to the house for the new extended family.
Figure 20 Workers from the local council helping a villager to move his house in Kedah. First they attach long strips of sturdy bamboo underneath the floor of the house before removing the columns from the footing. The house is moved to a location 10m away. (Jabatan Kedah, 2010)
Figure 21 Up to 200 villagers in Kampong Tandop, Kedah, helped in carrying Yusoff Md Saman’s house to another location 150 metres away in 28 minutes. The types of joints used in construction enabled the house to be dismantled and transported easily (Md.Noor, 2011)
Traditionally nails are not used in the construction of the Malay house. The wood mortise method of building is very effective as it allows flexibility. The following diagram shows the different types of configuration of houses that could be obtained through the retrofitting of different parts of the house. Figure 22 The wood mortise and tenon joint system in a traditional house in Kedah (Adiy, 2011)
Figure 23 Common additions to the Malay house (Yuan, 1991)
HOW THE HOUSE IS DEFINED BY THE MALAYS’ BELIEFS AND ADAT When writing about the Patani Malays, N. Annadale (1903) recorded how they believed that the semangat rumah, or ‘soul of the house’, automatically exists as various parts of the walls and roofs are fitted together. The vitality and well-being of the house are interdependent with the occupants. Like many post and cross beam houses of the Southeast Asian region, the Malay houses are not only designed for natural ventilation, but so that they will be able to ‘breathe’ as to allow the cosmological idea of forces to flow easily through. The many door and window openings and spaces under the roof is penetrable by dangerous forces whereby the occupants need protection. This is often why Islamic calligraphy is set above the doors and windows, because they serve as a protective as much as a decorative function to discourage evil spirits (Chen, 1998, p. 17).
As the Malays have the habit of being clean, the element of the house that makes it easier to clean is the timber flooring. “The floors sit on the timber beams at sufficient height above the ground. They usually are nailed to the floor joists using tongue-and-groove joints with gaps in between. This gap facilitates the women in maintaining the house where dirt and water from sweeping and washing can fall through to the bottom of the house.� (Zohri, 2010, p. 39) Therefore the raised areas of the floor is not only practical for ventilation purposes, but to filter out the dirt and water. The more important areas of the house, such as the rumah ibu maintain its highest standards of cleanliness by having the visitors and residents take their shoes off at the entrance and filter the dirt further as they move their feet through the house. The wet areas where food is prepared such as the rumah dapur are usually on the ground floor while the toilets are situated as an outhouse, a separate structure from the house.
Figure 24 The anjung of the traditional Malay in Sabak Bernam. This is the public and most social part of the house. Visitors are required to remove shoes before entering the house, which is raised and accessible by steps (Amir, 2013)
The anjung or the veranda, which acts as the entrance, is usually open so that the residents are able to receive visitors or see passing neighbours. The different levels from anjung to serambi and thus to rumah ibu are indications of the values that the Malays hold. According to the adat, the children must bow down when walking in front of their elders who are sitting down on the floor. This is one of the reasons why the serambi is separate from the more private rumah ibu through the level difference and the placement of internal walls. The guests in the lower level of the serambi would be more comfortable conversing without the need to disturb the residents in the rumah ibu, namely the children and the women (Gibbs, 1987, p. 27). The Malays, like other cultures in Asia, practice doing certain things on the floor such as sitting to eat, sleeping, praying and working. This is the reason why the windows are often designed to the floor to suit the posture of the occupants sitting down on the floor. It also enables visual interaction with the outdoors and provides effective ventilation at floor level (Mohamad Rasdi, M.T, et al., 2005, p. 29).
Figure 25 Windows designed to floor level to suit the floor culture of Malays. (Abdullatib, 2008)
Figure 26 Importance is given to ventilation to allow houses to 'breathe' such as 1) the space underneath the house which is also for workshop and chickens 2) Voids in gable screens to allow hot air to escape 3) Full-length shuttered windows. (Jacobs, 1998)
HOW THE HOUSE ACCOMMODATES FOR COMMUNITY LIFE AND DAILY ACTIVITIES The houses are often organised in family clusters whereby each house would be occupied by a family and each cluster belongs to related families. Houses would be built on the edge of river or stream, and built on an east-west axis to avoid too much sun when the sun is at a low incline in the afternoons (Gullick, 1989, p. 185). The surrounding lands would be paddy fields. For remote rural areas, the wells, rivers and streams not only provide a continuous water supply, but also act as focal points for villagers. These houses do not have a formal arrangement and are mostly unplanned (Chen, 1998, p. 19). As mentioned, the Malays’ view of stability and orderliness can be linked with the view of moral order within the kampong as a place ‘uncontaminated by the instrumentalism of commerce’ (Kahn, 2006, p. 151). The kampong was assumed not to have commercial spaces with the exception of small shops and coffee stalls. Therefore commerce would take place outside on the perimeter of the kampong and the coffee stall, located at the perimeter of the kampong, is the centre of male conviviality.
Figure 27 An illustration of the Malay houses in the Kampong built at the edge of a river and paddy fields and contains a mosque and cemetery (Elias-Moore, 1998)
Lim Jee Yuan who wrote extensively on Malay houses, explained that
There is no clear geometric order in the layout of the karnpong. Instead,the layout is determined by the social relationships and the culture and lifestyle of the villagers. House sites are traditionally selected by observation and religious rituals. Houses are spaced far apart for future expansion, tree-planting and privacy. (Yuan, The Traditional Malay House, 2012, p. 84)
Figure 28 The use of the halaman to hold social events. In this instance, a wedding is about to be held at the bride’s family house. (Kongsi, 2010)
The compounds, or the halaman, presents no hard physical boundaries as fences do. The halaman are cleared yards, where the outer fringes consist of natural vegetation such as the durian, mango, coconut and rambutan trees or flowers. The halaman would be open to neighbours, as there is no concept of trespassing on someone’s property. As depicted by Clifford, the steps of the house were a vantage point where the villager “sits and looks patiently out at life….it is here that his neighbour comes to gossip with him” (Clifford, 1898, p. 49). The halaman is essential because it provides a space for special occasions to take place such as weddings where feasts are held for the other villagers. The wells and toilets are located within the halaman and are kept at a distance from the house. The halaman is also a place where women worked, such as pounding the padi to remove husks, mat weaving and repairing the atap (roof), drying fish and carpentry. This is also where the poultry would scratch for food, and a place to store grain, fuel in form of firewood and coconut fronds, building materials, bicycles and even cars (Gullick, 1989, p. 186 and Yuan, 2012, p. 82). It is with this openness that the impression that all external spaces are communal, and it is further enhanced by a network of paths that links adjacent houses and the houses with public buildings.
Figure 29 The halaman of the Malay house, (Yuan, The Traditional Malay House, 2012, p. 83)
THE USE OF MODERN MATERIALS IN TRADITIONAL MALAY HOUSES Within the past 50 years, dwellers of the traditional Malay houses have started incorporating the use of modern materials such as zinc, asbestos, cement, bricks and glass louvre windows. Yuan speaks unfavourably of this, saying that, Zinc and asbestos are replacing the attap roofs, creating very hot and cold interiors during the day and night respectively, and also very noisy interiors when it rains. It also allows the creation of complicated hybrid roofs which are difficult to be roofed by attap. These modern roofing materials are unsuitable for the Malay house because of their high thermal conductivity and the low roofs of the Malay houses have no ceilings. (Yuan, 2012, p. 90) Meanwhile, cement, bricks and concrete are used to construct the rumah dapur and often the toilets are no longer in a separate shack in the halaman. Instead, the toilets are adjacent to the rumah dapur, housed within the same structure. The use of modern materials in the wet areas has made good impact by creating surfaces that could easily be maintained, although it has changed the house forms.
Figure 30 The Malay house using modern materials such as zinc roofs, cement, bricks and glass. The use of modern materials has changed the Malay house into a solid-looking building by closing up the raised bottom part of the house (Rahman, 2013)
Oftentimes, ‘the stilted open bottom of the house is raised and closed with cement, bricks and louver windows. This creates a space which is usually used as a hall, making the Malay house a two-storey building with a very low ground floor’ (Yuan, 2012, 91). The usage of modern materials have drastically changed the scale and proportions of the Malay house, making it seem more solid and uncharacteristic of its original airy and lightweight form. Instead of full-length wooden windows in the Malay houses, they are now replaced with glass louver window with iron bars. These are much less efficient in ventilation and not as aesthetic pleasing.
THE MASS URBAN TERRACE HOUSING While the kampong still exists within the rural areas and plantation settlements and the houses now commonly use modern construction materials such as concrete, in these times owing to the mass rural exodus to the suburban towns and cities, the Malays are also commonly found in urban areas, living differently from their counterparts in the villages. Noriyah Ahmad, in her thesis entitled Urbanization and the urban growth in Malaysia with special reference to the Klang Valley region (1985-86) discussed the transformation in which the rapid urbanization of the Malays began to occur. The growing number of Malays that are inhabiting the urban population is largely due to the New Economic Policy (NEP) which was formulated by the government in 1970 after the May 1969 racial riots. One of the objectives of the NEP was to address the problems of socio-economic imbalances that exist among the ethnic groups. The government, which is also largely Malay-dominated, wanted to encourage the participation of the Malays in the commerce, trade and manufacturing sector, so that the wealth of the increasingly industrialized nation could be evenly distributed among them. Urban growth played a huge part of the NEP’s achievements (Ahmad, 1985-6, p.4-5). According to Ahmad, ‘…..a major part of the government’s efforts to increase participation of the Malays in the urban economy are concentrated in the national capital.’ Kuala Lumpur contained the largest concentration of Malays, making up 21.6% of the population in 1980. Within a decade, the proportion of Malays in urban areas increased dramatically from 27% in 1970 to 37% 1980 (1985-6, p. 18).
Figure 31 A typical terrace house in the developing town of Subang Jaya, built in 1984. (Arzmi, 2008)
The unprecedented economic growth and the swelling urban population required mass housing to be built and at a rapid rate. Around Kuala Lumpur towns and municipalities sprung up and houses were built to accommodate people who worked in the capital but wanted to live in suburban-style towns. The region in which these towns are located and connected with the capital is called the Klang Valley.
Around the Klang Valley region in the most political and economic dominant part of the country, the most ubiquitous form of housing is the linear terrace housing. They can either be single or double storey. A rectangular land area of 130-170 square metres is usually occupied by each house unit, and the corner lot is always twice as large. Unlike the vernacular Malay house which is flexible in the additional use of spaces, there are spatial constraints when it comes to these urban houses.
Figure 32 Plan showing example of a Malaysian terrace house with spatial constraints. The property is from a housing developer in Johor Bahru (Cheng, 2014)
The terrace housing are largely influenced by the English terrace housing layout but moulded in a way as to meet the local Malaysian climate. As observed from the plans of the terrace houses given, the living, dining and the kitchen areas are linked as one open plan to allow optimum ventilation from front windows to the rear windows. A utility room is located next to the kitchen, and it is often the maid’s bedroom or a guestroom. The bathroom on the ground floor is behind the utility room. The upper floor contains bedrooms and adjacent bathrooms and some houses may contain a second floor, but they are often double-storey (Zohri, 2010, p. 73).
Figure 33 Aerial view of housing estates in Klang Valley (Jacobs, 1998)
These terrace houses are usually designed by commercial developers in a very predictable and mundane manner. They do not always conform to the practical needs of the average resident. They are situated within housing estates which are planned in a grid-like network of infrastructure. (Chen, 1998, p. 120). There is often poor workmanship in these ready houses, as it is poorly ventilated and needs electrical fans and air-conditioning to be liveable in the hot climate. They are also not properly oriented, and rooms with windows facing the Western sun in the afternoons often get overheated. Low ceilings in terrace houses and insufficient openings often trap heat, and the narrow, deep plan of the terrace housing often cause poor natural lighting. However, the Malays are often most profoundly affected by the sheer inadequacy of how little these terrace housing are able to meet their cultural needs. The Malays living in urban areas today are well into their second and third generation, so the social and cultural aspects that they practised when they were living in the villages are still deeply embedded in them. WOMEN’S PRIVACY ARE COMPROMISED As houses in urban areas are arranged in units that face other units in close proximity, there is an unavoidable violation of privacy that occurs between neighbours (Hashim, Ahmad Hariza, et al., 2009, p.202). Since the modern terrace houses are designed in an open plan, there is a lack of visual privacy for women when guests come to visit. For instance, entrances are limited to the rear and the front entrance, and often the women’s domain in the kitchen are visible to guests from the living room. It is particularly problematic when male guests need to use the bathroom and need to walk pass the kitchen, hence making it uncomfortable for the women (Zohri, 2010, p. 79).
Figure 34 Proximity of houses and alleyways means violation of privacy for women doing domestic activities at the rear of the houses. (Mohd Salleh, 2010)
The rigid arrangements of terrace houses where rear entrances are faced directly to each other with an alleyway in between means that the female occupants feel threatened that passers-by could look in while they are conducting their activities. They would feel compelled to cover their hair when they are doing household chores even though it is still within the confines of the house. The Malay women do not even feel comfortable opening the windows for ventilation because of this issue (Zohri, 2010, p. 80). CHANGE IN COMMUNITY LIFE The cultural norms for the traditional Malay community was always to have religious and social gatherings. The spatial requirements for these social functions are compromised when the Malays migrate to the urban areas. While in the kampong each house has a big halaman, with lots of vegetation, in the urban areas each terrace houses is equipped with a small compound. Its main function is to accommodate cars as required by modern living. During social gatherings the Malays would convert this area to cater to guests as the living room is often too small to hold such events. This has several setbacks, for instance, the noise and space would interfere with their non-participating neighbours. Due to these reasons, social functions would now be held in parks, community halls or hotels, catering services are employed and the number of guests are limited. Hence, this particular Malay culture has been greatly compromised (Zohri, 2010, p. 78).
Figure 35 Wedding feasts are held by Malays in urban areas are often at the expense of neighbour’s privacy. (Jamal, 2012).
Moreover, each compound within the house unit is barricaded by fences, clearly marking the territory of each household and lacking the openness that is so synonymous with life in the kampong (Chen, 1998, p. 120). Now that Malays have busy lifestyles and hold down office jobs, they rarely have time to know their neighbours, a traditional culture that has been greatly lost.
CONCLUSION This essay demonstrates how the practices of the Malays affect the design of the vernacular house. The current housing in urban areas are poorly designed to suit their needs. Steps must be taken in the future to ensure that these houses are not only environmentally suited but also culturally sensitive because the inadequate architecture and town-planning may disrupt the lifestyles of the people. The Malays still have strong roots in their rural traditions that define them. Future architects could learn from the traditional Malay houses and its themes of privacy, flexibility and open space for community life. These future houses should be flexible and allow for housing types that could be retrofitted, include open-air courtyards, and a clear spatial definition for men and women. Codes and strict regulations must be implemented to ensure future housing developers follow.
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Illustrations Cover Illustration : Hajizan, Nizam (2013) Hadapan rumah (front entrance) [Photograph; birthplace of the famous Malay filmmaker, actor and musician P.Ramlee] Retrieved from: http://secarikbutterpaper.blogspot.co.uk/2013/03/rumah-kelahiran-p-ramlee.html (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 1: Zin, Mira (2013) An example of a Malay family in a traditional Malay house [Photograph; Eid-ul Fitr celebration with family members]. Figure 2: Kongsi, (2010) A Malay couple on their wedding day [Photograph] Retrieved from: http://atuksara.blogspot.co.uk/2010/07/majlis-kahwin-anak-maznah-di-sg-choh.html (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 3: Zin, Mira (2010) Young unmarried Malay women, or anak dara dressed modestly in their baju kurung [Photograph; sisters attending wedding of cousin and sitting on the dais usually provided for the wedding couple]. Figure 4: Abdul Malik, Malinda (2011) Malay family practising their custom of sitting on the floor and eating with their hands [Photograph] Retrieved from: http://www.modenasbikers.com/index.php/topic,74.0.html?PHPSESSID=30f6b68e965edbb184a866 44905252ae (Accessed on 12.04.14) Figure 5: Mawar (2010) Feasts are held in the compound (halaman), and it involves co-operation of neighbours [Photograph; villagers preparing food for a feast to celebrate the births of the resident’s daughters]. Retrieved from: http://mawar-my.blogspot.co.uk/2010/12/kenduri-aqiqah-najla.html (Accessed 11.04.14) Figure 6: M. Said, Leez (2012) The village, kampong is often situated near paddy fields and the villagers would traditionally be rice-cultivators [Photograph; village settlement and its surroundings] Retrieved from: http://syarliz.blogspot.co.uk/2012/12/day-1-padang-bukittinggi-trip-part-1.html (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 7: Jacobs, Joseph (1998) Rumah penghulu (headman's house) in Kuala Lumpur originally built in Kedah, relocated and restored by the Badan Warisan Malaysia [Photograph] from Chen, Encyclopaedia of Malaysia, p. 10, 1998. Figure 8: Elias-Moore, Kerry (1998) Different parts of the Malay house [Illustration] from Chen, The Encyclopaedia of Malaysia, p.20, 1998 Figure 9: Elias-Moore, Kerry (1998) Cutaway of the Malay house [Illustration] from Chen, The Encyclopaedia of Malaysia, p.20-21, 1998
Figure 10: Jacobs, Joseph (1998) The construction of a Malay house, which is often a village affair [Photograph] from Chen, Encyclopaedia of Malaysia, p. 22, 1998. Figure 11: Wan Abidin, Wan Burhanudin (1981) Physical elements of the Malay house [Illustration] from Wan Abidin, The Malay House: Rationale and Change, p. 36-45, 1981 Figure 12: Wan Abidin, Wan Burhanudin (1981) Layout of the Malay house and its variation at Bota Kiri [Illustration] from Wan Abidin, The Malay House: Rationale and Change, p. 48, 1981 Figure 13: Yuan, Lim Jee (2012) Common activities that are carried out at different parts of the Malay house [Illustration] from Yuan, The Traditional Malay House, p.76, 2012 Figure 14: Adhy (2013) Inside the rumah ibu, the most important and private area for the Malay family [Photograph] Retrieved from http://adhycoken.blogspot.co.uk/2012/10/arsitektur-rumahadat-betang-suku-dayak.html (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 15: Jawe, Acaii(2010) The serambi is usually where male guests are entertained [Photograph; Male visitors gathering in the serambi for a religious event] Retrieved from http://www.faisalrahim.com/blog/2010/09/cerita-beraya-di-kampung/ (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 16: Ismail, Muhammad Asyrik (2013) The interior of the serambi of a traditional Malay house in Melaka, which displays wealth and status of the homeowner [Photograph; the serambi of Demang Haji Abdul Ghani House in Merlimau, Melaka] Retrieved from https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1In4Se6fQmTAYIrdpfa0HUeo1-ZgzuJPK5KhlMH5SHL4/viewform (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 17: Ismail, Muhammad Asyrik (2013) Example of a Malay house with different types of facades and carvings to denote status [Photograph; the anjung of Demang Haji Abdul Ghani House in Merlimau, Melaka] Retrieved from https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1In4Se6fQmTAYIrdpfa0HUeo1ZgzuJPK5KhlMH5SHL4/viewform (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 18: Pakatan Rakyat (2012) The kitchen, or rumah dapur, is usually the woman's domain and is situated on ground level [Photograph] Retrieved from http://blog2pakatan.blogspot.co.uk/2012/02/rakyat-marhaen_21.html (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 19: Sri Aman News (2012) Family dining together in the rumah dapur [Photograph] Retrieved from http://newsriamannews.blogspot.co.uk/2012_08_01_archive.html (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 20: Jabatan Kedah (2010) Workers from the local council helping a villager to move his house in Kedah [Photograph] Retrieved from http://webjabatan.kedah.gov.my/home4/new.php?jab=ptps&id=21603&isi=berita_isi (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure21: Md Noor, Azman (2011) Villagers carrying a component of the house to another location [Photograph] Retrieved from http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/info.asp?y=2011&dt=1002&pub=Utusan_Malaysia&sec=Dalam _Negeri&pg=dn_13.htm (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 22: Adiy, Azim (2011) The wood mortise and tenon joint system in a traditional house in Kedah [Photograph] Retrieved from http://azimadiyshop.blogspot.co.uk/2011_01_01_archive.html (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 23: Yuan, Lim Jee (1991) Common additions to the Malay house [Illustration] from Yuan, The Malay House: Rediscovering Malaysia's Indigenous Shelter System, p. 104, 1991
Figure 24: Homestay Air Manis (2013) The anjung of the traditional Malay in Sabak Bernam [Photograph] Retrieved from http://www.homestayairmanis.com/2013/01/rm150-rumah-kampungtradisional.html (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 25: Abdullatib, Shanika (2008) Windows designed to floor level to suit the floor culture of Malays [Photograph] Retrieved from http://mforum2.cari.com.my/forum.php?mod=viewthread&tid=380010 (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 26: Jacobs, Joseph (1998) Importance is given to ventilation to allow houses to 'breathe' such as 1) the space underneath the house which is also for workshop and chickens 2) Voids in gable screens to allow hot air to escape 3) Full-length shuttered windows [Photograph] from Chen, Encyclopaedia of Malaysia, p.23, 1998. Figure 27: Elias-Moore, Kerry (1998) An illustration of the Malay houses in the Kampong built at the edge of a river and paddy fields and contains a mosque and cemetery [Illustration] from Chen, The Encyclopaedia of Malaysia, p.18, 1998 Figure 28: Kongsi (2010) The use of the halaman to hold social events. In this instance, a wedding is about to be held at the bride’s family house [Photograph] Retrived from http://atuksara.blogspot.co.uk/2010/07/majlis-kahwin-anak-maznah-di-sg-choh.html (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 29: Yuan, Lim Jee (2012) The halaman of the Malay house [Illustration] from Yuan, The Traditional Malay House, p.83, 2012 Figure 30: Rahman, Ena Ezaty (2010) The Malay house using modern materials such as zinc roofs, cement, bricks and glass [Photograph] Retrieved from http://enaezaty.blogspot.co.uk/2013_03_01_archive.html (Accessed 12.04.14) Figure 31: Arzmi, Azmah (2008) A typical terrace house in the developing town of Subang Jaya [Photograph] Figure 32: Cheng, Jimmy (2014) Plan showing example of a Malaysian terrace house with spatial constraints. The property is from a housing developer in Johor Bahru [Illustration] Retrieved from http://www.propertyguru.com.my/property-listing/aman-larkin-townhouse-residence-jb-for-sale3136157 (Accessed 13.01.14) Figure 33: Jacobs, Joseph (1998) Aerial view of housing estates in Klang Valley [Photographs] from Chen, Encyclopaedia of Malaysia, p.120, 1998. Figure 34: Mohd Salleh (2010) Proximity of houses and alleyways means violation of privacy for women doing domestic activities at the rear of the houses [Photograph] from Zohri, Malay Women and Terrace Housing, p.80, 2010 Figure 35: Jamal, Fazrin (2012) Wedding feasts are held by Malays in urban areas are often at the expense of neighbour’s privacy [Photograph] Retrieved from http://fazrinjamal.blogspot.co.uk/2012/09/8-perkara-menyakitkan-hati-waktu.html (Accessed 12.04.14)