مستقبل انتفاضة البحرين: الدور السعودي والرهانات الإقليمية والدولية

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‫ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝل‪ ‬ﺍاﻧﺗﻔﺎﺿﺔ‪ ‬ﺍاﻟﺑﺣﺭرﻳﯾﻥن‪:‬‬

‫‪ ‬ﺍاﻟﺩدﻭوﺭر‪ ‬ﺍاﻟﺳﻌﻭوﺩدﻱي‪ ‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺭرﻫﮬﮪھﺎﻧﺎﺕت‪ ‬ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻳﯾﻣﻳﯾﺔ‪ ‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺩدﻭوﻟﻳﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻳﯾﻭوﻧﻳﯾﻭو‪2012 ‬‬

‫ﺩد‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺰﺓة ﺍاﳊﺴﻦ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻌﻮﺩدﻱي(‬


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‫ﺍاﻟﻔﻬﺮﺱس‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬

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‫ﺭرﻫﺎﻥن ﺍاﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻲ‬

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‫ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‬

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‫)ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة( ﺃأﺯزﻣﺔ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ /‬ﺳﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‬

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‫ﺁآﻓﺎﻕق ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬

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‫ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻏﺒﺶ ﺍاﻟﺮﺅؤﻳﺔ‬

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‫ﺍاﻟﻬﻮﺍاﻣﺶ‬

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‫ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝل‪ ‬ﺍاﻧﺗﻔﺎﺿﺔ‪ ‬ﺍاﻟﺑﺣﺭرﻳﯾﻥن‪:‬‬

‫‪ ‬ﺍاﻟﺩدﻭوﺭر‪ ‬ﺍاﻟﺳﻌﻭوﺩدﻱي‪ ‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺭرﻫﮬﮪھﺎﻧﺎﺕت‪ ‬ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻳﯾﻣﻳﯾﺔ‪ ‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺩدﻭوﻟﻳﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻳﯾﻭوﻧﻳﯾﻭو‪2012 ‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﻮﺩد ﺍاﻧﻄﺒﺎﻉع ﻋﺎﻡم ﺑﲔ ﺍاﳌﺮﺍاﻗﺒﲔ ﻟﻸﺯزﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺄﻥن ﻫﻨﺎﻙك ﺟﻤﻮﺩدﺍا ﹰً ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﹰً ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻳﻠﻔﻬﺎ؛ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺨﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺓة ﺍاﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺼﺪﺍاﻡم ﺑﲔ ﻗﻮﻯى ﺍاﻷﻣﻦ ﻭوﺍاﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﺤﺒﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺸﺎﺭرﻉع ﻭوﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍاﺗﻪ ﺍاﻟﻬﺎﺩدﺭرﺓة‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻭوﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭوﺍاﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝل ﻭوﺍاﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎﺕت‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﺘﺌﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕت ﺣﻘﻮﻕق ﺍاﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥن ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﺍاﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻭوﺗﻨﺪﺩد ﺑﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺘﻰ ﺍاﻵﻥن‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙك ﺷﻜﻮﻙك ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓة ﻓﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕت ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍاﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍاﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺃأﺣﺪﺍاﺙث ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻜﻠﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺃأﻭوﺍاﺧﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ ‪) 2011‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍاﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳉﻮﺍاﻧﺐ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺍاﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺭرﻗﻢ ‪) 1725‬ﺭر( ﺍاﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺈﺟﺮﺍاﺀء ﺣﻮﺍاﺭر ﻭوﻃﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽض ﺃأﻥن ﻳﻔﺘﺢ ﻛ ﹼّﻮﺓة ﻭوﻣﺨﺮﺟﺎ ﹰً ﹼّ‬ ‫ﳊﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺇإﺫذ ﻻ ﺯزﺍاﻝل ﺍاﳊﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺤ ﹼّﺒﺬ ﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﻫﻮ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﲔ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ )ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﻭوﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭوﻋﻠﻰ ﺭرﺃأﺳﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق ﺍاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ(‬ ‫ﻳﺒﺪﺃأ ﺑﺴﻘﻒ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ـ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﺍاﳊﻜﻢ ـ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﺎﺭر ﺩدﺍاﺋﻤﺎ ﹰً ﺍاﻟﻰ ﻟﻘﺎﺀءﺍاﺕت ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓة‬ ‫ﺑﲔ ﺍاﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ ﲟﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕت ﺩدﻧﻴﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻔﺾ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍاﻵﻥن ﺍاﻟﻰ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ)‪. )1‬‬


‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍاﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫‪ 12‬ﻳﯾﻭوﻧﻳﯾﻭو‪2012 ‬‬

‫ﻭوﻣﺎ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﻄﺢ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻥن ﻟﻄﺮﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺼﺮﺍاﻉع ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺃأﺟﻨﺪﺗﻪ ﺍاﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍا‪‬ﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻐﻠﺔ ﺑﺄﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﺃأﺳﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ :‬ﺍاﻷﻭوﻝل‪ :‬ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕت ﺍاﻹﻋﺘﺮﺍاﺽض ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺸﺎﺭرﻉع ﻭوﻣﻮﺍاﺟﻬﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﳋﺸﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﳌﺘﺼﺎﻋﺪﺓة ﺇإﻥن ﺗﻄ ﹼّﻠﺐ ﺍاﻷﻣﺮ؛ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭوﺿﻊ ﺩدﺳﺘﻮﺭرﻱي ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ـ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺎﺏب ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍاﻟﻨﻮﺍاﺏب‬ ‫ﻭوﺟﻬﺎﺯز ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﺔ ﻛﻠ ﹼّﻴﺔ ـ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺗﺴﺘﻜﻤﻞ ﺇإﺟﺮﺍاﺀءﺍاﺕت ﻭوﺇإﻗﺮﺍاﺭر ﺍاﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎﺕت ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑـ )ﺍاﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻼﺕت‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭرﻳﺔ( ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍاﳌﻮﺍاﺻﻔﺎﺕت ﺍاﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍاﻟﺘﻮﺍاﻓﻖ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﺍاﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﳝﺔ ﺍاﻟﻔﺎﺋﺪﺓة)‪. )2‬‬ ‫ﺃأﻣﺎ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺸﻐﻮﻟﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى ﺑﺘﺼﺮﻳﻒ ﺃأﻋﻤﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﲢﺸﻴﺪ ﺍاﻟﺸﺎﺭرﻉع‪ ،‬ﻭوﺗﻀﻤﻴﺪ ﺍاﳉﺮﺍاﺡح‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭوﻣﻮﺍاﺻﻠﺔ ﺍاﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﺍاﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭوﺍاﳊﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍاﺯزﻥن ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﻯى ﺑﲔ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻓﻀﻰ ـ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻭوﺍاﺿﺢ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍاﻵﻥن ـ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺇإﻃﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺾ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ‪ /‬ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺒﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯزﻳﺎﺩدﺓة ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﻧﺎﺓة ﺍاﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎﺓة ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻟﻌﺒﺔ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺃأﺻﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺆﳌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭوﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕت ﺍاﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓة ﻭوﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﻹﲢﺎﺩد ﺍاﻷﻭوﺭرﻭوﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍاﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍاﻵﻥن‪ ،‬ﻭوﻋﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﲔ ﻵﻓﺎﻕق ﺍاﻟﺼﺮﺍاﻉع ﻭوﺃأﺩدﻭوﺍاﺗﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ )ﺍاﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﺍاﳌﺰﺩدﻭوﺝج ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ‪ /‬ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻜﺔ( ﻭوﺿﻊ ﺳﻘﻒ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺇإﻥن ﺣﻮﺕت‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺻﺎﺭر ﺑﺎﻹﻣﻜﺎﻥن ﻋﺪﻡم ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﺪﻭوﺙث ﻣﻔﺎﺟﺂﺕت ﻣﻦ ﺍاﳉﺎﻧﺒﲔ‪ .‬ﲟﻌﻨﻰ ﺁآﺧﺮ‪ :‬ﺇإﻥن ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺏب ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭرﺍا ﹰً ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﺘﻮﺍاﺯزﻥن ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺘﻌﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺃأﻃﺮﺍاﻑف ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇإﻻ ﺃأﻥن ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻥن )ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍاﻹﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭر( ﺃأﻱي )ﲡﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍاﻟﺮﺍاﻫﻦ(‪ ،‬ﻭوﺳﺤﺐ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺃأﻫﻢ ﺻﻮﺍاﻋﻖ ﺍاﻟﺘﻔﺠﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻪ )ﺗﻜﻔﻠﺖ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﳉﻨﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ(؛ ﺩدﻭوﻥن‬ ‫ﺃأﻥن ﲢﻘﻖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍاﻟﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ )ﺍاﳊﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ(‪ .‬ﻭوﳑﺎ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃأﻥن ﺩدﻋﻮﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻹﲢﺎﺩد ﺍاﻷﻭوﺭرﻭوﺑﻲ ﻭوﻭوﺍاﺷﻨﻄﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﻘﺒﻮﻝل ﺑﺎﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﻣﻊ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻗﺪ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺖ ﻭوﺗﻴﺮﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍاﹰً‪ ،‬ﻭوﺇإﻥن ﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ)‪. )3‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺬﺍا ﺍاﳌﻌﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﻝل ﺑﺄﻥن ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﺸﺎﻥن ﺃأﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻧﺴﺪﺍاﺩد ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻤﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃأﻭوﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍاﺳﺘﻬﻠﻚ ﻣﺴﺆﻭوﻟﻮ ﺍاﳊﻜﻢ ـ ﻭوﻣﻨﺬ ﺍاﻟﺸﻬﻮﺭر ﺍاﻷﻭوﻟﻰ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺑﲔ ﻓﺒﺮﺍاﻳﺮ ﻭوﺃأﺑﺮﻳﻞ ‪ 2011‬ـ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺇإﻥن ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﺭرﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻭوﻭوﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍاﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﻹﻧﻬﺎﺀء ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﻭوﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻭوﺍاﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭر ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺩدﺭرﺳﺎ ﹰً ﻗﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﻌﻘﺎﺏب ﻻ ﺗﻘﻮﻡم ﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ )ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍاﻟﺮﺟﻮﻉع ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭوﺃأﻧﻮﺍاﻉع ﺍاﻹﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎﺕت ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﻘﺎﺏب ﺍاﳉﻤﺎﻋﻲ(‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍا ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃأﺧﺮﻯى‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻭوﻟﺖ ﺍاﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺇإﺣﺒﺎﻁط ﺃأﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ـ ﻭوﻟﻮ ﺇإﺻﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ـ ﻭوﺟﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﻔﺎﻭوﺽض ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺃأﺩدﻧﻰ ﻭوﲢﺖ ﺿﻐﻂ ﺍاﻟﻘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍاﻟﺸﺎﺭرﻉع‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭوﺑﻨﺸﺎﻁط ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق‪ ،‬ﺍاﺳﺘﻄﺎﻉع ـ ﻭوﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﻠﺔ ـ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﺪ ﺟﺮﺍاﺣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﺳﺘﻌﺎﺩدﺓة ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺘﻪ )ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﻳﺔ( ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻯى ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭوﻋﺎ ﹰً ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﹰً ﳊﻞ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻴﺪ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻩه؛ ﻭوﻻ ﺇإﻋﺎﺩدﺓة‬ ‫ﻭوﻳﺤﻘﻖ ﺍاﻹﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍاﺭر؛ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻥن ﻭوﺳﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺍاﻟﺮﺩدﻋﻴﺔ ﺇإﻟﻐﺎﺀء ﺍاﻹﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎﺕت ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍاﺕت ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﺭرﺏب ﺍاﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﻌﻮﺩد ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺫذﺍاﺕت ﺍاﳌﻤﺎﺭرﺳﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﻌﻨﻔﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﳌﻨﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮﻕق ﺍاﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥن ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺃأﻥن‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭرﺳﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺍاﻳﺔ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃأﻣﺎ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺩدﺭرﺓة ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍاﻟﻮﺍاﻗﻊ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻘﻮﺓة ﺍاﻟﺸﺎﺭرﻉع ﻭوﺣﺪﻩه‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺓة ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﻭوﻭوﺳﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺍاﻟﺮﺩدﻋﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻹﻛﺮﺍاﻫﻴﺔ؛ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻭوﺃأﻧﻬﺎ ـ ﺇإﻣﺎ ﻟﻘﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ؛ ﺃأﻭو ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺿﻐﻂ ﺳﻔﺮﺍاﺀء ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻝل‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ـ ﻻ ﲤﻴﻞ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﻟﺘﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺸﺎﺭرﻉع‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﻳﺆ ﹼّﺩدﻱي ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳌﻮﺍاﺯزﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻳﻔﻀﻲ ﺍاﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﳑﺎﺭرﺳﺔ ﺿﻐﻂ ﻫﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﻟﻠﻘﺒﻮﻝل ﺑﺎﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ)‪.)4‬‬ ‫ﺇإﺫذﻥن‪ ،‬ﳌﺎﺫذﺍا ﻟﻢ ﻳﺆ ﹼّﺩد ﺍاﻹﻧﺴﺪﺍاﺩد ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﻣﺮﺍاﻫﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺣﻮﺍاﺭرﻱي‪ ،‬ﻭوﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃأﻓﻖ ﺣﻞ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ؟‬ ‫ﻭوﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﺫذﺍا ﻳﺮﺍاﻫﻦ ﺍاﻟﻼﻋﺒﻮﻥن ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻜﺔ؟‬

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‫ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻭوﺍاﻟﺮﻫﺎﻧﺎﺕت ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺭرﻫﺎﻥن ﺍاﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﺑﺘﺪﺍا ﹰًﺀء ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﻝل ﺑﺄﻥن ﺃأﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻯى ﺗﺪﻭوﻳﻠﻬﺎ ﻭوﺃأﻗﻠﻤﺘﻬﺎ )ﺍاﻥن ﺻﺢ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ( ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍاﻳﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻊ ﺃأﻥن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﺮﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻝل ﻣﻦ ﺛﻮﺭرﺍاﺕت ﻟﻢ ﺗﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺄﻧﺎ ﹰً ﺩدﺍاﺧﻠﻴﺎ ﹰً ﺑﺤﺘﺎﹰً‪ ،‬ﺷﺄﻥن ﻛﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍاﻟﻜﺒﺮﻯى‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭوﺿﻊ ﻭوﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺇإﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭوﺭرﲟﺎ ﺩدﻭوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﳌﺘﻀﺮﺭرﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﺷﻬﺪﻧﺎ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻭوﺍاﺿﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺗﲔ ﺍاﻟﻴﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺴﻮﺭرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥن ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻓﺎﻋﻼﹰً ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺼﻴﺮ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة‪ ..‬ﺇإﻻ‬ ‫ﺃأﻥن ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﻭوﻳﻞ ﺃأﻭو ﺍاﻷﻗﻠﻤﺔ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭوﺗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻳﻌﻮﺩد ﺫذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺰﺀء ﺃأﺳﺎﺱس ﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺇإﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﻭوﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻣﺪﻯى ﺭرﻏﺒﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇإﻗﺤﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻲ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺃأﺣﺪﻫﻤﺎ ﺩدﺍاﺧﻠﻴﺎﹰً؛ ﻭوﻻ ﻳﻌﻮﺩد ﺫذﻟﻚ ‪‬ﺮﺩد ﺭرﻏﺒﺔ ﺃأﻃﺮﺍاﻑف ﺇإﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭوﺩدﻭوﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺮﻯى ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍاﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺃأﻭو ﺍاﻟﺸﻌﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺟﺪ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﺍا ﹰً ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ ﺷﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺧﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍاﺕت ﻫﺎﺩدﺭرﺓة ﻛﺎﺩدﺕت ﺗﻘﺘﻠﻊ ﺟﺬﻭوﺭر ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﺭرﺱس ‪2011‬؛ ﻭوﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﺠﺪ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺮﺍا ﹰً ﻟﺴﺨﻂ ﺍاﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭر ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻯى ﺍاﻟﺰﻋﻢ ﺑﺄﻥن ﻫﻨﺎﻙك‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺧﻼﹰً ﻭوﻣﺆﺍاﻣﺮﺓة ﺧﺎﺭرﺟﻴﺔ؛ ﻣﺎﻧﺤﺎ ﹰً ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﺘﺤﺮﻙك ﺗﺒﺮﺭر ﻟﻪ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺍاﻵﺧﺮ ﺍاﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎﺀء ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ)‪. )5‬‬

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‫ﺍاﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻼﺋﻖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻛﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺭرﺑﻴﻌﻴﺔ ـ ﻭوﺟﺪﺕت ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺃأﻣﺎﻡم‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻃﻒ ﺷﻌﺒﻲ ﻣﺼﻨﹼّﻒ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﻴﺎﹰً‪ ،‬ﺇإﻥن ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺍاﻕق ﺃأﻭو ﺇإﻳﺮﺍاﻥن‪ ،‬ﺃأﻭو ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻭو ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥن ﺃأﻭو ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭوﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﺍاﳌﺪﻫﺶ‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍاﳋﻄﺎﺏب ﺍاﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ـ ﺇإﻻ ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻔﻜﺎﻙك ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍاﻵﺧﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭوﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﺍاﻷﺳﺎﺱس؛ ﻭوﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﺩد ﺍاﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍاﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭوﺍاﳌﻌﻨﻮﻱي‬ ‫ﻭوﻏﻴﺮﻩه ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺃأﺣﺪ ﺟﻮﺍاﻧﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻷﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻄﻂ ﺍاﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍاﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻲ ﻭوﺗﺸﻮﻳﻪ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ﻓﺈﻥن ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ـ ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ـ ﻓﺘﺤﺖ ﺃأﺑﻮﺍاﺏب ﺗﻮﺍاﺻﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﺷﻨﻄﻦ ﻭوﻋﻮﺍاﺻﻢ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﻹﲢﺎﺩد ﺍاﻷﻭوﺭرﻭوﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺍاﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻛﺎﻥن ﻫﺬﺍا ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍاﻧﺪﻻﻉع ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﻓﻲ ﻓﺒﺮﺍاﻳﺮ ‪ ،2011‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻟﻘﺎﺀءﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥن‪ ،‬ﺃأﻣﲔ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡم ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺳﻔﺮﺍاﺀء ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍاﻟﻌﻮﺍاﺻﻢ ﻋﻠﻨﻴﺔ ﻭوﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭرﺓة ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍاﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃأﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﻮﺭرﺕت ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﲔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺣﺎﻭوﻟﺖ ﺍاﻹﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩدﺓة ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕت ﺣﻘﻮﻕق ﺍاﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥن‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻴﺔ ﳋﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻜﺔ؛ ﻭوﻫﺬﺍا ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍاﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓة ﺗﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﻘﺪﺭر ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﺸﻚ ـ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻷﻗﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺮﺓة ﺍاﻷﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍاﻷﻭوﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ـ ﻣﻦ ﺃأﻥن ﻫﻨﺎﻙك ﻣﺆﺍاﻣﺮﺓة ﻳﺤﻴﻜﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺏب ﺿﺪﻫﺎ!‬

‫ﺃأﻣﺮﺍاﻥن ﺳ ﹼّﺮﻋﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺃأﻗﻠﻤﺔ ﻭوﺗﺪﻭوﻳﻞ ﺍاﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺀءﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻳﻬﻢ ﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇإﻗﺤﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺘﻰ ﺍاﻵﻥن‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺗﻄﻴﻴﻒ ﺍاﻟﺼﺮﺍاﻉع‪ ،‬ﺃأﻱي ﲢﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺮﺍاﻉع ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺗﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍاﻃﻴﺔ ﻭوﺑﺼﻮﺭرﺓة ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺻﺮﺍاﻉع ﺳﻨﹼّﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺩدﺍاﺧﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭوﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻔﻠﺖ ﺍاﻵﻟﺔ ﺍاﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ )ﺍاﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥن ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭوﺟﻪ ﺍاﳋﺼﻮﺹص(‬ ‫ﻭوﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕت ﺍاﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻌﻘﺎﺏب ﺍاﳉﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﻸﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻌﺎﻝل‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺥخ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍاﳋﻄﻮﺭرﺓة ﻟﻢ ﺗﺸﻬﺪﻩه ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭرﻳﺨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺽض‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺘﻄﻴﻴﻒ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻜﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺇإﺭرﺟﺎﻉع ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﻕق‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﺔ؛ ﻭوﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍاﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻨ ﹼّﻴﺔ ﻭوﺭرﺍاﺀء ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭوﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪﺙث ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ)‪.)6‬‬

‫ﺃأﻭوﻻ ﹰً ـ ﻛﺎﻥن ﺭرﻫﺎﻥن ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮ ﺃأﻥن ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺴﻢ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﻭوﺑﺎﻟﻐﻄﺎﺀء ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭوﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺤﺪﺙث ﺫذﻟﻚ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍاﻵﻥن‪ .‬ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻲ ﺃأ ﹼّﺩدﻯى ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﻮﱘ‬ ‫ﺍاﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ )ﺗﺄﺟﻴﻠﻬﺎ( ﺑﺪﻻ ﹰً ﻣﻦ ﺣ ﹼّﻠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪ - 2‬ﺍاﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎﺀء ﻗﻮﺍاﺕت ﺩدﺭرﻉع ﺍاﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓة ﺍاﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﺴﺖ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫‪ 10/10/1982‬ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭرﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕت ﻗﻤﻊ ﺩدﺍاﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻭوﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﺍاﺕت ﻗﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻷﺳﺎﺱس ﳌﻮﺍاﺟﻬﺔ ﺍاﻱي ﺍاﻋﺘﺪﺍاﺀء ﺧﺎﺭرﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍاﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝج ﺇإﺻﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺩدﺍاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎﺋﻪ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﺍاﺕت‪ ،‬ﺃأﻗﺤﻢ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺑﺼﺮﺍاﻋﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺸﺄﻥن ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻭوﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼﺕت‬ ‫ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺸﺄﻥن ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ؛ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃأﻥن ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍاﳉﻐﺮﺍاﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﺍا ﹰً ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍاﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭوﻥن ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻧﻈﺮﺍا ﹰً‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩد ﻗﻴﺎﺩدﺓة ﺍاﻷﺳﻄﻮﻝل ﺍاﻷﻣﻴﺮﻛﻲ ﺍاﳋﺎﻣﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃأﺭرﺍاﺿﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻭوﺟﻮﺩد ﺻﺮﺍاﻉع‬ ‫ﻭوﺗﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃأﺷﻤﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻳﺮﺍاﻥن؛ ﻭوﺑﲔ ﺍاﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓة ﻣﻊ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺏب‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﺳﺮﺍاﺋﻴﻞ‪ ..‬ﻋﻮﺍاﻣﻞ ﺇإﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﻋﺪﺕت ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇإﻗﺤﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻲ ﺑﻘﻮﺓة‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥن ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ـ ﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻠﻖﹶَ ﺍاﻟﺘﻌﺎﻃﻒ ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﹰً ـ ﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺮﻗﺔ ﺍاﻟﻘﺮﺍاﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍاﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ؛ ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍاﻟﺼﺮﺍاﻉع ﺑﲔ ﻻﻋﺒﲔ ﻣﺤﻠﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺪﺭر ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺻﺮﺍاﻉع‬ ‫ﺇإﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺩدﻭوﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﰎﹼّ ﺗﻬﻤﻴﺶ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﻭوﺻﺎﺭر ﻗﺮﺍاﺭرﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍاﻷﺳﺎﺱس ﺑﻴﺪ ﺍاﻟﻼﻋﺒﲔ ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍاﺕت ﺍاﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﺍاﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱي ﻭوﺍاﻟﻐﻄﺎﺀء ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭوﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ﹰً ـ ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ﻗ ﹼّﻮﻯى ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻲ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓة ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍاﻟﺘﺸﺪﺩد ﻓﻲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﳊﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺩدﺍاﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻗ ﹼّﻠﺺ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ ﺍاﳊﻠﻮﻝل‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻮﺳﻄﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻭو ﺍاﳊﻠﻮﻝل ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇإﻥن ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﳑﻜﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻷﺳﺎﺱس‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭرﺍاﺑﻌﺎ ﹰً ـ ﻭوﻫﻮ ﺍاﻷﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻥن ﺃأﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺃأﺿﺤﺖ ﺟﺰ ﹰًﺀء ﺃأﻭو ﻣﻔﺮﺩدﺓة ﻣﻦ ﺻﺮﺍاﻉع‬ ‫ﺇإﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺩدﻭوﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃأﻥن ﺗﻘﺮﺭر ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﻭوﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻭوﺣﺪﻫﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺮ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭوﻭوﺟﻬﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺃأﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻻ ﲢﺴﻢ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﺪﻭو‬ ‫ﺇإﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺴﻢ ﻣﻠﻔﺎﺕت ﺇإﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭوﺩدﻭوﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓة‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍاﳌﻠﻒ ﺍاﻟﺴﻮﺭرﻱي‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﻟﻴﻤﻨﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻨﻮﻭوﻱي ﺍاﻹﻳﺮﺍاﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍاﳊﻜﻢ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‪ ،‬ﻭوﻣﺼﻴﺮ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺍاﺕت‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺍاﺕت ﺍاﳌﻀﺎﺩدﺓة ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﲟﻌﻨﻰ ﺁآﺧﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻠﺔ ﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺃأﻭوﺿﺎﻉع ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓة ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﺩد‬ ‫ﹼّ‬ ‫‪5‬‬


‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍاﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﺍاﺕت ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍاﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩدﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻨﻮﺍاﺕت ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺟ ﹼّﻠﻠﺖ ﲟﺎ ﺳﻤﻲ ﺭرﺑﻴﻊ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺍاﺕت‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭوﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍاﻵﻥن‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭرﲟﺎ ﻟﻬﺬﺍا ﺍاﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﲢﺪﻳﺪﺍاﹰً‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺀء ﺍاﳉﻤﻮﺩد ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ؛‬ ‫ﻭوﻛﺄﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍاﳌﺴﻤﻮﺡح ـ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻼﻋﺒﲔ ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﲔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻴﲔ ـ ﺃأﻥن‬ ‫ﻳﺤﺴﻢ ﺍاﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﺭرﺍاﺗﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ؛ ﻭوﻟﺮﲟﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍاﳌﺴﻤﻮﺡح‬ ‫ﻟﻄﺮﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺼﺮﺍاﻉع ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺃأﻥن ﻳﻘﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﺯزﻻﺕت ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭوﻫﺬﺍا‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻘﻲ ﺍاﻟﻀﻮﺀء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭرﻫﺎﻥن ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻭوﺍاﳊﻜﻢ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﹼّ‬ ‫ﲢﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍاﳉﻤﻮﺩد ﻭوﺍاﻹﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭر‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻌﻞ ﺍاﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﺑﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍاﺕت ﺇإﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺇإﻣﺎ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭوﺿﻊ ﺃأﺣﺪﻫﻤﺎ ﺍاﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭوﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻭو ﺗﻨﻬﻲ ﻗ ﹼّﻮﺓة ﺍاﳋﺼﻢ ﻛﻠ ﹼّﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭوﺍاﻷﻗﺮﺏب‪ :‬ﺃأﻥن‬ ‫ﺍاﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ـ ﻭوﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝل ﺍاﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍاﺀء ﺍاﻷﻭوﺿﺎﻉع ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﹰً‬ ‫ـ ﻻ ﻳﺨﺪﻡم ﺍاﻟﻄﻤﻮﺣﺎﺕت ﻭوﺍاﳋﻴﺎﺭرﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ)‪. )7‬‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃأﻥن ﻳﻘﺎﻝل ﲡﺎﻩه ﺃأﻱي ﺩدﻭوﻟﺔ ﺧﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺄ ﹲٌﻥن‬ ‫ﱞ‬ ‫ﺃأﺧﺮﻯى‪ ،‬ﺃأﻭو ﺃأﻳﺔ ﺩدﻭوﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍاﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓة ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ )ﲢﺪﻳﺪﺍا ﹰً ﺍاﻟﻴﻤﻦ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﲡﺪ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻨ ﹼّﻴﺔ ﲡﺎﻩه ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﺮﻱي ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻝل ﺍا‪‬ﺎﻭوﺭرﺓة‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍاﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭوﻥن ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃأﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻭوﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫذ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻗﺪ ﺑﺪﺍا ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍاﻟﺘﺂﻛﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﶈﻴﻂ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ ـ ﻭوﻟﻴﺲ ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ ـ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﺿﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺗﺮ ﺍاﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕت ﺣﻴﻨﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﺑﺮﻭوﺩدﻫﺎ ﺣﻴﻨﺎ ﹰً ﺁآﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ ﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﺣﺔ؛‬ ‫ﻭوﺑﲔ ﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض ﻭوﺃأﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ؛ ﻭوﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﲔ ﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﻭوﻣﺴﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃأﺧﺮﻯى‪ ..‬ﻓﺈﻥن ﻫﺬﻩه ﺍاﳋﻼﻓﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩدﻳﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻨﺎﺯزﻉع‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﳊﺪﻭوﺩد ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﺮﺍاﺷﻖ ﺍاﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ﻭوﺻﺪﺍاﻣﺎﺕت ﺣﺪﻭوﺩدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻐ ﹼّﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ )ﺷﺄ ﹲٌﻥن ﺁآﺧﺮ( ﻣﻦ ﻭوﺟﻬﺔ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭوﳝﻜﻦ ﺇإﺟﻤﺎﻝل ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﺮﺍاﺟﻊ ﺍاﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫذ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﹼّ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ـ ﺯزﻳﺎﺩدﺓة ﺍاﳊﻀﻮﺭر ﺍاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺩدﻭوﻝل‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﻥن ﻫﺬﺍا ﺍاﳊﻀﻮﺭر ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﺗﻜ ﹼّﺜﻒ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍاﻳﺔ ﺍاﳊﺮﺏب‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺍاﻗﻴﺔ ﺍاﻹﻳﺮﺍاﻧﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏب ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ـ ﻭوﺟﻮﺩد ﺃأﺯزﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ)‪ ،)8‬ﻋﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻫﻮﺭر ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫذ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﺇإﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﺩدﻭوﻟﻴﺎﹰً‪ .‬ﻭوﻗﺪ ﺃأ ﹼّﺩدﻯى‬ ‫ﺍاﻧﺸﻐﺎﻝل ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﲟﺸﺎﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﺪﺍاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍاﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺍاﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺷﻌﻮﺭر ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى ﺑﻌﺪﻡم ﻗﺪﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺍاﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﳉﻴﺮﺍاﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺪﻭوﻟﺔ )ﺷﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻛﺒﺮﻯى(‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﳋﺸﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃأﻥن ﺗﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺃأﻭو ﺗﻨﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﺍاﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍاﺕت ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍاﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻄﺮﻑف ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﻨﻒ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫‪ 3‬ـ ﺭرﻏﺒﺔ ﻭوﺗﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻌﺐ ﺩدﻭوﺭر ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪﺍا ﹰً ﻋﻦ ﺍاﻟﻌﺒﺎﺀءﺓة ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﺳﺘﻴﺎﺀءﻫﺎ ﺍاﳌﺘﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻭوﻃﺄﺓة ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍاﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭرﻩه ﺍاﳊﺎﻗﺎ ﹰً ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﻏﻨ ﹼّﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪6‬‬

‫‪ 12‬ﻳﯾﻭوﻧﻳﯾﻭو‪2012 ‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﺍاﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩدﻱي ﺍاﻟﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻫﺬﺍا ﻭوﺍاﺿﺢ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻴﻮﻡم ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻘﻄﺮ ﻭوﺍاﻹﻣﺎﺭرﺍاﺕت‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥن ﻭوﺍاﺿﺤﺎ ﹰً ﺑﺎﻷﻣﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕت ﺍاﳌﻴﻼﺩدﻳﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﻭوﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍاﺣﺘﻼﻝل‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺍاﻕق ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻡم ‪ .1990‬ﻫﺬﺍا ﺍاﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍاﻷﺳﺎﺱس ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﺃأ ﹼّﺩدﻯى ﺍاﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺇإﻓﺸﺎﻝل ﻣﺸﺮﻭوﻉع )ﺍاﻹﲢﺎﺩد ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ( ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﺩدﻋﺎ ﻟﻪ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻫﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺩدﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ،2011‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﻋﻘﺪﺕت ﻗﻤﺔ ﺗﺸﺎﻭوﺭرﻳﺔ ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض ﻓﻲ‬ ‫‪ ،14/5/2012‬ﻟﻢ ﲢﻘﻖ ﺳﻮﻯى ﺍاﻟﻔﺸﻞ ﺍاﻟﺬﺭرﻳﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﲤﺎﻣﺎﹰً‪ ،‬ﻭوﺑﺪﺕت ﻣﻄﻮﺍاﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃأﻱي ﺩدﻭوﻟﺔ ﺧﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺃأﺧﺮﻯى‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍا ﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝج ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ ﲢﺼﻴﻨﺎ ﹰً ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉع ﻋﻦ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ؛‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓة‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﳉﺰﺭر ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃأﺧﺮﻯى‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻣﻘ ﹼّﺮ ﻗﻴﺎﺩدﺓة ﺍاﻷﺳﻄﻮﻝل ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻱي ﺍاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﳋﺎﻣﺲ؛ ﻓﻠﻤﺎﺫذﺍا ﻫﻲ ﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻋﺘﺪﺍاﺀء ﺧﺎﺭرﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﲔ ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍاﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ )ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ(؟‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﺘﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡم ﺍاﳊﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻠﺘﺎﻥن ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫذ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍاﻟﺪﳝﻐﺮﺍاﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﺎﻥن‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍاﻷﺻﻠﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻭو ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻥن ﺑـ )ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺎﺭرﻧﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻨﺠﺢ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﳕﻂ ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﻌﺪﺍاﺋﻴﺔ ﲡﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭوﲡﻌﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺮ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡم ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺸﺎﺭرﻛﻲ ﻗﺎﺩدﺭر ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺼﻤﻮﺩد ﺃأﻣﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺬﺍا ﺍاﳌﻌﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥن ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﺘﺮﻙك‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺍاﺟﻬﺔ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍاﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭرﻩه ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺩدﺍاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫)ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭوﻃﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ( ﻓﻲ ﺁآﻥن‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍاﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩدﻱي‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍاﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺍاﳌﻮﺍاﺭرﺩد ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﲔ ﻛﻞ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ؛ ﻣﻊ ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻭوﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻡم ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻝل ﺩدﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﻔﺮﺩد ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ـ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍاﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍاﺕت ـ ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﻴﺮﻩه‬ ‫ﺃأﻥن ﻳﻜﻮﻥن ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺒﺪﻭو ﳒﺎﺣﺎ ﹰً ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﺤﻜﻲ ﻗﺼﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺕت ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ـ ﻭوﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ـ ﺍاﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍاﺭرﻫﺎ ﺍاﳌﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻭوﻟﻌﻞ ﺍاﻹﻧﻌﻄﺎﻓﺔ ﺍاﻷﺳﺎﺱس ﺟﺎﺀءﺕت ﻣﻊ ﺇإﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﺍاﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩدﻳﺎﹰً‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ـ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡم ‪.1985‬‬ ‫ﺍاﳉﺴﺮ ﻛﺎﻥن ﺍاﻟﺒﻮﺍاﺑﺔ ﺍاﻷﺳﺎﺱس ﻟﻠﻨﻔﻮﺫذ ﺍاﻷﻣﻨﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩدﻱي‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي؛ ﻭوﺟﺎﺀء ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃأﺧﺮﻯى ﻓﻲ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺤﻘﺎ ﹰً‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪ .‬ﺍاﻟﻴﻮﻡم‪ .‬ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺍاﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩد‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﻘﻞ ﺃأﺑﻮ ﺳﻌﻔﺔ ﺍاﻟﻨﻔﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﳌﺸﺘﺮﻙك ﻫﻮ ﲢﺖ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺩدﺓة ﻭوﺍاﻹﺩدﺍاﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻻ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻷﻣﺮﺍاﺀء ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍاﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ـ ﻓﻀﻼﹰً ﻋﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ ـ ﻣﻦ ﺩدﺧﻮﻝل ﺍاﳊﻘﻞ؛‬ ‫ﻭوﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍاﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕت ﺍاﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍاﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ )‪ 415‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡم ‪ (2011‬ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺃأﻧﺸﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﻭوﻋﻤﻼﺋﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺪﺍاﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃأﺧﺮﻯى‪ ،‬ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﺟﺴﺮ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺴ ﹼّﻮﺍاﺡح ﻭوﺍاﻟﺰﺍاﺋﺮﻳﻦ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﲔ ﻭوﻳﻘﺪﻡم‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﺭر ﺑﻨﺤﻮ ‪ 12-15%‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍاﻧﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﺔ)‪ . )9‬ﻫﺬﺍا ﺍاﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺍاﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺧﻮﻻﺕت ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﳌﺸﺎﺭرﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﻣﻌﻮﻧﺎﺕت ﺑﲔ ﺍاﻟﻔﻴﻨﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍاﳌﻴﺰﺍاﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻭو ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍاﳊﺎﻝل ﺍاﻵﻥن ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺸﺘﺪﺓة ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥن‬


‫‪ 12‬ﻳﯾﻭوﻧﻳﯾﻭو‪2012 ‬‬

‫ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻭوﺍاﻟﺮﻫﺎﻧﺎﺕت ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡم ﺑﺘﻘﺪﱘ ﺩدﻋﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﳌﻮﺍاﺟﻬﺔ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى‪.‬‬

‫ﻭوﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍاﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻫﺬﻩه ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃأﻥن ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺿﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭوﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻟ ﹼّﻮﺣﺖ ﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض ﺑﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻨﻮﺍاﺕت ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﲔ ﻣﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻲ ‪3/11/2009‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺪﻳﺮ )ﺍاﻟﺮﻣﺎﻝل!( ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﳌﻨﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭوﻟﺬﺍا ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺍاﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓة ﺗﻘﻮﻯى ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺘﺠﺎﻭوﺯزﺍاﺕت‬ ‫ﲢﻤﻞ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍاﳋﻼﻑف ﻣﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻭوﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﺤﺔ ﺍاﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓة ﺃأﻭو ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﲡﺎﻭوﺯز ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺪﻭوﺩد ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓة‪ ،‬ﻭوﺳﻴﻄﺮﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺰﺭر‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ )ﺑﻴﻨﺔ‪ /‬ﻟﺒﻴﻨﺔ ﺍاﻟﺼﻐﺮﻯى ﻭوﺍاﻟﻜﺒﺮﻯى( ﺍاﻟﻠﺘﺎﻥن ﻫﻤﺎ ﻣﺜﺎﺭر ﺧﻼﻑف ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﺍاﳋﻤﺴﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕت ﺍاﳌﻴﻼﺩدﻳﺔ ﺍاﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺪﺍاﺭر ﺗﻔﺎﻭوﺽض ﻓﻲ ﻟﻨﺪﻥن ﻣﺮﺗﲔ ﻋﺎﻡم‬ ‫‪ 1951‬ﻭو ‪.1954‬‬

‫ﻫﺬﻩه ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﺍاﻓﻊ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱي ﻭوﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻷﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ؛ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﻪ ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﻝل ﺃأﻥن ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺠﺮﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺷﺄﻧﺎ ﹰً ﺳﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺎ ﹰً ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻨﻰ ﺍاﻟﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻟﻠﻜﻠﻤﺔ؛ ﻭوﺃأﻥن‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻣﺘﺮﺍاﺑﻂ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺃأﺣﺪﻫﻤﺎ ﻳﺆﺩدﻱي ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻱي ﻟﺪﻯى ﺍاﻵﺧﺮ‪.‬‬

‫)ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة( ﺃأﺯزﻣﺔ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ /‬ﺳﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﲟﻔﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻭو ﻣﺎ ﺃأﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍاﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏب‬ ‫ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺍاﻷﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭوﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩدﻳﺔ؛ ﻭوﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﹰً ﻓﻤﻮﺍاﻃﻨﻮ ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﺘﲔ ﻫﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭرﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻤﻊ ﺍاﻷﻣﻨﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﺘﺎﻥن ـ ﻭوﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻮﺩد ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ـ ﲤﺘﻌﺘﺎ ﺑﺘﺎﺭرﻳﺦ ﺣﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕت ﺍاﻹﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝج ﻭوﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ‬ ‫ﻭوﻣﺤﺎﻭوﻻﺕت ﺍاﻹﻧﻘﻼﺏب ﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱي‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﻻ ﳒﺪ ﻧﻈﻴﺮﺍا ﹰً ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍا ﻻ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺮ‪ :‬ﳌﺎﺫذﺍا ﺗﻜﻮﻥن ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﻨ ﹼّﻴﺔ ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى‪ ،‬ﲟﺠﺮﻳﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ؛ ﻭوﺑﺎﳋﺼﻮﺹص ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺒﺖ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻗﻴﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﺒﺮﺍاﻳﺮ ‪ ،2011‬ﻭوﺃأﻧﻬﺎ ﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﺎ ﹰً ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺮﺓة ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺍاﺟﻬﺘﻪ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏب ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓة‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﻝل‬ ‫ﺑﺄﻥن ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍا ﹰً ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺸﺄﻥن ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻞ ﺃأﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﺮﺍا ﹰً ﺑﻬﺎ ﻭوﺗﻀﺮﺭرﺍا ﹰً ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺃأﻳﻀﺎﹰً‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍاﻷﻗﺮﺏب ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﳌﺮﺍاﻛﺰ ﺍاﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ /‬ﺍاﳊﻀﺮﻳﺔ ﺫذﺍاﺕت‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍاﻭو ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ؛ ﻭوﺷﻌﺐ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻮﺍاﺻﻼﹰً ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍاﳉﻐﺮﺍاﻓﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭوﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍاﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍاﳊﺎﻝل ﻣﻊ ﺷﻌﻮﺏب ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺃأﻥن ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺃأﻗﺮﺏب ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥن ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳉﻮﺍاﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻳﺰﺩدﺍاﺩد ﺍاﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺇإﺫذﺍا ﻣﺎ ﻻﺣﻈﻨﺎ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺴﺔ ﻭوﻣﺘﺪﺍاﺧﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺎﹰً‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃأﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺫذﺍاﺕت ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕت ﺍاﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥن ﺗﻄﻠﻌﺎﺕت ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻀﺎﻑف ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺫذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍاﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓة ﺍاﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩدﻱي ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻝل ﺍاﻧﺘﺎﺝج‬ ‫ﻭوﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﺮ ﻭوﺃأﺭرﺻﻔﺔ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﺮ ﺍاﻟﻨﻔﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﺍاﳊﺴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﳑﺎ ﻳﺠﺮﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ـ ﻭوﺧﻼﻑف ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى ـ ﻣﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺼﺮﺍاﻉع ﺍاﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫذ‬ ‫ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻻﻋﺒﺎ ﹰً ﺃأﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻃﺮﻓﺎ ﹰً ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮﺍا ﹰً ﺑﻌﻤﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍاﺭرﺗﺪﺍاﺩدﺍاﺗﻪ؛‬ ‫ﻭوﳒﺎﺡح ﺛﻮﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍاﺕت ﺳﻠﺒ ﹼّﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ‬

‫ﻟﺬﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﺍاﻓﻊ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﹰً‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻣﺆﻳﺪﺓة ﻷ ﹼّﻳﺔ ﺧﻄﻮﺍاﺕت ﺇإﺻﻼﺣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ؛ ﻭوﺍاﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏب ﺍاﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭرﺓة ﺃأﻋﻼﻩه ﻣﺜﻠﺖ ﺩدﻭوﺍاﻓﻊ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡم‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻹﻟﻐﺎﺀء ﺍاﻟﺒﺮﳌﺎﻥن ﻋﺎﻡم ‪.1975‬‬ ‫ﻭوﺗﺎﺭرﻳﺨﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍاﻝل ﺳﻌﻮﺩد ﻗﺪ ﺗﺪﺧﻠﻮﺍا ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺳﺎﻫﻤﻮﺍا ﻓﻲ ﺇإﺷﻌﺎﻝل‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻔﺘﻨﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡم ‪ ،1923‬ﻭوﻫﻲ ﺃأﺯزﻣﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍاﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﺮﻱي ﺍاﻟﻴﻮﻡم‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺃأﺩدﻯى ﻳﻮﻣﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺇإﺯزﺍاﺣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﲔ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁآﻝل ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻃﺮﺩد ﺃأﺷﺮﺱس ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺮﻳﻬﻢ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻧﻮﺍا ﻧﻮﺍاﺓة ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍاﳋﺒﺮ ﺍاﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎﹰً‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃأﻥن ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ ﻻ ﻣﻊ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺍاﺕت‬ ‫ﻭوﻻ ﻣﻊ ﺍاﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍاﻃﻴﺔ؛ ﻭوﻛﻼ ﺍاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻋﺪﻭوﺍاﻫﻤﺎ ﺍاﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺪﺍاﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‪ .‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﺄﻥن ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎ ﹰً ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ ﲢﺮﺭرﺍا ﹰً ﻭوﻋﺪﺍاﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺁآﺛﺎﺭرﻩه ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﺎﻙك‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻞ ﻭوﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮﺗﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ﻟﻴﺤﻔﺰﻫﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺜﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺜﺎ ﹰً ﻛﺎﻥن ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺤﺎﻭوﻝل ﺇإﻓﻬﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﲔ ﺑﺄﻥن ﻭوﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺃأﻭوﺿﺎﻋﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺃأﻧﻪ ﻣﻀﻄﺮ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡم ﺑﺒﻌﺾ ﺍاﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕت؛ ﻟﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻔﻬﻤﻮﺍا ﺫذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻳﻌﻮﺩد ﺟﺰﺀء ﻣﻦ ﻭوﺻﻮﻝل ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍاﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺃأﺕت ﻋﺎﻡم‬ ‫‪ 2000‬ﺍاﻟﻰ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺴﺪﻭوﺩد ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﻞ ﺍاﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﻗﺎﺩد ﻻﺣﻘﺎ ﹰً ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺗﻔﺠﺮ ﺍاﻷﺣﺪﺍاﺙث ﻓﻲ ﻓﺒﺮﺍاﻳﺮ ‪،2011‬‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﻟﻰ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻣﺠﺪﺩدﺍا ﹰً ـ ﻭوﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﻩه ﺍاﳌﺮﺓة ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﺓة ﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ـ ﲢﺖ ﻣﺴﻤﻰ ﺩدﺭرﻉع ﺍاﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓة‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁآﻓﺎﻕق ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺨﺮﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﻘﺪﺭر ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﻝل ﺑﺄﻥن ﻭوﺍاﺣﺪﺍا ﹰً ﻣﻦ ﺃأﻫﺪﺍاﻑف ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻋﺪﻡم ﺍاﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝل ﺷﺮﺍاﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍاﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﻘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻓﻮﻕق ﺣﻘﻮﻝل ﺍاﻟﻨﻔﻂ‪ .‬ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﺣﺪﺙث ﻫﻮ ﺃأﻥن ﺫذﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﺣﺮﺍاﻛﺎ ﹰً ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻕق ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻞ ﺑﻞ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱي ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍاﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍاﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﻫﺬﺍا ﺍاﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍاﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍاﺕت ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓة‪ ،‬ﺭرﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺮﺻﺎﺹص ﻭوﺳﻘﻮﻁط ﺍاﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥن ﺗﺄﺛﺮ ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍاﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‬ ‫ـ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻘﻄﻴﻒ ـ ﺑﺄﺣﺪﺍاﺙث ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﺍاﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕت ﻫﻨﺎﻙك ﺿﺪ ﺍاﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥن‪ ،‬ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺍا ﹰً ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍا ﹰً ﻭوﺩدﻓﻌﻬﻢ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﳋﺮﻭوﺝج‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﺃأﻋﻼﻡم ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍاﺗﻬﻢ ﻭوﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﲔ ﺑﺨﺮﻭوﺝج ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﺍاﺕت‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙك‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺍاﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺃأﻫﻢ ﺃأﻫﺪﺍاﻑف ﺣﺮﺍاﻛﻬﻢ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻡم‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺒﺪﻭو ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺭرﺑﺤﺖ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍا ﹰً ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺧﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱي ﺍاﳌﻜﺸﻮﻑف ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ؛ ﺇإﺫذ ﺑﺪﺕت ﻛﺪﻭوﻟﺔ ﻋﺪﻭوﺓة ﻟﻠﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍاﻃﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭوﺣﻘﻮﻕق ﺍاﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥن ﻟﻴﺲ ﳌﻮﺍاﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺇإﳕﺎ ﳌﻮﺍاﻃﻨﻲ ﺩدﻭوﻟﺔ ـ ﺃأﻭو ﺩدﻭوﻝل‬ ‫‪7‬‬


‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍاﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ـ ﺃأﺧﺮﻯى‪ .‬ﻭوﲢﻤﻠﺖ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺿﻐﻮﻃﺎ ﹰً ﺩدﻭوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﺪﺧﻠﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱي‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻡم ﻛﻨﻤﻮﺫذﺝج ﻟﻠﺪﻭوﻟﺔ ﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﺘﻀﻦ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺍاﺕت ﺍاﳌﻀﺎﺩدﺓة ﻓﻲ ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻭوﺻﺎﺭرﺕت ﹼّ‬ ‫)‪)10‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ )ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻴﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ( ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍاﻷﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﺍا‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺃأﻥن‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺑﺘﺪﺧﻠﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱي ﻟﻢ ﺗﻔﻠﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺇإﺧﻤﺎﺩد ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة‪ ،‬ﻭوﺇإﻥن ﺃأﻓﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ـ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍاﻵﻥن ـ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻊ ﳒﺎﺣﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍاﻷﻣﺮ ﺍاﳌﻬﻢ ﺍاﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﺍاﻷﺟﻨﺤﺔ ﺍاﳌﺘﺸﺪﺩدﺓة ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍاﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺰﹼّﺯز ﻧﻔﻮﺫذﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃأﻱي ﺣﻮﺍاﺭر ﻭوﻃﻨﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﻨﺘﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻒ ﺣﺠﺮ ﻋﺜﺮﺓة ﺃأﻣﺎﻡم ﳒﺎﺡح ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻪ ﺇإﻋﺎﺩدﺓة ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍاﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕت‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍاﻃﻴﺔ ﻭوﻣﺸﺎﺭرﻛﺔ ﺃأﻛﺒﺮ ﻟﻸﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳊﻜﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻯى ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ـ ﺇإﺫذﻥن ـ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻜﻞ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍاﻟﺘﻮﺍاﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱي‪ ،‬ﻭوﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺭرﺑﺔ ﻭوﺍاﺿﺤﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻻ ﻣﺸﺮﻭوﻋﺎ ﹰً ﻣﺤﺪﺩدﺍا ﹰً‬ ‫)ﺍاﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﺇإﻻ ﻣﺤﺎﻭوﻟﺔ ﺿﻢ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍاﻟﻔﺎﺷﻠﺔ ﲢﺖ ﻣﺴﻤﻰ ﺍاﻹﲢﺎﺩد ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭوﺗﺒﺪﻭو ﺃأﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻨ ﹼّﻴﺔ ﺃأﺻﻼﹰً ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻭوﻻ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻬﺘﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ﺑﻔﺘﺢ ﺣﻮﺍاﺭر ﻣﻊ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺮﻑف ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭوﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺃأﺧﺮﻯى؛ ﻭوﻛﺄﻥن ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃأﺳﺎﺱس ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓة‪ ،‬ﻭوﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻭوﻟﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻄ ﹼّﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺇإﺑﻘﺎﺀء ﻭوﺟﻮﺩد ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻱي ﺩدﺍاﺋﻢ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍاﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫذ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﺍاﻟﺘﻮﺍاﺟﺪ ﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱي‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺴﺐ ﻣﺤﺪﻭوﺩد ﻭوﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﺴﺐ ﻛﻤﻜﺴﺐ ﻟﻠﺮﻳﺎﺽض‪ ،‬ﻭوﻟﻜﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﹲٌ‬ ‫ﺃأﻳﻀﺎﹰً‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﲔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺫذﻟﻚ ﺃأﻥن ﻫﻨﺎﻙك ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻜﺎ ﹰً ﺇإﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎ ﹰً ﺩدﻭوﻟﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻋﻀﺪ ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﺑﻘﺪﺭر ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻭوﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻺﻧﻘﻼﺏب ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﺍاﻟﻴﻮﻡم ﻧﻈﺎﻡم‬ ‫ﺍاﳊﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺇإﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩدﻳﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﺃأﻣﻨ ﹼّﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﺇإﻋﻼﻣﻴﺎﹰً؛ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍاﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ﻫﻮ ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻲ )ﺍاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺍاﻷﻭوﺭرﻭوﺑﻲ ﲢﺪﻳﺪﺍاﹰً( ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻳﻐﻄﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻔﻌﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ؛ ﺑﻞ ﻫﻮ ﻳﻘﻮﻡم ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض ﺃأﻳﻀﺎﹰً‪ .‬ﺍاﻱي‬ ‫ﺃأﻥن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﺮﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺳﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻣﺤﻀﺔ؛ ﺑﻘﺪﺭر ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻼ ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﺘﲔ ﻭوﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﺮﻱي ﻓﻴﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙك ﺍاﺧﺘﻼﻑف ﻣﺤﺪﻭوﺩد ﻓﻲ ﺭرﺅؤﻳﺘﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳊﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺠﺬﻭوﺭر ﺍاﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻭوﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍاﳋﺮﻭوﺝج ﻣﻨﻬﺎ)‪ . )11‬ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺏب‬ ‫ﳝﻴﻞ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﲢﻤﻴﻞ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍاﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭرﻩه ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎ ﹰً‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻠﻘﺎ ﹰً ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﲤﻴﻴﺰﻳﺎ ﹰً ﺿﺪ ﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻜﺬﺍا ﺃأﻧﻈﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍاﻹﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍاﺭر ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﻷﺑﺪ ﺧﻼﻑف ﺭرﻏﺒﺔ ﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻭو ﺇإﺑﻘﺎﺀء ﺍاﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓة‬ ‫ﲢﺖ ﻗﺒﻀﺔ ﺍاﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﻨﻒ‪ .‬ﻭوﺍا‪‬ﺮﺝج ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺮﺏب ﻳﻘﻮﻡم ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻘﺎﺀء‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺇإﺻﻼﺡح ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﲡﺎﻩه ﻳﻜﻮﻥن ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺩدﳝﻘﺮﺍاﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺃأﻥن ﺗﺸﺎﺭرﻙك ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﳝﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺇإﺩدﺍاﻣﺔ ﺣﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﺘﺮﺓة ﺃأﻃﻮﻝل ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻳﺠﻨﺒﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻬﺰﹼّﺍاﺕت ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍاﳌﺘﻮﻗﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﲟﻌﻨﻰ ﺁآﺧﺮ‪ :‬ﻓﺈﻥن ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺏب ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻝل ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺇإﺻﻼﺣﺎ ﹰً‬ ‫ﻳﺤﺘﺮﻡم ﺣﻘﻮﻕق ﺍاﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥن‪ ،‬ﻭوﻳﺘﻄﻮﺭر ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍاﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍاﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝل ﺁآﻟﻴﺘﲔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕت ﳉﻨﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ؛ ﻭوﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﻣﻊ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺒﺎﺩدﺉئ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍاﳌﺴﺘﻘ ﹼّﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭوﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺏب‪.‬‬

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‫‪ 12‬ﻳﯾﻭوﻧﻳﯾﻭو‪2012 ‬‬

‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﻥن ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍاﻟﺒﺪﺍاﻳﺔ ﺭرﺃأﻳﺎ ﹰً ﺁآﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍاﺑﺘﺪﺍا ﹰًﺀء ﺑﺄﻥن ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺍاﺕت‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﺠﺮﺩد ﻣﺆﺍاﻣﺮﺓة ﺧﺎﺭرﺟﻴﺔ؛ ﻭوﺃأﻥن ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺏب ﺿﺎﻟﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﻭوﻗﺪ ﺃأﺑﺪﺕت ﺍاﺳﺘﻴﺎ ﹰًﺀء‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍا ﹰً ﻣﻦ ﻭوﺍاﺷﻨﻄﻦ ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻤﺤﺖ ﺑﺴﻘﻮﻁط ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭرﻙك‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍاﻹﺳﺘﻴﺎﺀء ﺣﲔ ﺳﻘﻂ ﺷﺎﻩه ﺇإﻳﺮﺍاﻥن‪ ،‬ﻭوﻗﺪ ﺍاﻧﻌﻜﺲ ﺍاﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍاﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍا ﻭوﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻭوﺍاﺿﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺍاﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ)‪ . )12‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺭرﺃأﺕت ﺃأﻥن ﻭوﺍاﺷﻨﻄﻦ ـ ﻭوﻓﻲ ﺃأﺣﺴﻦ ﺍاﻟﻔﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕت ـ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺪﺭر ﺍاﻟﻠﻌﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺧﺼﻤﻬﺎ ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ )ﺍاﻳﺮﺍاﻥن( ﻣﺎ ﺳﻤﺢ ﺑﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓة ﺍاﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓة‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﻘﺮﺍاﺭر ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺍاﻗﻲ ـ ﻣﻦ ﻭوﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭوﻟﻬﺬﺍا‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥن ﻗﺎ ﹼّﺭرﺍا ﹰً ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺬﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﻥن ﻫﻨﺎﻙك ﺍاﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﹰً ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺍا ﹰً ﳋﺴﺎﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﺙث ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇإﻥن ﺗﻐ ﹼّﻠﺒﺖ ﻭوﺟﻬﺔ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻗﺪ ﺃأﻗﻨﻌﺖ ﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍاﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺑﺄﻥن ﺍاﳋﻀﻮﻉع ﻟﻀﻐﻮﻁط ﻭوﺍاﺷﻨﻄﻦ ﻭوﻟﻨﺪﻥن ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕت‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺆﺩدﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺇإﻧﻬﺎﺀء ﺣﻜﻤﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭوﺍاﳊﻞ ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﺍاﻗﺘﺮﺣﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض ـ ﻭوﻫﻮ ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﲤﺎﺭرﺳﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃأﺭرﺽض ﺍاﻟﻮﺍاﻗﻊ ﻣﻊ ﺷﻌﺒﻬﺎ ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ـ ﳑﺎﺭرﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻘﺒﻀﺔ ﺍاﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍاﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻔﺮﻁط ﻭوﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍاﳊﻘﻮﻝل ﺣﺘﻰ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻡم ﻟﻸﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ )ﺍاﳌﺸﺎﻏﺒﺔ( ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭوﺳﻮﺍاﺀء ﻛﺎﻥن ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ـ ﲢﺖ ﺍاﳌﺴﻤﻰ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﺩدﺭرﻉع‬ ‫ﺍاﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓة‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺿﺎ ﺍاﻝل ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ـ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻷﻗﻞ ـ ﺃأﻭو ﻋﺪﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥن ﻭوﺍاﺷﻨﻄﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﺗﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﺎﺭرﺗﻴﺎﺡح ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍاﳊﻞ ﺍاﻷﻣﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﳊﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭوﻟﻜﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺎﻥن ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐ ﹼّﻴﺮ ﺍاﳌﻮﻗﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺃأﺑﺪﺕت ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻻﺣﻈﻨﺎ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺤﺎﺕت ﻭوﺯزﻳﺮﺓة ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻴﺔ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥن‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺛﻢ ﺍاﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﲡﺎﻩه ﺫذﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺆﻛﺪ ﺍاﻟﻴﻮﻡم‪ ،‬ﺃأﻥن ﻣﻘﺎﺭرﺑﺔ ﺍاﻟﻌﻮﺍاﺻﻢ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﳊﻞ ﺃأﺯزﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍاﻟﺮﺅؤﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﻻﺗﺰﺍاﻝل ﺳﺎﺋﺪﺓة‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ )ﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﺍاﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ( ﺑﲔ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ‬ ‫ﻭوﻣﻊ ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﻟﻌﻮﺍاﺻﻢ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﹰً‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﻴﺔ؛ ﺇإﻻ ﺃأﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺪﺭرﻙك ﺟﻴﺪﺍا ﺑﺄﻥن ﺍاﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁآﻝل ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠ ﹴٍﺪ ﺑﺪﻭوﻥن ﺍاﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﻩه ﻣﻔﺎﺗﻴﺢ ﺍاﻟﺸﺄﻥن‪ ،‬ﻭوﻫﻢ ﺍاﻷﻣﺮﺍاﺀء ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍاﻟﺼﺮﺍاﻉع ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍاﻳﺮﺍاﻥن‪ ،‬ﻭوﻭوﺟﻮﺩد ﻣﻠﻔﺎﺕت ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓة‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺎ ﺃأﻭوﻟﻮﻳﺔ )ﺳﻮﺭرﻳﺎ ﺍاﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻭوﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭرﻙك( ﻭوﺍاﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻔﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻭوﺣﻀﻮﺭرﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍاﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﻭوﺟﻮﺩد ﺃأﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺻﻌﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﺍا ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﲡﻨﹼّﺐ ﺃأﻳﺔ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺎﺕت ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻄﺮﻑف ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻹﻛﺘﻔﺎﺀء ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﺿﻮﺍاﺑﻂ ﻟﻠﻌﺒﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺸﺎﺭرﻉع‪ /‬ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺑﲔ ﺍاﻷﻣﻦ‪ /‬ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻏﺒﺶ ﺍاﻟﺮﺅؤﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺃأﻱي ﺣﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻋﻴﺔ ﻻﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕت ﻭوﺩدﻭوﺍاﻓﻊ ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻧﻌﻜﺲ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃأﺩدﺍاﺋﻬﺎ ﻭوﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺷﻌﺒﻬﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺍاﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺍاﺑﺘﺪﺍا ﹰًﺀء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃأﻥن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﺮﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﺍاﺻﻔﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻠﻤ ﹼّﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﺇإﻻ ﺃأﻥن ﻳﻜﻮﻥن ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ‬ ‫)ﺛﻮﺭرﻳﺎﹰً(‪ .‬ﻓﺈﺫذﺍا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃأﺑﺴﻂ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻞ ﺍاﻟﺒﻨﻰ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻹﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩدﻳﺔ ﻭوﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺈﻥن ﺛﻮﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ـ ﻭوﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭر ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق‬ ‫ـ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑف )ﺍاﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍاﻟﺸﺎﻣﻞ( ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬


‫ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻭوﺍاﻟﺮﻫﺎﻧﺎﺕت ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭوﻭوﺟﻮﻫﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺘﻬﻢ؛ ﺑﻞ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﲢ ﹼّﻮﻝل ﺗﺪﺭرﻳﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﲡﺎﻩه‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡم ﺗﺸﺎﺭرﻛﻲ ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ ﺩدﳝﻘﺮﺍاﻃﻴﺔ ﻭوﻳﻌ ﹼّﺒﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍاﻟﺪﳝﻐﺮﺍاﻓﻴﺎ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭوﺗﻄﻠﻌﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺸﻌﺐ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑف ﺍاﺳﻘﺎﻁط ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﻧﺎﺩدﺕت ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕت‬ ‫ﺍاﻋﺘﻨﻘﺖ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓة ﺍاﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍاﳉﺬﺭرﻱي )ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﺀء؛ ﺍاﻷﺣﺮﺍاﺭر؛ ﺣﻖ( ﻳﺘﻼﺀءﻡم ﲤﺎﻣﺎ ﹰً ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍاﳊﺮﺍاﻙك ﺍاﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭرﻩه ﺛﻮﺭرﺓة‪ ،‬ﻭوﻟﻴﺴﺖ )ﺍاﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﹰً( ﻛﻤﺎ ﺯزﻋﻢ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم‬ ‫ﺣﲔ ﺍاﺗﻬﻢ ﻗﻴﺎﺩدﺍاﺕت ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﺇإﻻ ﺃأﻥن‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥن ﺍاﳌﻌﻨﻰ‪ :‬ﺍاﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎ ﹰً ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﺑﺄﺩدﻭوﺍاﺕت ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺳﻠﻤ ﹼّﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺃأﻣﺎ ﺍاﻹﻧﻘﻼﺏب‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱي ﻓﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍاﺻﻔﺎﺕت ﺃأﺧﺮﻯى ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻮﻡم ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍاﳉﻴﺶ ﺍاﻭو ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕت ﺍاﳌﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ﻓﺈﻥن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﺮﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﻐﺒﺎﹰً‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺸﻐﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻡم ﺑﻪ ﺃأﻗﻠ ﹼّﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭوﻋﻤﺮﻩه ﻗﺼﻴﺮ؛ ﻣﻊ ﺍاﻹﻋﺘﺮﺍاﻑف ﺍاﺑﺘﺪﺍا ﹰًﺀء ﺑﺄﻥن ﻛﻞ ﺛﻮﺭرﺓة ﲢﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻃﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺷﻐﺒﺎﹰً‪،‬‬ ‫ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻁط ﺍاﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭر ﺍاﳌﻌﺘﺮﺽض‪ .‬ﻭوﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﹰً‬ ‫ﻭوﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻠﻤ ﹼّﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺳﻤﺔ ﻭوﺍاﺿﺤﺔ ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﻭوﺟﺪ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭوﻣﺼﺮ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻴﻤﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺺ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق‬ ‫ﻭوﺣﲔ ﻧﺘﺤﺪﺙث ﻋﻦ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍاﺕت‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﲤ ﹼّﺜﻞ ﻧﺨﺒﺔ ﺍا‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺨﺮﻃﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁط ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭوﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃأﻱي ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺃأﺧﺮﻯى ﻣﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫذﻟﻚ ﺃأﻥن ﻫﺪﻑف ﺍاﻹﺻﻼﺡح ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺭرﻳﺠﻲ ﻳﺘﻄ ﹼّﻠﺐ ﺃأﺩدﺍاﺓة ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭوﺗﺸﺎﺑﻜﺎ ﹰً ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕت ﻣﻊ ﺍاﳉﻬﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﺩدﻭوﻟﻴﺎﹰً؛ ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ ﺃأﻥن ﻣﻦ ﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﻫﺪﻑف‬ ‫ﺇإﺳﻘﺎﻁط ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم‪ ،‬ﻭوﺳﻮﺍاﺀء ﻛﺎﻥن ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺃأﻭو ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﳝﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻷﺳﺎﺱس‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﳊﻠﻮﻝل ﺍاﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻻ ﻳﺠﺪ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻌﻨ ﹼّﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍا ﹰً ﲟﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕت ﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭر‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭوﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰﻩه ﺍاﻷﺳﺎﺱس ﻋﺎﺩدﺓة ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻥن ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃأﺩدﻭوﺍاﺗﻪ ﺍاﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺍاﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻄﻤﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺪﻓﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﲟﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺃأﻃﻴﺎﻓﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻇﻬﺮﺕت ـ ﻭوﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻜﻬﺎ‬ ‫ـ ﺃأﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻌﺮ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻲ ﺍاﻹﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﻝل ﺑﺄﻥن ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﺍاﳊﺎﻛﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺢ‬ ‫ﺍاﶈﺼﻠﺔ ﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﺮﺝج‬ ‫ﺫذﻟﻚ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻬﺪﺍا ﹰً ﻭوﺍاﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﹰً ﺃأﻛﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺾ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭوﳝﻜﻦ ﺇإﺩدﺭرﺍاﺝج ﺍاﳌﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍا ﺍاﳌﻀﻤﺎﺭر‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﻌﺮ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺠﻨﺎﺣﻴﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﻱي ﻭوﺍاﻹﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺍاﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﹰً‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﹰً ﺑﺎﳊﻠﻔﺎﺀء‪ ،‬ﺃأﺣﺰﺍاﺑﺎ ﹰً ﺃأﻭو ﺩدﻭوﻻ ﹰً ﺃأﻭو ﺷﻌﻮﺑﺎ ﹰً ﺃأﻭو ﻗﻮﻯى ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭوﺩدﻳﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭوﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻳﻌﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍاﻫﺘﻤﺖ ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق ﺑﻘﺪﺭر ﻻ ﺑﺄﺱس‪ ،‬ﻭوﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍاﻷﺣﻴﺎﻥن ﺑﺼﻮﺭرﺓة ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﳝ ﹼّﺜﻞ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻐﻮﻁط ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻳﻘ ﹼّﻠﺺ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍاﻟﻬﺎﻣﺶ ﺍاﳌﺘﺎﺡح ﻟﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻭوﺭرﺓة‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍاﳌﻄﺎﻑف؛ ﻻ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺏب‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍا ﹰً ﻓﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡم ﺍاﳊﻜﻢ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ؛ ﻭوﻻ ﻳﺮﻯى ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻧﻬﺎ ﺍاﻗﺮﺏب ﺍاﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ؛ ﻭوﻻ ﻫﻮ ﻳﺜﻖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺇإﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺪﻭوﺩد ﺿﺌﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻲ ﺍاﳌﺘﺪﺍاﺧﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍاﳌﺸﺘﺮﻙك ﺍاﳌﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍاﻹﻳﺮﺍاﻧﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺍاﻗﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﺍاﺕت ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭوﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻭوﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃأﻥن ﻳﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺔ ﺍاﻟﺼﺮﺍاﻉع ﻣﻊ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﺎﹰً‪ .‬ﺭرﲟﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺄﻥن‬

‫‪ 12‬ﻳﯾﻭوﻧﻳﯾﻭو‪2012 ‬‬

‫ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺤﻂ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺃأﻭو ﺗـﺄﺧﺬ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍاﻗﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﺍاﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭوﻫﻲ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺳﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﳉﻬﺪ ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍاﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺭر‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﺃأﺛﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺍاﻥن ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﻯى ﺍاﻟﻜ ﹼّﻠﻲ ﺑﺼﻮﺭرﺓة ﻭوﺍاﺿﺤﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﺎﺩد‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥن ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍاﳊﻜﻢ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻛﻠ ﹼّﻴﺔ؛ ﻭوﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺘﺢ ﻗﻨﺎﺓة ﺣﻮﺍاﺭر ﻣﻊ ﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض؛ ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ ﺃأﻥن ﺁآﻝل ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍاﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﺍا ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺘﺤﺠﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻌﺪﻡم ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺃأﻳﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﺯزﻻﺕت‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺃأﻗﺼﺎﻩه‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫذﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻭوﻟﻮ ﺿﺌﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺃأﻥن ﺫذﻟﻚ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺎ ﹰً ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭوﺭرﺓة‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﺒﺬﻝل ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺪﺍا ﹰً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ؛ ﻓﻜﺄ ﹼّﻥن‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺳﻂ؛ ﻭوﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺍاﻧﻄﻔﺄﺕت ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍاﻳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻇﻬﺮﺕت ﻣﻊ ﺍاﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﻭوﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺃأﻱي ﺟﻬﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩدﺧﻮﻝل ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻭوﺳﺪ ﺍاﻷﺑﻮﺍاﺏب ﺃأﻣﺎﻡم ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺣﻠﻮﻝل ﻟﻸﺯزﻣﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﺍاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ﻟﻢ ﻧﺮﹶَ ﺟﻬﺪﺍا ﹰً ﻣﻘﻨﻌﺎ ﹰً ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻠﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺇإﻻ ﻣﺤﺎﻭوﻻﺕت ﺃأﻭوﻟ ﹼّﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﺃأﺕت ﻣﻊ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﺍاﻧﺴﺤﺒﺖ ﻫﻲ ﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى ﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺳ ﹼّﻠﻢ ﻟﻪ ﺑﺄﺑﻮﻳﺔ ﻭوﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭوﺭر ﺍاﻷﺳﺎﺱس ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍاﳋﻴﺎﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﹸُ‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﻭوﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍا ﻳﻘﺎﻝل ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺪﻭوﻝل ﺍاﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺬﻟﺖ ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺪﺍا ﹰً ﻟﻴﻜﻮﻥن ﻟﻬﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭرﺍا ﹰً ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓة؛ ﺗﻜﻠﻞ ﺑﺰﻳﺎﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥن‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪ ،2011‬ﻭوﻟﻜﻦ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﺭرﺍاﻋﻪ ﻫﺬﺍا ﺍاﻟﺘﺤ ﹼّﺮﻙك‪ ،‬ﺍاﺳﺘﺠﺎﺏب ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺭر ﹼّﺩد ﻓﻌﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻗﺎﻡم ﺍاﳌﻠﻚ ﺑﺰﻳﺎﺭرﺓة ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍاﻟﺸﻬﺮ ﺃأﻱي ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃأﻳﺎﻡم‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓة‪ ،‬ﻭوﺳﻌﻰ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻚ ﺍاﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕت ﻣﻊ ﺍاﻟﻄﺎﻗﻢ ﺍاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱي‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥن‬ ‫ﺃأﻥن ﺃأﻭوﺻﺪﺕت ﺍاﻷﺑﻮﺍاﺏب ﺍاﻣﺎﻡم ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻣﻨﻊ ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻄﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩدﺧﻮﻟﻬﺎ!‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ﻫﻨﺎﻙك ﻣﺒﺎﺩدﺭرﺍاﺕت ﲢﺮﻙك ﺑﺎﲡﺎﻩه ﺍاﻟﺼﲔ ﻭوﺭرﻭوﺳﻴﺎ ﻛﻼﻋﺒﲔ ﺩدﻭوﻟﻴﲔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﺜﻤﺮﺍا ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍاﻵﻥن ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﹰً ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﺎﹰً‪ ،‬ﻭوﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥن ﻫﻨﺎﻙك ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺍاﻹﻓﺎﺩدﺓة ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺫذﻟﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍاﻱي ﻃﺮﻑف ﻓﻲ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺼﺮﺍاﻉع ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭوﺃأﺧﻴﺮﺍاﹰً‪ ،‬ﻻ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﻝل‪ ،‬ﺃأﻥن ﻗ ﹼّﻮﺓة ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻮﺩد ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﻗ ﹼّﻮﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻷﺭرﺽض‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭوﻣﻊ ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق ﻭوﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻗﻮﻯى ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺃأﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭرﺍا ﹰً ﺷﻌﺒﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻣﺪﻫﺸﺎ ﹰً ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍاﻷﺭرﺽض‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝل ﻣﻮﺍاﺻﻠﺔ ﺍاﻹﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎﺕت‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﻘﺪﺭرﺓة ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺘﺤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍاﻟﻬﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺸﺎﺭرﻉع‪ ،‬ﺇإﻻ ﺃأﻥن ﻫﺬﺍا ﺍاﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻻﺯزﺍاﻝل )ﲢﺖ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺍاﳌﺘﻮﻗﻊ( ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺜﻤﻴﺮﻩه‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺿﻐﻂ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍا ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺍاﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍاﺭرﺍا ﹰً ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡم‬ ‫ﻭوﺟﻮﺩد ﻣﻔﺎﺟﺂﺕت‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺃأﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃأﻥن ﻳﹸُﺨﻄﺐ ﻭو ﹼّﺩدﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻗﻮﻯى‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺓة ﺇإﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻭوﺩدﻭوﻟﻴﺎﹰً‪ ،‬ﻭو ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺃأﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃأﻥن ﻳﺴﺘﺠﺎﺏب ﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﺎ ﺩدﺍاﺧﻠﻴﺎ ﹰً ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭوﻥن ﺣﺪﻭوﺙث ﻧﻘﻠﺔ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺮﺍاﻙك ﺍاﻟﺸﺎﺭرﻉع ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻀﺨﻢ ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﺭر‬ ‫ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏب ﺍاﻟﻼﻋﺒﲔ ﺍاﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺸﺎﺭرﻉع‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍا ﻫﻮ ﺍاﻟﺪﺭرﺱس ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍاﻹﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩدﺓة ﻣﻨﻪ ﻟﻠﺨﺮﻭوﺝج ﺑﺤﻞ ﻟﻸﺯزﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺳﻮﺍاﺀء ﺣﺴﺐ ﻫﺪﻑف ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق‪ ،‬ﺃأﻭو ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻷﺧﺮﻯى ﺍاﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﺇإﺳﻘﺎﻁط ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم‪.‬‬

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‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍاﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫‪ 12‬ﻳﯾﻭوﻧﻳﯾﻭو‪2012 ‬‬

‫ﺍاﻟﻬﻮﺍاﻣﺶ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﲢﺪﺛﺖ ﺃأﻧﺒﺎﺀء ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩدﺭر ﻣﻘﺮﺑﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﲤﺖ ﻟﻘﺎﺀءﺍاﺕت ﺑﲔ ﳑﺜﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﻭوﺯزﻳﺮ ﺍاﻟﺪﻳﻮﺍاﻥن ﺍاﳌﻠﻜﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺃأﺣﻤﺪ ﺁآﻝل ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ ﺷﻬﺮﻱي ﻓﺒﺮﺍاﻳﺮ ﻭوﻣﺎﺭرﺱس ﺍاﳌﺎﺿﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺮﻕق ﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯى ﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭر‪ .‬ﻭوﻣﺎ ﻓﺘﻲﺀء ﺍاﳌﺴﺆﻭوﻟﻮﻥن ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺒﺮﻭوﻥن ـ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎ ﹰً ـ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﺒﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﻣﻊ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻬﻢ ﻻﺗﺨﺎﺫذ ﺃأﻳﺔ ﺧﻄﻮﺍاﺕت ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃأﻭو ﺩدﻋﻮﺓة ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻮﺍاﺭر ﺍاﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ‪ .‬ﺍاﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﻼﹰً‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻭوﺯزﻳﺮ ﺍاﻟﻌﺪﻝل ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺁآﻝل ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺭرﺩد ﺗﻮﻟﻚ ﺃأﻭوﺍاﺧﺮ ﺃأﺑﺮﻳﻞ ‪ .2012‬ﺍاﻟﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،26/4/2012 ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺮﺍاﺑﻂ‪http://www.alwasatnews.com/3519/news/ :‬‬ ‫‪.read/658541/1.html‬‬ ‫ﻭوﻛﺎﻥن ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺪ ﺩدﻋﺎ ﺍاﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ﻟﻠﺤﻮﺍاﺭر ﻭوﺍاﳌﺼﺎﳊﺔ ﺍاﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪ ،5/4/2012‬ﻭوﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺒﻊ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﺑﺄﻳﺔ ﺧﻄﻮﺍاﺕت‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠ ﹼّﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭوﻓﻲ ‪ 3/5/2012‬ﺃأﺑﺪﻯى ﺍاﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍاﺩدﻩه ﻟﻠﺤﻮﺍاﺭر ﺃأﺛﻨﺎﺀء ﺍاﻃﻼﻕق ﺍاﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻼﺕت ﺍاﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩدﻭوﻥن ﺃأﻥن ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺃأﻥن ﻭوﺭرﺍاﺀء ﺍاﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓة‬ ‫ﺟﺪ ﹼّﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭوﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﺈﻥن ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق ﻣﺎ ﻓﺘﺌﺖ ﺗﺪﻋﻮ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﻭوﺍاﳌﺼﺎﳊﺔ‪ .‬ﻭوﻋﺒﺮ ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥن‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻟﻘﺎﺀء ﻣﻊ ﺍاﺫذﺍاﻋﺔ ﻣﻮﻧﺖ ﻛﺎﺭرﻟﻮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﺭرﺱس ﺍاﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍاﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍاﺩد ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻮﺍاﺭر ﻣﻊ ﺍاﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻹﺧﺮﺍاﺝج ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺃأﺯزﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺷﺮﻁط ﺃأﻥن ﻳﺘﻢ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺇإﻃﺎﺭر ﻭوﺍاﺿﺢ ﻟﻪ ﻭوﺗﻌﺮﺽض ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻹﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀء ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻡم‪ .‬ﺍاﻧﻈﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ http://www.france24.com/ar/20120320-bahrain-opposition-ready-dialog-political-crisis-issues‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫‪.12/5/2012‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺃأﻗﺮ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼﺕت ﺩدﺳﺘﻮﺭرﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪ ،3/5/2012‬ﻭوﻗﺎﻝل ﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥن ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺃأﻥن )ﺑﺎﺏب ﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡح‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻫﻮ ﻫﺪﻑف ﻫﺬﺍا ﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭر(‪ .‬ﺍاﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﺑﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،3/5/2012 ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺮﺍاﺑﻂ‪http://www.bbc.co.uk/arabic/ :‬‬ ‫‪ , middleeast/2012/05/120503_bahrain_amendments.shtml‬ﻓﻲ ‪.12/5/2012‬‬

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‫ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻭوﺍاﻟﺮﻫﺎﻧﺎﺕت ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ 12‬ﻳﯾﻭوﻧﻳﯾﻭو‪2012 ‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙك ﺍاﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩد ﺭرﺍاﺳﺦ ﻟﺪﻯى ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻝل ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﻥن ﻻ ﻣﺨﺮﺝج ﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻭوﻥن ﺣﻮﺍاﺭر ﺑﲔ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻭوﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍاﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓة ﻟﺘﻨﺎﺯزﻻﺕت ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥن ﻣﺆﳌﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺍاﻟﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻭوﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺏب ﻫﻮ ﺍاﺭرﺗﻔﺎﻉع ﻭوﺗﻴﺮﺓة‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻲ )ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي‪ /‬ﻭوﺍاﻹﻳﺮﺍاﻧﻲ( ﻭوﺍاﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍاﺭر ﻟﻸﺯزﻣﺔ ﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍاﺕت ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺩدﻭوﳕﺎ ﺣﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﻬﺬﺍا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍاﻟﺪﻋﻮﺍاﺕت‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺍاﺭر ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭوﺑﻨﺎﺀء ﺗﺘﻜﺮﺭر ﻃﻴﻠﺔ ﺃأﺷﻬﺮ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ‪ 23/5/2011‬ﺩدﻋﺎ ﻭوﺯزﺭرﺍاﺀء ﺧﺎﺭرﺟﻴﺔ ﺍاﻹﲢﺎﺩد ﺍاﻷﻭوﺭرﻭوﺑﻲ ﺍاﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﻭوﺑﺄﺳﺮﻉع ﻭوﻗﺖ ﳊﻞ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﻼﺩد ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻳﺨﺮﺝج ﺑﺎﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕت ﺗﻌﺮﺽض ﺗﺼﻮﺭرﺍاﺕت‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﺡح ﺍاﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍاﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻭوﻓﻲ ‪ ،27/10/2011‬ﺩدﻋﺎ ﺍاﻟﺒﺮﳌﺎﻥن ﺍاﻷﻭوﺭرﻭوﺑﻲ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺣﻮﺍاﺭر ﺟﺎﺩد ﻭوﺫذﻱي ﻣﻐﺰﻯى‬ ‫ﺑﲔ ﺍاﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭوﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻭوﻣﻦ ﺩدﻭوﻥن ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺃأﻭو ﺷﺮﻭوﻁط ﻣﺴﺒﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭوﺭرﺃأﺕت ﻛﺎﺛﺮﻳﻦ ﺃأﺷﺘﻮﻥن‪ ،‬ﻭوﺯزﻳﺮﺓة ﺍاﻟﺸﺆﻭوﻥن ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻴﺔ ﺍاﻷﻭوﺭرﻭوﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ‪ 13/2/2012‬ﺑﺄﻧﻪ )ﻻ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻋﻦ ﺍاﳌﺸﺎﺭرﻛﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀءﺓة ﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﺍاﻷﻃﺮﺍاﻑف ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍاﳌﺼﺎﳊﺔ ﺍاﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﻭوﻓﻲ ‪15/3/2012‬‬ ‫ﺃأﻭوﺻﻰ ﺍاﻟﺒﺮﳌﺎﻥن ﺍاﻷﻭوﺭرﺑﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ )ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍاﳌﺼﺎﳊﺔ ﺍاﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝل ﺣﻮﺍاﺭر ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻭوﺑﻨﺎﺀء‪ ،‬ﻭوﻫﻮ ﺃأﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭوﺭرﻱي ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍاﺭر ﺍاﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍاﻃﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍاﳌﺘﻨﻮﻉع ﻭوﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃأﻥن ﻳﻜﻔﻞ ﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺎ ﹰً ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭوﻳﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍاﳌﻮﺍاﻃﻨﲔ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭوﻓﻲ ‪ 7/1/2012‬ﻗﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﻴﻜﺘﻮﺭرﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﻻﻧﺪ ﺍاﳌﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﻭوﺯزﺍاﺭرﺓة ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻴﺔ‪) :‬ﺇإﻥن ﺍاﳌﻔﺘﺎﺡح ﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻇﻠﻠﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﻣﻊ ﺍاﳌﺴﺌﻮﻟﲔ ﻫﻨﺎﻙك‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻤﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻮﺍاﺭر ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﲔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺃأﻥن ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺃأﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎﳊﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭوﻟﺒﺚ ﺭرﻭوﺡح ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓة ﻓﻲ ﺻﺮﺡح ﺍاﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓة ﺍاﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﻭوﻓﻲ ‪ ،19/2/2012‬ﻗﺎﻝل ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻭوﺯزﻳﺮ ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻴﺔ ﺍاﻷﻣﻴﺮﻛﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﺆﻭوﻥن‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻴﻤﻘﺮﺍاﻃﻴﺔ ﻭوﺣﻘﻮﻕق ﺍاﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥن ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺑﻮﺳﻨﺮ‪) :‬ﺇإﻥن ﺍاﻟﻬﺪﻑف ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍاﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻭوﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮ ﺣﻮﺍاﺭر ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭوﻣﺼﺎﳊﺔ ﻭوﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﳒﺪﺩد ﺩدﻋﻮﺗﻨﺎ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﺍاﻟﻄﺮﺍاﻑف ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﺍاﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭوﺍاﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕت‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭوﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﺭرﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭوﺽض ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻜﻮﻥن ﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍا‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺻﻮﺕت ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ(‪ .‬ﻭوﺣﲔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺘﻘﻰ ﺍاﳌﻠﻚ ﺑﻜﺎﻣﻴﺮﻭوﻥن‪ ،‬ﺭرﺋﻴﺲ ﺍاﻟﻮﺯزﺭرﺍاﺀء ﺍاﻟﺒﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ‪ ،12/12/2012‬ﺩدﻋﺎ ﺍاﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕت ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﻭوﺩدﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻠﺔ ﺍاﻹﺻﻼﺡح )ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺎﻭوﺭر ﻣﻊ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭرﻫﺎ ﺟﺰ ﹰًﺀء ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩه ﺍاﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ ﺩدﻋﺎ ﺍاﻟﻴﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﺕت‪ ،‬ﻭوﺯزﻳﺮ ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺸﺆﻭوﻥن ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ‪ 22/3/2012‬ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺇإﺟﺮﺍاﺀء ﺣﻮﺍاﺭر ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺍاﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭوﺍاﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭوﺃأﺛﻨﺎﺀء‬ ‫ﺯزﻳﺎﺭرﺗﻪ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻝل ﺑﻴﺮﺕت ﻓﻲ ‪ 3/4/2012‬ﺑﺄﻧﻪ )ﻳﺘﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺍاﺻﻠﺔ ﺇإﺣﺮﺍاﺯز ﺗﻘﺪﻡم ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻝل‬ ‫ﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭر ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀء ﻭوﺍاﻟﻮﺍاﻗﻌﻲ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻬﺎ )ﺗﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍاﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍاﻷﳌﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭوﺑﻘﻮﺓة ﺑﺄﻥن ﺣﻮﺍاﺭرﺍا ﹰً ﺫذﺍا ﻣﻐﺰﻯى ﺑﲔ ﺍاﻟﻼﻋﺒﲔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﲔ ﺳﻴﻘﻮﺩد ﺍاﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍاﳌﺼﺎﳊﺔ ﺍاﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻫﻲ ﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﻛﻼﹰً ﻣﻦ ﺍاﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭوﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕت ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻮﻝل ﻓﻲ ﻫﻜﺬﺍا ﺣﻮﺍاﺭر(‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻥن‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺯزﺍاﺭرﺓة ﺍاﳋﺎﺭرﺟﻴﺔ ﺍاﻷﳌﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪.23/12/2012‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻇﻬﺮ ﺃأﻥن ﻫﻨﺎﻙك ﻣﺤﺎﻭوﻟﺘﺎﻥن ﻟﻠﺘﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺸﺎﺭرﻉع‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺃأﹸُﺣﺒﻄﺘﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ )ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق( ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻭوﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀء ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺍاﻷﻭوﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﲔ ﺧﻄﺐ ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﻳﻮﻡم ﺍاﳉﻤﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪ 20‬ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪ 2012‬ﺣﲔ ﺍاﺗﻬﻢ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻹﻋﺘﺪﺍاﺀء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕت ﻭوﺍاﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀء‪ ،‬ﻭوﻗﺎﻝل‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻭوﺟﺪﲤﻮﻩه ﻳﻌﺘﺪﻱي ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺽض ﻓﺘﺎﺓة ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺔ ﻓﺎﺳﺤﻘﻮﻩه‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩه ﺍاﳉﻤﻠﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﺎﺭرﺝج ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕق ﺍاﳌﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺃأﺭرﻋﺐ ﺍاﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺩدﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻔﺮﺍاﺀء ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺍاﺕت ﺗﻬﺪﺋﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﺎﺭرﻉع‪ ،‬ﺃأﻫﻤﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻰ ﳑﺎﺭرﺳﺔ ﺿﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﺩدﺓة ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق ﻟﺴﺤﺐ ﺍاﻟﻔﺘﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻗﺪ ﻓﻌﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﹼّ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﻪ ﺃأﻣﲔ ﻋﺎﻡم ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق ﺍاﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥن ﻓﻲ ‪ ،14/2/2014‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺷﺮﺡح ﺍاﻷﻣﺮ ﺃأﻥن‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺍاﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﹼّ‬ ‫ﺍاﻷﻣﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ )ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻝل ﺍاﻹﻋﺘﺪﺍاﺀء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﳌﺆﻣﻨﺎﺕت‪ ،‬ﻭوﻟﻴﺲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭوﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﺍاﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉع ﻭوﻟﻮ ﺃأﺩدﻯى ﺍاﻟﻰ ﻫﻼﻙك ﺍاﳌﻌﺘﺪﻱي(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍاﻣﺎ ﺍاﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﳊﺸﺪ ﺍاﳉﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮﻱي ﻳﻮﻡم ‪ 14‬ﻓﺒﺮﺍاﻳﺮ ‪ ،2012‬ﻓﻲ ﺫذﻛﺮﻯى ﺍاﻧﻄﻼﻕق ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺧﺮﺝج‬ ‫ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ ﺍاﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﻟﺸﻮﺍاﺭرﻉع‪ ،‬ﻭوﻗﺪ ﺧﺸﻲ ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﻮﻥن ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍاﻧﻌﻄﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﺮﻯى‬ ‫ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ ﹰً ﺍاﺧﺘﺰﺍاﻟﻬﺎ ﻭوﺍاﺣﺘﻮﺍاﺅؤﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﻬﻮﺩد ﺃأﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺑﻀﻐﻮﻁط ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﺴﻔﺮﺍاﺀء ﺍاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳌﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕق‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻋﺘﺒﺮﺕت ﺍاﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍاﺕت ﻣﺠﺮﺩد ﺍاﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍاﺽض ﻗ ﹼّﻮﺓة ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻭوﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺸﺎﺭرﻉع ـ ﻭوﻫﻮ ﺍاﻣ ﹲٌﺮ ﻻ ﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝج ﺍاﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺇإﺛﺒﺎﺕت‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻝل ﺃأﻥن ﺗﻜﻮﻥن ﺃأﺩدﺍاﺓة ﺗﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻳﻐ ﹼّﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍاﺯزﻳﻦ ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﻯى ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻷﺭرﺽض‪ ،‬ﺃأﻭو ﺃأﻥن ﺗﻜﻮﻥن ﻧﻬﺠﺎ ﹰً ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ ﹰً ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍا ﹰً‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻜﻪ ﺍاﳌﻌﺎﺭرﺿﺔ ﻳﺤﻘﻖ ﺫذﻟﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻝل ﻓﻲ ‪ ،21/3/2011‬ﺃأﻱي ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍاﺳﺒﻮﻉع ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﻘﻮﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﻥن ﻫﻨﺎﻙك )ﻣﺆﺍاﻣﺮﺓة‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭرﺟﻴﺔ( ﺿﺪ ﺑﻠﺪﻩه ﻗﺪ ﺃأﹸُﺣﺒﻄﺖ! ﻭوﺍاﺿﺎﻑف‪) :‬ﺃأﹸُﻋﻠﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺸﻞ ﻫﺬﻩه ﺍاﳌﺆﺍاﻣﺮﺓة ﺍاﳌﺒﻴﺘﺔ( ﻭوﺗﺎﺑﻊ‪) :‬ﺟﺮﻯى ﺍاﻹﻋﺪﺍاﺩد ﻟﻬﺬﻩه ﺍاﳌﺆﺍاﻣﺮﺓة‬ ‫‪11‬‬


‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍاﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫‪ 12‬ﻳﯾﻭوﻧﻳﯾﻭو‪2012 ‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﺎﹰً(! ﻓﻲ ﺍاﺷﺎﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺇإﻳﺮﺍاﻥن‪ .‬ﺍاﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﺑﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺳﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،21/3/20122 ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺮﺍاﺑﻂ‪http:// :‬‬ ‫‪ www.bbc.co.uk/arabic/middleeast/2011/03/110321_bahrain_king.shtml‬ﻓﻲ ‪.12/12/2012‬‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺍاﻟﺘﺬﻛﻴﺮ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺃأﻥن ﳉﻨﺔ )ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ( ﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺍاﳌﻠﻚ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﻫﺬﺍا ﺍاﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻗﺎﻟﺖ‪) :‬ﻻ ﻳﻘﻴﻢ ﺍاﻟﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺣﻮﻝل ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭرﻳﺔ ﺍاﻳﺮﺍاﻥن ﺍاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺸﺆﻭوﻥن ﺍاﻟﺪﺍاﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺃأﻱي ﺭرﺑﻂ ﻣﺪﺭرﻙك ﺃأﻭو ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅظ ﺑﲔ ﺃأﺣﺪﺍاﺙث ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﻝل ﺷﻬﺮﻱي ﻓﺒﺮﺍاﻳﺮ ﻭوﻣﺎﺭرﺱس ‪ 2011‬ﻭوﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭرﻳﺔ ﺍاﻳﺮﺍاﻥن‬ ‫ﺍاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ()ﺍاﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻔﻘﺮﺓة ‪ .(1584‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺮﺍاﺑﻂ‪.http://www.bici.org.bh/BICIreportAR.pdf :‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﻛﻞ ﳑﺎﺭرﺳﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﻣﺎﺭرﺱس ‪ 2011‬ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺫذﺍاﺕت ﺩدﻭوﺍاﻓﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭوﻃﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ؛ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﺍاﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﻄﺮﺩد ﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻚ ﺍاﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﻘﻮﺑﺎﺕت ﺍاﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﺸﻬﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻹﻋﻼﻡم ﺍاﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝل ﺍاﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻫﺪﻡم ﺍاﳌﻨﺸﺂﺕت ﺍاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺇإﺗﻼﻑف ﺍاﳌﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕت‪ ،‬ﻭوﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﳑﺎ ﻭوﺛﻘﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻭوﺿﻮﺣﺎ ﹰً ﻫﻮ ﺍاﻹﻋﻼﻡم ﺍاﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍاﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥن ﺍاﻟﺬﻱي ﺩدﺃأﺏب ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻮﺍاﺩد ﲢﺮﻳﺾ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍاﻷﻛﺜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ )ﺍاﻟﺮﺍاﺻﺪ(‪ .‬ﻭوﻗﺪ ﺃأﻛﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺍاﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍاﻡم ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍاﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭوﺗﺄﺟﻴﺞ ﺍاﻟﻜﺮﺍاﻫﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻔﻘﺮﺍاﺕت‪1629-1630 :‬؛ ﻭوﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕت ﺩدﻋﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺇإﺻﻼﺡح ﺫذﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﺍاﻧﻈﺮ ﺍاﻟﻔﻘﺮﺓة‬ ‫‪.1724‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺫذﻟﻚ ﺃأﻥن ﺍاﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﻫﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺇإﺭرﻫﺎﺻﺎﺕت ﺃأﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃأﻥن ﻣﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭرﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺇإﻥن ﻟﻢ ﻳﻨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥن ﺍاﻟﺮﻫﺎﻥن ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇإﺳﻘﺎﻁط ﺍاﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡم ﻫﻨﺎﻙك‪ ،‬ﺍاﺑﺘﻌﺪ ﺃأﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃأﻱي ﻭوﻗﺖ ﻣﻀﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍاﻟﻔﻴﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﺍاﳌﺰﺩدﻭوﺝج ﺍاﻟﺼﻴﻨﻲ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺮﻭوﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍاﻷﻣﻦ ﻓﻲ ‪ 4‬ﻓﺒﺮﺍاﻳﺮ ‪2012‬؛ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍاﻥن ﺍاﻟﺮﻫﺎﻥن ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﺏب ﺿﺪ ﺍاﻳﺮﺍاﻥن ﺻﺎﺭر ﺑﻌﻴﺪﺍاﹰً‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﺘﺢ ﺍاﻟﺒﺎﺏب ﺃأﻣﺎﻡم ﺗﺴﻮﻳﺔ ﺍاﳌﻠﻒ ﺍاﻟﻨﻮﻭوﻱي ﺍاﻹﻳﺮﺍاﻧﻲ ﲟﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺨﺪﻡم ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻭوﺣﻠﻔﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺯزﺩد ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥن‬ ‫ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﻴﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺎﺯزﺍاﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺄﺑﻌﺎﺩدﻫﺎ ﺍاﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ‪ :‬ﺍاﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓة؛ ﺍاﳊﻮﺛﻴﲔ؛ ﺍاﳊﺮﺍاﻙك ﺍاﳉﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍاﻟﺪﺍاﻋﻲ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﻹﻧﻔﺼﺎﻝل‪ ،‬ﻭوﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺿﻌﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﳌﺸﺮﻭوﻉع ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ـ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭوﺃأﺧﻴﺮﺍاﹰً‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥن ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍاﻹﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍاﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺒﺪﺃأ ﻓﻲ ‪ ،23/5/2012‬ﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓة ﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝل ﺇإﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺍاﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇإﻣﺎ ﻋﺒﺮ ﻓﻮﺯز ﻣﺮﺷﺢ ﺍاﻹﺧﻮﺍاﻥن‬ ‫ﺍاﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃأﻭو ﺍاﻹﺧﻮﺍاﻧﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﳌﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍاﻵﻥن‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍاﳌﻨﻌﻢ ﺃأﺑﻮ ﺍاﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡح‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺆﺩدﻱي ﺍاﻟﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍاﺕت ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﻣﺜﻼﹰً‪ ،‬ﻭوﺣﺴﺐ ﺍاﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥن ﻣﻌﺪﻝل ﺩدﺧﻞ ﺍاﻟﻔﺮﺩد ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﻡم ‪ 2010‬ﺑﻠﻎ ‪ 16778‬ﺩدﻭوﻻﺭرﺍاﹰً؛ ﻭوﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪ 21097‬ﺩدﻭوﻻﺭرﺍاﹰً؛ ﻭوﺳﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﻋﻤﺎﻥن ‪ 20332‬ﺩدﻭوﻻﺭرﺍاﹰً؛ ﻭوﺍاﻹﻣﺎﺭرﺍاﺕت ‪ 49995‬ﺩدﻭوﻻﺭرﺍاﹰً؛ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ ‪ 37451‬ﺩدﻭوﻻﺭرﺍاﹰً؛ ﻭوﻗﻄﺮ ‪ 81963‬ﺩدﻭوﻻﺭرﺍاﹰً‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃأﻱي ﺍاﻥن ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍاﻷﺩدﻧﻰ ﺑﲔ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪ .‬ﺍاﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﺟﺮﻳﺪﺓة ﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض ‪ 1/4/2011‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺮﺍاﺑﻂ‪http://www.alriyadh. :‬‬ ‫‪ com/2011/04/01/article619197.html‬ﻓﻲ ‪.12/12/2012‬‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﺍاﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﻼﹰً‪:‬‬ ‫‪/http://arabic.arabianbusiness.com/business/travel-hospitality/2009/nov/10/31151‬‬ ‫‪ ,http://www.alwaqt.com/art.php?aid=203553‬ﻓﻲ ‪.12/5/2012‬‬ ‫‪ -10‬ﺍاﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﺩد ﺛﻮﺭرﺓة ﻣﻀﺎﺩدﺓة ﺿﺪ ﺍاﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻘﺪﺱس ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،27/5/211 ،‬ﻧﻘﻼ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭرﻙك ﺗﺎﳝﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍاﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩد‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﺍاﳌﻀﺎﺩدﺓة ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺍاﳊﺠﺎﺯز‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻌﺪﺩد ‪ ،104‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ ‪ ،2011‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺮﺍاﺑﻂ‪ ,http://www.alhejazi.net/seyasah/0110403.htm:‬ﻓﻲ ‪12/5/2012‬‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﻧﻈﺮ ﺃأﻳﻀﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻗﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﳌﺎﺫذﺍا ﻭوﻛﻴﻒ ﻭوﺃأﻳﻦ؟ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺍاﳌﻀﺎﺩدﺓة‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺍاﳊﺠﺎﺯز‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻌﺪﺩد ‪ ،104‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ ‪،2011‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺮﺍاﺑﻂ‪ ,http://www.alhejazi.net/seyasah/0110401.htm :‬ﻓﻲ ‪.12/5/201‬‬ ‫‪ -11‬ﺣﻮﻝل ﻫﺬﺍا ﺍاﻟﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳌﻮﺍاﻗﻒ ﺑﲔ ﻭوﺍاﺷﻨﻄﻦ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽض‪ ،‬ﺍاﻧﻈﺮ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺃأﻳﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫذﺍاﻥن ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻱي ﻭوﺍاﻷﻣﻴﺮﻛﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺍاﳊﺠﺎﺯز‪ ،‬ﺍاﻟﻌﺪﺩد ‪ ،103‬ﻣﺎﻳﻮ ‪ ،2011‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﺮﺍاﺑﻂ‪http://www.alhejazi.net/seyasah/0110302. :‬‬ ‫‪ htm‬ﻓﻲ ‪.12/5/2012‬‬ ‫‪ -12‬ﺍاﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍاﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ ﳊﺪﺙث ﺍاﻟﺜﻮﺭرﺓة ﺍاﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬


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‫ﺣﻮﻝل ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﺪﺭرﺍاﺳﺎﺕت ﻓﻲ ﻟﻨﺪﻥن‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍاﻳﺪ ﺍاﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ ﳑﻠﻜﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍاﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺰﺍاﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺓة ﺍاﻷﺯزﻣﺔ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺬ ‪ ١٤‬ﻓﺒﺮﺍاﻳﺮ ‪ ،٢٠١١‬ﺣﲔ ﺑﺮﺯزﺕت ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺈﺣﺪﻯى ﺍاﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻃﺮﺡح ﺫذﻟﻚ ﺃأﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍاﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭوﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪﺍاﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭرﻏﻢ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﻭوﺳﻂ ﺩدﻭوﻝل‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻭو“ﻫﺎﺩدﺋﺔ“‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭوﻗﺪ ﺷﺠﻊ ﺍاﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻲ ﺑﺄﺣﺪﺍاﺙث ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻛﺬﺍا ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍاﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇإﻟﻰ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ”ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺪﺭرﺍاﺳﺎﺕت ﻓﻲ ﻟﻨﺪﻥن“ ﻓﻲ ‪ ٣‬ﻣﺎﻳﻮ ‪ ،٢٠١٢‬ﻛﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﺪﻑف ﺇإﻟﻰ ﺩدﺭرﺍاﺳﺔ ﺍاﳊﺪﺙث ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﻮﺍاﻣﻞ ﺍاﳌﺆﺛﺮﺓة ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻣﺂﻻﺗﻪ ﺍاﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭوﻳﺸﺘﻐﻞ ﺍاﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺈﻋﺪﺍاﺩد ﻭوﻧﺸﺮ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙث ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﺭرﺍاﺳﺎﺕت‪ ،‬ﻭوﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺣﻠﻘﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵش ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺸﺄﻥن ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍا‪‬ﺎﻻﺕت ﺍاﻻﺳﺘﻴﺮﺍاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍاﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩدﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺃأﻣﻨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕت ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻻﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺸﺠﻊ ﺍاﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍاﻟﻨﻘﺎﺷﺎﺕت ﻭوﺍاﳊﻮﺍاﺭرﺍاﺕت ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺸﺄﻥن ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺇإﻟﻰ ﺯزﻳﺎﺩدﺓة ﺍاﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡم ﺍاﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﻭوﺻﻨﺎﻉع‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻘﺮﺍاﺭر ﻭوﺍاﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺮﺃأﻱي ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻡم ﻭوﲢﻔﻴﺰﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﺎﻭوﻝل ﺍاﻷﺑﻌﺎﺩد ﺍا‪‬ﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭوﻳﺄﻣﻞ ﺍاﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺃأﻥن ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﺫذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺃأﻋﻤﻖ ﳌﺎ ﻳﺠﺮﻱي ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍاﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍاﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡم‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻟﻲ ﺍاﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫• ﺍاﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺍاﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕت ﻭوﺍاﻷﺣﺰﺍاﺏب ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎﺕت ﻭوﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕت ﺍا‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍاﳌﺪﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕق ﺍاﻻﻧﺴﺎﻥن‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺍاﻟﺸﺌﻮﻥن ﺍاﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭرﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍاﻟﺘﺴﻠﺢ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉع ﻭوﺍاﻷﻣﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺍاﻻﻋﻼﻡم )ﺍاﳌﻴﺪﻳﺎ(‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺍاﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻜﺎﺕت ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻻﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭوﺍاﻟﺪﻭوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺍاﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩد ﻭوﺍاﻟﻨﻔﻂ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻮﻟﻲ ﺍاﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍاﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝل ﺍاﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍاﻃﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩدﻭوﻝل ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻭوﺍاﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﺮﺡح ﺃأﻓﻜﺎﺭر ﺑﺤﺜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡم ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍاﳌﻮﺍاﺿﻴﻊ ﺍاﳌﻄﺮﻭوﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑف ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﻀﻮﺍا ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺮﺟﻰ ﺍاﻟﺘﻮﺍاﺻﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺭرﺋﻴﺲ ﺍاﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﻌﻨﻮﺍاﻥن ﺍاﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪﻱي ﺍاﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪director@bcsl.org.uk :‬‬ ‫ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻔﺴﺎﺭرﺍاﺕت ﺍاﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﺟﻰ ﺍاﻟﺘﻮﺍاﺻﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍاﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍاﻟﻌﻨﻮﺍاﻥن ﺍاﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﺍاﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪info@bcsl.org.uk :‬‬ ‫‪Twi er.com/bhcsl‬‬

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‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍاﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍاﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫‪ 12‬ﻳﯾﻭوﻧﻳﯾﻭو‪2012 ‬‬

‫ﺩد‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺰﺓة ﺍاﳊﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩدﻛﺘﻮﺭرﺍاﺓة ﻓﻲ ﺍاﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡم ﺍاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ (ﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ)‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ (ﻟﻨﺪﻥن)‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭوﻣﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﺤﻘﻮﻕق ﺍاﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥن‪ ،‬ﻟﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍاﻟﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﻭوﺍاﻷﺑﺤﺎﺙث ﻭوﺍاﻟﻘﺮﺍاﺀءﺍاﺕت‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﻭوﺭرﺋﻴﺲ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ‪‬ﻠﺔ ﺍاﻟﻮﺍاﺣﺔ ﺍاﻟﻔﺼﻠﻴﺔ ﺍاﳌﻬﺘﻤﺔ ﺑﺘﺎﺭرﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍاﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺭرﺋﻴﺲ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ‪‬ﻠﺔ ﺷﺆﻭوﻥن ﺳﻌﻮﺩدﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝل‪ ‬ﺍاﻧﺗﻔﺎﺿﺔ‪ ‬ﺍاﻟﺑﺣﺭرﻳﯾﻥن‪:‬‬

‫‪ ‬ﺍاﻟﺩدﻭوﺭر‪ ‬ﺍاﻟﺳﻌﻭوﺩدﻱي‪ ‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺭرﻫﮬﮪھﺎﻧﺎﺕت‪ ‬ﺍاﻹﻗﻠﻳﯾﻣﻳﯾﺔ‪ ‬ﻭوﺍاﻟﺩدﻭوﻟﻳﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻳﯾﻭوﻧﻳﯾﻭو‪2012 ‬‬ ‫©‪Copyright ‬‬

‫)‪Bahrain Centre For Studies in London (BCSL‬‬ ‫‪info@bcsl.org.uk‬‬ ‫‪www.bcsl.org.uk‬‬ ‫‪Facebook.com/BHCSL‬‬ ‫‪@BHCSL‬‬


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