Barbados Country Assessment of Living Vol. 5

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Barbados Country Assessment of Living Conditions 2010: Volume 5: The Participatory Poverty Assessment (PPA) for Vulnerable Groups

Submitted to the Government of Barbados, National Assessment Team (NAT) and The Caribbean Development Bank (CDB) on behalf of the Team of Consultants (TOC)

Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies (SALISES) University of the West Indies Cave Hill Campus, Barbados July 2012


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

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Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

Barbados Country Assessment of Living Conditions 2010: Results of the Participatory Poverty Assessment for Vulnerable Groups

Contents 1.

2.

3.

Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 1 1.1.

Conceptualizing Poverty in Barbados ................................................................................................... 1

1.2.

Methodology ........................................................................................................................................ 6

1.3.

Capacity Building................................................................................................................................. 9

1.4.

Outline of the Report .......................................................................................................................... 10

Findings from the PPA on Vulnerable Groups .......................................................................... 11 2.1.

Children (including children with disabilities)..................................................................................... 11

2.2.

Persons with Disabilities ..................................................................................................................... 18

2.3.

The Elderly ........................................................................................................................................ 25

2.4.

Ex-Prisoners ....................................................................................................................................... 32

2.5.

The Homeless ..................................................................................................................................... 35

2.6.

Men who have sex with men and gay men (MSM/G) .......................................................................... 39

2.7.

Migrants ............................................................................................................................................. 44

2.8.

Persons Living with HIV (PLHIV) ..................................................................................................... 51

2.9.

Poor and Welfare Households ............................................................................................................. 59

2.10.

Rastafarians .................................................................................................................................... 70

2.11.

Sex Workers ................................................................................................................................... 74

2.12.

Unemployed Youth ........................................................................................................................ 78

Summary and Analysis ............................................................................................................ 87 3.1.

Ideas and Perceptions of Poverty ........................................................................................................ 87

3.2.

Characteristics of Poverty ................................................................................................................... 88

3.3.

Material and Social Change ................................................................................................................ 89

3.4.

Causes of Poverty and Social/Familial Exclusion ................................................................................ 90

3.5.

Social Exclusion; Stigma and Discrimination ...................................................................................... 92

3.6.

Dependence on family ........................................................................................................................ 93

3.7.

Effects of Poverty and Social/Familial Exclusion ................................................................................ 97 iii


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

4.

3.8.

Responses to Poverty .......................................................................................................................... 99

3.9.

Advocacy and Action ....................................................................................................................... 103

Causal Pathways and Entry Points for Poverty Alleviation ..................................................... 104 4.1.

Social Development Achievements ................................................................................................... 104

4.2.

Extending the Analysis of Poverty: Family Support, Social Inclusion and Human Rights .................. 105

4.3.

Solutions and Recommendations ...................................................................................................... 107

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Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

Barbados Country Assessment of Living Conditions 2010: Results of the Participatory Poverty Assessment for Vulnerable Groups

1.

Introduction

The PPA with Vulnerable Groups (PPA/VG) is an integral component of the Barbados Country Assessment of Living Conditions (CALC). In combination with the PPA with Communities and Households, it complements and enriches the macro-level, quantitative data by examining poverty in greater depth. By privileging the voices of the poor and socially excluded, the PPA with Vulnerable Groups provides a qualitative, participatory dimension relating to meanings, experiences and responses at the levels of social groups and individuals. PPAs move beyond the economics of income and expenditure to a deeper and multidimensional view, focusing specifically on how social inequality, norms and values contribute to and reinforce poverty and social exclusion. The inclusion of people in the research process facilitates ‘ownership’ of the data and should, therefore, assist with the implementation of subsequent policy and programming, as well as build capacity for advocacy and action among members of vulnerable groups (Frank 2007:24-25).

1.1.

Conceptualizing Poverty in Barbados

Poverty is neither commonplace nor widespread in Barbados; it is often said to exist in ‘pockets’. The 1997 Barbados Country Poverty Assessment (CPA) reported the relatively low rate of 13.9 percent of the population living below the poverty line (Caribbean Development Bank 2005:8). Informants from the vulnerable groups selected for this PPA were in general agreement with the following statement from a migrant who compared poverty in Barbados with that he had known elsewhere in the Caribbean: “there are just pockets of poverty when compared with places like … I have not really seen poverty in Barbados. They may be poor, but it is not prevalent”. Members of the PPA Sub-Committee also noted the tendency among Barbadians along with other Caribbean nationals to distinguish between being ‘poor’ and ‘in poverty’, the latter condition being associated with chronic destitution and helplessness (See also Frank 2007:31-34). The issue of conceptualizing poverty to guide the PPA and of formulating an understanding of the dimensions of poverty in Barbados was discussed at meetings the PPA Sub-Committee. It was agreed that the PPA should develop a more inclusive notion of poverty, one that expanded the traditional economic frame (unemployment, income, consumption issues) and addressed social and human rights issues by focusing on social exclusion and quality of life as evident among the poor in Barbados (Downes 2009). Poverty in Barbados has social as well as spatial dimensions. In recognition of the persistence of poverty in certain geographical locations and communities, the spatial dimension was incorporated into the Survey of Living Conditions (SLC) and the PPA with Communities (PPA/COMM). However, in Barbados a legacy of good governance and near-universal coverage in public health, education, housing and social protection, together with small size, less mountainous terrain and easy accessibility, have combined to ensure a spread effect to economic and social development. The SLC reports distinctions in poverty levels across the country, with higher levels in the areas of Greater Bridgetown, Outer Urban and North and East Strata, but the differences are minor in comparison with less developed 1


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

countries which are larger in size and have less accessible rural districts. In Barbados, as pointed out in the Macro Economic and Social Assessment (MESA), primary and secondary schools are spread across the country as are polyclinics providing a range of primary health care services. A well-developed road network facilities easy access, the public transport system is efficient and there is a high level of private ownership of cars and other vehicles. Responses from community participants in the PPA/COMM confirm appreciation of the affordability and regularity of public transport across the country. The result is less evidence of a spatial concentration of poverty, either in urban ghettos and slums or isolated rural villages, than in many other Caribbean countries. So-called ‘pockets’ of poverty are associated as much with marginalized social groups as with specific locations. Assessments of poverty in the Caribbean have identified the intersection with social exclusion are interconnected: “Social exclusion and the lack of ‘voice’ in economic and social processes exacerbate material deprivation, rendering the poor powerless to grasp potential opportunities that could advance their well-being” (Caribbean Development Bank 2005:7). The PPA/VG confirmed this association (See Figure 1). Figure 1: Vulnerable Groups: Dimensions of Poverty

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Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

Social exclusion, in turn, was associated with a range of personal characteristics that in various ways provoke and intensify stigma and discrimination (See Figure 2). Figure 2: Vulnerable Groups: Sources and Levels of Stigma and Discrimination

Included are socio-demographics (age, sex) and specific life conditions (disability, ill health, HIV status). Nationality, religious affiliation, gender and sexuality also factor in. A perceived predisposition to crime and violence adds another layer to the public response to ex-prisoners and the homeless, men in particular. Perceptions of morality are also embedded in and function to intensify stigma and discrimination; pubic notions of immorality combine with fault to heighten stigma as a result of the perceived ‘sexual deviance’ of men who have sex with men and gay men (MSM/G), the ‘irresponsible risk behaviours’ of persons living with HIV (PLHIV), and the ‘sex-for-money’ practices of sex workers. Persons in these vulnerable groups are seen to have chosen the wrong path in life and are stereotyped as stubbornly refusing to change and conform to the society’s moral codes. The expectation of stigma and 3


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

discrimination, in turn, causes them to go to great lengths to hide their sexual orientations and practices and HIV status, but once exposed, they often become targets of heavy discrimination. Such exposure spreads rapidly through societies such as Barbados that are small-scale and close-knit with highly effective communication systems, formal and informal. Persons in vulnerable groups may also experience dual stigma and discrimination as a result, for example, of being both gay and living with HIV, being a migrant and a sex worker, being elderly and physically challenged. Discrimination is practiced at all levels of society, in private and public spaces, and by members of the public in general as well as family and friends. Informants reported experiences of institutionalised discrimination exercised by staff in social service agencies including welfare departments, health clinics, schools and public transport, and by the police and immigration officials. Discriminatory practices varied in intensity from disregard and neglect to harassment, exploitation, verbal assault and violence. Family exclusion was also experienced as neglect, abuse, violence, eviction from home and disinheritance. In very general terms, the further one is positioned from mainstream Barbadian norms of nationality, Christianity and hetero-normativity, the more severe the stigma, the more aggressive and violent the discriminatory practices at social and familial levels, and the greater and more permanent the subsequent exclusion from family, community and society. Social and familial exclusion encompasses the denial of rights to full political and social participation, and to economic resources and social benefits, to social protection, and to care and support. In Barbados, poverty and social exclusion were also intertwined with family and community isolation. In poverty assessments, family and community isolation is generally conceptualized as an integral component of social exclusion, but was separated out in this PPA/VG assessment for two reasons: firstly, it generally had a much greater impact on individuals in vulnerable groups – materially, socially and psychologically – than other aspects of social exclusion; and secondly, vulnerable group members identified family rejection and the lack of family support as a major cause of poverty. A circular, cause and effect connection was found to exist between poverty, social exclusion and family and community isolation. For example, poverty may trigger criminal behaviour and imprisonment. If on their release, ex- prisoners are labeled “jailbirds” and stigmatized by the wider society, and rejected by their families, the consequent social exclusion and unemployment reinforces poverty and a return to crime and imprisonment. Persons who are driven by poverty from their counties of birth, are immediately stigmatized as migrants, or “foreigners”, by their appearance, speech and accent, and are socially excluded from employment and accommodation. Migrants without legal status have no option but to take “odd jobs” or engage in sex work, where they are vulnerable to low pay and dismissal, exploitation and violence, and have little hope of escaping poverty. Persons, already living in poverty, who contract HIV are highly stigmatized once their status as PLHIV is revealed. Discrimination in health clinics, educational institutions and the workplace, may combine with the costs of treatment and medication, and with ill health and physical incapacity to further their impoverishment. For these three vulnerable groups, the cycle is compounded by social exclusion from community and police protection, and exclusion from family and community. The PPA/VG confirmed that men and women experience poverty differently. Gender was therefore, included as a cross-cutting theme and a gender perspective was inserted to identify the different ways in which men and women perceive, experience and respond to poverty and social exclusion. While gender distinctions in this regard were not as marked and rigid in Barbados as they are elsewhere and 4


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

there is less evidence of the ‘feminisation’ of poverty, differences did emerge. Of particular concern was the burden of care of children, the elderly, the sick and infirm, and other family members that falls on women’s shoulders, and that compromises their access to viable employment and training opportunities for poverty and perpetuates an inter-generational family cycle of poverty. Furthermore, gender inequalities of power rendered women more vulnerable to sexual harassment in the workplace, abuse and violence in their homes and in public spaces, all of which constitute drivers of poverty and social and familial exclusion. On the other hand, women more easily accessed social services and generally received a more favourable response from front line staff. They also received more support – material, social and psychological – and protection within their families. In summary, the PPA/VG revealed the following as critical to understanding the unique social and human rights features of poverty in contemporary Barbados:     

that while informants identified themselves with being ’poor’, they generally denied, often quite vehemently, that they were living ‘in poverty’; that poverty was evident as a social phenomenon, as well as having spatial and economic dimensions; that there is a close intersection between poverty, stigma and discrimination, and social exclusion; that it was important to distinguish between social exclusion from the wider society and the system of social provision and social protection on the one hand, and isolation from family and community, on the other; and that poverty and social exclusion are deeply gendered.

The three concepts emerging from the PPA/VG, therefore, are poverty, social exclusion and family/community isolation, with gender as a cross-cutting theme. The correlations between and outcomes of these shape the overall quality of life of persons living in Barbados. The following issues provided the main focus for the research with vulnerable groups: 1. Perceptions: What are the perceptions among vulnerable groups of poverty, and social/familial exclusion in the context of Barbados? Are conditions perceived to have improved or deteriorated? 2. Perceived Causes: What social and economic factors are responsible for poverty and social/familial exclusion? 3. Perceived Effects: What are the effects of poverty and social/familial exclusion? 4. What are the concerns, needs and priorities of vulnerable groups and individuals? 5. Responses: What survival strategies do persons living in poverty and social exclusion adopt and what resources, services and supports are available to them from government, NGOs, churches another agencies and from family and community? 6. Solutions: What are the recommendations from members of vulnerable groups for building responsive policy and programmes for the alleviation of poverty and the promotion of social inclusion?

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Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

1.2.

Methodology

1.2.1 Process A number of vulnerable groups have traditionally been included in poverty assessments, including the elderly, persons with disabilities, women, children and youth. For the Barbados PPA with vulnerable groups, the adoption of a more inclusive concept of poverty that also addressed issues of social exclusion and family/community isolation, facilitated the addition of vulnerable groups not normally addressed in poverty assessments, though vulnerable to poverty as a result of stigma, discrimination and the denial of human rights. Such vulnerable groups include, for example, persons living with HIV, men who have sex with men and sex workers. With input and recommendations from the PPA Sub-Committee of the NAT, the following were selected for the Barbados PPA with Vulnerable Groups: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

Children Persons with Disabilities The Elderly Ex-prisoners The Homeless Migrants Men who have sex with men and gay men (MSM/G) Persons living with HIV (PLHIV) Poor and welfare households Rastafarians Sex workers Unemployed youth

Several additional social groups were identified during PPA Subcommittee discussions, but given time and resource constraints, the list was confined to those considered most vulnerable to poverty in the context of Barbados. The methodology and process for the PPA with Vulnerable Groups was drafted, discussed and revised in accordance with recommendations from the PPA Sub-Committee. It consisted of a three-tier process of Select Informant Interviews, Focus Groups and Case Study Interviews conducted in chronological sequence. Information gathered during the interviews with select informants informed the focus groups and was used to refine the schedule of questions for these sessions. Case study interviews were, in turn, shaped by the information obtained during the interviews with select individuals and the focus groups. Select informant interviews were conducted with ‘experts’, who were suggested and approved at meetings of the PPA Sub-Committee. They were representatives of government, NGOs and other agencies and were well informed on issues of poverty and social/familial exclusion in specific vulnerable groups. Some of these persons were also members of the vulnerable group in question. For example, of the two ‘experts’ interviewed for information on persons with disabilities, one was physically and the other visually challenged. Focus group sessions were conducted with representatives of vulnerable groups, as were case study interviews. This three- tier model was designed to deliver information on diverse sets of experiences, knowledge and opinions in relation to the range of vulnerable groups. 6


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

Schedules for the interviews with select individuals, focus groups and case study interviews were drafted and presented to the PPA Sub-Committee and subsequently refined according to comments and feedback. Agreement was also reached on the number of interviews with select individuals, focus groups and case study interviews to be conducted with each vulnerable group. A budget for the PPA with Vulnerable Groups was also prepared and submitted to the Bureau of Social Policy.

1.2.2 Training Workshop A total of seven (7) researchers were selected by the Bureau of Social Policy. They attended a two-day Training Workshop. Included in the training were: 1. a presentation outlining the approach, aims and objectives of CALC, the PPA and, specifically, the PPA with Vulnerable Groups 2. specialized training in the conduct of focus groups and case study interviews 3. a review of interview schedules for the focus groups and case study interviews 4. “mock” interview sessions for focus groups and case studies 5. instruction in the use of digital recorders and transcription 6. sensitization to the ethical considerations and protocols in the conduct of research with vulnerable groups with special emphasis in issues of consent, confidentiality and anonymity. Also discussed was the possibility of informant fatigue, given the number of similar surveys being conducted in Barbados, and techniques for dealing with this. Researchers were issued with digital recorders and batteries, Consent Forms for participants, including a special Consent Form for the parents of children who participated (see Appendices 1 and 2) and Field Diary Forms (see Appendix 3). The purpose of the Field Diary Forms was for interviewers to record the process and any problems with the conduct of each focus group and case study interview. Researchers were assigned to specific Vulnerable Groups. The rationale for the allocation was based on the predicted compatibility between researchers and specific vulnerable groups. The potential for interview bias and stigma became clear over the course of the Training Workshop. The final allocation was conducted discretely, one-on-one, in order to avoid researcher embarrassment had this occurred in a group session. As it was, one researcher indicated concern privately to the Consultant in response to the suggested allocation to a specific vulnerable group and was reallocated.

1.2.3 Fieldwork During the fieldwork period, Select Informant Interviews, Focus Groups and Case Studies were completed as outlined in the table below. It needs to be noted that Children were defined as up to 18 years of age in accordance with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). The case study interview focused on a 7 year old girl considered to be ‘at risk’ and for ethical reasons, the information was provided by a social worker from Child Care Board records. The elderly were defined as aged from 65 years up and the case study interviews were conducted with older elderly women, one aged 89 years the other 91 years.

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Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups Table 1: Interviews and Focus Groups Conducted with Vulnerable Groups and Select Informants Children Disabilities Elderly Ex-prisoners Homeless Immigrants MSM/G PLHIV Rastafarians Sex workers Unemployed youth Welfare/single parent household

Select Informant Interviews 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 1

Focus Groups 2 1 1

1 1 1 1 2 2

Case Study Interviews 2 2 2 1 1 3 1 2 1 2 2 3

The final total of focus groups and case study interviews differed slightly from that initially planned. It will be appreciated that arranging focus groups with vulnerable groups, especially those most stigmatized and socially excluded, was not always an easy task. Other researchers working on vulnerable groups in Barbados, such as sex workers, have reported similar difficulties (Barbados, Ministry of Health, 2008:9). Occasionally also, one-on-one interviews with representatives of vulnerable groups did not generate sufficient information to warrant their inclusion as stand-alone case studies and they were included in the main text.

1.2.4 Response The response from the experts and members of the vulnerable groups was very good. Informants gave of their time, knowledge and experiences most willingly and there were no outright refusals. The Select Informants were well informed about the experiences and challenges faced by vulnerable groups and individuals in Barbados, and were vocal and detailed in their responses. Some also assisted with the organization of focus groups consisting of members of their respective vulnerable groups. Information presented in the focus groups was also of a high quality. These focus groups varied in length from one to two hours. However, some of the sessions were delayed as a result of the lateness of participants, and for others there were no shows. Fieldwork reports indicate that the groups were easily managed, that questions were understood, and that responses were willingly provided. On occasion, one or two members of the focus group attempted to dominate the responses, but interviewers had been trained in techniques to avoid this. In most cases all present participated, though some more than others. The response of the young children in their focus group were described by the researcher as “very good and very eager”, but “quite noisy” and requiring some control “given their eagerness to answer all at once”. In other focus groups also, ground rules had to be established to reduce cross talking. The case study interviews also went well. They averaged one hour in length. Interviewees were described as being comfortable with the experience, despite some uncertainty at the beginning of the interview. They understood the questions and responded willingly, though for some this brought back painful memories. In the case of one informant, an unemployed youth, answers were peppered with expletives. A sex worker preferred not to be recorded, so notes were taken instead, while an elderly interviewee was reluctant at first, but conceded once a fuller explanation of the process had been provided by the

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Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

researcher. Interviewees expressed much appreciation for the tokens of appreciation, consisting of a small basket of non-perishable items, presented to them at the end of the interviews. No technical problems were reported with the operation of the digital recorders, either during the fieldwork or in the subsequent transcribing. However, there were occasions when the voice recording was inaudible or undecipherable. Security concerns were addressed and discussed at the PPA Sub-Committee. Accordingly, arrangements put in place so that researchers would conduct focus groups and interviews in situations and at locations considered to be safe. Several challenges emerged during the fieldwork, the majority of them organizational. Most of the experts identified for the select informant interviews were extremely busy and interviews often had to be rescheduled or delayed. One expert was a no show for the interview on two occasions and a focus group had to be postponed due to the non-appearance of participants. Even the weather posed a challenge – heavy rain caused the cancellation of one focus group.

1.2.5 Fieldwork Reports There were concerns of timeliness and quality in the work of the researchers. Included were delays in transcription of tapes and submission of reports, despite repeated reminders and the requirement, emphasized during the Training Session, that researchers transcribe as soon as possible after the focus group and interview sessions. In eleven (11) cases, reports were not received until over a month after the session in question. Additionally, after quality assessments had been conducted on the fieldwork reports, five (5) of the Research Assistants were asked to redo theirs. The quality of the resubmitted reports was reasonable to good.

1.2.6 Confidentiality and Anonymity PPAs and other data collection and research with vulnerable groups raise issues of confidentiality and also anonymity. Informants were assured of confidentiality and provided with Consent Forms affirming this and a special Consent Form was provided for the parents of children participating in the focus groups (see Appendix). The use of digital recorders was voluntary and where there was objection, note taking occurred instead. Research with vulnerable groups also raises issues of personal identity. In this regard, it was clear that persons in the PLHIV, MSM/G and sex worker vulnerable groups, in particular, would wish to maintain their anonymity. This meant that focus groups and case study interviews had to be closed, admitting only the researchers and members of those vulnerable groups who agreed to participate. A guideline paper was prepared to outline basic protocols and provide the rationale for this closure (see Appendix 4). In writing up, pseudonyms have been used and, on occasions, slight changes made to protect confidentiality and anonymity of the informants, particularly those who provided case study information. For ethical reasons no children were interviewed as case study informants, that information being provided by social workers.

1.3.

Capacity Building

Concern was expressed at meetings of the PPA Sub-Committee that the capacity building component of the PPA remained unfulfilled. Capacity building and the transfer of skills for future poverty assessments and similar research were built in to the design of the CALC. However, the selected 9


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

researchers for the PPA with Vulnerable Groups were not members of the NAT and most were not employed in the public sector. In addition, although the Training Session was open to members of the NAT and other line ministries, and an open invitation to this effect issued at the PPA Sub-Committee, persons other than the researchers were unavailable to attend.

1.4.

Outline of the Report

The report presents findings from each of the 12 vulnerable groups in turn, followed by a composite analysis. The presentations on each vulnerable group are divided into sections that correspond with the research questions identified above. First, participants’ perceptions and definitions of poverty and social exclusion are provided. This is followed by their responses to questions concerning the causes and effects of poverty and social/familial exclusion. Next, their descriptions of how they, as vulnerable group members, respond to and cope with poverty and exclusion are outlined. Included in this section are institutional assistance received from government, NGOs, churches and other agencies, as well as families and communities. Finally, the recommendations for addressing poverty and social exclusion as proposed by the participants are presented.

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Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

2.

Findings from the PPA on Vulnerable Groups

2.1.

Children (including children with disabilities)

2.1.1 Perceptions Poverty among children was clearly associated with the inter-generational poverty of their parents and families and with their social exclusion as minors in society – that is, as persons who are powerless and without a voice. The characteristics of their poverty and social exclusion were presented as:     

Poor health and diet, hunger Poor living conditions in homes Irregular school attendance or attrition Family neglect, abuse and violence Psychological effects of loneliness and sadness.

The secondary school children who participated in the focus groups clearly articulated the distinction between being “poor” and being in “poverty”: “poor people might not have money, but they have somewhere to live and food to eat; poverty is when you have nothing” “poverty is like living in Haiti and making mud pies; being poor is when you cannot get money, but you have the basic necessities”. They identified themselves with being poor, but not with poverty. Informants, including children themselves, agreed that life had improved for children in Barbados, especially as regards provisions for their basic needs. This correlates with the indicators for children’s health, literacy and education identified in the SLC. Special mention is made of the allembracing philosophy of education encompassed in the “each one matters” motto in the MESA, and the special provisions of school meals and text-books. The Institutional Assessment (IA) reports that social investment expenditure on the Ministry of Education by far outstrips that of other government agencies involved in the assessment and that expenditure on school meals is nearly BDS 25 million annually. However, the IA also reports on the challenges of the School Meals Department including accessing supplies, limited capacity and financial constraints particularly in the face of recent budgetary cuts. The PPA/COMM respondents testify to their appreciation affordable and accessible educational provisions, with special mention of the short distances to primary schools in particular. Special educational facilities for young children are evident in the over 70% enrolment in early childhood education as reported in the MESA. This is confirmed in the PPA/COMM as parents recognize the importance of early childhood education and make full use of the facilities in their communities. However they also reported heavy pressure on scarce places in government day nurseries and a perception that preference was being given to children who live outside of the communities. An expansion in care and services for children with special needs was also highlighted. However, some contraction in funding for NGOs and private agencies as a result of the recent recession was noted. Concern was also expressed in terms of social protection with informants claiming that children are more 11


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

‘at risk’ today in their social and physical environments. In addition, according to the select informant interviewees, children continue to be socially constructed as persons with needs and as beneficiaries of parental and adult care and provision, rather than as subjects of rights. Gender distinctions were not seen as significant in child poverty: “being poor has nothing to do with the sex of the child – it’s the same situation for boys and girls”. Children of migrant parents, however, were perceived to be most vulnerable to poverty and social exclusion.

2.1.2 Causes Confirming the SLC finding that children are over-represented in poor households, children’s poverty was seen to be deeply embedded in family poverty – “children are poor because of their parents”. One professional remarked that “most children from poor families don’t do well at school”. The cause was seen to lie in low family income and resources and specific familial characteristics. As regards the former, informants referred to unemployment and low wages – the loss of job by the sole breadwinner could “plunge that family into poverty”. Misguided spending priorities were also mentioned: “Some parents would neglect the child and spend the money they have on clothes for themselves …in the latest of fashion, when you see the amount of jewelry, they can’t be poor. They collect the maintenance money and spend it on clothes”. Specific familial characteristics that persist from one generation to the next were also associated with poverty. Included in responses were early and frequent childbearing, the absence of fathers and single parenting by mothers, and parental incapacity due to ill health and/or substance abuse: “a number of people don’t have the finances, yet they still find themselves pregnant” “poor family planning and condom use – there are people who still would not use a condom” “a lot of young parents” “cycle of poverty – homes are characterized by teenage pregnancy” “children who come from single parent homes – their mothers often tell them to ask their fathers for money” “if the father has to go to jail, then the family becomes poor” “the father of the child has abandoned the home and is not willing to provide financial support” “when the main breadwinner is removed from the home and there was not proper planning and, as a result, they fall into poverty”. Migration was also identified as a primary factor placing children ‘at risk’ of poverty and social exclusion, both for those children “left behind” by migrant parents and also for the children of adults who have migrated to Barbados. The absence of family support was also identified: “some children are poorer than others because they were born into financial and material hardship, with a lack of family support. They don’t have that network to help take them out of poverty”. Poor parenting skills – “low functioning parents” – were mentioned, as a result of poor mental and physical health. Some parents were 12


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

said to lack a proactive approach or to listen to false information concerning child well-being and protection, especially in relation to children with disabilities. However, although the SLC reports that only 40% of children live with their fathers, improvements in fatherhood were noted by PPA/VG informants: “recently, a lot of young men have taken on their role as a father very seriously” and one professional referred to the case of a young father, whose job is washing cars and who has sole responsibility for his two children since the mother has “abandoned” them. Children participating in the secondary school age focus group also identified family dysfunction as a primary signifier of poverty among children: “family conflict and abuse” “not feeling safe at home” “having families that do not care” “having no-one to take care of them”.

A gender distinction in parental care was highlighted in that “boys have to take care of themselves … mothers tend to their daughters more than they tend to their sons”. However, there was agreement that “when a girl becomes pregnant she is penalized more than the boy”. In general, they emphasized that that a good life for children, in addition to having basic necessities, included “living with parents and siblings”, “a happy family on both my mother and father’s side of the family” and having the capacity for “making themselves happy”. A deterioration in the social environment of childhood was reported. In the past, “society was more caring, everyone used to look out for children”, whereas contemporary society was characterized by risks and dangers for children, ranging from traffic to predators: “children have to be more aware of persons offering them assistance”. The secondary school children participating in the focus group provided a list of negative factors in Barbadian communities and society including “crime”, “violence”, “raping”, “drug use”, and “peer pressure”. As one participant put it: “the community has gotten worse – people are always smoking weed and getting killed”. Although they confirmed that they felt safe in their own communities, young children in the primary school focus group between them, reported exposure to violence including domestic conflict and armed robbery. Regarding children with disabilities, the lack of information and resistance to services were identified as causes of poverty and social exclusion. Rastafarians were reported to be resistant to new ideas and practices: “not open to change and would not allow the child to get help – the child was taken out of the clinic because of the community beliefs”.

2.1.3 Effects Poor children were said to “do without” a range of basic needs including food, clothing and shoes, toys and transport, though according to one participant in the primary school age focus group, “poor children still have television”. Professional informants also indicated that the characteristics of poverty among children had changed; whereas in the past the children lacked food, shelter, clothing, hygiene and education, today children continue to suffer material poverty but are also affected by a “multiplicity of problems” – psychological and social, as well as material. Parental and family violence were correlated with child poverty and are reiterated in the PPA/COMM. Poor families were said to be characterized by “stress” and “resentment”, expressed as violence against children: “some parents might hit the child and blame the child for their situation”. Though violence 13


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

was not seen to be exclusively confined to poor families, one informant stated: “homes where children are poor are usually characterized by violence; a lot of emotional and physical abuse”. She went on to mention extreme cases in which children had been “tied up” or “hit with bottles”. Younger children were perceived to be victims of neglect: “left in the home unattended”, rather than physical abuse. Both boys and girls were seen to be targets of physical and emotional abuse that “creeps in around the ages of seven to ten”, while girls were at much greater risk of sexual abuse. Children with disabilities were said to be most at risk of violence, girls in particular. The participants in the primary school age focus group reported exposure to the beating of a child with a bamboo stick, being caught in fights between adult family members, and being unable to sleep as a result of quarrelling and shouting between adults. Children living in poverty were perceived to suffer psychological effects. When asked about things that were ‘not so good’ or ‘bad’ in their lives, children participating in the secondary school age focus group spoke of “loneliness”, “sadness” and social isolation when “your teachers and family stop talking with you” and “parents leave you alone”, and of being let down by “so-called friends”. Participants in the primary school focus group stated: “it’s very sad for them at home” “if they do not have parents, they feel unhappy” “they may cry because they are hungry”. Children with disabilities were characterized by a “lack of motivation” as a result of failure to meet development milestones. Children in the focus groups reported that poor children try to conceal their deprivation: “some are ashamed to be poor” “they act like they are not hungry when you offer them food” “they would not go out because they don’t have proper clothes to wear” “some poor children do still have a lot of brand-name, but they are still poor”. However, they also spoke about the high visibility of poverty among children – “in looks and outward appearances” and “the way you act, everything”. Those in the primary school age group added: “they come outside to play without shoes … without clothes or very little clothes” “they look unclean, untidy” “they smell badly” “they have to walk to school on mornings” “they have to get up very early to catch public transportation to school”. The high visibility of child poverty correlated with discrimination. According to a professional: “depending on your appearance you may be treated well or treated badly”, and the children participating in the focus groups added: “we discriminate against people who are ugly and who look nasty” 14


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

“this is reality – if your friend looks stink, you tell them. Better it come from you than someone else”. “some of them are teased … poor children fight with other children”. Children who are HIV positive were said to suffer the worst discrimination. Deteriorating community environments correlated with the distrust of authorities, perceived to have been internalized by children: “you have children who will tell you to run if you see the police … when taken on tours to the police station, they would say don’t talk to the policeman, he will shoot you. That’s what they would have heard in their communities”. The level of social exclusion among poor children was generally low. They attend school, go health clinics and participate in outings with their parents for leisure activities, to the beach especially. There was, however evidence of some children who do not attend school or do so irregularly. The SLC also reports on children missing school for reasons of “working” and “home duties” and the PPA/COMM, while indicating community appreciation for the availability of free education, also reveals concern over variations in the quality of education provided by different schools and poor teacher attitudes in the public school system. These findings are of deep concern in a country that has invested heavily in education as the major route from intergenerational poverty. Children who drop out of school and then who fall through the cracks of the system forgo any possibility of escaping poverty. The children of migrant parents were considered to be highly vulnerable in this regard. However, children in general are not seen to be victims of widespread social stigma and discrimination as a result of their poverty, though individual incidents of verbal abuse from their parents and peers were mentioned. Although one professional mentioned that children today are more “street wise” and are “quick to letting the staff know their rights”, the general impression was that children are silenced and powerless in their families and vulnerable to violence at home.

2.1.4 Response It was generally agreed that social services for children had expanded and improved along with knowledge and use of these services by parents and other family members. Government provisions were said to extend to the children of migrants: “there’s nothing here that says only for Barbadians”. However, staff shortages and lack of training to respond to contemporary problems were identified at the Child Care Board and are reported in the IA. In addition, treatment by staff at public service facilities was said to be less than desirable: “the way they would call out your name … some people don’t treat people with dignity” and “they ask a lot of questions”. According to one informant: “some parents refuse to go due to the attitude of the staff. And the waiting period to get the service is very long”. Schools were highlighted as playing an important role, actual and potential, in identifying and responding to child poverty and related problems. School principals and teachers, in particular, provide food and clothing: “known of cases where teachers … would bathe the children and give them a change of clothes”. However, the suggestion was made that staff could play a more pro- active part: “identifying the children who are in need and not wait until a problem surfaces. The schools are very reactive … sometimes the schools are aware of what is happening, but not reporting matters”. Among non-government agencies, the Salvation Army, the YWCA Breakfast Club and the Needy Children’s Fund received special mention. Churches were identified as sources of clothing and 15


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

food for children and families, and one participant in the focus group spoke of receiving money from a pastor. Service clubs and benevolent citizens were also mentioned. Despite recent initiatives that cater to the special needs of children with disabilities, they continue to be relatively neglected, especially those under the age of 5 years and those over 11 years of age. Younger children among the poor, therefore, miss out on early intervention initiatives. Government facilities for children with disabilities were said to be inadequate: “only one children’s development centre and the waiting list is three years or more”. Just as families were identified as the cause of poverty and violence among children, so also they were perceived as the major context for children’s wellbeing and protection. Parents living in poverty were said to “want better for their children”, it was rare to find parents who “sit back and do nothing”, and they make full use of free health and educational services: “like they library … they make sure that their children read”. Additionally, according to one informant, although family members might be unwilling to “take in” an adult, they were unlikely to refuse to give a home to a child. However, children themselves cautioned that living with extended family members might be a disadvantage: “aunts cannot provide everything a mother provides”. They spoke of the negative impact of home relocation: “when you have to live with relatives who don’t want you there”.

Children participating in the focus groups reported initiatives for self-help among themselves: “children our age do earn money. Some may sell bottles, work in the supermarkets on a weekend or during the summer holidays, wash cars, sell snacks at school, save money”. Others were said to “steal”, “sell drugs”, or “have sex for money – some girls depend on their men for everything”. Children were also said to “ask people for things – relatives, people that you meet, people in the community”, but this was not defined as begging. However, participants in the primary school focus group indicated that “some of the children have to go with their parents to beg for money”. One professional spoke of “mothers traveling with their children and using them to evoke sympathy, to secure a job or get money”. Children also indicated that they assist each other. Those participating in the focus group stated: “we try to help them out by sharing snacks and drinks”

“give them clothes”

“children try to make each other happy”. According to a social services professional: “Children are amazing. If placed in the right environment, if they have a little something in them it will come out. Children are not unkind; they might help each other. The ones that are well off might embrace the poorer child. In schools you will find a child taking it upon him or herself to assist a child who is slow”.

2.1.5 Recommendations A wide range of interventions to reduce poverty among children were recommended, many of which targeted families as the primary context for child support and well-being. Included were: 

Job opportunities and skills training for parents, and for children during vacations and weekends 16


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         

Parental education, training and support Expanded day-care, including specialized services for children with special needs Measures to ensure that children attend school regularly Additional educational provisions including extra lessons and reading programmes, along with free meals and lunch vouchers Improved partnerships between government and NGOs Social policy reform for children and families Training for teachers to build sensitivity and facilitate early intervention “Buddy” and community service projects in which more wealthy children are paired with those who are poorer to build compassion and care Community support for families and children in poverty including stigma reduction Community involvement in children’s protection especially for children with special needs.

For children with disabilities the following specific interventions were highlighted:  

Proactive approach in early identification of children’s physical, psychological and social problems, and child poverty and social exclusion Special programmes for children with disabilities, combining early diagnosis and intervention, especially the provision of speech and therapy services, and economic support for their caregivers and families – within a more inclusive framework/system Longer-term planning for children with disabilities to ease the transition into adulthood, including employment opportunities, sexuality education and housing subsidies.

2.1.6 Case Study 1 (information on this case study was provided by a social worker) Lisa is seven years old and lives with her father, mother and three younger siblings in a small, one bedroom, sparsely furnished wood house. Her mother works as a “fish cleaner”, while her father does “odd jobs” – “he really tries, he would even come to the school and clean the compound”. The family is of Guyanese origin and depends also on food, clothing and other material goods provided by the Mosque. According to the informant, “The mother is Guyanese. I’m not sure if that stops her going to the Welfare. Or maybe she just don’t know”. Lisa attends school, though not consistently. Lisa’s vulnerability relates to ill health, a poor living environment and family issues. Her diet is poor and she is asthmatic: “the house is in a terrible state, the yard is usually dirty”. For religious reasons, she was instructed by her parents not to eat the lunches provided at school. However, after social work intervention, she now “takes some of the meals … the diet at home is not a proper one; we saw a difference in the child after taking the school meals”. The environment in which Lisa lives is inappropriate for children. She and her siblings spend most of their time in the evenings and weekends “playing on the street”. The neighbourhood is characterized by “unsavory characters” and drug use, prostitution, violence and abusive language. Police patrols occur regularly. Lisa’s mother moved out of the home for a period, during which Lisa and her siblings were on the street more than usual, that is until her aunt, the only other extended family member in the picture, stepped in to take care of them. 17


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

Interventions recommended to reduce Lisa’s vulnerability to poverty and social exclusion and ensure a brighter future were job opportunities for her father, better living conditions at home including a room for the children, consistent dietary improvement, and assistance with books and other school materials.

2.2.

Persons with Disabilities

2.2.1 Perceptions Among persons with disabilities there was a clear connection between poverty and social exclusion, especially among those whose disability had rendered them physically immobile. Poverty and social exclusion within this vulnerable group related primarily to the following:    

The lack of suitable employment opportunities and low financial resources Lack of support and protection within families and communities Inadequate transportation and other services The persistence of stigma.

There was agreement among persons with disabilities that their plight had become increasingly visible to government, NGOs, the media and the public in general, and that the response had been positive, enhancing their quality of life. Informants mentioned a decline in social isolation at home and the greater visibility of persons with disabilities in public life. Health care, in particular, was receiving greater attention. Improvements were also noted in terms of wider adherence to building codes and the acceptance of children in mainstream schools. However, gaps and shortcomings were said to persist with the result that persons with disabilities continue to depend heavily on family members, from whom care and support was not always adequate or consistent. Distinctions between different types and levels of disability were seen as highly significant in determining quality of life. The general consensus was that persons who were physically immobile and unable, therefore, to leave home without assistance suffered most. Persons with disabilities summed up the distinctions between themselves as follows: “persons who cannot go out and do nothing for themselves, in total helplessness – sometimes their family will use them to get things; they will always be seen as burdens on the society” “the physically challenged are prisoners of their environment; a blind or deaf person can get on a bus and do things” “blind persons would get more opportunities than a person who is physically disabled” “the public are not as patient with someone with a speech impediment” “most parents don’t do sign language and therefore don’t have a meaningful relationship with their deaf offspring” “the mentally handicapped are seen as ‘mad’ by the public and are the butt of much abuse”. Gender did not emerge as a major correlate of poverty and social exclusion within this vulnerable group; respondents claimed generally that there was little distinction between men and women with similar disabilities. However, one or two informants suggested that women with disabilities 18


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

were better cared for by their families, while their male counterparts were more able to access income generating activities.

2.2.2 Causes There was disagreement within the community of persons with disabilities as to the persistence of stigma, attributable in large measure to a continuing lack of public education and understanding. Some felt that “it is always there once you are disabled”, while others claimed that it had eased over the generations: “persons are more courteous to disabled persons”. One informant suggested that, as the confinement to the home of persons with disabilities declines, so they confront public stigma and verbal abuse: “you experience it especially when you go to doctors, clothing stores and restaurants” “as a visually impaired person, you might not want to sit next to me [on the bus] because you don’t want to catch the disease you think I have” “they become stand offish because of this concept that disabled persons are not clean” “they have people that, because you have a disability, that ask you why you don’t stand home” “the able bodied tend to see persons with disabilities as nothing”. Persons with disabilities spoke of being overlooked and ignored: “instead of addressing you, they like to address someone else for you … they always act like if you are blind, that you are deaf too” “the doctor said he will call with the results. Do you know who he called – my sister! You want to do your own business … and they don’t respect you” “when you talk with someone on the phone and they don’t know you are disabled, the conversation gets different when you mention that you are or when they see you in person”. In general, stigma was correlated with social exclusion from public life. In particular, the unavailability of employment opportunities tailored to their special needs, was presented as a principal cause of poverty among persons with disabilities, especially for women. Vulnerability to exploitation on the job and the lack of job security were also mentioned: “remember, disabled people are the last to be hired and the first to be fired”. These factors, combined with a “limited access to education”, the lack of savings and assets, and the rise in the cost of living, had reinforced deprivation and, in turn, dependency on family members in particular. Stigma was also perceived to pose a problem in the private lives of persons with disabilities. Informants referred to the public perception that they, both male and female, should not be sexually active or involved in intimate relationships: “people still consider persons with disabilities as asexual … would not approach a woman with disabilities the same as a regular woman in society”. Intimate relationships were said to be difficult to maintain: “You find a disabled woman gets involved with an able bodied man and things are going good. But he can’t handle the peer pressure and when his friends see him with her they 19


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

say things like what you doing with her? What can she do for you? … and this is when the abusive words will come and maybe some blows behind it.” The absence of employment and financial resources has resulted in heavy dependence on family among persons with disabilities; families were described as “extremely important” in their lives. Experiences and views on family care and support were mixed. Family members were often, though not always, described as “insensitive” and their care as “not consistent”. At worst, according to focus group participants: “family does not want you … if you cannot take care of yourself, they scorn you and discriminate against you” “they keep them in bondage and hostage – keep them to use them, sometimes the family is the greatest disability” “I find families want to leave everything up to government. The only responsibility they want to take is the money from the disabled person. If they could send them around the Garrison [into sex work] every night they would send them; if they could send them by the next door neighbour to beg, they would send them”. Informants also recalled incidents in which financial assistance, including remittances from abroad, intended for a person with disabilities were “controlled by an able-bodied relative”. Children with disabilities were seen to experience discrimination within their families: “you see parents have able bodied children, they spend all their money on that child … they make sure they get a proper education. The disabled child – nothing”. Also evident, however, was an empathetic response towards family care-givers who are burdened with full-time support for persons with disabilities and, therefore, themselves unable to engage in fulltime employment or social activities. According to one informant: “A disabled person is a trap; the physically disabled is more work and stress for the family”. Another pointed out that some of the care-givers themselves are “getting old and unable to offer that same level of care and support”. The lack of sufficient day-care for children with disabilities with trained and committed staff was seen to place a heavy burden on their parents: “parents find it very hard to find day care for disabled children because nobody wants to keep a disabled child, especially if it has certain disabilities …nobody want to change big children pampers, so their mother has to run from work or whatever point to go to the school to change the child’s pampers”. Also mentioned was the dependence of persons with disabilities on volunteers, but the general perception was that the spirit of volunteerism was not as vibrant as in past years: “the level of volunteerism is on the decline”. In terms of community support, there was a general view this varied across different communities, but that persons with disabilities are not a part of their communities and not afforded protection to the same degree as in previous generations. Difficulties relating to physical mobility and access were highlighted and were seen as multi- faceted. Transportation issues were paramount despite the provision by government of a bus specially outfitted for persons with disabilities. Problems of mobility were attributed to the physical environment, in particular to the absence of ramps and special parking facilities, and continued difficulties with access to public

20


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

buildings, including banks. Persons with disabilities also pointed to the lack of facilities in their own homes including rails and ramps.

2.2.3 Effects Physical immobility combines with the lack of leisure and other activities for persons with disabilities to generate social isolation: “there is nowhere to go, no recreational outlets, no activities”. The telephone then, becomes their major connection with the outside world. The physically challenged were said to be “restricted to one place”. As one put it: “I am home all the time”, while another who is blind and somewhat more mobile also stated: “I spend most of my time at home alone”. There was a general perception that dependency on others, including family members, generates vulnerability to abuse and neglect. Persons with disabilities in situations where “care-givers have complete control of your life”, were seen to be at risk of abuse manifested in various forms– physical, sexual, financial and emotional. “they might be beaten” “financial exploitation by the family”, “people would put down disabled people” “they suffer a large degree of sexual abuse”. Informants also claimed that persons with disabilities may become victims of violence if they are seen to be a heavy burden or the cause of poverty among family members: “a mother might beat the child out of frustration, because she is unable to work because she has to care for the child, or because of the burden faced”. Also seen as an effect of disability and poverty was neglect, manifested as “bad diets”, “bad hygiene” and “poor health and nutrition”, leading to “over- and under-weight”. However, homelessness was not seen as common among the disabled: “most live with relatives”; “not many are destitute and without a home”. The general negative conditions of poverty and social exclusion among persons with disabilities were seen to have severe psychological effects ranging from loneliness and isolation, to lack of motivation and participation, to frustration and depression: “they don’t expect much” “we make do, accept life for what it is” “they walk differently, don’t walk with their head up high” “somebody keeps telling you, you can’t do that … they believe it themselves, so they carry that through life”. “sometimes people with disabilities feel they have nothing to offer so they exit themselves”. There is then, a complex chain of cause and effect in the lives of persons with disabilities – from stigma to the absence of employment and economic autonomy, leading in turn to dependency on family and friends, vulnerability to neglect and abuse, and the psychological effects of loneliness and depression. Added to this are powerlessness and the lack of a voice. Persons with disabilities were seen to be 21


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

without life choices, in terms of what they wear, what they eat, where they go and when. According to one informant, there is no recourse: “The disabled person feels that there is nowhere to else for them to go. They can’t complain to the police; no-one would take notice of them in court”.

2.2.4 Response Informants revealed that persons with disabilities seek to be as independent and to lead as “normal” a life as possible, both financially and practically. As they put it: “they don’t want to have to ask someone to do something for them all the time” “they don’t like to know that their existence depends on the will of others” “a good life for me … I dreamed that I would get married, which I did, to have my own family, have my own house and to have savings. So that when I retired from a job I could still life a comfortable life, go to church and do the normal things that a working family would do… Not like what I have now, because I am not able to look after myself how I would like to”.

Their responses revealed an interconnection between stigma reduction and independence: “when people think disabled persons want handouts, they treat us as nothing; but when they see that we are independent and trying to make a life for ourselves, that is when they are willing to help”. As one insisted: “disabled people have dignity too. We are poor, but we have dignity.” Persons with disabilities spoke of self-help and advocacy. Several expressed the desire for training so that they could assist others with disabilities. One participant in the focus group saw disability as “a special, special path that we are entrusted with”, and announced her role in advocacy: “I am going to make sure no-one coming after me would have to go through what I went through. And I feel that, if each one of us as persons with disabilities adopts that attitude, the next generation would not have to be exposed to half of the hardships that we went through”. Appreciation was expressed at recent efforts on the part of government to support persons living in poverty, especially those with disabilities. Mention was made of pensions, welfare, health care, home-based care-giving, transport and food vouchers. Improved and free health care was also highlighted. As reported in the IA, the National Disabilities Unit is challenged by staffing and other constraints. Several informants pointed out that daily living as a person with disabilities is significantly more expensive than for the able bodied, citing medication, transportation and care as extras: “getting welfare isn’t really the answer because … don’t care how much money you get, as a disabled person it isn’t enough – it is never enough”. Others expressed concern over long waiting periods, red tape, unfulfilled promises and poor treatment: “humiliation” “health care is a big issue – they have no respect for disabled women and treat you as if you are – I cannot even find the word for it” “you don’t want to go out there to welfare and beg because sometimes the way that you are treated. You are asked too many questions; you have to tell so much” 22


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

“you have to be reassessed every six months and, if your assessment officer takes two months, you don’t get anything” “I had to give up because of the interrogation” “staff need to be more tolerant”. NGOs set up specifically for persons with disabilities, including the National Disability Council, were also mentioned as providing assistance, along with service clubs, international agencies and the business community. Food hampers in particular, were identified. Paradoxically, though the enhanced support and advocacy from government and NGOs, along with the public campaigning by the media, was appreciated by members of this vulnerable group, they were more concerned with opportunities for realizing financial independence and social inclusion. Religion was seen as important in the lives of persons with disabilities: “gives you hope and selfacceptance”. The contribution of churches was noted in terms of the provision of food, clothing, money and outings: “the church is the only place of social inclusion outside the family”. However, they were also described as “not community minded” and as “not very tolerant”. Begging, hustling and stealing, informants agreed, were last-ditch survival strategies among persons with disabilities. According to one informant: “some families would use the disabled person, in that they put them to beg and take the proceedings”. Participants in the focus group also revealed that some persons with disabilities would engage in transactional sex for survival in poverty, “because some of them don’t have a choice” or “because their family members force them to do it”. There was also anecdotal evidence of persons with disabilities being used by others to traffic drugs, “because they would say the police would never think of this disabled person because they don’t see us as having any intelligence”.

2.2.5 Recommendations Proposals to enhance the quality of life for the persons with disabilities who are poor and socially excluded were practical and wide-ranging. Emphasis was placed on policy and programme implementation to mainstream persons with disabilities, as well as targeting their specific needs. However, informants insisted that, more important to them than services and hand-outs, were opportunities to exercise their capabilities, realize their independence, and live with dignity. They indicated that would also welcome the opportunity to interact with other persons with disabilities and to participate with them in programme formulation, organisation and implementation. Underpinning these proposals were the principles of equal rights, empowerment and social inclusion. Included in their recommendations were:        

anti-discrimination legislation and affirmative action income-generating opportunities service staff training and attitude change access to education and training additional day care centres, especially for children with disabilities, and home-based caregivers social and income-generating activities (crafts, painting, creative writing) transportation environmental access, building codes, specialized housing provision and special amenities such as ramps and rails 23


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

   

special provisions for the payment of utilities support for families and other care-givers public information and sensitization to foster understanding and respect for persons with disabilities rebuilding a culture of volunteerism.

2.2.6 Case study Joan is 39 years of age and has been unable to walk without assistance or to control “certain muscle functions” since she was 21 years old. She is unemployed, depends on welfare assistance and informs that, since she never worked, she has no savings. Her home has been provided by government and she shares it with a friend. It is sparsely furnished and has a television on temporary loan from her brother. According to her, “the roof is rat-infested” and “the floor has begun to rot and collapse in places”. As a result of financial constraint, Joan’s diet is “not 100 percent” and she “eats breakfast and supper, but not three meals per day”. She used to receive food from a local charitable organization, but the experience was unsatisfactory. In her words: “I was unable to clean the dishes and it seemed as though the officer was displeased about having to clean the dishes. After a while, they stopped providing the service, but I appreciated that because of the state the food was in once it arrived – it was off”. She receives food items from her church, but only at Christmas. Joan is treated and provided with medication for her disability, at no cost at the hospital and describes the doctors and nurses as “honestly very loving, understanding and caring”. However, she claims she cannot afford to attend dentist or a specialist gynecologist. Her social contact is limited. Other than attending church on Sundays and going to town on Saturdays “once the funds are available”, she spends her days “at home alone, reading books and the Bible”. In her words, “no-one really visits because I am disabled”. She has two friends who assist her on mornings, but one has been unwell herself and is no longer able. She makes use of the bus provided by government for persons with disabilities, but “it may not be available because it is fully booked or it has mechanical problems”. The alternative is a taxi, but the cost to town and back, at Bds $100, is a deterrent. She has no children and describes her family as “not reliable” even though they live nearby. Of them, she says: “they treat me fairly OK, but I try to be independent because, at times, I perceive that I am a burden to them”. She sees persons living in her community as “not loving, they do not look out for each other, especially for a disabled person … people believe that I am a burden”, and adds: “If more people visited I would feel a bit happier. I would like to be able to interact with those who are genuine and those who have disabilities”. Joan’s major problem is her lack of mobility which is directly related to her disability and to financial constraint. Unable to afford railings in her home, she is forced to “move around on the floor, rather than upright”, and her movement from home is severely limited. According to her, “I would like someone to visit me and take me out on Sundays and Bank Holidays. I would love the opportunity to go out on these days and at least twice a month … provision should be made for the bus to take disabled persons out for free especially on holidays to see popular locations and events in Barbados.” She would also like the opportunity to further her education and concluded the interview by saying, “I would like to be independent”. 24


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

2.3.

The Elderly

2.3.1 Perceptions Having successfully accomplished the demographic transition by reducing both mortality and birth rates and achieving low levels of natural increase, Barbados faces other concerns notably that of an aging population. As reported in the MESA, persons over the age of ?? constitute % of the total population. The primary effect is an unbalanced dependency ratio, that is a high proportion of elderly in comparison with the size of the working population, with accompanying burdens of care and support for government and their families. In the PPA/VG, the elderly were clearly perceived and also saw themselves as a social group vulnerable to poverty and social exclusion. For them, poverty was identified as multifaceted and related to:     

the lack of finances and inability to make ends meet the lack of contact with and support from family and community insecurity and inadequate housing chronic ill health and poor diets exposure to violence and abuse.

There was general agreement that, while the elderly had benefited from overall socio-economic progress in Barbados, poverty had persisted and social exclusion among them increased over the generations, as a result primarily of growing individualism in families and communities. The impact of the recent recession was also mentioned, particularly in terms of food intake: “causing some to compromise on their diets”. Poverty for the elderly was summed up as a “poor standard of living”, the major visible characteristics of which were “dilapidated housing” and “poor diets”. Informants also revealed a denial of being ‘poor’ and of living in ‘poverty’ among the elderly: “they may not use those words; you might hear them say ‘struggling to make ends meet’” “you might hear some say that they can’t afford the lifestyle they used to live … even if they fall on bad times they would be embarrassed to say it”. According to one informant, the result of trying to “hide their poverty” is that the elderly are “ashamed” to apply for government assistance. This was particularly true of the middle class “who are now on hard times” and among whom there is sense of “pride”. A connection between poverty and selfrespect was identified in that most people “see it as embarrassing to say they are poor and ask for help”; and “some people that don’t have would not let you know”. Also mentioned was an “almshouse mentality”, that is, a lingering perception of the poor quality of care that deters a support-seeking orientation among the elderly. Gender distinctions were perceived in support networks among the elderly. Financial and material assistance and social support were seen to be more forthcoming for women than men: “the community is more aware of women and their plight”. According to one informant: “women would have built a greater support unit from their children, community and churches”, while “men are more disconnected from their families, especially their children”. And another reported that: “Women are better managers than men. You will find that women manage to get their own homes and are closer to the children who 25


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

might provide them with financial and other support”. Men, on the other hand, were said to be less likely to have prepared for old age.

2.3.2 Causes Poverty among the elderly was attributed primarily to inadequate income, though this was perceived in various ways. Government (NIS) pensions are the main, if not the sole, source of income though some elderly persons supplement these with “gardening”, “making small crafts” and “odd jobs”. Lack of opportunities was mentioned: “I’m accustomed to working, so I would love to work”. There was disagreement concerning the value of pensions. Some considered the amount provided to be too low and not keeping pace with the rising cost of living, while others agreed with the focus group informant who stated: “pension has increased and we are able to live better now”. However, not all were in receipt of pensions and, in some cases, an individual’s pension was used to support others in the household, this confirming the finding reported in the MESA. Compounding the problem was the absence of savings, since “most of the elderly just live from one pension cheque to another”. The lack of savings was also attributed to the hand-to-mouth conditions and previous employment in menial jobs resulting in the inability to accumulate savings. A gender distinction was noted: “the women spend their savings on their children and for some elderly men on women” and on lavish lifestyles in their youth. One informant agued against selling or pawning jewelry and other items of value as a survival strategy: “I prefer not to have to do this … because these things have a personal value attached to them”. Family and community fragmentation were perceived as a major cause of a decline in the quality of life among the elderly: “people don’t look out for the elderly as before” “in the olden days, youth used to look after the old people, but the young people today, you can’t call on them to do nothing for you” “disconnect between the youths and the elderly”.

At worst, is the so-called “abandonment” of the elderly: “a lot of people taking their elderly to the hospital and not going back for them. So that’s one of the things – neglect”. As a result of migration, the employment of persons outside of their communities, and new arrivals who take up residence in communities, “the old extended family and community culture has changed” and, for some among the elderly, “their children abandon them”. Situations vary, however, and one informant claimed that “some young people protect and care for older persons”. Problems relating to accommodation were also perceived as contributing to elderly poverty and a reduced quality of life in various ways. The scarcity of housing for the elderly and high rental costs were mentioned. Informants also referred to the problems of elderly persons either living alone or in shared accommodation with strangers. Also mentioned were dilapidated housing conditions among the elderly – “they live in a house that is falling down on them” – and the refusal to move because of concern to protect their furniture and other material possessions and to maintain their independence. Others had lost their homes as a result of family disputes. The absence of titles or other legal documentation for their properties was mentioned. Among the elderly, homelessness was seen to be more prevalent among men than women. 26


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

Ill health and poor physical mobility rank high among the issues that affect the quality of life among the elderly: “if you are in good health, then nothing else could be wrong”. According to one woman, “if I could wake up in the morning and find myself walking properly, I wouldn’t want a thing more”. And another stated: “This head does be dizzy and I would get up and say I would to go so. I wanted to go into town earlier this month, or say from last month and I have not gotten into town”. This correlates with the evidence of chronic non-communicable diseases in Barbados, especially diabetes, hypertension and heart disease that, as reported in the MESA, have become the principal cause of morbidity and mortality in Barbados. Amputations as a result of diabetes contribute to poor physical mobility, confinement to home and social isolation. Poor nutrition was highlighted with adverse nutritional effects ranging from “bad diets” to “hunger”, as well as “overweight”. The elderly poor were said to cut back on vegetables and other nutritious foods: “Sometimes I eat once a day … vegetables – once I can get them, because things today are not very cheap. Imagine a pint of beans five or six dollars a pound. I can’t eat all that and people are not selling you a quarter [pound]. You have to buy half or a pound and all the money I get is what I will get when the month come”. Poor diets were said to exacerbate the problems of ill health, including chronic disease and mental illness. While some medication was provided free of cost by government, there were some among the elderly who were unable to afford prescribed drugs not provided free of cost. Transportation was also an issue and, although there was appreciation for the public bus service free to the elderly, there were also complaints. An 89 year old woman stated: “I would have to walk from here at least down to the front road to get a bus … to go into town and then when I get into town, I have to stand up so long. They talk about good bus service, but I don’t see the good bus service that we should have. Sometimes I go into town and stay up three, four hours to get a bus to bring me to the bus stop there or the bus stop below here. … Once I don’t have to go out, I don’t force myself to go anywhere”. Another indicated that her outings include church, the supermarket, the bank and the doctor, but that “I don’t go often, because it’s a hassle to get there and I don’t like to ask people for favours”. Security was also identified as a problem affecting the quality of life among the elderly, especially those living alone. One informant reported that her home had been broken into twice in recent years. She indicated that “it made no sense to talk about” what had been stolen, though mentioned that fifty dollars was taken. She also stated that she felt “very safe” after having installed bolts on her doors. Another, a ninety one year old woman, mentioned earlier, though living alone in one of Barbados’ notorious communities which she describes as “known to be bad”, says she has community protection and feels safe. She added that she “gets along with everyone”, that “neighbours would look out for me” and that “the boys from the block would check up on me often”. In general, there was agreement that communities vary significantly in terms of the support and protection provided for their residents, the elderly in particular. One informant spoke of the advantages of residential care in this regard: “if you are under security, like in a nursing home, you are not susceptible to that”. Powerlessness combined with the social stigma of aging was also seen as a cause of elderly poverty and poor quality of life. Participants in the focus group were concerned to point out that: ”the elderly lack a voice” “there is a stigma attached to elderly persons; society sees the elderly as having little value” “the elderly are ostracized, pushed to one side” 27


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

“excluded from society” “no respect, no community values” “the dignity that the elderly would have had is not there any more” “sometimes when you become older and you are in a good family, you still do not get the respect you deserve”. According to one informant, however, this situation prevailed irrespective of wealth and social status: “the elderly are treated this way throughout all classes of society – black, white, rich, poor – you find it”. Another informant, also in the focus group, responded by saying that she was resident in a nursing home, was well taken care of and felt neither ostracized nor of little value. Informants agreed that, because the elderly have made an important contribution to society, their needs should be prioritized in national planning and resource allocation. As one put it, “we should not be the last to be considered” and another stated, “society is morally obligated to help old people …we have come to a point where we are not recognized for our value, there is not gratitude for the contributions we have made”.

2.3.3 Effects Psychological consequences of poverty and social exclusion among the elderly were emphasized. The absence of inter-personal contact within their homes and communities and the lack of recreational activities were said to cause “loneliness” and “depression”, and “no sense of purpose”. According to one informant: “some live in bad conditions, they are untidy, they don’t care about their appearances”. Helplessness and submission were said to be particularly prevalent among those who are dependent on others, often as a result of chronic health problems: “the elderly feel a sense of shame for being dependent on other persons – I don’t like depending on nobody” “most elderly persons do not express their shame, but rather remain submissive. I just put my tail between my legs and let it go” “sometimes I do feel depressed, especially when you reflect and realise that you are no longer important – a has-been”. Men were more likely to find escape in alcohol or “get angry and behave badly”, thus forfeiting their rights to services. They were also known to remarry younger women who provide care and support. The perceived decline in family and community solidarity resulted in social isolation: “for some, the only person they see is the home care-giver”. Mention was made of elderly persons who became withdrawn and did not respond to social activities, especially if they were neglected by family or suffered the death of a spouse or partner, the latter resulting in both loneliness and reduced income. A recent survey commissioned by the Barbados Association of Retired Persons (BARP), while acknowledging that its members were “better off” than most of their age group with the majority (74.5%) agreeing that they were “financially comfortable”, reported that the main problem among respondents was “loneliness” – 82% stated that they “often feel lonely”. The report concluded that “money does not necessarily impact 28


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

on happiness in one’s old age, since wealthier members are more comfortable financially, but no less lonely” (Barbados Association of Retired Persons 2008: 14, 18-19). Not all of the elderly, however, perceived themselves to be isolated or lonely. The informant in the case study attached here illustrated community support in the absence of family. The loss of independence was perceived to lead to elderly abuse and violence, against which they have no recourse. Participants in the focus group agreed that the elderly are “a target for abuse, neglect, as well as stress”, especially if they are perceived as a burden to their families. A gender distinction was revealed in that elderly women were perceived to be more vulnerable to abuse, though more likely to be protected by the law and police, while men were more likely to have a history of abusing their children and family members and might, in their later years, become victims of revenge. The absence of recourse was identified as a problem. An elderly woman, who participated in the focus group, reported: “I have a daughter who beat me and the case has been going on from 2004 … left incapacitated, hip injuries, stitches. I left [her home] for my safety”. On the other hand, informants also perceived that some families were unable to cope with the burden of care for their elderly relatives, or unintentionally neglected them because they “don’t understand the aging process”.

2.3.4 Responses While the elderly who live in poverty had devised several individual strategies for coping with poverty, their capacity to change their quality of life was limited. Cutting back on food expenditure was one such strategy: “most often food would be sacrificed”. In the focus group discussion, one informant said: “I cut back on food; I don’t need to eat every day”, though another argued: “I cannot reduce eating; I got to eat every day”. Reducing expenditure on utilities was seen as “not usually acceptable, especially the telephone which is sometimes the only form of communication between an elderly person and their family or friends”. Leaving one’s own home and moving in with others involved giving up one’s independence and was described as a last resort. Strategies for earning income depended on physical health and included making craft items for sale among the women, and the sale of agricultural produce or doing odd jobs among the men. Very few have assets such as jewelry or land to sell. Mention was made of rare cases in which the elderly resorted to begging and stealing for survival. One informant referred to the pride of Barbadians and insisted: “there are some things we would not do”. The elderly also reflected a spirit of independence and spoke of “making do”: “What I have, I make do and what I don’t have, I do without. I am not annoying any one to give me so and so … I am not borrowing or I am not trusting” “the elderly try their best to hide their situations and cut back on most things to survive” “Bajans are a proud people and, as such, we would simply go without. I believe old people … if they need, will cut back”. They also recognized the dangers of giving in to anxiety, especially among those who spend much of the time alone: “most times worrying is what makes life seem bad. It could be worrying about health issues, surroundings or money” 29


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

“when it comes to health issues, I try my best not to think about them. I try my best, I just block it out” I do not worry about anything. Nothing bothers me. I don’t carry worries. I don’t let nothing worry me” “I believe a happy and strong attitude or spirit is very important to making the best of life”. Related to this, was a strong religious faith among many, especially women. Prayer plays a critical role in the lives of the elderly. One woman stated: “I put my trust in God and live a good life”, “elderly persons pray and meditate; prayer changes things”. Another agreed that she was “poor”, but added that she was “rich in God”. She continued: “I don’t have any riches. I don’t have what some people have and I have more than some. Regardless of how it is, I am satisfied. I am thankful to God that I am living too”. She also claimed that her faith also prevents loneliness: “I am not lonely when I have God. At night, I can get in there on my bed and I can cry to him”. Family support was identified as a critical factor in the quality of life of the elderly. Although economic and material support was seen as important, several emphasized social and psychological intervention: “Elderly persons do not require money. They require love and family support – somebody to come visit, to feel the love”. However, as indicated, the elderly also agreed that independent living was critical to their quality of life: “some poor elderly do not like to be dependent on their children for any kind of support, but rather they prefer to be independent and provide for themselves” “I will not move in with my family, especially in the instance where my children are married and have their own family – if you are married, oh no, you are not getting me to mingle in there” “I could live with my daughter, but I have my own life to live”. Elderly women were said to be more likely to receive support from their families than are men. Government support for the elderly was reported to be quite extensive and included non- contributory pensions, food vouchers, assistance with utility bills (light and water), rent subsidies, free bus transportation, health services and basic medication. One informant stated: “I think that government is doing the best it can”. Not all of the elderly were aware of these services, though most, according to a select informant, knew about “pensions, free bus fares, and health care including eye care and medication”. Pensions were identified as the central and critical form of support, though one informant suggested that she “preferred in the past when I received a lump sum of money from NIS as opposed to the monthly payments which we currently receive”. However, several problems of service access and treatment were listed – “very long wait”, “lots of red tape”, “process is long and humiliating for some”, “dismissive treatment, not respected”, “you feel as if you are begging”. In general, however, women were seen as having greater patience and capacity to negotiate assistance from social services and, therefore, more likely receive such support, including home- care services. Men were also said to be less likely to make NIS contributions. There was agreement that some among the elderly are denied services because they are “ill behaved – I guess if you are poor and hungry, you can’t be pleasant”. 30


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

Churches play an important social and support role in the lives of the elderly, women in particular. Church support was mentioned in terms of food and clothing, outings and transportation, and home visits to minister and provide fellowship: “I receive help from the church, every month they bring me groceries and visit me to take me to church and to the church’s social activities”. Churches, however, were said to provide services only to their members, and to be less community-oriented than in the past: “they do come and visit and to speak about the faith. However, when they visit they do not enquire if you are hungry”. The focus group revealed that several among the elderly had heard of the Barbados Association of Retired Persons (BARP), but were unaware of the services provided. According to the MESA they were also unaware of other NGOs that cater to the needs of the elderly.

2.3.5 Recommendations Recommendations reflected the desire among the elderly to receive basic needs and services, but also to retain their independence for as long as possible. Included among the recommendations were:              

Pension increases to reflect inflation Special legislation to deal with the abuse of the elderly. Housing policy – to include more homes for the elderly and home repair services Greater discretion and responsiveness from welfare services Attitude change among government staff Improved transportation Supermarket discounts and smaller portions More home-based services and training for service providers Strengthened community services Enhanced care in families and communities, with support for family care-givers Enhanced security in homes and communities Expanded social activity programmes Advocacy for the rights and wellbeing of the elderly Public sensitization and response to the problems of the elderly.

2.3.6 Case study Eudora is 91 years of age and resides in one of the most stigmatized urban areas of Barbados. She lives alone in an old wood house which she owns. However, she pays rent for the land, but at a small rate to government. The house is sparsely furnished with a few pieces of old furniture, a stove and television. She suffers from poor health mainly as a result of diabetes and hypertension and receives treatment at the nearby polyclinic and at the Queen Elizabeth Hospital. Care and treatment are free and she reports that the staff treat her “very nice”. Her diet, however, is poor: “I can only eat what I can afford which is not too healthy sometimes … some mornings don’t have breakfast and don’t know where the next meal is coming from … unable to have a healthy diet”. She did mention that “sometimes neighbours would cook and bring a meal for me”.

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Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

Eudora is mobile enough to leave home and attends church every Sunday. Other than that she travels to the bank, the supermarket and the doctor, though she indicates that she doesn’t go out often because “it’s a hassle to get there”. She doesn’t have transportation and says, “I don’t like to ask people for favours”. She has no family living in Barbados. Her son, and a niece and nephew live abroad in England and Trinidad. She hears from them “like three times a year at Christmas, birthday and Easter”. She comments: “my family is the Lord and he treats me well”. She recognizes that the neighbourhood in which she lives is “known to be bad”, but indicates that she feels safe. She “gets along with everyone” and claims that “neighbours look out for me” and that the “boys from the block would check up on me often”. She denies feeling lonely and maintains contact with neighbours who pass and shout her. A friend drops in daily and, during the interview, a young girl and then a young boy dropped in to visit her. Eudora describes herself as “poor”. She retired in 1982 and survives on a government pension supplemented by funds sent by relatives at Christmas. A friend recently bought a fan, since she was unable to afford one. The pension, she claims, though increased recently has not kept pace with the increasing cost of living. She has used up all her savings and states: “I have to do without”. She is, however, grateful that she bought her house while she had the money, unlike the “young people these days … who waste money buying clothes and mother material things”. She spoke vehemently of her frustrated attempts to obtain government assistance: “I asked National Assistance two years ago to help fix the windows and to rewire the house and I never heard back from them. I asked Urban Development about purchasing the land and was told to submit several documentation. After submission, an officer came, measure the land and that was it. I went to the Welfare Department a few years ago. The people came to visit and asked questions and again that was it. I am too old to run behind the government. I never see anyone from the government coming ‘bout here to look for me. The only time you see politicians is elections. … The government never gave me anything. The few times that I asked for help was so stressful that I would not go back there”. Her major worry is her lack of funds to rewire her house. But she describes herself as “content” and “happy”. As she puts it: “Everything in God hand. I am almost 92 years old and in good health. The Lord has taken care of me thus far, so things can’t get any worse”.

2.4.

Ex-Prisoners

2.4.1 Perceptions Ex-prisoners in Barbados are labeled as such and subject to stigma and discrimination. This, in turn, tends to reinforce the poverty that was a determining factor in their criminal activity and imprisonment in the first place. Rates of recidivism are unacceptably high. Ex-prisoners are thus caught in a cycle of poverty and social exclusion that is characterized by  

Unemployment, combined with low levels of education and vocational skills Rejection by and lack of support from families and communities 32


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

 

Homelessness Poor physical and emotional health, drug and alcohol abuse.

There has been little change in the situation of poverty and social exclusion among ex-prisoners, though there is evidence of more supportive efforts from government, service agencies and volunteers. The prison has also introduced rehabilitation programmes designed to assist with the re-entry into society. A gender difference was noted among ex-prisoners in that females were perceived to experience a smoother transition back into society. Informants agreed that women find employment more easily and are more readily accepted by their families. However, this should be viewed within the context of a high predominance of male prisoners. In addition, most of the female prisoners are non-nationals and are deported on release.

2.4.2 Causes Stigma and discrimination against ex-prisoners, males in particular, were seen to reinforce social exclusion and, in turn, poverty. Ex-prisoners are the targets of “verbal assault; people will call them ‘jailbirds’ and other derogatory names”. This results in severe difficulties in finding employment and remaining in jobs. Female prisoners were seen as more employable: “employers don’t trust the males and would more take a chance hiring a female ex-prisoner”. Once employment is found, retention may be problematic: “when some ex-prisoners gain employment, they would not say that they are an exprisoner and when the employers find out, they usually find some reason to get rid of them”. In addition, there was agreement that, “if anything is missing at the job site, they are the first to be blamed”. Few therefore, are able to take the only route available to them, that is, “to find employment and start their lives over”. Family and community neglect or outright rejection is common: “some families don’t want to see them” “some parents don’t want anything to do with them” “society – they just blank them out”. Ex-prisoners were seen to be targets of accusation within families: “whenever something happens, they are the first to be blamed”. However, they were not identified specifically as victims of abuse and violence. One informant was more sympathetic towards family response: “some families would try, but times are hard for all”. Informants regretted the decline in community spirit and support, in general and particularly in relation to ex-prisoners: “people are not as caring or supportive to each other, much less an ex-prisoner”.

2.4.3 Effects Without family support, and without alternative housing or funding for rental accommodation, exprisoners may experience homelessness: “some would sleep in old vehicles”. Homelessness, in turn, results in an “unkempt” and “unclean” appearance, hunger and ill-health, all of which reduce chances of employment and social inclusion. Ex-prisoners may resort to theft, and also hustling and begging. The use of violence may re-emerge; the violence that “sent them to prison in the first place”. According to one informant: “you might be unable to get a job because you were in prison which leads you to become poor and in order to survive you use violence as a survival strategy”. There was agreement that many exprisoners “go back to a life of crime” and “a continuation of what led them into prison”. 33


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

Also mentioned were drug and alcohol abuse and negative psychological effects including a lack of motivation and depression. Being an ex-prisoner is, for most, a source of shame leading to attempts to hide their status, though others were said to be “proud to say they were in prison”. The combined effects of unemployment and family rejection result in a cycle of release, repeat criminal activity and re-incarceration for many ex-prisoners. An ex-prisoner was reported to have said that: “prison is the best place for him because no-body wants him”. Conditions outside prison may be viewed as less attractive than those inside: “in prison, you get free meals and a bed; you are able to earn some money whilst in prison”. One informant indicated that he knew of “a case where a man broke a store glass window just to get back into prison, because he had nowhere to live, no employment and no family”.

2.4.4 Response Ex-prisoners were said to “help themselves as best they can”, “using whatever they have, to be satisfied with it”. But the general consensus was that they cannot do this on their own and that the hostile social environment into which they are released makes reintegration difficult, if not impossible. Success in rebuilding ones life among poor ex-prisoners was seen to depend on support from family and on employment and, in turn, on the levels of education and training among ex-prisoners. Middle class exprisoners, on the other hand, were sent abroad by their families to start a new life. Government support, particularly in terms of the provision of free medical care and a prison afterservice, was mentioned, but according to one informant; “welfare is a long drawn out process; you have to run here, there and everywhere”. Informants acknowledged a growing social recognition of the human rights of prisoners and ex- prisoners in response to the notion that “everyone needs a second chance”. An expanded involvement of NGOs and other agencies and also volunteers was noted, especially as regards rehabilitation. The Prison Fellowship, for example, was perceived to be providing basic needs in terms of food, clothing, accommodation and some employment. The organization also assists with counseling and fellowship, interventions towards reuniting ex-prisoners with their families, and general assistance “to get them back on their feet”. The Salvation Army and a few other small groups were also mentioned as assisting with basic needs. The response among churches was perceived to be more focused on counseling and fellowship to those incarcerated, than to follow-up with ex-prisoners. However, some were said to have been converted to Christianity while in prison and to continue to find support in prayer. Continuing gaps and inadequacies in the response effort were identified. In particular, stigma persists. An informant who had set up a programme for school dropouts indicated that members of a church stopped providing support “when they found out it is a prison organization … we had to change the name of the organization because of the stigma attached”.

2.4.5 Recommendations Recommendations included: 

Public sensitization campaigns to reduce stigma and discrimination in the society in general and among family members and potential employers 34


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

    

Enhanced rehabilitation programmes – counseling and skills-training – in preparation for and after release Expanded temporary accommodation and support A parole system that monitors prisoners after their release Social service reforms to reduce bureaucracy and stigma Support for the families of ex-prisoners.

2.4.6 Case Study Peter is a 39 year old Barbadian ex-prisoner. He rents a room at a charitable hostel, which he describes as “very old and dilapidated”, though utilities are available. He works part-time and, apart from work, he spends his time volunteering with the Prison Fellowship and reading the bible and other spiritual materials. Peter describes himself as lonely: “I don’t have a family, no wife or children and not close with relatives and friends who are living in Barbados”. He is in contact with some family members by phone, and claims to “have friends, but don’t interact often”. His only social activity is “movies, twice a month”. Though his family is distant, he says he is treated “well” at work, even though employers and coworkers know his status as an ex-prisoner, and that the police also treat him “fairly”. However, he describes Barbados and his place of residence as unsafe and prone to violence and robberies, though he has no personal experiences of either. He says that his diet is “not as it should be” and that he will sometimes “go hungry”. In general, he will “make do with whatever is there” or “go without”. He agrees that he is content and adds “despite the current situation, I like to think positive”, and predicts that “the future will get better”. Peter received assistance while in prison from the national substance abuse programme which he describes as “very effective and really helped”. On release from prison, he was spiritually guided by the Prison Fellowship that also provided accommodation: “there was nowhere else to go”. He recommends a comprehensive programme for ex-prisoners that includes employment, training, accommodation and counseling, especially for those without skills or savings or family support. Such a programme, he claims would prevent relapse into a life of crime: “all these things might sound too much, but in the long run it would cost less than maintaining a full prison”.

2.5.

The Homeless

2.5.1 Perceptions Homelessness has been variously defined. At one extreme is the more restrictive, technical definition that refers to the absence of physical shelter; at the other extreme, social issues such as poor quality housing, insecure occupancy and unsafe conditions are factored in (Barbados, Ministry of Housing and Lands 2996, 5). In this section of the report on the PPA with Vulnerable Groups, the former definition has been adopted, not to deny the significance of basic needs and wider social factors, but because these issues, such as squatting with family members or “shanty” accommodation in shacks without electricity or potable water, are addressed in relation to other vulnerable groups.

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Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

As indicated in the MESA, despite concentrated government efforts in housing provision over many years, a small percentage of the population remains homeless. Homelessness in Barbados is an indicator of dire poverty and social exclusion. The homeless suffer a range of related problems including   

stigma and discrimination rejection by families and communities ill health (mental and physical), and poor nutrition.

Homelessness is not a new phenomenon in Barbados, but informants claim that the numbers affected have been growing in recent years. It was estimated that over 350 persons are homeless, with the majority being of Barbadian nationality, though some are from neighbouring Caribbean countries. The Homeless are a heterogeneous group consisting of men, women and youth, those who are new migrants. According to one report: “Within Caribbean countries, the numbers also encompass the elderly, deportees and victims of fire and natural disasters, as well as those with mental disorders” (Barbados, Ministry of Housing and Lands 2006: 4). In Barbados, most are men aged between 18 and 80 years, though a minority at 16 years old were mentioned. Very few women were said to be homeless; neither were children counted among the homeless: “some might roam the streets during the day, but at nights you don’t see them”. The recent influx of deportees to Barbados was seen to have significantly increased the numbers of homeless, but there has been no notable increase as a direct result of the recent recession.

2.5.2 Causes In Barbados, the following factors have been identified as contributing to homelessness:           

poor family relationships domestic violence abandonment of the elderly poor mental health substance abuse HIV and AIDS deportation unemployment evictions house fires natural disasters (Barbados, Ministry of Housing and Lands 2006: 7. Quoting from a government paper entitled “Homelessness in Barbados: A Ministry of Social Transformation Perspective)

The homeless have generally been evicted by their families. The reasons vary, as does the subsequent family response. Some have been rejected as a result of mental illness, often related to alcohol or drug abuse, and a few because of their HIV positive status. Some are homeless because of family violence – the men as perpetrators of abuse and the younger generation as victims of physical or sexual abuse. In general, families are perceived to be less supportive, accommodating and tolerant than in the past, so that today “families see them as a liability because they are not contributing financially”. Speaking of family responses to homeless members, one informant stated:

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Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

“The families vary. Some are willing to give the homeless food or have them in their homes during the day, whilst others want no contact with them. Most families don’t want much to do with them and this is based on a number of reasons. Some might have been abusive or violent before moving out, some might steal, it depends on the situation”. There are also homeless persons who have no family living in Barbados. Deportees to Barbados and exprisoners without family to take them in have added to ranks of the homeless. There are also elderly persons, mainly men, whose homes have been destroyed by natural disasters or have become too dilapidated over the years to provide shelter. Homelessness is a direct result of economic constraint and the inability to pay rent or mortgage or to repair and refurbish homes. One official report addressing housing concerns and homelessness in Barbados makes reference to “the rise of ‘slum lords’” (Barbados, Ministry of Housing and Lands 2006: 3). The homeless are unemployed and without economic resources, though several “make a dollar bill” by cleaning cars, collecting plastic bottles for recycling or engaging in other menial income-generating activities. Some receive pensions or welfare assistance, but these are inadequate to cover the costs of rental or shelter accommodation in a designated hostel, as well as food. Among the homeless, are persons with no income and those who are “forced to beg” to survive.

2.5.3 Effects Ill health, poor nutrition and hunger were identified as effects of homelessness. Alcoholism, drug abuse and violence are common. The homeless are targets of verbal and physical abuse from other homeless persons, from the police, from their families and from society in general. A lack of security on the streets, however, was not considered to be a major problem for the homeless. Homelessness attracts public stigma and discrimination. According to informants: “when you are a vagrant, no-one really wants anything to do with you” “people are afraid of vagrants”. Homelessness was also associated with a cycle of blame and shame. The public tends to blame the homeless for their situation especially those men who “neglected their families or got deported”. According to one informant: “Some people would say that the man had a good home and family, but went after women, drugs or alcohol and is now homeless, so they deserve to be in this situation”. The psychological side-effects of homelessness are multiple and varied. Included are sadness and loneliness, depression and a lack of motivation. Homeless males were said to “feel less than a man” and to “give up on God”. However, mention was also made of homeless men who have “high self-esteem with a positive outlook on life”. Support from families was identified as the major factor making the difference in this respect. Some were said to be ashamed of their living conditions and of their pasts, and attempt to hide their homeless status: “some men would tell you how they neglected and abused their families” “they would say that, if things were different, they could be in a house with a family watching television” 37


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

“some would say ‘sorry, that I have to beg you for money’. Some have pride, but most of them will ask for help” “some people don’t want you to know they are poor and homeless …they would dress really nice and intermingle with the general public, but they are homeless”. At the other extreme are the so-called “vagrants” who “don’t have anyone to depend on” and “don’t

really try to hide their condition”. 2.5.4 Response Self-help among the homeless is limited as a result of their condition of extreme poverty and social exclusion. At one extreme are those who “withdraw totally and never ask for help”, who “would just sit in one place” or “just give up – they don’t care, they would drink and keep on drinking”. Others among the homeless were said to “get along”, “make do with what they get” and “be contented with what they have”. Prayer was not seen as a major source of comfort and support among the homeless. While some source occasional menial labour, many resort to begging, hustling, stealing or selling drugs to survive. There is also evidence of group support in that “some would get into cliques and share whatever they have, including food, cigarettes, clothes, odd jobs, even money”. To provide security, they band together for protection and attempt to find secure, well-lit places to sleep at night. None of the agencies included in the IA specifically addressed issues of homelessness. The Barbados Vagrants and Homeless Society does so, but its formation is very recent and its reach and resources still embryonic. None of the participants in the PPA/VG were aware if its services. Some among the homeless, however, were said to reach out either to government agencies, including the National Assistance Board or the Welfare Department, or to NGOs, or to their families. The Salvation Army was also known a source of support and some churches assist. Private sector businesses, including a bakery, provide food. Provisions accessed by the homeless include shelter and food, clothing, medical treatment and counseling, as well as some social activities provided at centers. Complaints about stigma and poor quality treatment, long waiting periods, and rejection because they have no identification were common.

2.5.5 Solutions Recommendations proposed by informants were varied. Several lamented the lack of official attention paid to the homeless and recommended that they should “be seen as a priority”, that policies are overly “cautious” and that there should be greater inter-agency collaboration between government, NGOs, CBOs and FBOs, and “less talk and more implementation of programmes”. Most urgent among the recommendations were:      

the recognition in policy and programming of adequate, secure homes as a fundamental human right provision of housing, job opportunities and financial support for rehabilitation improved medical treatment, including counseling and mentorship social activities for the homeless family and community support reduction of stigma and discrimination from the police, health and social service staff and family members. 38


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

2.6.

Men who have sex with men and gay men (MSM/G)

2.6.1 Perceptions For men who have sex with men and gay men (MSM/G), stigma and discrimination as a result of their sexual orientations are a major cause of poverty and social exclusion. As one informant put it: “You are excluded because of who you are. You’re gay. It got nothing to do with being poor. The first thing they see is the fact that you are gay”. Social exclusion is experienced as     

Unemployment and menial labour Poor housing conditions and homelessness Absence of family and community support Poor health and nutrition Harassment, abuse and violence.

Stigma is however, reported to be confined to a minority of Barbadians since most are “either tolerant or accepting of homosexuals” (CADRES 2004, 3). Homophobia and abuse is also directed primarily at the males; women as lesbians are not stigmatized and targeted to nearly the same degree (CADRES 204, 11). The CADRES report (2004, 5) suggests that anti-gay stigma in Barbados may have declined in recent years, but vulnerable group informants were divided on the point of whether or not stigma and discrimination had changed over time and in what ways.

2.6.2 Causes Stigma and discrimination against MSM/G in Barbados was said to be strong and far-reaching– from family, to community, to the wider society. Informants stated that they were “being looked upon as nasty” and responded: “we are not monsters, we are not nasty, we live normal lives”. Stigma is strengthened by the public response that denies their personhood and reduces MSM/G to their sexuality: “whey you hear the word ‘gay’ people think that is your life. …it’s just your sexual orientation. If I walk down the road, and I’m considered as a gay man, that mean that every man I walk past I am gonna be lusting after” “when people use the word ‘gay’, then the only thing that people see with that is sex”. Adding another layer to public stigmatization was the assumed connection between MSM/G, sexual deviance and HIV and AIDS: “confusion between linking of gay people to sexual horrors … they link us as being sexual deviants” “they always link a gay person to being a pervert” “I have a friend, he would like to open a day nursery, but he is so afraid because everyone knows he is gay. He is labeled as a pedophile” “once you are gay, you supposed to be HIV positive” 39


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

“if you look like me, people going say you starve out and you probably got AIDS. So, they stay far from you” “public transportation refused to let on certain individuals who are believed to be gay and HIV positive”. However, there was general agreement that as a result of public education campaigns, “people are beginning to believe that HIV is not a gay disease”. MSM/G also spoke of public misconceptions: “they think you’re after every guy – old, ugly in between” “the thing I hate to hear people saying is that I choose to be gay. Now I don’t think nobody choose to be gay”. Stigma and divisiveness within the MSM/G population were mentioned and regretted: “we experience stigma from amongst our own selves. We can be our own biggest enemies … at times we are”. Family support was perceived to make a critical difference to the quality of life among MSM/G: “if you have support from your family then you have a better chance of achieving something you want to achieve”. There were also reports of care and support, from mothers and sisters in particular, and some evidence of a growing acceptance by families of their sexual orientations. However, informants also spoke of personal experiences of abuse and violence from family members, especially brothers and other male relatives, that had, on occasions, lead to eviction from the family home: “as for me it’s not the family, it’s just one person. That’s my mother. I have no regards for the rest of the family” “there in the family, the situation does be worse … coming out, especially if you feminine, parents does tend to want to kill you” “young gay people that coming out and families push them one side and don’t care nothing about them, don’t want nothing to do with them, not even send them to school”. MSM/G pointed to churches a source of heavy stigma and discrimination and had much to say on this point: “Christians say a lot of nasty things” “Half of the problems MSM face is religion based… like the people calling you ‘buller’. All of that is stem from the fact that they feel they have a right to do this. Because they are right in the eyes of God and you are not” “gay is a sin, that is how the church does look at it. You can’t be gay and Christian” “The church reinforce stigma, reinforce it real strong and vicious”. MSM/G spoke of leaving the church once their sexual orientation was exposed, for fear of subsequent stigma or as a result of having experiencing it. A participant in the focus group recited his 40


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

experience: “the pastor … he was like, ‘one thing you could fix is a thief, you could fix an adulterer, but one thing you can’t fix is a gay Christian’. You should see all the Christians just jumping around and getting on. That is what push a lot of the gay people away from the church”. Secondary and tertiary education institutions were also identified sites of stigma and harassment for young gay men and according to one informant: “bullers does get torment at the polytechnic”. And Rastafarians were said to “target gays a lot”. In their communities, MSM/G are the object of verbal assault:: “you got people calling you names and you got people looking at you funny” “people just coming at me, ‘buller, buller’. Why is it that every time they see a gay person, they must say something?” They contrasted their poorer communities with those of the middle class, more “modernize” neighbourhoods where “queens live … everybody does know them as gay … they wouldn’t be as harsh”. Incidents of police harassment were also reported. Overt violence against MSM/G was said to be rare in Barbados when compared with some other Caribbean societies. However, focus group participants cited cases of being hit with a rock and having acid thrown at them. And in the wider society, according to one informant: “people don’t want to socialise or be seen in public with us”. Stigma and sexual harassment were experienced in employment: “in the workplace and health care sector, people would make remarks or look at you indifferently” “a lot of gay people would get fired, if they too open gay in government jobs” . A participant in the focus group recounted his experience as a school teacher: “in my case when I started to teach, I was accused of pornography …you name it they ram it down my throat … But I never stood home a day. I went back and back. Yes it hurt, yes there were days I sat at my desk and I cry long waters. I felt embarrassed. You had parents, staff tossing at you. I was known to be the biggest homosexual that had been there … ‘he gay, he going do this and that’. I didn’t run because I wouldn’t be there now if I did. Sometimes you just got to keep showing up”. In public health and other government services, according to one informant: “they would take a look at your feminine nature or whatever, they are not interested in your case, it goes to the bottom of the pile”. MSM/G who are self-employed may find it difficult to obtain clients: “If you are gay … or if you are flamboyantly gay, you may find it hard getting persons to buy your product or … to actually accept you to do their nails or hair or whatever”. Overall, members of this group often live in social environments characterized by conflict, abuse and occasional violence. Participants in a focus group indicated that they feel unsafe in some public places: “I

41


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

feel less secure because … you got to be really strong living ’bout here, and real terrible, and willing to fight”. In terms of stigma, a clear gender distinction was identified. Males are the targets of discrimination and abuse, while females are far less exposed: “women have it easy – they are more accepted in the gay lifestyle”. One informant related this distinction to the sexual fantasies of men in the wider society: “most men wish to have sex with several women, so it is a challenge with a lesbian and her partner. Men want to experience it, so they don’t object to women being lesbians”.

2.6.3 Effects As a result of heavy stigma and discrimination, MSM/G hide their sexual orientation: “when it is open you are stigmatized; those who are in the closet are more accepted”. However, there was some agreement that stigma has been declining and, as a result, “more people are coming out and revealing their status because they feel some amount of comfort and security”. Stigma and consequent familial and social exclusion and poverty for members of the MSM/G generated several social and psychological problems. Mentioned were homelessness, though at a declining rate, and poor health, particularly as a result of inadequate diets and hunger. Psychological effects as a result of social isolation along with neglect, conflict and violence included: “depression”, “lack of motivation”, “sadness” and “helplessness”.

2.6.4 Response MSM/G were generally aware of and took advantage of government provisions and services in health care, education, counseling, welfare and other benefits. Deterrents to access were, however, mentioned including poor treatment and a perceived lack of confidentiality: “not the most private area to go; it’s a stall system and people can hear what you are saying”. In terms of employment and social status, MSM/G were either not accepted into employment or lost their jobs when exposed. Most pick up “odd jobs” – “make up or pedicure and manicure, decoration at parties”. “Begging” and “hustling” were mentioned as strategies for survival. Some have “sugar daddies” and were said to “find partners with good economic standing who are able to support them”, while others or engage in “sex for money”, including “unsafe sex for higher remuneration”. Without children to support, MSM/G stated that they were more likely to have savings to fall back on. In general, however, they were said to “live from day to day with what they have”. Family support was reported to vary greatly. One member of the focus group indicated that he lives with his mother: “if I go and talk ’bout renting some place, she be like ‘why you got to go and rent when you can stand here and live?’” Others, however, reported what they saw as the norm: “remember, there is a lot of gays in Barbados who don’t have the support of their families, and as a result they turn to the streets”. MSM/G have frequently been driven to find alternative accommodation, often suddenly when their status was revealed and their families turned on them, but also because “living at home you can’t be yourself, you have to do as the head of household say to do, like keep certain company”.

Members of the group assist each other with money, food or “a change of environment for a few days to relax”. The provision of secure accommodation was highlighted: “some would move in together and, since there is safety in numbers, some feel more comfortable living together”. 42


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

Friendship within the gay community was identified as a source of support: “sometimes when you hit rock bottom, unless you have someone to say ‘yes, but you can come back out’, just put you back up on another level”. Participants in the focus group reported personal resilience as a psychological response to stigma and exclusion. Although they were taught to be ashamed of their sexuality and some internalized this, they also insisted that “we break free” and spoke of and ignoring taunts: “if people talking, let them talk” and “fighting back”: For them low self-esteem was the trigger: “if your self- esteem is not strong enough, if you aint got that little small voice to say to you ‘ignore that body, move on” and must be must be counteracted: “you got to respect yourself”. Assistance from churches was mentioned, but a distinction made between those that “accept you for who you are” and offer food and counseling, and those that discriminate or “try to change you”. While the church was perceived as a center for stigma and exclusion, it was also said of MSM/G that: “some of the most religious people is gay people; they always acknowledge the fact that there is a god”. Among NGOs and government agencies, the following were highlighted: 

  

United Gays and Lesbians against AIDS Barbados (UGLAAB) for providing some financial assistance, counseling and a “safe space”, along with advocacy and referrals (The IA reports on the challenges relating to stigma and resources confronted by UGLAAB); Comfort, Assist, Reach Out, Educate (CARE) for support and advice though few were aware of its existence (CARE is also assessed in the IA and challenges of stigma and resource constraints identified); Caribbean HIV and AIDS Alliance (CHAA) for training, counseling and testing, condoms; the Ministry of Health for condoms, education and sensitization; and the National HIV/AIDS Commission for condoms and information booklets.

2.6.5 Recommendations Recommendations from MSM/G related primarily to interventions to reduce stigma and discrimination, and so promote their integration into their families and society. Included were       

Law reform regarding same sex relationships, decriminalization of buggery Implementation of laws to protect and ensure the human rights of MSM/G Legislation to protect MSM/G from sexual harassment along with recourse and sanctions Reduction in public stigma and discrimination, in particular in employment and health care Family and community education and sensitization Safe housing and temporary hostels Skills training and job opportunities.

2.6.6 Case Study Anthony is 38 years of age. He has been “openly gay” since the age of 14 years and is HIV positive. He lives in a poor, urban community, sharing with his brother a home owned by his sister who lives overseas. He says he is unemployed and earns a living by hustling and engaging in sex work: 43


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

“some nights I go to work on the streets”. However, although he receives welfare benefits every two weeks, he has been unsuccessful in other government applications for assistance: “applied for housing four years ago, stopped following it up this year. I just got frustrated going there, having to wait to see someone only to be told that my name is on the list and they will contact me … applied to National Assistance for a bed, never got it”. He also complained about the lack of respect for privacy at the Welfare Department: “the questions asked are degrading. What does who and how many men I am sleeping with have to do with giving me a bed or a food voucher?” Anthony receives items from the Food Bank and the Catholic Church, but has no savings or family financial support. He says he often has to “go hungry” and “do without”. His family is aware of his sexual orientation. He has three brothers two sisters, nieces, nephews and other relatives in Barbados and a brother and sister living overseas. He communicates with those abroad on line, but not regularly. Of those in Barbados, he says: “I don’t really communicate with the ones here … my sister’s son don’t like me because of my status, so I don’t go there”. He has also experienced verbal abuse in public. Although he indicated that the community in which he lives is “safe for me, people don’t trouble me”, he also stated that other public spaces are unsafe: “can’t go certain places … in town and on some streets local people would be abusive … curse me out because of my sexual orientation”. He described the verbal abuse: “men and sometimes women would call you a buller and say ‘shoot them batty boys’”. However, Anthony receives free HIV treatment and counseling at the Lady Meade Reference Unit and states that the staff is “very nice”. He also has friends who are “very caring and supportive” including a female friend who cooks for him daily. Anthony spends his time relaxing at home and occasionally visiting friends and attending gay parties, but said he does not have a partner and feels “very lonely, depress and sad sometimes”. He sees his future as uncertain, and said that he would “continue trying – it’s all in your mind, you just have to think positive”.

2.7.

Migrants

2.7.1 Perceptions Migrants arrive in Barbados with a positive work ethic and the intention to build a better life and support their relatives back home. But most reported finding the society neither accommodating nor supportive, and continued to face difficulty in integrating into Barbados. For those who arrive with little or nothing, there are severe constraints to breaking the cycle of poverty and social exclusion characterized by    

Stigma and discrimination Employment in menial jobs and under exploitative conditions Poor and overcrowded accommodation or homelessness Social isolation and the absence of family, friends and community.

Little change was perceived in the quality of life of migrants in recent years, either for better or worse. Informants did not report any difference as a result of the recession – no mention was made, for example, of any recent exodus of migrants. One informant, however, mentioned that there were fewer jobs and greater exploitation, as well as curtailments of benefits. 44


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

The major factor reported to make a difference to the employment conditions and quality of life of a migrant was his or her legal status. Those whose status has been officially regularized acquire occupations that are better remunerated and more secure, access better housing and experience greater levels of safety, while those who are in Barbados illegally are among the most exploited and socially excluded. There was general consensus on a gender difference in that migrant women integrate more easily than do men and also that the response from the host society is directly related to visible distinctions in race: “discrimination is worst for Guyanese” “East Indians have it harder in society” “if you are white, welcome to the island, but blacks and Indians are not treated that way” “persons of East Indian origin suffer more, because you are unable to blend in with the locals. I have African friends who are illegal and they live and work without problem and fear”.

2.7.2 Causes Poverty and social exclusion among migrants was attributed primarily to the stigma and discrimination practiced in Barbadian society. Informants described Barbadians as “a closed group” and the society as “conservative and closed” where “discrimination is blatant” and immigrants are “open to abuse, verbal and physical”. While some agreed that the younger generation and persons who have themselves experienced migration are “more welcoming”, there was a general perception that: “Bajans are more vocal about their dislike towards immigrants” and “some people are vocal and would be abusive, would openly ask them to leave [Barbados]”. According to one immigrant: “if something gets stolen, migrants are usually the first suspects”. The PPA/COMM reported anti-Guyanese sentiments at community levels and women from Guyana who participated in the PPA/VG focus group indicated that they are stereotyped as sex workers. As one put it: “every Barbadian man that met me wanted to have sex with me. Soon as they hear you from Guyana, they think that you are a prostitute”. Not all experiences were negative. Participants in a focus group found Barbados to be a relatively safe and secure place to live and commented as follows: “there are some very decent Barbadians” “at first they would be skeptical … but I have had help from many Barbadians. I think once they realize that you are genuine and need help, they would assist you” “once you genuine, you can win their heart”. Illegal migrants were perceived to be powerless and particularly susceptible to exploitation from employers, landlords, and members of society in general, as well as discrimination and violence: “persons that are illegal might be exploited, they might be underpaid – grossly underpaid. Persons know that they have no status, so they cannot report to anyone. The employers don’t pay any NIS for them, so these are the reasons that would characterize them as poor” “landlords and employers exploit you to the fullest if they know you are illegal and you can’t report them because you are afraid to be deported” 45


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

“legal people can walk with pride; illegal migrants live in fear – some are afraid to socialize or walk on the streets” “they don’t have a voice … they live in fear of the police, immigration and society; they live under constant threat by the locals and even some of their nationals” “they are always looking behind, never at peace” “you live in fear and start worrying. When you are illegal you are a different person” “I was illegal also. Every little thing used to scare me. I was always careful when going out and tried not to talk too much in public” “being illegal is a sense of fear …as good as dead. Nobody knows anything about you. It’s a dangerous life”. In addition to employment and housing, illegal status also excludes migrants from health care and education. According to one informant: “some are afraid to send their children to school”, while another thought that her child’s access to public schools was prohibited by her status as a migrant, albeit legal. One man admitted this status as an illegal immigrant had driven him to break the law: “I was here for twelve years illegal. And you want to obey the laws of the land, but you break them because you are here illegal. So your whole life is at risk” Opportunities for employment were the main catalyst for emigration from home in the first place, and several migrants agreed that Barbados provides “opportunities to make money”, and that their quality of life had improved since their arrival: “I think my standard of life here is way above what it was in Guyana. Even if I had a business in Guyana, I don’t think I would be living as comfortable as I am here. There are many positives – my daughter has been exposed to a good level of education. I am able to pay my bills”. However, several claimed to have experienced discrimination in the workplace. A migrant university graduate, who participated in the focus group, stated: “they would not promote me. They say the management jobs are for locals. The most they would do is pay me a bit more”. Others spoke of limited opportunities, poor conditions of work and exploitation: “migrants are seen as a source of cheap labour” and are “grossly underpaid”. According to one informant, although immigrants from his country, Guyana, may experience a better standard of living in Barbados, their jobs are “in the lower categories like construction and farming” and “the cost of living is so high”. Few receive financial support from family at home – on the contrary, it is their duty to send remittances: “that’s another reason they would be considered poor here – they live on the basics and send money back home”. Government, the Immigration Department in particular, also came under censure for the poor treatment of migrants. Informants claimed that fewer work permits were being issued and that the process of regularizing one’s status had become more expensive: “Immigration is the biggest problem – poor treatment from staff, the push around, the high cost to process a document, high cost for work permits and the unclear policies. I find half the staff is clueless, especially those at the airport. And the paper work and red tape is never ending” “Immigration now is worse – you have to go and come back and so for months. Now you have to wait a long time to get the residency when you get married” 46


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

“experiences that I have with Bajan immigration ten years ago, still experiencing now … still seen as a Guyanese and experience the hassle” “there is harassment at the airport, whether you have status or not” “Immigration, they are the worst. They talk to you as if you are stupid, from a different planet” “long waiting period and migrants would be last in line”. One migrant woman, however, reported a different experience: “I had contact with immigration and the police. They treat me okay. I never had any problems with the policy or immigration or so. I have heard stories from people and even see immigration and police talking rough to people, but I have never experienced it myself”. Immigrants spoke of social isolation from families and friends, having left their parents, spouses or children in their countries of origin: “most immigrants when they come to work, they are on their own with no family structure, with nobody to cushion them”. Also reported was the reluctance to leave Barbados to visit relatives at home for fear of immigration problems on their return, and that migrants cope by “calling home”. A participant in the focus group indicated that she is “depressed and not motivated”, since she is “afraid that if I socialize that something might come up that I don’t want to deal with”, while others agreed with the participant who said that she seeks out “people from my home country to socialize with”. However, there are others, mainly longer-term migrants, who have brought over or established families in Barbados. A 59 year old Guyanese woman who has lived in Barbados for 16 years, reported that she is married to a Barbadian and that she will remain in Barbados “for as long as possible, until I die, because my family is here – my husband, my children and my grandchild are all Barbadians. My life is here now. … I have my grandchild … I does take care of she and she’s my little company. And I have my husband and my children would come sometimes. So no, I am not lonely”.

2.7.3 Effects Poverty and social exclusion was perceived to have multiple effects for immigrants. Poor housing conditions or homelessness were high on the list. Common among immigrants of the same nationality is shared accommodation often leading to over-crowding and unsanitary conditions. Informants referred to living conditions as “terrible” and “dreadful”. High rents and exploitative landlords were said to be contributing factors. Illegal immigrants are more likely to be homeless since a “relative or friend might not be comfortable if the person is illegal and this can cause animosity among them”. Poor living conditions were seen to reinforce social isolation: “they would be ashamed to invite their friends”. Poor health and diets were also mentioned; immigrants were said to “go without food” on occasions, and to lack health care. Several migrants recalled their lack of knowledge of Barbados as a destination and their shock on arrival as their high expectations met with reality. Many were said to “enter with nothing – they come with nothing”, hoping to “start life from scratch”. One migrant commented: “I would advise people not to leave your home and job and move to a country without investigating in advance”. The high cost of living was unexpected, including the cost of basics such as accommodation and food. They also found 47


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

that their social status was reduced: “you have a degree and cannot get a decent job”. As one male recounted: “You come from your country qualified. It annoys you that you leave your country, a good job – hearing that there is milk and honey over here. And you come along and that is not so. … And it worries you at night. Then you get stress, blood pressure, because you know that you have your family [to support] and you sorry that you sent in your resignation in your home country”. Those without family support were said to suffer most from isolation and loneliness. Referring to the psychological effects of migrant status, informants reported the loss of self-esteem and self-respect among migrants: “some are sad and depressed”, while others give up and “just fold their hands”. But they also noted a spirit of endurance among migrants who “keep on trying” and “hope to get better”. A gender distinction was noted in terms of the response to stigma and discrimination: “some would fight for their rights and retaliate, whilst some would take the abuse”. Men were perceived to be more aggressive in their response, while women were more able to integrate and escape the police and legal procedures. However, there was also general agreement that migrants on the whole avoid conflict and violence – they “tend to keep a low profile”. Migrants were also said to “try to hide their accents” in order to avoid discrimination. One male migrant claimed: “I can do a Barbadian accent better than some natives”.

2.7.4 Response Despite poverty and social exclusion, migrants were said to be highly motivated and hard workers: “they would work for less and do more” “they are a special breed of people – they come with certain goals and objectives and work towards achieving these goals” “most Guyanese have a plan and that is to survive, even if they have to work two jobs under the worst conditions”. Immigrants were seen to be adept at finding employment and opportunities to make money, including planting vegetables for sale, engaging in dual occupations such as “having a labour job during the day and security job at nights”, “doing odd jobs”, and having their relatives at home “send items for resale”. One female migrant reported: “I am collecting bottles, cardboard boxes, just about anything that can be recycled. This little earning will help, no matter how small”. Very few were known to engage in begging, though hustling was perceived as common and theft occasional. Exchanging sex for goods and services was reported as a familiar survival strategy among illegal migrants in particular, but few were said to “turn to a life of crime”. Strategies for survival among migrants included: “going down to basic” “doing without or would only buy food that selling cheap” “buying second hand” “unplugging

the

fridge

and

using

a

cooler

48

when

money

short”.


Barbados Country Assessment of Living Condition 2010: Vulnerable Groups

Migrants were said to “always put away something for emergency” and to be “good at making do”. An elderly migrant woman who indicated that she is unemployed because her husband is unwell and she is his care-giver, reported: “I make do with what I have. I am not working so I know how to spend whatever money I get and how to use what I buy. I just use what I have sparingly. I don’t have to get clothes, what I have will have to last me until I dead. So, I just concentrate on getting by day by day … Yes, sometimes I would do without some things. But no, I would never go hungry – might have one meal in a day”. Another stated: “Well, I keep believing, praying and trying. You have to keep trying so I won’t allow things to get worse, I am not even thinking about worse”. Legal immigrants were reported to take advantage and be appreciative of public services to which they are entitled, including health care, education for their children, and transportation. However, some were said not to know their rights as immigrants and also to fear the consequences of official contact: “some migrants are entitled to welfare, but would not come in” and “are afraid to ask a question”. Again, it is illegal migrants that are most excluded: “When you are illegal, you try to be as invisible as possible. You don’t go talking to people, much less ask for help”. Immigrants, those of the same nationality in particular, form social networks and provide advice and support for each other: “migrants share with each other – food, accommodation, clothes, utensils, cars, money, cell phones” “take care of each others children, cook and do laundry for each other and always give each other advice” “if one hears of a job or any other vital information this is shared within minutes” “they would usually have a relative or a friend here who they would stay with; once on their feet they would move out” “for me, as a Guyanese, I look out for my core people”. Churches were identified as sources of assistance with the payment of bills, accommodation, food, clothing and counseling. According to one informant: “they got a lot of churches in Barbados that help migrants”. Those who are nationals of Caribbean countries also turn to the several associations that provide social services and support, material assistance and information and to the consular services for guidance in relation to visas, passports and other documentation. Several informants reported continuous attempts to regularize their status in Barbados. Marriages of convenience were also mentioned: “Women would get into a relationship with a local man and start a family”. However, according to a migrant woman who has gone through this experience: “when you get married to a Barbadian, you have to wait longer to get your papers”.

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2.7.5 Recommendations Migrants recommended the following to improve their status and quality of life in Barbados: 

    

A change in the political climate including policies and programmes for the reduction of discrimination, and the encouragement of a more tolerant and welcoming culture for all irrespective of class, race and place of origin Law reform with regard to the legal status of immigrants and their families and children, those from the Caribbean region in particular Improved services especially in terms of the immigration process and treatment of immigrants Employment opportunities and housing, along with the monitoring of employers and landlords who exploit migrants, and the eradication of discrimination in the workplace Enhanced opportunities for self-help to earn a living including access to and better terms for small loans for entrepreneurship and business development Improved access to social services including health and education.

2.7.6 Case Studies Female Migrant Louise is a 52 year old migrant from Haiti who has lived in Barbados for 25 years. She intends to remain since “I have no country to return to; my old home was destroyed during the last earthquake”. She lives with her husband, a Barbadian, her son and his spouse, one grandchild and two nieces. Her daughter, parents, and siblings live in Haiti. She says she misses them “really badly”, is in contact at least once a week and tries to send money to them every month. She is “trying to get my daughter to move to Barbados, but it is not easy. Immigration is very restrictive”. The family lives in a wood house, that is small, over-crowded and in need of repair, with a shop attached that provides a source of livelihood. The home is supplied with water, electricity and a phone. She claims to have experienced verbal abuse from Barbadians. She states that her friends are mainly Haitian with a few from St. Lucia and Trinidad, but “not much local friends” because “when we moved into this area, the locals would curse and say nasty things to us, so we try to keep away from them. They say Haitians are prostitutes”. She states that the area in which she and her family live is “not safe … people here are abusive and would curse you sometimes; police would patrol looking for people; people selling drugs right here in the street; young people around here smoking weed most days; more people stealing in the area”. She sums up her migrant experience in Barbados: “When I came here, I could not speak the language; had to learn and this was hard because I did not have money to pay someone to teach me. I got a cassette and taught myself. My English is not perfect, but I am trying. I am not lazy – I did all kinds of jobs and saved my money. I then started a hot dog cart and now I have this little shop. It’s hard for us Haitians because some of the locals treat us bad. We don’t have the things to get a loan even though you living here for all these years … Haitians work hard – we know what life is like back home, so we come here to make life better”.

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Illegal immigrant John is a 52 year old Guyanese who has lived in Barbados for 13 years. His status as an illegal immigrant exposed him to exploitation, homelessness and personal insecurity. He arrived in Barbados on the encouragement of his sister with whom he stayed and who helped him find a job as a chef. However, he describes his employer as “a crook - he took my passport saying that he getting the work permit. During the months that followed, I was working with him for free.” When his sister “refused to listen” to him, he moved out and became homeless: “I lived on the beach, slept in a car and even under someone’s house until I saved enough money to rent a room”. He has shifted frequently from job to job as a result of exploitation: “Several people made me work and never paid me, including a pastor of a church. I once repaired and furnished a house with all my savings and the landlord promised to deduct the cost from the rent. He never did, and when I objected, he said he was going to call Immigration. So I packed up my clothes and left”. His life continues to be one of social isolation. He calls his sister from time to time, but states: “I really don’t have much to say to her”, and claims to have no friends other than an elderly Barbadian woman who cooks for him. He also states that most of the people he knows are from Guyana and “are illegal, so I keep my distance”. But, he denies being lonely: “I am, accustomed to living and being alone”. He has also lived in fear of assault: “I am East Indian and whenever I was on the streets, I was afraid that I can be easily identified. That fear was very stressful. I would leave for work at 5am and return at 8 or 9 pm when it was dark”. However, though he slept in the open, he was never harassed or robbed. At the end of 2009, John applied for residency status and says that he has been given an extension of six months – “so I am legal now”. He is waiting “to see what happens”. He is self- employed “doing odd jobs … I get the job done at lower cost and better quality”. He believes that once his status is regularized, his life will change and looks forward to “being legal”, to “see a police and not hide”, “to go home to my country and return without fear” and to a “reduction in stigma and discrimination”.

2.8.

Persons Living with HIV (PLHIV)

2.8.1 Perceptions For persons living with HIV (PLHIV), stigma and discrimination as a direct result of their HIV status is the major determinant of their quality of life and constitute both a cause and an effect of poverty and social exclusion. Stigma and discrimination continue to deprive men and women of employment, thereby reinforcing poverty; and also to exclude them from family life, leading to social isolation for many. Poverty also drives unsafe sexual behaviour for survival and the risk for others of exposure to HIV. Negative psychological effects including depression and suicidal tendencies characterize their lives. Physical ill health as a result of HIV and other related infections was also identified as significant. There was agreement that stigma, discrimination and social exclusion denies PLHIV their humanity and they find it impossible to lead a normal life. In summary, the lives of PLHIV are characterized by    

Unemployment, low income and poor resources Social isolation from family and community Ill health, poor nutrition Psychological problems 51


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Denial of human rights.

There was disagreement concerning whether or not the situation of PLHIV had improved in recent years. Official service providers referred to support systems and a variety of services introduced by government and NGOs including free counseling, testing, medication and other treatments, a food bank, and community and business outreach programmes. They also claimed that understanding, tolerance, support and care within families and communities had improved. However, although PLHIV made use of and appreciated free health services and were heartened by good treatment from front line staff, they and their care-givers illustrated persistent stigma and discrimination in their families, communities and the wider society. Gender distinctions in stigma and discrimination, poverty and social exclusion were said to be minimal, though mention was made of higher levels of family and community support for women living with HIV, than for men. The denial of poverty was not perceived as characteristic of PLHIV who are poor. However, the denial of HIV status is common with the result that persons resist treatment and care.

2.8.2 Causes The major cause of poverty among PLHIV was identified as low income and resources as a result of unemployment caused, in turn, by stigma and discrimination. Ill-health was also a factor, resulting in their incapacity to work and sustain employment. As one informant stated: “when people know your status in some cases you are unable to work, and some people might be too weak to work because of the side-effects of the medication”. PLHIV were said to make money by selling produce from kitchen gardens or doing “odd jobs”. Some receive remittances from relatives abroad or have savings, though one informant reflected: “some people with HIV might have had savings, but after becoming sick, your savings are depleted”. Others were said to “do anything to earn extra money” including begging, hustling and stealing, and “having sex for money and goods”, and to “cut back or do without food, clothing, just about everything”. Cutting back and saving money, especially on entertainment, was common among them: “going out more is spending money, so I don’t go out”. Dire poverty, often in combination with drug addiction, was also seen as a cause of HIV positive status: “most men who are infected got so because of drugs. They don’t have money and they want the drugs so they give their bodies”. Stigma and discrimination within families and communities plays a decisive role in determining the quality of life of PLHIV. There is a persistent tendency to blame persons for their own HIV infection: “they would say that the person should have known better or that the person was forewarned … their lifestyle was a prediction that they would become infected at some point”. According to informants, one’s very humanity is denied: “people don’t see you as a human being any more, everything associated with you becomes associated with HIV. You are not who you used to be any more … which makes it hard to accept and live a normal life”

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“there are some people because you have HIV, when you go to greet them, they would push you or say ‘don’t mess around me, I don’t want you touching me’. But sometimes you need a little greeting or someone to hug you up”. Informants added that poverty compounds the situation: “when you are poor with HIV you have no rights”. PLHIV who are also men who have sex with men (MSM) were seen to be doubly stigmatized: “it is worst for MSM, because you are already in a stigmatized group”. Family support varied. Though some families were said to be accommodating and supportive of their relatives living with HIV, neglect and abuse were known to be widespread. At worse, “a large percentage is ostracized by the family as soon as their status is revealed”. Informants commented on negative reactions from their families: “I experience it from my mother. She says all kinds of things, so it has been six years I have not been around her, because when I do, she has a lot of remarks” “If a family or friend comes over, they don’t want to see you. You have to remain in the back, and sometimes you have to live in the back of the house. Sometimes it is better to keep to yourself and don’t be with friends and family, and you become isolated” “I rather not see any member of my family because of the remarks they would make. Families increase your stress level” “I start smoking drugs to deal with the family pressure” “you see family – I do not bother with them too much”. Between partners also it was reported that “there are elements of violence especially in situation where one person within a relationship is tested positive” “the sheer mention of condom use within a long term relationship can lead to violence”. There was disagreement concerning whether or not family and inter-personal stigma and discrimination had eased. For service providers in particular, the perception was that increased knowledge, awareness and sensitization had contributed to a decline in stigma: “it has gotten better in that people do not point you out any more … a man at the shop I was at the other day was carrying on saying, ‘he has AIDS you know’, but no one was paying him any mind” “before, as soon as someone got slim, people would say, ‘oh, you have AIDS’, but now it’s more accepted as a diet plan than AIDS” “at one time people used to think that it was their fault, but now they get to realize that anyone can get it”.

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One health professional identified family and community acceptance and support as a pre- requisite for other interventions to improve the quality of life of PLHIV: “if family and community were to accept them, they can work on other areas of improving their lives”. A focus group participant related the following experience: “In Barbados, there is not as much discrimination as there was before as it relates to HIV. For instance, my wife married me even though she knew I was sick. When I met her, she told me that she liked me and I told her I was sick. She asked what kind of sick, I said HIV and she paused, but just for a while. And then, a few weeks after, she called me and told me she wasn’t sure if she had it too. So she went and had a test, but she does not have it. And now we are married, even though she is not infected. She told me that if I am honest enough to come out and tell her the truth then ‘I feel you are a nice person’, and it has been about nine years now. She does not scorn me or anything”.

Another informant revealed a change in his brother’s attitude and response: “For some families, it has gotten a little better. For example, my brother, he never used to come around me. He had finished with me. It has only been two weeks now since he started coming around me and bringing corn beef and so”. The case studies below reveal, however, that PLHIV continue to experience stigma and discrimination within their families and communities. Churches were identified as a site for stigma and discrimination, once one’s HIV status becomes known. According to one focus group participant: “in the church itself, I find that people treat you badly. The church members openly stigmatise you. So I tell myself that I am not going back to the church because of the attitude of the people there”. A gender distinction was reported in that stigma and discrimination against women was lower than that targeting men. This was related to public sympathy for women as mothers and care- givers themselves: “because of the children, women do get more family and social contact and care”; and also to the perception that most women have been infected by their male partners and, therefore, do not carry the burden of blame: “the first thing they say is that you went and got that woman sick, but they do not think of it the other way around. Yes, women are safer in the community than men” “the lady I was dating in the church took sick and, on her dying bed, she told me that she was sorry she had infected me. She also told the people in the church that she was infected and they assumed I got her sick”.

2.8.3 Effects The effects of stigma and discrimination were perceived to operate in different ways – either persons hide their HIV positive status and so avoid negative reactions, or they experience discrimination as a result of revealing their status. Concerning the former response, informants stated: “some people would hide their status and would shut in and become lonely until they find someone to share the burden” 54


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“people are afraid to talk about their challenges and this can lead to social exclusion” “fear helps to drive people into poverty”. Participants in the focus group also admitted hiding their HIV status: “let me tell you the truth, when I come in here to the food bank, if I see someone I know from my area I would go away … and come back later. If they see me, then that’s that, but if I can avoid, then I would avoid” “I met a woman I knew at the food bank and she asked me not to mention to anyone that I met her there” “I would go very early or later and check out the area before entering to ensure that no- one I know is in there” “I work in an area if people found out, I would be so ashamed, but I am not allowing anyone to know my business”. They agreed that the poor attend the local clinic and are, therefore, less able to hide their HIV status, while the more wealthy go abroad and pay for treatment. The expectation of discrimination, along with a perceived lack of confidentiality in the health system, was said to deter PLHIV from seeking health care and other support services: “In order to get help you have to fill in questionnaires since people need to know why you need help. Some people are afraid and this fear is in the mindset of PLHIV that too many people will know. Hence they would not go for assistance” ”they are afraid someone might see them go in the clinic” “to access certain services one has to declare one’s status … if they do declare, they are discriminated against” “in some agencies, there is poor treatment from front line staff”. Discrimination takes various forms from avoidance, to neglect, verbal abuse and violence against PLHIV. Ostracism from families may, in turn, result in being evicted from home and becoming homeless. A focus group participant stated that he “started to work on getting my own home after I realized my family was acting funny after they knew I was sick”. Members of this vulnerable group were perceived to suffer from poor health, nutritional deficiency and hunger: “in terms of general health, you have a lot of persons who just let themselves go”. In addition, as a health care professional pointed out, the poor nutrition and general ill-health resulting from poverty renders HIV treatment less effective and exposes persons to other infections. In relation to health, informants placed greatest emphasis on the severe psychological effects of living with HIV. Included among these are shame, self-stigma and self-blame: “you hear them say, I should have known better”. Also mentioned were suicidal tendencies among those who “get depress”, ”just

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give up on life” and who “rather stay home and lie down all do and not do nothing” and “smoke marihuana - when you are high you can blank out the stress”. The HIV positive participants in the focus group, however, spoke about their own emotional reactions in a more positive tone: “I am still proud of my life … I cannot turn back the clock. All that matters now is mind over matter” “for me, things are in between” “you have to make yourself happy, because if you do not, you just take it on and make yourself die quickly. So you just make yourself happy and live with it” “life in Barbados is not easy, but you have to try” “my issue is loneliness and I deal with it by listening to gospel music. I play my music and keep my mood up”. Others were said to be in denial, refusing to acknowledge their HIV status. Women were said to be more likely to admit their status and to demonstrate more positive health-seeking behaviour, while men “wait until they are under pressure to seek health care … mainly men go for treatment and care very late”. A health care professional described the acceptance of HIV status as “the key”; without which persons would resist treatment and care and were more likely to continue to practice unprotected sex. Cause and effect were identified as interconnected in that poverty and social exclusion as a result of HIV status may lead to risky sexual and social behaviours: “when you are poor, you are more likely to take risks for favours where sex is concerned” “when people are poor, health is not even in their top ten things to think about – survival is their pressing need” “people take more chances when they are poor and might use violence to acquire food”.

2.8.4 Responses Government provisions specifically related to HIV services were acknowledged. Health care providers and PLHIV alike praised the government HIV response programme, pointing to free services in testing and counseling, treatment and medication, and the food bank. “what I am happy about is that government help you a lot to get the medication in Barbados because a lot of people died every day and this has slowed down now. If you take your medication the way that you should, you can live longer” “we get free medication which is very good” “some of us also get vouchers from the food bank. We also have the care and counseling

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… so more support”.

The attitudes and treatment from health staff at the clinic were also commended: “the people that work at the clinic have a very good personality. They do not show you a bad side, they show you love. Even if you make a mistake with your medication, they help you out”. Informants were less positive about welfare benefits from government and spoke of “red tape”, “the runaround”, “poor treatment” and “promises, promises”: “there are some welfare officers that discriminate against you and are cruel. It reach the point where I am trying not to have to go to the welfare for anything. One employee there had me so frustrated, I won’t tell any lies, I give her some dirty words”. However, they also indicated that non-nationals are required to pay unless their need is desperate, that the waiting period for the results of HIV tests is too long – 10 days or more – and that there are challenges in providing additional services for PLHIV including housing and welfare support. NGOs and other organizations including the Red Cross and Salvation Army were mentioned as providing resources and care. Special mention was made of Comfort, Assist, Reach Out, Educate (CARE), an agency specially set up to provide a range of services for PLHIV including counseling and referrals, advocacy for the rights of those who are HIV positive and the reduction of stigma and discrimination. However, only one member of the focus group was aware of CARE. As reported in the IA, the organization is under severe financial and resource constraints, Staff report stigmatization by members of the public and a sense of isolation from other agencies involved in the HIV&AIDS response. At present, CARE somewhat dormant, but undergoing restructuring and identifying resources to bring it back on track. In terms of leisure activities, informants were of the opinion that most PLHIV, themselves included, “would not want to join a social group”. Family support varied. Some PLHIV continued to live at home and to receive family care and emotional and material support. However, as indicated, many were isolated from their families as a result of abuse and eviction. One informant described living with family or friends as “cruel” and another elaborated: “it’s not so good when you have to live at other people … they want to tell you when and how to do everything”. Some self-help was reported within the PLHIV group, especially in terms of assisting each other with accommodation and providing company and emotional support, especially through prayer. Many though, being desperate themselves or dependent on their families, were not in a position to assist other PLHIV. As mentioned several survival strategies for earning or reducing expenditure were adopted. Also religion plays a part in providing solace for PLHIV, however church attendance was said to be dependent on concealing one’s HIV status: “most people who are infected become closer to God, it makes you a more spiritual person” “[HIV positive] people I know feel they have to go to church or they would die” “I am now a new-born Christian. When I got sick I realized that I needed to go to church and live the right way. No, no-one in my church, except for my family, knows I am HIV positive”

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“don’t let them know – you cannot let them [the congregation], know you are HIV positive, because the people talk, then you are treated differently”.

2.8.5 Recommendations Recommendations for improving the quality of life for PLHIV were comprehensive and included legal, social, medical, psychological and material interventions. Most critical were recommendations to reduce stigma and discrimination and promote human rights of PLHIV:  

       

Laws and policy formulation and implementation to eliminate discrimination, and procedures for investigation and redress Elimination of stigma and discrimination in families, communities, among health care staff and service providers and within the wider society: “people should treat PLHIV as human beings and respect them” Flexible employment and income-earning opportunities Funding for those no longer able to work Accommodation and shelter Church involvement to prevent discrimination against and provide care and support for PLHIV More rapid testing and service provision Redress for breaches of confidentiality Programmes of activities and counseling for PLHIV to improve their psychological well-being Support for family care-givers.

2.8.6 Case Studies Case Study 1 Sharon is 37 years old and has been living with HIV for 6 years. She shares a home with her siblings and her 3 year old daughter. She works 3 days a week as a cleaner. Her life is characterized by poverty and social isolation. She said that she spends her time either at work or at home looking after her daughter, although she added: “If I have any extra money, I would take my daughter for a bus ride or a meal”. She survives on her earnings, occasional support from her family and obtains food vouchers, but “can’t afford to eat healthy all times”. Her main objective is to “ensure that my daughter gets something to eat”, so she does not buy clothes or possess a cell phone, and will go without food herself. Her main problem, she said, is her lack of financial resources, in particular to afford her own home.

Although her siblings and her parents are aware of her HIV status and are supportive, she has no friends – intentionally so: “I don’t have friends, try not to keep friends. I had a friend and when she found out she became different. When people know you are positive, some scorn you and I would rather not go through that experience again”. Sharon claimed that she has no desire to go out more, and denies being lonely: “I have my daughter to keep me company”. She stated that she had been the victim of stigma and discrimination as a result of her HIV status, but expressed the desire not to speak about her experiences.

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She has kept her HIV status a secret, claiming that, other than her family, only those persons at the clinic, food bank and support group know: “I am afraid to tell people because they would scorn me”. Her treatment, she said, is free and she described the doctors and staff at the clinic as “very kind and loving”. She indicated that, physically she occasionally feels “weak” and emotionally, she “sometime would feel sad and get depressed”. However, she said she is optimistic that the “future will get better” and “keeps praying and trusting in God”. Her concluding remark was: “people should be more loving and caring to those that are sick, some of us did not choose to be sick. Society needs to accept people for who they are and not their status”. Case Study 2 Care-giver for PLHIV Mrs. Clarke is 65 years old. She lives with and takes care of her 43 year old son, John, who has been HIV positive for 10 years. According to her, John was infected by his wife who has since died. Also living in the house are her husband, and a granddaughter. According to her, John “likes to keep to himself” and “rarely goes out at night”, though he would go with her to church. He spends his time watching television, though he will occasionally do “odd jobs” like weeding, painting or cleaning. His earnings are low and irregular: “he gets weak when he’s in the sun for long periods. He is really not in shape to work”. Mrs. Clarke speaks of her son’s social exclusion and emotional problems since becoming infected: “My son would talk with his sister or visit her, but he does not mix with other relatives. Sometimes he withdraws completely and would not talk to us in the house or even eat something. I would have to get my husband to force him to eat or call his sister and ask her to talk with him”. She continued by saying that “sometimes for weeks he would not go outside”. On other occasions “he would just go off, for days we don’t know where he is and what he is doing. Sometimes he smoke ganja and he would go to the cemetery where his wife is buried and sit there”. Physically, he is “underweight and not strong … fragile”. Mrs. Clarke and her family find it difficult to make ends meet surviving as they do on her husband’s pension and any extra income that they acquire from “odd jobs”. She mentioned purchasing food “that cheap or things that are in season”, but that they often “don’t have enough food or nutritional food for him”. She applied to the Welfare Department for assistance, but “never heard back from them”. People in the neighbourhood are aware of John’s HIV status. According to Mrs. Clarke: “they knew his wife was infected, so they automatically assumed that he is also infected”. She states that he was verbally abused, especially after his wife died and that she has also been a target, describing an incident when “a girl I used to take care of … had some nasty things to say to me”. She claimed that stigma and discrimination have worsened: “people in the area are not as kind and supportive”. She would like “somewhere for him to call his own” and recommended a programme of activities for PLWHIV “to keep them active and feel better about life”.

2.9.

Poor and Welfare Households

2.9.1 Perceptions Poor households and welfare households are poor by definition. However, persons living in these households are less stigmatized and socially excluded than those belonging to other vulnerable groups in 59


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Barbados. These households are of various types, including single parent households headed by women and often consisting of three generations with several children. The intersection between female household headship and poverty is well reported for Barbados and the wider Caribbean (Massiah 1983) and confirmed in the SLC and the PPA/COMM. Also considered as poor by the participants in the PPA/VG were single person homes, in particular elderly persons living alone; and households of migrants or ex-prisoners. However, informants denied that sibling households comprising children under the age of 16 with no adults existed in Barbados. Poverty in these households is characterized by:        

Unemployment and menial labour Deterioration of household income in relation to the rising cost of living Overcrowding and poor living conditions in homes Family disunity and lack of support Decline in community conditions and support systems Abuse and violence for the elderly, women and children in households, and exposure to HIV for single mothers Psychological impacts – both vulnerability and resilience Gender inequities in family and community support, and social services.

There was disagreement in terms of whether the situation of poor households had improved or not in recent years. Informants working in social services felt that conditions have generally improved, mainly as a result of increased government provisions. NGO support was also said to be expanding. However, members of poor households were in agreement that “things have gotten worse”. Also reported were negative effects of the recession including a decline in employment opportunities, in particular in construction and occasional labour on which the poor have traditionally depended, and a reduction in family support: “family used to help, but when the recession hit in, everything get cut including their support”. A decline in remittances was identified, with one female informant indicating that, since the recession, monetary support she received from relatives in the USA had ceased. Gender distinctions regarding the nature of and response to poverty were clear. Women in poor households were perceived to “have it harder because they usually carry the burden of the family”. As one informant put it: “men have it easier than women because the children would go to their mother when they need something. Mothers are more stressed than fathers. A man would leave his child, but a woman would take the child and struggle”. The emotional response to poverty was also seen as different for men and women: “a women tends to worry more than a man; they are more emotional. Men tend to hold things in. It hurts to be a man and not be able to provide for one’s family”. Women in poor households were also seen to be more likely than men to seek assistance: “men have pride and would hide their poverty” “some men are ashamed; you don’t see much men at the Welfare Department. The man would more send his wife to ask for help”. Informants from poor and welfare households also drew a distinction between being ‘poor’ and ‘in poverty’:

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“poverty is when you really down and out with no hope or assistance” “poverty to them is extreme poverty, like those in some parts of Africa” “you can be poor and still be able to maintain a decent appearance” “you can be poor and have self-respect”. Mention was also made of persons denying ‘poverty’: “the word poverty is relatively new to some people” “Bajans have a lot of pride; they would say ‘things bad’, meaning they just don’t have enough at the time”.

2.9.2 Causes Primary among the causes of poverty for poor and welfare households was unemployment or the involvement in irregular, menial “odd jobs”. This was, in turn, attributed to early school leaving, and low levels of education and vocational skills. One informant also mentioned a lack of knowledge and awareness as contributing factors: “sometimes these people just don’t know certain things, like how to use birth control, nutritional values in food, how to save, or where to get support”. Also mentioned was the high cost of living, especially the cost of food and rental accommodation, and the inability of persons to make ends meet on what income they have. A more specific factor was the inadequacy or complete absence of child support from fathers. The lack of funding and resources prevents persons from escaping poverty, for example by starting their own small businesses.

Extra and unexpected expenses, such as a funeral, can plunge a family in this vulnerable group into poverty: “I had to bury my father and nobody came forward and gave me a cent to help. … I am up to my eyeballs in debt – the undertaker charged me five thousand dollars”. In sum, informants were clear that it was the absence of money that caused their poverty: “people would say that money isn’t all, but if you do not have money, you don’t have anything”. Accommodation was also an issue in determining poverty levels. Not owning one’s own home and having, therefore, to pay rent was identified as a drain on family finances and a cause of poverty. One woman reported: “with the rent that I am paying, I will always be poor. It’s 700 dollars a month and that is not easy. I work at a hotel …now the hotel is not doing so well, but I still have my rent to pay. I have to try and put down a little something so that the rent people won’t put me on the road”. Another, a participant in the focus group, revealed that her home had burnt down and she and her family were starting from scratch with the added burden of rental payments. An intergenerational cycle of family poverty was perceived to have persisted to the present day. Characteristics include teenage pregnancy, large numbers of children, female-headed households, and absentee fathers providing low or no family and child support: “single parents – there are a lot of women out there that have three and four children and they are struggling because of the way they have to live. And they don’t have a man around. They may go and have a relationship and end up having another child, and then that does not work 61


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out, so they go and have another and end up having another child, and that don’t work out too” “the problem is having the boys and not having a male father figure. Right now things real hard, because I am the one sending them to school and I still have to pay my bills and feed them and clothe them”. Informants also referred to “dysfunctional families” and mentioned the “lack of support from the family” and “family abuse and violence” as factors contributing to poverty. One mother who participated in the focus group reported: “when my children was small, I had to pay my mother on weekends to keep them … and send up breakfast if they will be staying there for the day”. Another stated that because her family refused to assist with child care, she is unable to attend classes to improve her future employment opportunities and reduce poverty. She claims to have no option but to leave her 8 year old son at home alone: “that is the risk I have to take because I work the graveyard shift”. Another informant stated: “some are unable to live and function as a family … in some cases one member of a family owns the stove or fridge and would lock it up from other family members”. Parental illness and disability were identified as causes of poverty, and special mention made of the “mental illness of a parent”. One informant reported that she suffers from lupus, as a result of which she is unable to work and had to leave her previous job. Adding to her impoverishment is the high cost of her medication; she added that “doing without it makes life very hard on me”.

2.9.3 Effects Poor accommodation and unsatisfactory living conditions in the home were identified as major indicators of poverty in these households. This included overcrowding – “room sharing and several families in one house”. The result was described as “terrible sanitary conditions” including pit toilets, and “environmental hazards”. Moving in with others also increases one’s vulnerability: “when you move in with people, some would treat you as their maid; some would eat the little food you have”. One informant, who has remained in her own dilapidated home, stated that people in her community referred to it as the “glass house” since they could see into it from the road through the cracks in the wooden frame. However, informants noted that many poor households are equipped with a TV, DVD or music player. Children were said to bear the brunt of poverty, particularly as a result of parental stress. Being “unable to feed your children properly” with resulting hunger and poor nutrition were stated as major effects of poverty. A focus group participant reported: “my children do not eat meat, so once I have oats there, and flour and sugar and oil that is it and it cuts back a lot”. In turn, “children usually feel it when the parent is stressed and unable to provide for them. Some parents would show no interest in the child; some would not attend PTA meetings or ensure that the child goes to school.” However, informants were quick to point out that the majority of parents value education and “would walk the child to and from school”. Similarly with the elderly, there are those who are neglected by their families while others are well cared for. However, informants recalled cases in which the welfare or pension cheque of an elderly person is the only income of the household and is shared among members, causing the pensioner to be deprived and impoverished. The elderly may also continue to provide living space for younger generations also living in poverty: “for example, a retired mother is forced to have her children and grandchildren live 62


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in her house. The overcrowding might force her to allow the child to build a shanty and a pit toilet in her yard. How can she enjoy her retirement under these conditions?” Situations such as this reverse the norms of family support – the expectation that the younger generation will in their turn support their aging parents. The more vulnerable members of a poor household, including women, children, the elderly and those with disabilities, may become targets of abuse and violence: “stress and abuse is very prevalent in poor households and when the head is stressed, this will affect everyone else” “women get abused more, especially by the men” “in some cases, the mother is unable to provide the child with a meal and when the child keep on asking, the mother out of frustration would become abusive; more so if she is not receiving support from the father”. While intra-family violence was perceived to be a significant effect of individual and household poverty, most informants felt secure and protected in their communities, though occasional break-ins were mentioned. Physical and psychological effects of poverty included hunger and underweight as well as obesity due to a bad diet, and alcohol abuse. Also mentioned were the loss of self-worth and self- esteem and a lack of motivation “which might cause some not to go for help”. Informants identified persons who “just live day by day”, some “reach a point of helplessness”, while others “don’t care”. Characteristic of poverty was “not taking care of oneself”. Loneliness and social isolation were mentioned as a result of “not being able to go out due to a lack of funds”. Persons in poor households were more likely to remain at home: “When you are poor, you will not go certain places”. However, also reported as mentioned, were household overcrowding and the assumption of the burden of providing accommodation and care for relatives. In addition, focus group participants claimed that it was important to “keep strong for the children” and “not to express sadness in front of the family”.

2.9.4 Response On an individual level, persons living in poor households adopted a number of survival strategies among which income generation was perceived as most critical. Sources of livelihood included occasional labour in weeding, “cutting down grass”, babysitting, cleaning, catering and “going on a construction site to find out if there is any work”. Persons in rural areas engage in small-scale agriculture. All of the focus group participants said they would do “odd jobs” when these were available. Few were said to have savings; as one informant put it: “if I save, I have to go back for it to use it”. A gender distinction was identified in that “men have a better chance to save; they have an advantage because they can say they do not want to take care of the children … they don’t care about the children and leave you. Now the money you have saved, you have to take out and support your children”. Frequently mentioned in the focus groups as a survival strategy for women in poor households was “having sex for money or goods”. As the women explained: 63


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“you are struggling … the things women would have to go and do for money; not saying us here, but there are women out there who have to go, to make ends meet” “a lot of women having HIV. You have to get involved with someone who does not want to use protection” “my friend would tell me ‘you don’t want to be better in life?’ So, I asked her ‘what do you mean?’ and she said, ‘well you know how much men want you?’ and stuff, and ‘you can get money’. But I cannot get that done”.

One informant stated: “some women would even get pregnant in order to get more money from welfare or the child fathers”. Involvement in drug trafficking was also mentioned. Some were said to resort to “begging, stealing or hustling”, though participants in the focus group refuted this and stressed the importance of pride and independence. One stated: “I try not to beg people any more, ask no one for anything. I make do with what I have. I tell my children all the time, what I have in here let it do, do not go and ask anyone, do not go and beg”. Reducing expenditure was also mentioned: “cut back on vegetables or brand name products, buy mostly canned products” “buy cheap clothes” “women would cut back on hairdos, going out and clothes” “have no land line, and have cell phones just to receive calls” “share electricity services” “I get my light bill today and it is really high, so I told the children to plug out the DVD and only put on the radio when we want to hear the news. That’s all I can cut back on right now”. One informant indicated that she obtains vegetables to eat from her friend’s garden. Another identified particular stores in town where cheaper items of food and clothing are available – one such was referred to as “the poor people store”. Focus group participants advised that: “one meal could last three days”, “a tin of tuna can cook for a family of four” and “drink a cup of tea three times a day when there is no food”. One option for saving money was to avoid sending young children to pre-school. However, this was perceived as rare at primary school level since education is seen as the only means of escape from poverty. In addition, informants mentioned that food as well as education is provided: “the children would get a free meal at school and sometimes this is their only meal for the day”. It was also clear that for many parents and families living in poverty, children were their priority. The single mother of two young children, whose father died stated: “I have two little children and I try to make a good life for them … they have a good life. Despite the trials and tribulations that you go through you have to make your children happy. I make a sacrifice for my children, because for me growing up there was no one there. So I always tell myself, if I get children, they are not going through that, so I try my best to make a good life”. Psychological responses to poverty also varied. At one extreme, persons were said to choose to be poor and were “not prepared to help themselves”. Inertia as a result of the incapacity to comprehend or 64


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respond to their own poverty was also mentioned: “some people don’t understand how poverty has impacted on them so they never really try to get out of poverty”. Persons in poor households were said either to assume responsibility for their own poverty: “some would say they should have done things differently”; or to absolve themselves from self- blame: “some would say they were dealt a bad hand”. Correlating with the denial of poverty was shame and the attempt to conceal poverty: “they would try to dress nicely and spend their money on looking good” “some families are ashamed to come into Welfare for help”.

Focus group participants also spoke of covering up their poverty since “Barbados is a gossip society” and “people will help you out and then talk about it”, and there is “no stigma if people don’t know your situation”. In their words: “we may not have chairs and stuff, but we can make the best of everything, so when we step out of the house, you would not believe that we do not have those things” “I do not always have for myself, but no-one would know that because of the way I carry myself. No one would know that I don’t have anything. I am not rich; I just live a certain way … No-one knows how hard it is for me to make it day to day” “people with the problems like us here who are going through it, it is us that normally have on the brave face. Yea, we are usually smiling, but no-one know what is behind the face”. Informants emphasized the importance of adopting a positive psychological response to poverty and agreed that “life is what you make it”. According to them, persons living in poor households “stretch what they have, use what they have and have to be contented”. From their personal experiences they revealed: “I try my best, I just do not think about it. I just say that it will get better. That’s what I keep saying in my head – it will get better” “I have stopped worrying … because I had started to get migraines when I tried to make things right. I ended up messing up, so I let everything fall into place” “My future, I see it bright … I am looking forward to better days to come because my children are getting older”. The perceived gender distinction in this regard related to women, as mothers, being more successful in coping psychologically with poverty: “women care for themselves, to me women more than men because they want to stay alive for their kids”. One mother insisted that she encourages her children to “behave themselves and get an education to become whatever they want to become and that would improve their lives. Hold up their head and walk with their heads high, that’s what I tell them”. Although most informants living in poor households stated that they looked forward to a brighter future, one woman without welfare or other support, expressed fear: “I am an elderly single parent woman with a sick daughter – I am frightened to look at my future”. 65


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Prayer and “strong faith in God” provided solace, especially for women and the elderly: “I thing a good life is trusting in God; trust in God and everything else will fall into place” “I pray every day and God does the rest; God works for me. I can remember once when I had no money and I saw five US dollars blowing in front of me. He works, let me tell you”. However, another described her disillusionment: “I want to say something about this god thing now. We trusted in God and we prayed and cried and prayed. And we thought our prayers were answered when a church group came and said they would help us. Me and my mother were so happy because we believed that God had sent this. In the end they left. Everything was broken down – house unwired, half the kitchen was off and we never heard from them again. They said they did not get any more funds. The last funds they got the pastor man ended up getting and new car and his wife too. That is why I don’t really trust the church”. Family support was said to be “very important” for the well-being of persons in poor households: “some families and communities have a very good understanding … they would share food, lend each other clothes, take care of each other’s children, share electricity … give every other advice” “some people are very protective of each other” “some would get barrels and other stuff from friends and families overseas”. Participants in one of the focus groups spoke of a gender distinction in family support that favours males as sons: “I find that men get the support more. I would always hear my mother say ‘you would go out and a man would pick you up, but I have to feed him’. A mother is mostly for her boy children”. Community support was also perceived as important. Informants suggested that there was a moral responsibility on part of the community and society to help the poor: “everyone who can should help the poor, there is a moral duty to share and assist others”. Conditions in communities and community support, however, were generally seen to have declined. Informants referred to communities as “ghettos” and spoke of theft, drugs, cursing, slackness, violence and police raids. There was general agreement that: “people and communities are more selfish; they are not looking out for each other as before” “people pity you, but don’t really care” “no support from family and community … no togetherness … everyman for himself”. In general, women were more likely to attract support: “some men would help women who are poor”. Differences between communities were reported in terms of support for poor households. One focus group participant spoke of the reduction in community child care: “when I was growing up in the village, you know you have these children. Your children can come at me and my children can go at you. Not in 66


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these times – I don’t even know half the people in my neighbourhood”. Another, who lives in Nelson Street – where, in her words, “they say bad people live” – provided the following report of community support, and child protection from the “fellas that sit on the block”. She stated: “I would not give up here for anywhere else. I leave my house open and the fellas and everybody would just look out at my house for me… I have twins and when they come home, the fellas ensure they are in the house, because they know I am out working. They ensure they go in and stay in and they cannot run about in the streets – the fellas are the ones that look out for them”. Another informant reported that others who, like herself, are on welfare “would share what little they have”. Shared accommodation with others is also a strategy: “some would move in with families, friends or a male partner”, but generally considered to be one of last resort. Maintaining one’s independence was critical, since “people think they own you when you are dependent on them”. A range of forms of assistance from government was mentioned and appreciated by persons living in poor households, including financial support in the form of pensions, national assistance and other monetary benefits; health care and medication; education and transportation; assistance with housing, shelter and utilities; social care programmes; and material support including food vouchers, school meals and uniforms and other educational supports. However the processing period was said to be “too long for some people” and the services overburdened by an increasing numbers seeking assistance. All of the focus group participants also reiterated and emphasized incidents during which they had experienced “poor treatment” from social service staff – they claimed to have been stigmatized and “had their characters defamed”, and discriminated against by the withholding of benefits. In their words: “government treats you as if you are begging; you are made to feel like a beggar” “something must be done about the way some welfare officers treat people. They make you feel as if you begging them for their money” “a lot of heart-throbbing, so I decided I don’t need the drama … so that’s all I go there for, to collect maintenance money” “sometimes it’s just about having friends in the right places” “too much red tape and running around” “when they come to your house and see what you have, they say you have a washing machine, you don’t want anything”. The apparent lack of confidentiality was also cause for concern: “the security guard knows your business because the papers are handled by the guard” “some welfare officers discuss your case with others”. However, there was general agreement that staff at health clinics, both doctors and nurses, are more considerate: “the nurses are OK, they don’t give me any bad treatment and the doctors are OK”. There are also problems of physical distance and access for some persons. One elderly informant spoke of the difficulties experienced during the process of application:

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“You have to collect the food voucher at one building at the top of Roebuck Street. Then you have to take it to Fairchild Street, which is across town, to get it processed in order for you to take it to the supermarket. The process can take several hours including walking up and down town, usually in the hot sun. Sometimes when you get to the processing department, the person is not there and you have to wait for hours – even sitting on the floor because there are not enough chairs there – or return the next day”. Women in the focus groups spoke specifically of problems faced acquiring child support. One informant related the following experience: “the system right now, when you put a man before the court, and you cannot find an address for him, or he keeps running from the court, you would have to give up. All the going and coming … you have to wait and you are missing payment … he owes the court and he hasn’t made payments for over six years. And I understand that when the men go to court and don’t pay the money, they go to jail, and in that case the money is gone!” One informant, claimed a strong gender bias in government services by way of policies and practices that favour mothers: Steven, in his late 20s, lives with and has sole parental responsibility for his two boys, aged 7 and 3 years respectively. The mother of the older son, he said, “would come visit him some weekends and this is good for his development”, but she does not provide care or financial and material support. The mother of the younger son “wants nothing to do with him”. As a result, he sought assistance from the Child Care Board and was referred to the Welfare Department. His objective was “to get the younger boy mother to assist with taking care of him in the evenings”. His contact with the Welfare Department, he claimed, was a “waste of time; the officers were not helpful”. He argued that government services are biased towards women as mothers. In his words: “we need equal policies for parents; men get lock up when you don’t support the child, but nothing is done to women who abandon their children”. Persons living in poor households also indicated that they received some assistance from churches including food and clothing, social outings and activities, and day care, though with the proviso that some churches “help only their members”. One woman stated that “the men in my church are normally with my sons”, functioning as “father-figures” in the absence of their own father. Service clubs and community organizations were mentioned, but not as significant sources of support, and one informant stated that “some people would take food for the poor on Sundays at Queen’s Park”.

2.9.5 Recommendations Recommendations from informants fell into two main categories – economic with reference to income, and social in terms of support and care especially for the elderly, for single mothers and for children. Included were:       

job opportunities as the major route for escaping poverty flexible income-generating opportunities for women as mothers skills training linked to job opportunities effective family planning and contraception increased welfare funding to keep pace with the cost of living government provision of low-rent accommodation, and funds for housing repairs reform of child support laws and the system of delivery 68


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     

targeted intervention programmes to support and reduce violence against persons with disabilities and chronic ill health, women, children and the elderly family and community support expansion in government subsidized day care centers and reserved places for children of the poor improvement in social service staff attitudes and response, and equal treatment for men and women expansion in social service resources including funding and staff supports for children from an early age to access and continue education and break the intergenerational cycle of poverty.

2.9.6 Case Studies Case Study 1 This case study household includes two persons – Shawn, who is 31 years of age, and his 75 year old mother, who owns the house. Poverty is a direct result of his disability caused by family conflict and injury, and their subsequent dependence on government assistance. Neither Shawn nor his mother is employed – his injury prevents him from “doing odd jobs on the side to make some extra cash”. He receives a disability allowance from government and she a pension as well as some support from her other children. He also benefits from free tertiary education and health care and medication, though is mother assists with payment for the latter. Shawn has no other source of support except a “female friend” who will assist “when there is absolutely nothing to eat”. He tried the Welfare Department, but without success. He believes that an employee there is “out to get him” and blocked the application. Shawn experiences poverty and social isolation in tandem. He says that he spends his day studying, and listening to the radio. He does not leave home except to attend classes, since he has “no money, no clothes”. Neither do people visit him. He has no contact with his four brothers and four sisters, although some live adjacent, and receives no support from them. He states that his family treats him “very badly” and that his disability was as a result of injury caused during a violent altercation with a family member. There have been other physical conflicts between him and his family, one of which “went to court”. His siblings have called the police to have him evicted from his mother’s house. He describes himself as “fat and overweight” because he “does not eat healthy”. However, he looks forward to a future when he will have completed his education, be employed in a good job and thus, reach his major goal of economic independence and the purchase his own home. Case Study 2 This case study concerns a female-headed household with several young children, and irregular and inadequate child support. Lisa is in her early 30s and lives with her three children, ranging in age from 2 to 12 years. Her first child was born when she was 16 years. At the time of the interview, she was pregnant. She dates her poverty from the time her mother moved out of the house and she became solely responsible for paying utility bills. Lisa is a “general worker” and her mother and a cousin, both of whom are employed in menial jobs, contribute to the household. Her present boyfriend, the father-to-be of her fourth child, also provides occasional financial assistance. She receives welfare benefits for her 7 year old son, Kevin. In terms of support, she says that her mother “helps me” with her first son, the father of her 12 year old daughter “helps me with her”, but there is no 69


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child support forthcoming from Kevin’s father: “I will have to struggle because I am his mummy and daddy. His father is living, but he is dead … he don’t check for him”. Support for the two year old was not mentioned. The house is owned by her mother, so that no rental payment is required, and her sister will take the children for the weekends to look after and feed them. Lisa’s main worry is for Kevin, who plays truant – “he hides all about the place, he doesn’t like school”. He attends school irregularly, generally only three days per week. While at school, he receives school meals. Case Study 3 Grace is 46 years old. She rents a room and shares the kitchen and bathroom with others in the house. Her room is sparsely furnished with a single bed, table and chair, and a small television. Though she benefited from secondary education, she is unemployed and is dependent on welfare benefits, including food vouchers, and occasional support from the Catholic Church. Her room has no windows and she complained: “I don’t get any fresh air”. She applied to government for housing, but “never got a reply”. She added: “people must not have to feel like you begging to get help”. Grace spends most of her day sleeping or watching television. She will walk to town and play dominoes, but “not often” because she “can’t afford it”. Her boyfriend will visit “now and then” and occasionally she would call her mother and sister who live in Barbados. Grace reported that she is HIV positive and her general health and nutrition are poor. She receives free HIV treatment and counseling at the Lady Meade Reference Unit and described the doctors and nurses as “very nice”. She indicated that she survives by “stretching the little that I have”, but that “some days I would go

hungry”. 2.10. Rastafarians 2.10.1 Perceptions Members of the Rastafarian faith are perceived by the wider society to have self-imposed their poverty and social exclusion. Rastafarians themselves, however, do not see themselves as living in poverty, though they would agree that they have chosen to withdraw from society. Some live in self-contained rural communal groups. Men and women alike are self-employed and sell agricultural produce and crafts. They report stigma and discrimination, from the police and officials in other institutional settings, but claim that public attitudes and responses have improved somewhat. Their conditions of living are characterized by:   

Stigma and discrimination Police harassment Some resistance to education, immunization and birth control.

Rastafarians tended not to see themselves as poor, and denied that they lived in poverty: “the words poor and poverty are not common in the group. You might hear someone say ‘things are hard’, but not that they are poor”. Participants in the focus group suggested the use of the concept of impoverishment to reflect the process by which Rastafarians and others experience 70


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social exclusion and economic disenfranchisement. They also drew a connection between poverty and race: “black people does always be poor”. 2.10.2 Causes Rastafarians claim to have chosen a simple life and deliberately “put themselves at the bottom of the social class”. Either they were poor before becoming Rastafarian or they voluntarily withdrew from the middle class. They argued that they placed higher value on spiritual and cultural dimensions of life, rather than materialism. Participants in the focus group identified low levels of education as a cause of poverty. Making reference to free education at secondary level introduced in the 1960s in Barbados, one informant stated: “if you don’t take education seriously and take the opportunities getting up in that ladder … then you will remain poor”. However, some, the older generation in particular having been “educated in Babylon”, were said to be resistant to the education provided in Barbados for their children or, at least, to undervalue it. Resistance to the immunization of their children was also mentioned by Rastafarians. They interpreted it as a form of discrimination when health authorities ignored their protests. Primary among their concerns were claims that they are targets of stigma and discrimination: “like we are an alien set, that’s how society looks at us”. Rastafarians were said by one informant to be “marginalized and suffer unjustified discrimination, mainly related to the drug trade … people automatically associate Rastafarians to drugs”. The men were mistakenly perceived as a “physical threat to authorities”, while the women were “sometimes devalued”. In this respect, Rastafarians distinguished themselves from the “dreadlocks man on the beach” who engages in crime and violence: “people would wear the locks and commit crimes and most of these people are not Rasta”. They claimed that in their “nature areas where they exist without the outside world material things … there is no violence”. Harassment by the police was identified as a major problem: “the police devalue them without reason, often grabbing them by their locks and … removing their headwear in public without consent”. Police were also said to “stop you on the street and search you” and “raid your house without a warrant”. According to a focus group participant: “from the time the police see a dreadlocked person moving a certain way … profiling, that type of thing. Police would pull you over for no reason, search and thing. That is violence not within Rasta, but from outside towards Rasta.” Treatment from “certain Christian minded people” was also seen as discriminatory. Informants also claimed that they experienced discrimination in applications for employment or in acquiring housing, and in public institutions such as banks, “especially when trying to get a loan” and also in visa applications. They claimed discriminatory treatment in government’s rejection of their proposals for agricultural projects. Discrimination against their children in educational institutions was also mentioned: “even with our children in schools – when my son first went … he had locks. He had them braided at the time. The lady in charge … before she check for the paperwork, she was telling him that he was not properly attired”. The insistence that they remove their headwraps in these public spaces was problematic since this, they argued, violated their belief system: “Rastafarian doesn’t show their hair in public and hence no state or private institution should have the right to make a Rastafarian uncover the head, unless it is for security 71


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reasons. In certain establishments in Barbados, don’t allow you to enter if your head is covered, and usually they have no rationale for this… this is totally unacceptable, especially in a society that claims to be democratic”.

2.10.3 Effects Communal living has resulted in some social isolation of Rastafarians from their parents, siblings and other family members. While some informants indicated that they knew of persons who were disinherited by their families as a result of adopting the Rastafarian faith, others claimed that “if something serious occurs, most of the time your family would check for you”. Resistance to birth control was seen to have generated high proportions of female-headed households with large numbers of children: “in some cases the males might not necessarily live in the household in which he has fathered eight children, but he is in the community”. Their ambiguous attitudes towards the education and immunization may also put their children ‘at risk’ and reinforce poverty and social exclusion across the generations. Stigmatization and misconceived ideas about Rastafarians have reinforced social exclusion: “when you are viewed as unofficial and being a victim of the stigma and discrimination, you would keep yourself away from those people”, and also poverty: “it is difficult for a Rastafarian who excels to live prosperous because people tend to say that the wealth was due to drugs and illegal activities”. Generally, as a Rastafarian, “if you are poor, you will remain that way”. Stigma also generates conflicts with the police and has reinforced their treatment as “underdogs” and exclusion from the wider society. The public response to Rastafarians, however, was said to have improved compared to the situation in the previous generation when they were “outcasts”. The change was attributed to Caribbean cultural performance, from Bob Marley in particular, and the portrayal of dreadlocks in Caribbean advertising. As one informant put it: “a few years ago people would look at you funny when you entered some establishment, but now dreadlocks is a fashion”. Rastafarians denied experiencing the psychological effects generally associated with poverty and social exclusion. They reported that communal living and a “strong sense of identity”, combined with the use of marijuana, protects them from emotional problems: “Rasta don’t be lonely you know … no, we don’t have any time for sadness and depression … the positive uses of marijuana, it is to get rid of melancholy … you are uplifted”. Rastafarians denied experiencing shame as a result of their quality of life, and claimed dignity and self-esteem. Rastafarians claimed to have a healthy diet and to be in good health and contrasted themselves with those in the wider society who experience “sicknesses like diabetes and hypertension … they have big bellies and are overweight, obese”. Informants claimed: “Rastafarian man, woman and children is on a particular diet where they would never be overweight” and “Rasta children don’t really go hungry. We always have some breadfruit or something … connected to a farm or planting”.

2.10.4 Responses Rastafarians spoke with pride of their self-sufficiency and self-employment. They engage in agriculture for subsistence and sale and small craft production: “look at how much leather and craft things we make, we are known to be very talented”. They indicated that they avoid turning to government or other agencies for assistance: “Rastas, they try to avoid using these things; they would try to make it on their 72


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own first”. The major strategy for survival among Rastafarians, supported by their ideology and way of life, was to cut expenditure and do without. They described themselves as “very thrifty” and “comfortable with their situation, not to fuss and fight”. They were said to have the capacity to thrive on very little: “they can make something out of nothing”, and are “self-sufficient and survive from the earth”. Informants indicated that they live on a very small budget and do without amenities – few have electricity or telephones: “we would resort to candles and you know a lantern or whatever. If the water go off, we would use the spring more regular”. Informants vehemently denied that Rastafarians were involved in begging, hustling, stealing or sexual exchange as survival activities. What society might label ‘stealing’ was justified with by reference to the heritage of slavery, colonialism and black dispossession: “you can’t steal what someone stole from you; if you steal my land, you can’t say I’m stealing”. Informants referred to the empowerment they derive from their faith: “Rastafarians are millionaires in their spiritual strength. Drumming may be carried out for days. There is lots of energy to bring about spiritual transformation”. Informants also indicated that they place high value on family and Rastafarian community life. Within these social groups, they provide spiritual and moral support, share what they have and look after and protect each other: “Rastas always help each other; even those in different islands would help you when you go there”. They claimed that there is no violence or abuse in their communities. Disputes are rare, but when they occur, are resolved within the community by the elders: “I have never seen disputes resolved easily among people who are not Rastafari; we like to reason, that’s what we are about”. Domestic violence was also said to be rare. However, one informant, himself a Rastafarian, recalled that “older generation families were much stronger”. He lamented that the general “moral decay of family structures has taken its toll on the Rastafarian family” indicating that “it is not uncommon now for males to have multi-partners and be unable to take care of them”. Rastafarian informants rejected the notion that they might be helpless, dependent or lazy. However, they agreed that those Rastafarians who do not live in communities would be more vulnerable to discriminatory practices and may, as a result, “lose their sense of self-worth” and engage in “negative activities”.

2.10.5 Recommendations Recommendations focused primarily on those that would reduce stigma and discrimination and promote greater understanding and respect for Rastafarianism. Included were        

public education and sensitization concerning Rastafarianism elimination of harassment by the police and other authority figures, against Rastafarian men in particular the elimination of stigma in schools against the Rastafarian children training and sensitization of public sector employees decriminalisation of marijuana closer relations between Barbados, the wider Caribbean and Africa greater unity among Rastafarians and advocacy in order to combat social stigma and to improve the well-being of members of the faith in general: “unity and organization will affect the 73


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level of change the community can benefit from. One has to be his brother’s keeper and look out for each other”.

2.10.6 Case study Ras Iman is 46 years old and lives with his mother in a rural village. He was educated to tertiary level and is self-employed as an organic farmer. He survives on earnings from his farm, his small savings and what he receives from the Rastafarian community. He claimed that the “Rastafarian diet is mainly in the earth and you can farm”. Ras Iman considers himself to be healthy, though his diet is “lacking to some extent” in “certain vegetables” and he smokes marijuana “yes, every day”. If he has health problems, he will attend a public clinic, but his visits are rare as he “deals mainly with herbal medicine”. His social life and well-being are bound up with the Rastafarian community. His daily routine involves “working in the field”, participating in “meetings of the tabernacles”, or remaining at home to care for his mother who is unwell. When he is without food he can “ask a brother who has a farm”. However, he claimed that the Rastafarian community is “not as close- knitted” as before. He has no spouse or children and is not in contact with other members of his family. He states that his family and friends, especially those from secondary school, “wonder what I am doing” and “think I am wasting my life and time”, but though they “might not agree” with his lifestyle, “there is no disrespect”. He has been involved in altercations with the police, including stop and search experiences and a raid on his house – both, he claimed, without a warrant. He also reported problems with officialdom, stating that he submitted “numerous” project proposals to Rural Development and the Ministry of Agriculture, but though they acknowledged receipt, he “never heard back from them”. He suspects discrimination: “I got no reply, but white man submit similar project years later, and received funding”. He identified his main problem in life as “being born black in Barbados”.

2.11. Sex Workers 2.11.1 Perceptions Sex workers in Barbados victims of stigma and discrimination. They have reported public naming and shaming, and incidents of violence at the hands of members of the public who have thrown stones and bottles at them. They also report police raids on their places of work and the “abuse of power by immigration and customs workers”, and fear of further discrimination should they report such incidents (Associates for International Development Inc. 2007, 8). However, sex workers are a diverse group and not all are affected by poverty and social exclusion. They range from the higher socio-economic status sex workers in home-based and exclusive club-based sex work to those who operate from the street, a bar or the beach. Street workers were identified as most at risk of poverty and also violence. In addition, many sex workers were said to suffer the effects of dual stigmatisation on account of being either migrants and/or men-who-have-sex with men (MSM) in addition to their status as sex workers. Poverty and social exclusion, stigma and discrimination, as well as problems of security and safety, vary according to the socio-economic status of the sex workers. Little gender distinction was seen between male and female sex workers in terms of stigma and abuse, though female sex workers with children and 74


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other dependents were identified as more exposed to poverty. The involvement of under-age girls in sex work was perceived and noted with concern. The lives of sex workers at the poorer end of the spectrum are characterized by:     

Stigma and discrimination Abuse and violence Social exclusion from legal protection, health and other services Psychological effects of social isolation and self-stigma Drug and alcohol dependency.

Some positive changes were identified including the availability of counseling and other services and also human rights based outreach programmes specifically targeting health and HIV/STI prevention. In the views of the informants, however, stigma and violence had not declined in recent years, and immigration procedures had become more restrictive.

2.11.2 Causes Informants claimed that persons became involved in sex work as a last resort (see also Barbados, Ministry of Health 2008: 26,37), that is, when income from menial employment did not provide sufficient to cover basic needs. Migrants in Barbados illegally were especially vulnerable to exploitation on the job and thus, likely to turn to sex work. It was agreed that sex work, in turn, was poorly paid and that the men and women involved were “only making enough for immediate needs”. Some sex workers, however, own their homes or are engaged in small business ventures. Informants agreed that “some would hustle”, while there are those who “would steal from their clients during the job”. Informants agreed that “some would risk having unprotected sex for more money”. Inconsistent condom use among sex workers has also been reported in other research (Barbados, Ministry of Health, 2008:31-33). Sex workers were identified as highly vulnerable to abuse and violence. Street-based workers in particular, as a result of the nature of their work, its location and their visibility, were identified as victims of “robbery, verbal and physical abuse, and violence from clients” (see also Barbados, Ministry of Health, 2008:10). Some sex workers were especially vulnerable to stigma and social exclusion. In particular, stigma from the police deters sex workers from reporting cases of violence and abuse, and denies them official protection; and anticipated discrimination from staff at health centers obstructs their access to medical, counseling and information services. Informants also spoke of a public perception of sex workers as the cause of increasing rates of HIV infection. Although most sex workers were said to live with family or friends, according to one informant, their families could also be “disempowering based on what they think of your work”. Female sex workers also were susceptible to abuse and violence from their partners, and male sex workers who were also MSM had been abused and evicted by their families. Non-nationals, engaged in sex workers as illegal migrants, were identified as the most vulnerable of the group (Barbados, Ministry of Health, 2008:20,23) as a result of their non- entitlement to and exclusion from health and other public services and, as a highly mobile population – “always on the go” – frequently confronting immigration problems. They were also more likely to experience social isolation. For most, their family is abroad, and they avoid making friends in Barbados for fear that they will be reported to the police and immigration officials. 75


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2.11.3 Effects A range of physical and psychological effects experienced by sex workers included poor health, undernutrition and underweight; sadness and depression; shame and self-stigma (see also Barbados, Ministry of Health 2008:40). In the main, they were said to be “ashamed” and to “try to hide” their involvement in sex work. However, while some manage to hide their identities, remain unknown and “blend in any social circle”, others were known to be sex workers, a situation that might expose them to violence and social exclusion from family and friends – this, in turn, resulting in homelessness. Sex workers were not identified with helplessness or laziness; rather it was said, they would “live with what they have”. Sex workers were said to be highly dependent on drugs and alcohol in order to endure sex work– “to separate the individual from the act” (see also Barbados, Ministry of Health, 2008:26-28). This dependency, in turn, was seen to impair judgment, and to promote unsafe sex and exposure to HIV and STI transmission; and also to lead to very poor health, the inability to engage in sex work and a reinforcement of their poverty.

2.11.4 Response Sex workers often engage in multiple income-generating activities including self-employment, petty trading and “odd jobs”. Informants suggested that some sex workers “have a plan and work towards improving their lives” and a few have managed “to use sex work as a stepping stone to improve their life”. Informants indicated that sex workers, while not an organized group or association, would “usually share and help each other” informally by distributing condoms, looking after each other’s children, and by way of protection: “they would keep a mental note of the license plates of vehicles of the clients” (see also Barbados, Ministry of Health, 2008:21). While religion and prayer were identified as providing psychological support for sex workers – “you hear a lot of reference to god” – churches were not seen to play a major role in providing emotional or material support as a result of stigma and shame. One informant indicated that she had “heard of a faithbased group that would help if you want to get out of sex work’.

2.11.5 Recommendations Recommendations to improve the quality of life of sex workers included:       

Opportunities for employment, including micro-credit initiatives, providing income sufficient to terminate involvement in sex work Law reform, reduction in stigma and discrimination, and the realization of human rights Programmes to address violence against male and female sex workers Clarification of immigration policies Education and sensitization programmes for law enforcement, immigration and medical personnel Access to public health and other services for medical treatment and counselling, and reduction in stigma and poor attitudes of staff Education and information on safe sexual practices,* and regular institutionalised, consistent health checks 76


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   

Emergency health care to non-legal migrants Organisation and advocacy by sex workers and their participation in research and the planning and implementation of sex work programmes Partnerships with faith-based organisations Family understanding and support.

* For example, a misconception among sex workers that the use of two male condoms simultaneously during sexual intercourse affords greater protection has been noted (Barbados, Ministry of Health 2006:10; Barbados, Ministry of Health 2008:20).

2.11.6 Case Studies Case Study No. 1 Lisa is a 41 year old sex worker from Guyana who has lived in Barbados for 7 years. She lives alone, but is visited often by her friends and works at a bar every night of the week. She is in regular contact with her husband, children and wider family in Guyana, none of whom know that she is a sex worker, and travels there and back regularly. She denies loneliness: “because I am friendly, so I make friends easily so I don’t get lonely”. She started as a sex worker on arrival in Barbados and claims that sex work has no effect on her emotionally or physically – “it’s just something I do”. Speaking of immigration officers she states: “I have never had a problem with them … they have never treated me badly or anything like that”; and has similar positive experiences of staff at the local hospital who treat her “very nicely and politely”. Lisa denies being poor, “because what I have a lot of people do not have, so I am not poor. There are people that have less than me”. She manages to make ends meet through a combination of petty trading and sex work and money sent by her husband, her mother and friends abroad. According to her: “I never go without or go hungry. I make do with what I have and I work”. A major concern is security. Lisa lives and works in a notorious area of town and claims that, though she has not been the victim of violence, there is harassment: “it is not safe, there are a lot of thieves around here and ‘paros’ that harass you so that you cannot walk the road in peace”. She is also concerned that she has been given only 6 months to reside legally in Barbados. Her most pressing concern, though, is that she is engaged in sex work: “that I have to do what I do and work so hard”. However, she plans to go into trading on a more full-time basis, buying clothes and other small items in St. Martin to sell in Barbados, and ultimately to own a shop. She remains optimistic: “I see things getting better not worse”. Case Study No. 2 Sandra is 27 years of age and arrived from a neighbouring Caribbean country to live in Barbados 9 years ago. She lives alone and, when she’s not engaged in sex work, spends her time alone at home watching TV, surfing the internet, and sleeping. On weekends she goes to “the movies to live music sessions”. Her parents and one of her children live abroad and she is in weekly contact. She has one child in Barbados who lives with the father and with whom she has minimal contact: “I am not allowed to communicate with her … the father refused to let me visit her. But she knows my number and would call

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whenever no-one is around”. She says she has no friends in Barbados and admits to loneliness: “I don’t mix or talk with people in the area”. Sandra was employed illegally in Barbados but, because of her status, “people took advantage”. So, a year ago she started as a sex worker. Her involvement in sex work is a source of emotional trauma: “I have to drink to get into the mood, it does not come naturally, and the next day I am a mess … The job takes more than it gives. When alone I feel depressed just thinking what my life has come to”. She also has trouble making ends meet: ”I eat lots of snacks, don’t purchase new clothes, [have] no land line, rent a single room apartment, go hungry and do without”. An unpaid bill at the local hospital caused her to be turned away when she went for emergency treatment: “I was in pain and suffering. They have no heart at the QEH”. Sandra explains that she feels trapped in her life of poverty and social exclusion. She says she is married to a Barbadian, the father of her child, and feels discriminated against when she is given only a six-month residential extension, that she has to pay for, and no work permit. In her words: “I filed for the status and to date, no reply. I tried to meet with the Chief Immigration Officer, but the person is never available. I believe my husband has something to do with this situation, but regardless, I should be treated like a human being…. All I get is an extension. I told them the truth, even …what I have to do now to survive, because I can’t even get a work permit”. Her plan is to “work harder, pray and continue trying at immigration” to regularize her status, then find a job and claim custody of her daughter.

2.12. Unemployed Youth 2.12.1 Perceptions Unemployed youth were vulnerable to both poverty and social exclusion as a direct result of their joblessness. Youth unemployment, as reported in the MESA, is significantly higher than the national rate. This, in turn, correlates with the findings of the MESA and the SLC as regards significant proportions of youth dropping out of school and leaving the educational system with no certification. The lives of the unemployed youth participating in the PPA/VG were characterized by:     

lack of resources and inability to make ends meet lack of support from family and community poor housing conditions and homelessness ill health and poor diets, drug and alcohol abuse exposure to stigma, discrimination and violence.

Unemployed youth were concerned to point out that they were ‘poor’ but not ‘in poverty’: “poor is that you got a dollar today and not tomorrow and poverty is when you aint got none” “when you are impoverished you don’t have no form of income… you don’t know what the next day will bring. Sleep here today, you don’t know if you will get something to eat tomorrow” “when you are in poverty you have no options, or no choices.” In their view, the recent recession had resulted in reduced employment opportunities and a rise in the cost of living, in turn, exacerbating their poverty: 78


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“things have gotten worse. Right now employment dread …government got things dread. You cannot get hire. Things real dread for true” “people are getting laid off; you cannot get the work you used to” “things gone up and your money aint going up … one time you could buy a pack of biscuit for fifty cents, but now it cost two dollars”. In terms of impact of poverty, informants agreed there was little gender difference. However, the response from unemployed women, especially those with children, tended to be more positive, while men were more inclined to drop out or engage in criminal activities.

2.12.2 Causes Informants in both the interviews and focus groups had much to say on their perceptions of increasing social inequality in Barbadian society: “the country is divided in half, one have enjoys a high quality of life and the other does not” “there is a gap between the rich and poor in Barbados – a very big one, getting wider” “the rich got everything and the poor aint got none” “the rich are for themselves and the poor have to struggle to survive” “some families have money, some people just born rich” “when you go to the prison, who do you see mostly? Poor people”. Referring specifically to unemployed young people, they had the following to say: “lots of young people are marginalised and not given the opportunity to develop their skills” “young people who are innovative are unable to secure loans at the bank” “no support for you to have an education, to get a job, no support for anything, no-one checking for you” “I feel left out, nowhere. There is no hope”. Unemployment or the engagement in menial, poorly paid work was correlated with low levels of education and vocational skills as a result of poor performance at school and attrition. For young women, there was the added factor of “having a child while you are still in school”. Poverty and social exclusion among young persons was also attributed to the lack of family support. Family support was absent in homes characterized as “disunited” with “each person looking out for their own self-interest”. A gender distinction was noted in terms of family response such that mothers will “baby” and support their sons, while their daughters “struggle on their own with their children”. On the other hand, focus group participants also agreed with the alternative point of view regarding conjugal relationships:

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“a man will look to provide for a woman regardless if she is working or not, but women do not look to provide for men. Men have to provide for themselves, women and children. When it’s done, the burden is on the man” “her man will take care of her when she is unemployed … if I unemployed, you feel a woman want to see me?” More specifically, unemployed young persons claimed that their social exclusion and poverty was reinforced by their place of residence – “living in the Pine is stigma in itself … people hate everything from the Pine”; “If I go for a job and they find out I am from here, they turn me down” – and their lack of influential contacts, or “godfathers”. One focus group participant, who was denied capital for a business venture stated: “we still at square one; you got to know the right people”, while another, referring to training opportunities, claimed: “some programmes are full. You have to know the right people, have a good community leader or you will not get anywhere”.

2.12.3 Effects Participants were divided in their assessments of the effects of unemployment and poverty. Most agreed that “there is nothing good about being unemployed in Barbados” and elaborated on the point: “can’t give your children what they need” “not able to send school your children” “cannot eat healthy” “live all about”. However, as also reported in the SLC, it was also argued that some young persons choose to remain unemployed and socially excluded as there were some advantages: “get up when you want to” “you don’t have the stress of going to work” “the freedom of not being in school” “pick up your children [from school] and spend time with them” “more time to lime, time to enjoy your freedom” “feeling good, like you on vacation” “no high overheads”. Negative attitudes unemployed youth:

and

responses

from

family

members

and

friends

were reported

“if you don’t have a job, they grumble and drop hints” “first month as an unemployed youth is OK, but from the next month, is bare stress. You aint bringing nothing to the household or contributing” “If you unemployed and going out with friends and you can’t buy anything, they talk about you”. 80

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Social stigma and harassment were also mentioned. The response from the police was highlighted: “the way the police would investigate a situation in the Pine is completely different from a situation in Millennium Heights” “they drive through the Pine to look for criminals whilst they drive through the heights to secure and provide protection to people in that area” “when police encounter a black man with dreadlocks walking down the street at 2am in the morning, he is assumed to be a criminal and is treated badly. However, when a Caucasian encounter the same situation, they are concerned for his well-being and offer him assistance” “unemployed persons are harassed by the police; if they pass on the block and see you more than three days, they target you”. Treatment from health clinic staff was also seen in a negative light: “poor people have go to the polyclinic and deal with the snubs” “they treat you according to how you look; some public sector service providers are obnoxious” “at the hospital with the nurses, when you are young and you got a child, they look at you like you make the worst mistake. They treat you like you’re a real little girl”. Social exclusion from employment and social interaction within the wider society was related to the high visibility of poverty. Outward appearances count, especially dress: “you can look at it and see it … you can see it from the way we dress, talk. You can see it from everything, including hair” “if you are going for an interview and you do not have interview clothes, the people look at you and say you are not right for the job” “you cannot go to certain events because you aint got the clothes” “you can’t go to a restaurant and have a meal” “people on the streets look at you real stink”. One focus group participant stated: “some people who come from a background of money feel that they are better than others. They put you down and make you feel that you are less of a person. People who are poor stay away from certain places and people”. Unemployed youth tend, therefore, to remain within their own social group and social space: “you have to socialise with people in your category” “you can still go outside and play dominoes with friends or neighbours” “we are the ghetto youth … very close-knit communities”. Ill health and hunger were also identified as side-effects of poverty: 81


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“you get sick and you aint got not money to pay the doctor fees” “cannot afford to eat healthy” “sometimes you got to eat rice five times a day” “you aint got no money, where you going get proper food from?” Homelessness was also reported as an effect of poverty among unemployed young persons. According to one professional, “families and parents may put them out because they are not making a contribution”. While some young men were said to “house hop” by finding temporary accommodation with friends, others with nowhere to live have set up “shanties”, makeshift shacks constructed with discarded pieces of galvanize and wood. Men in particular, but also women, live in these “shanties” and are ‘at risk’ of violence and crime, without electricity or water, exposed to an unhealthy environment, and likely to be removed by government. However, the shanty was described as a “comfort zone” for some. Mention was also made of sleeping in old cars, on the street, and on the block. Psychological effects of poverty and social exclusion among unemployed young persons were wideranging and varied: “frustration” “lack of motivation” “low self-worth and self-esteem” “disillusionment, hopelessness, you know that your life sucks” “you don’t feel good about yourself; you can’t respect yourself” “depress is the right word – you aint working and you can’t provide for your family” “bare sufferation – struggling but you not getting nowhere” “some have mental problems – mentality starts to go low when you can’t find a job” “I see myself on the brink and on the edge”. Crime and violence were also commonplace in their daily lives: “you fight out of frustration”. Informants in the PPA/COMM expressed concern at the incidence of mental illness among youth as a result of drug abuse. Women were perceived to feel and show more shame as a result of poverty: “they don’t want their children to be left out ... you don’t want to see your children looking dingy and nasty”. Some men “feel real shame and they don’t want their friends to know where they live”, while others “don’t care, don’t show their shame, but inside they does be burning”. Most agreed though, that Barbados being “a small place”, it was “impossible to hide that you poor”. Young persons participating in the focus groups noted the phenomenon of opting out among young people: they are “just lazy”, “just give up”, “don’t do anything, don’t care”. According to a professional, “people just don’t do anything, it’s a sense of freedom … and they are contented with what they have. Some people don’t give a dam, they will come to you one hundred times a day and 82


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ask for help”. Others were said to “box themselves in and liming on the block is all they know”. Paradoxically, support from their mothers was seen to reinforce a “dependency syndrome” among young men. As a female focus group participant put it: “some young men don’t want to work because young men got their mothers to support them; women have to look for work because we have children to support”. However, most agreed with the statement: “no one chooses to be poor”. As a professional put it: “Do you feel that a person really wants to live in a shanty with no water and no toilet? People do it because they don’t have a choice”. Another indicated that “poor people have high morals and self-respect and would not do an immoral act”.

2.12.4 Responses Government agencies including the Welfare Department, Employment Bureau, Training Board and the Youth Commission were mentioned and services included medical treatment, counseling and skills training. No mention was made of the Juvenile Liaison Scheme, the role of which, as mentioned in the MESA, is to reduce deviant and criminal behavior among youth. Neither did the unemployed youths refer to Teen Challenge, one of the agencies reviewed in the IA. Informants also reported inaccessibility and a lack of knowledge of government services among young people. Also mentioned as deterrents were “red tape” and poor treatment from service staff. According to one informant: “when they come to your home and see you have a television and DVD, they say you are not poor and refuse to give you the help you need”. Family support – economic, social and psychological – was identified as a critical factor making a difference in the lives of young unemployed persons. Many of the participants continued to receive support from family members. Mothers were specifically mentioned, though several were also provided for by their siblings. However, unemployment and the inability to contribute financially to the household caused tension that might lead ultimately to eviction from home: “If you are not paying bills, it is nuff stress; bills have to pay or you will have to leave the place”. Family conflict and violence was also identified as a cause of homelessness and poverty among young persons. Also reported as a survival strategy in conditions of poverty was self help by earning income from “odd jobs” or self-employment in back-yard gardening, craft-making, selling fruits and snacks. One informant referred to “sponging – living off somebody whether it’s your brother, sister or friends”. Youth living in poverty were also engaged in activities that were socially sanctioned or illegal: “drug dealing” “having sex for money” “selling sex is the easiest way to make money … making something from nothing” “larceny and young people go together” “they beg, hustle and steal to survive” “hustling – carrying away somebody mangoes and selling them on the side” “if somebody buy something to drink or eat, you say buy one for me”.

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A focus group participant reported: “some even steal from their parents – you might steal a piece of bread from your parents, they might quarrel, but you done eat it”. A gender distinction was noted in terms of response in that young women were said to be more inclined to “find productive things to do” and to “participate in educational programmes” than were young men. Focus group participants agreed that men “want no responsibilities”; “they get up and go on the block – they prefer to stay at home and rob someone; women have to find a means of supporting their children”, and are more likely to be favoured by potential employers. Women were said to “fight to overcome their poverty more than men”, while “men would just give up”. Women were also perceived to be more inclined to “ask for help” and to engage in sexual exchange for money, especially those with children to support. Age, however, was also seen as an important distinguishing factor in the response to poverty among females. While young mothers were more mature and responsible in their response, “young girls out there ... they are not focused about anything … the biggest thing they focus on is hairstyle and the next party”. Particular concern was expressed by members of vulnerable groups and also community participants in the PPA/COMM about the incidence of young girls engaging in transactional sex with older men, thereby exposing themselves to the risk of pregnancy, HIV and other sexually transmitted infections and violence. These relationships were seen to perpetuate intergenerational poverty. Unemployed youth were said to help each other especially with accommodation, child care, company, advice and emotional support. In both focus groups, there was general agreement with those participants who stated that “there is a moral duty to share and help out each other”. However, one participant provoked laughter in the focus group when he posed the rhetorical question: “How can an unemployed man help another unemployed one?” Community support for young people was seen to be lacking: “your neighbour don’t care about you because he is struggling too”, and stigma against unemployed persons prevalent, though expressed mainly as verbal abuse, more so than physical violence. However, although police harassment was mentioned, young persons generally felt safe and secure in their communities: “I feel safe anywhere I go; I can come and go of my own free will”. Referring to coping mechanisms for dealing with poverty and social exclusion among unemployed youth, a focus group informant stated: “we cope in different ways such as lime on the block together, hang out and talk and laugh; try to forget the pain, free up yourself, and listening to music”. Members of this vulnerable group, male and female, were reported to use marihuana frequently as a coping strategy: “they smoke ‘weed’ like sipping a cup of tea”. Although churches were said not to reach out to unemployed youth, but only to “the saved young people within the church”, faith and prayer were seen as important, “big time”: “we pray … we aint sure about life so you have to ask God for help” “you have got to got God on your side”.

2.12.5 Recommendations As expected, recommendations from this vulnerable group focused on employment opportunities accompanied by changes in infrastructure and education, as well as vocational training and counseling programmes. Included were 84


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         

a national task force in response to poverty decentralisation of government services and accessible community-based programmes for young people greater support from government to NGO programmes for young persons dissemination of information concerning programmes for young people simplification of application procedures, reduced “red tape”, equality of opportunity and the elimination of discrimination at government agencies opportunities and resources for small business development skills-training programmes increase in social and psychological counseling services expanded day-care center provisions improved public understanding and attitudes towards young people

2.12.6 Case Studies Case Study No. 1 Merlene is 27 years old and lives with her young son in a shanty with no electricity or water, squatting on government-owned land. The area in which she lives, she describes as dangerous with regular shootings and police raids. Her major fear is that, because she is squatting, government may “break down my home or force us to move”. Merlene left secondary school to train as a beauty therapist and works “on and off” when she has hair and nail appointments, and does “odd jobs”. She was employed previously at a store in town but the owner “want you to do all sorts of things to keep the job”, so she quit. A government job that involved weeding was temporary. Since then her savings have been depleted. She claims discrimination on the part of potential employers as a result of her place of residence: “when you apply for a job and people hear you living in a shanty in the Pine, they would discriminate before the interview”. Merlene and her mother applied to the Welfare Department, but were unsuccessful. She describes the experience negatively: “the process was very degrading. The questions they asked and the way they ask make you have to lower your standards. They even ask if you have sex, with whom and how many times. I know of other people who went to welfare and they had the same treatment”. She spends her time at home or at her mother’s house where she has access to a fridge, hot water and meals: “if they have enough to share”. She suffers from asthma, drinks occasionally and smokes – “prefer not to say what”. Some days she “goes hungry”, or has “one meal a day which could be just a pack of biscuit and a cup of tea”. Merlene explains that she “just has to make do with what is there … all I can do is dream of a better live and hope that the dreams come true”. Case Study No. 2 Ryan is 24 and left school when he was 13 years of age. As he explains: “parents were asked to meet with school officials after I failed the end of term exams. No one went and the school refused to take me back.” He subsequently trained as a mason, but added: “education is no longer on my mind at this stage”.

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Ryan and his brother live with his aunt and uncle in a house owned by his mother. He did not mention his mother, but as an outside child, spoke angrily and with expletives about his father who lives with his wife and their children: “we cannot get along and I hate that man. He never gave me anything, he don’t care about me, he dead to me”. He reported that he and his brother “always fight, we even fought last night”. Of his family he says: “They treat me like a fucking dog. You know what I mean? I would kill all of them. They just don’t like me. I get treat so all my life”. He earns a living selling DVDs and “hustling for whatever I can get”, and spends his time “being bored, and smoking weed the whole day and freaking out [high]”. He claims to be in good health, but has experienced several injuries as a result of fighting. He uses both alcohol and drugs because “it makes me feel good and helps with the stress I go through”. When asked if he would describe himself as poor, Ryan answered: “No, I am more than poor I do not have anything – no job, no proper place to live, no money, no nothing”. He hopes to find a job, somewhere to live and to leave the house and area in which he resides.

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3.

Summary and Analysis

3.1.

Ideas and Perceptions of Poverty

3.1.1 ‘Poor’ and ‘poverty’ Persons from vulnerable groups who participated in the PPA research, whether as select informants, focus group participants or case study interviewees, presented a distinction between being ‘poor’ and living in ‘poverty’. They rejected the label ‘poverty’ for themselves, but identified with being ‘poor’. Poverty, they claimed, meant destitution and “having nothing” – that is, being without financial resources, lacking basic necessities such as food, shelter, clothing and education, and experiencing ill health and hunger. Psychological dimensions of helplessness, depression and loss of self-respect were elements of their notion of poverty. Persons living in poverty were also perceived to be ‘at risk’ and their situations unpredictable – “they don’t know where their next meal will come from or what tomorrow will bring”. The combined effect of being dependent on others, but without aid and assistance was also mentioned. Informants contrasted their own conditions with the visual images of poverty and disaster in other countries of the world where, they implied, there was no hope, no choice and no escape. Most informants associated themselves with being ‘poor’, meaning that they were able to access basic needs, including food and accommodation, and health, education and welfare services. They did not see themselves or their communities as vulnerable to the devastation of natural disasters. They also indicated that they have some, albeit limited, choices in life at the same time as they acknowledged negative psychological causes and effects of being poor. Many, though not, all lived in hope that their lives would improve. The Rastafarian group questioned the concepts of ‘poverty’ and being ‘poor’, preferring to talk instead about the process of “impoverishment” that, they felt, would reflect a history of black dispossession and economic disenfranchisement. They and the unemployed youth also associated poverty with race, claiming that to be black in Barbados is to be poor.

3.1.2 Denial, Shame and Visibility of Poverty Some informants were also uncomfortable associating themselves with the notion of being ‘poor’, preferring instead to comment, as did the elderly, on “bad times” or their “struggle to make ends meet”. Rastafarians claimed they had consciously rejected the materialist living of mainstream society and elected to be wealthy in spirit. Informants juxtaposed the “shame” and embarrassment associated with poverty with the qualities of “pride”, “self respect” and “dignity”. These qualities were seen as traditionally Barbadian and were evident in the lengths to which persons would go to conceal their poverty from public view. As one informant put it: “there is poverty you do not see … you would be shocked to see the poverty inside the house. Some people haven’t eaten for weeks”. Various strategies were adopted to conceal poverty, such as holding one’s head high in public, laundering and wearing the same clothing on a daily basis, denying outsiders access to one’s home and, according to one informant: “rubbing lard oil on your lips to make it look like you just eat a pork chop”. Among the homeless, there were said to be those who dress up and mingle in public thereby hiding their homelessness. Pride and shame were also said to prevent persons, the elderly in particular and some persons with disabilities, from applying for financial and other 87


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assistance, and hungry children from accepting food from their friends at school. Informants were critical of donor agencies and individuals that extract maximum media publicity when they provide support for persons in need and insisted that they should be more discrete. Self-respect in the context of poverty was, however, identified more with the past than present-day Barbadian society; more with the elderly and women than unemployed youth, young men in particular, of whom it was said: “they don’t care”. Notwithstanding these efforts at concealment, poverty in Barbados was perceived to be immediately and highly visible, particularly in dress and physical appearance, and therefore, difficult to hide. Children were most vocal and adept at identifying the signs and symptoms of poverty in other children. They mentioned untidiness, uncleanliness, worn clothing, unkempt hair, as well as “smell”, “ugliness” and “nastiness”. Poor children, they stated, are also known to depend on public transportation or walk to school and have, therefore, to be early risers.

3.2.

Characteristics of Poverty

The two principal indicators of poverty in Barbados, according to the informants in the PPA/VG, are the absence of monetary income and the lack of family support. Persons who are poor are unemployed or engaged in menial, temporary, insecure labour; or dependent on pensions and other benefits. Menial employment was, in turn, associated with low education and the absence of qualifications and vocational skills. Their conditions of poverty are exacerbated by dependency on family and official social services. The poor were said often to be without family support for various reasons including family poverty, neglect or rejection. Government, NGOs and other agencies do not fill the gap in services and support. Poverty was also associated with a range of social and psychological indicators:          

irregular school attendance, poor performance, and early school leaving homelessness, or poor and insecure housing conditions residence in communities with poor reputations exclusion from legal and police protection ill health, poor diets and hunger drug and alcohol dependency exposure to family conflict, abuse and violence social isolation from family and community emotional depression, helplessness powerlessness and the denial of human rights.

Social exclusion is both a cause and an effect of poverty. The exclusion of persons in vulnerable groups from education, health and other services, reinforces poverty, while poverty in turn generates social exclusion. Isolation from their families also had a significant affect on the quality of life of persons in vulnerable groups. Stigma and discrimination persists and was closely correlated with social and familial exclusion. This was most evident among MSM/G, PLHIV, sex workers, ex-prisoners, the homeless and migrants, but residual effects continue to impact other vulnerable groups including the elderly, persons with disabilities, Rastafarians and unemployed youth.

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3.3.

Material and Social Change

Informants, especially those among the Rastafarian and unemployed youth groups, expressed their concern about persistent social and racial inequality in Barbados and what they perceived to be a widening gap between those that have and those without. They spoke strongly about marginalisation, discrimination and the lack of opportunities for persons in their groups. They also presented the stereotypical view that, in comparison with East Indians who are “always looking out for each other”, “there is no unity among the blacks … we do not have that love for each other”. Informants from virtually all of the vulnerable groups agreed that poverty had increasingly become an issue for public attention in Barbados and that the official response from government, NGOs and other agencies had markedly enhanced their material conditions of living and their well-being. Only a minority claimed that government continues to ignore poverty and politicians “just drive along the highway, don’t check the back streets”, although anti-government sentiments and negative views of politicians were more strongly expressed in the PPA/COMM. An expansion in government provisions was acknowledged and a wide range of benefits and services mentioned – financial in the form of pensions and other allowances; services in health, education, skills-training and home-based care; and in-kind allocations in the form, for example, of food vouchers and school meals and educational supplies. Specialist services in the public and private sector for children, for persons with disabilities – adults and children, for unemployed youth and for PLHIV were highlighted. Vulnerable group members and professional social service providers alike expressed concern that assistance in the form of charity and handouts should be kept to a minimum – for example, government should not be paying utility bills – and that poverty was best tackled by providing educational and employment opportunities so that people could remain independent and provide for themselves. Private sector and NGO interventions were less well known and their contributions were described as small-scale, in-kind, irregular, and targeted to specific social groups. Provisions and services over recent generations were perceived to be most extensive in response to the material conditions of children, of persons living with disabilities, and of the elderly. By contrast, informants from poor and welfare households tended to report a worsening situation as regards provisions for their poverty and welfare needs. And Rastafarians were perceived to be consciously refusing to access services, including mainstream education and child development programmes, immunization and other health services. Also noted was the impact of the recession particularly as regards a decline in employment including opportunities for “odd jobs”, and increases in the cost of living including especially the price of basic needs. Echoing the findings of the SLC were predictions of a worsening situation as a result of the current economic crisis. Members of vulnerable groups also expressed criticism based on their perceptions of nonresponse on the part of government: “it will get worse because nobody is coming up with a plan that will be effective for the next year or two years … no long terms solutions. I do not think that government is taking this seriously … they should use better strategies”. Persistent gaps in service provision were also identified. Certain vulnerable groups such as sex workers, ex-prisoners, the homeless and migrant populations were seen to fall outside the reach of health, social and educational provisions and services. The result is that many persons in vulnerable groups living in poverty continue to depend heavily on their families, from whom care and support was not always adequate or consistent, or may not exist at all. 89


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Informants also made reference to their lived environments. While little change in the physical environment was noted, apart from increased vehicular traffic, informants emphasized significant deterioration in the social environment, in their communities and the wider society, that placed persons in vulnerable groups at greater risk, especially children and the elderly. Police harassment was a concern for Rastafarians, some migrants and unemployed youth. The fragmentation of families and communities and a consequent decline in support was mentioned, but also noted were the poverty and burdens of family members with the result that they have less to give or share. In this regard, a decline in remittances from abroad was mentioned and also a reduced capacity for family members to assume roles as care-givers. Migration was generally seen as a consequence of poverty and to have negative effects on families and individuals. For some, children and the elderly in particular, personal deprivation is embedded in family poverty. Social isolation from family and friends was most evident among the more stigmatized vulnerable groups including ex-prisoners, the homeless, sex workers, migrants and MSM/G. Some evidence of improved family tolerance and support for PLHIV was reported, less for the MSM/G population. Social exclusion was perceived to have declined for some groups – persons with disabilities and the elderly in particular. However, persistent stigma and discrimination enforced social exclusion among other vulnerable groups, including MSM/G, PLHIV, sex workers, ex- prisoners, unemployed youth and migrants – especially those with visible East Indian origins. MSM/G reported a public response that reduces their identity to their sexuality, thereby denying their status as human beings. A reduction in stigma was reported by Rastafarians, though as a community, they have opted for a degree of self exclusion from mainstream society. Migrants, struggling to legalise their status, survive on the margins of society – excluded from social services, socially isolated from family and friends, and at risk of harassment, exploitation and deportation. The vulnerable groups selected for this assessment were not homogeneous; some persons were more exposed to poverty and social exclusion than others. At greater risk among children were those with disabilities and those with migrant parents; among migrants, those who are in Barbados without legal status; among persons with disabilities, those who are physically incapacitated; among sex workers, those who work from the streets. The homeless range from those described as “vagrants” who are “unclean and beg” to those who look after themselves, dress well and mix in public. Some members of vulnerable groups suffer dual stigma and double discrimination as a result, for example, of being both gay and living with HIV, being a sex worker and a migrant, being elderly and physically challenged.

3.4.

Causes of Poverty and Social/Familial Exclusion

Unemployment and financial constraint were the major causes of poverty among vulnerable groups. The sudden loss of a job, the death, migration or imprisonment of a main breadwinner could plunge a household and family in to poverty, as also indicated in the MESA, as could a large unexpected expense, such as a funeral. It was also rare for vulnerable group members to have full-time, permanent, secure, reasonably paid employment. The SLC points out that, although the majority expressed a willingness to work, only 46% of the non-indigent poor were working compared with 65% of the non-poor, that the main reason for working only part-time was because only this type of employment was available. Among the unemployed, 77% were not working because no employment was available. Among those in the vulnerable groups, even persons who were regularly employed, also engaged in work on the side to make ends meet. Multiple sources of income and the involvement in “odd jobs” were mentioned 90


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frequently. Included were gardening, weeding, cleaning, catering, babysitting, making and selling craft items, cleaning cars, collecting plastic bottles for recycling, and construction work. Informants lamented the lack of start-up funding to establish small businesses. Children reported earning money in weekend and holiday jobs and Rastafarians were involved in farming and producing leather and other craft items for sale. They claimed to have exchanged the search for material wealth for spiritual well-being. Sex work was described as a last resort, but was reported to occur among women and men in several of the vulnerable groups, who would not describe themselves as sex workers, but found themselves in desperate circumstances. Those physically able members of vulnerable groups were actively and continuously seeking out employment opportunities. All were adamant that independent living through income generation was preferable to relying on handouts and assistance. Migrants agreed that job opportunities were more favourable than in their own home countries and arrived in Barbados with a positive work ethic. They were adept at finding employment opportunities, even the most menial, and prided themselves on the quality of their work at lower cost. Most of the elderly depended heavily on their pensions, but they too sought supplementary income. Persons with disabilities lamented the lack of employment opportunities tailored to their special needs. Children expressed a desire for job opportunities during weekends and summer holidays. The employment environment, however, was not perceived to be providing equal and fair opportunities. Job scarcity was seen to generate conditions that facilitate exploitation and discrimination by employers. Informants reported that potential employers were more receptive and sympathetic to women from vulnerable groups than to men, especially ex-prisoners and migrants. Reported by women, though, were demands from employers for sex as a condition for employment. Persons in highly stigmatized vulnerable groups, including PLHIV and MSM/G, reported being dismissed from their jobs once their statuses had been discovered and exposed. Migrants, illegal migrants in particular, spoke of their experiences of high levels of exploitation as a source of cheap labour. Correlated with unemployment were low levels of education and vocational skills. Among unemployed youth, many were said to have dropped out of school early and without qualifications, while persons with disabilities continue to be excluded from mainstream education. Confirming the findings of the SLC and PPA/COMM, members of vulnerable groups reported few sources of income other than employment. Remittances from family members abroad were mentioned, but the amounts received were irregular and minimal – enough only to “help pay a bill”, reduced as a result of the recession, and insufficient to provide a gateway out of poverty. For women, child support constituted a source of income, but was irregular and not worth the embarrassment and effort of going through the courts. The high “cost of living” was frequently mentioned as contributing to poverty. Informants reported that, in general and specifically as a result of the recession, the costs of basic necessities of food and accommodation were escalating. As a result persons, already living in poverty, were less likely to be able to make ends meet. Informants coupled high costs with misguided spending patterns, on fashion and leisure activities, rather than investments for the future in education, nutrition and housing. But while they noted a live-now-pay-later orientation as contributing to poverty, few associated this with their own income disposal patterns, claiming that they lived from hand to mouth. The elderly, for example, were seen to survive from one pension cheque to the next. This meant that persons in vulnerable groups had 91


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little flexibility in spending and also low levels of savings. They claimed either to have no income left over to save, or to have exhausted their savings as they fell on hard times. They also had little to sell. The elderly in possession of family jewelry and other valuable objects expressed reluctance towards disposing of these sentimental items. From a gender perspective, women were perceived to managing what money they have more efficiently than men. However, women’s financial commitments as mothers, often with sole responsibility for several children, were seen as more pressing than those of men. Migrants, including migrant female sex workers, were more adept at cutting down on their expenses so as to save and fulfill their obligations to remit money to their children and relatives at home.

3.5.

Social Exclusion; Stigma and Discrimination

Members of vulnerable groups are objects of social exclusion in Barbados as a result of stigma and discrimination, a situation that increases their vulnerability to poverty. Distinctions were reported in this regard between different vulnerable groups and also within these groups. At one extreme, children experienced little stigma or discrimination and minimal social exclusion. Parents value education as an escape route from poverty and virtually all children benefit from comprehensive public education as well as health services, and are involved in social activities with their families including low cost activities in open spaces such as the beach. At the other extreme are Rastafarians who practice self-imposed exclusion from mainstream society – from Babylon. Their children were said to be at risk of social exclusion from school and special developmental programmes for children with disabilities, and from health facilities, especially for immunization. Children with disabilities were acknowledged to be increasingly catered for in specialist educational and developmental centers. However, mainstreaming was said to be minimal and places limited. Children in the age groups under 5 and over 11 years were most marginalized. Public perceptions of the elderly and persons with disabilities as incapacitated continue to fuel stigma and social exclusion – the former reporting perceptions of their “has been” status. Among persons with disabilities, those less mobile were excluded from physical access to banks and other public buildings, as a result of transport problems and also the absence of ramps and railings. Persons with disabilities are also stereotyped as asexual – without sexual needs or rights – and with neither the need nor the capacity for intimate relationships. However, as a result of public education and sensitization, some indication of a decline in overt discrimination was reported from representatives of vulnerable groups. Included were persons with disabilities, the elderly, and Rastafarians towards whom stigmatisation persists, but more subtly than in the past. Persons with disabilities reported being invisible, ignored and bypassed by service providers, while members of the public, albeit a minority, continue to see their disability as infectious and so avoid physical contact. At the other extreme, verbal assaults from members of the public were the experience of members of the most stigmatized vulnerable groups including ex-prisoners, migrants, the homeless, PLHIV, sex workers and MSM/G. They reported public jeering with labels such as “jailbirds”, “foreigners”, “vagrants”, “bullers” and “whores”. Rastafarians spoke of improvements in the public attitude and response, but claimed that some persons still saw them as “aliens” and “underdogs”. Sex workers and MSM/G are associated in the public mind with HIV infection which strengthens stigma and discrimination against them, though mention was also made of a growing public understanding that HIV is not a “gay disease”. Stigma induces the denial of HIV status and the consequent non-access to testing, treatment and care, driving the epidemic underground. Those PLHIV who do access treatment, 92


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go to great lengths to do so in secret and to conceal their status at church and in their communities, though generally their families are aware. The homeless, unemployed youth and Rastafarians spoke of police harassment. All referred to unprovoked stop, search and interrogate experiences. And migrants reported harassment, restrictions and poor treatment by immigration officials. They also experienced unexpected levels of stigma and discrimination, especially those of East Indian origin, and spoke of self-imposed social isolation, assuming a low profile and changing their accents to hide nationality. Sex workers and migrants avoided reporting robberies and violence to the police and were generally without police protection. Illegal migrants reported social exclusion from health services and some were said to keep their children from school. In general, informants spoke of a spatial dimension to poverty in that certain places, such as restaurants, were seen as off limits to the poor. They tend to socialise only within their own group. Those perceived to be responsible for their own vulnerable situation continued to be at the high end of public stigmatization, including PLHIV, MSM/G, ex-prisoners and the homeless. Among those living with HIV, men were more heavily stigmatized than women due to the assumption that it is men that infect women, not the other way round. However, informants reported that stigma was not as overt and strong as in earlier days following the recognition that, as one informant put it, “anyone can become infected”. The stigmatisation of the MSM/G population continues to be high, reinforced by the assumption on the part of members of the public that they can choose to change their sexual orientation and are refusing to do so, and also by an association between homosexuality and pedophilia (CADRES 2004, 14-15). A social environment hostile to ex-prisoners creates a cycle of recidivism and reincarceration. Incidents were recalled in which they committed crimes in order to return to prison where the basic needs of food and shelter were provided. Among the homeless, men were perceived to be at fault for neglecting their families in the past and becoming dependent on drugs and alcohol. Migrants described Barbadian society as unwelcoming and unsupportive, “conservative” and “closed”, though not all experiences were negative. Exceptions were mentioned in their interactions with younger persons and those who had themselves migrated. However, migrant women were stereotyped as sex workers and recent media publicity was said to have worsened the prejudice against migrants – there is little public sympathy for poverty and social exclusion among them. Social exclusion was also attributed to problems of physical immobility and transportation, especially for persons with disabilities and the elderly who are physical incapacitated. The mobile unit for persons with disabilities was said to be generally unavailable. Others take advantage of free public transport, but they complained of long waits at bus stops and “too much hassle”. They stated that they used taxis sparingly and only when necessary and were reluctant to ask neighbours for favours.

3.6.

Dependence on family

Vulnerable group members often depend heavily on their families and families, in turn, were seen to be critical in making a difference to their quality of life – material, social and psychological. The elderly placed great value on the love and company provided by family, more so than material support. Women in poor and welfare households identified family assistance as critical especially in the car e and suppor t of childr en, the elder ly, p er sons with disabilities and fa mily memb er s who wer e inf ir m or unwell . Professionals pointed to family support as a prerequisite for subsequent efforts on the part of vulnerable individuals to improve their own lives. Dependence on family support was most apparent among children, persons with disabilities and the elderly. Others, such as 93


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unemployed young persons, PLHIV and MSM/G, also relied on family affection and support, even though they were seen to have a greater capacity for self-care and independent living. The relationships between vulnerable group members and their families varied widely, from strong and comprehensive care and support to outright rejection and ostracism. Children were generally accommodated and taken care of within their families; where parents had migrated or were otherwise incapacitated, women of the extended family assumed this responsibility. Informants explained that, though adults may be denied accommodation and care by family and friends, a child would rarely be refused. The situation among the elderly and persons with disabilities varied with social isolation being most evident among those who are physically challenged and live alone – some were said to interact only with the government care-giver on a daily basis. Others are well integrated into their families and communities. But even they, though receiving some assistance from family, were intent on preserving their independence in their own homes for as long as possible. The reasons for this diversity relate to variations in family poverty, stigma in families and family conflict. In these situations, the support provided by families depended largely on the level of family poverty and availability of resources. The poverty of children and other dependent members was deeply embedded in family poverty. On the other hand, among the elderly in poor households were those whose pensions were stretched to support other members of their families. The elderly also provided accommodation for their adult children who moved back in to the family home as a result of poverty, in the process reversing the cultural norms of intergenerational family support whereby adult children are expected to support their aging parents. Migrants spoke of social isolation, having left their families and friends in their home countries, and a reluctance to visit them for fear of immigration problems on their return. Others have established families in Barbados and are less isolated. Rastafarians indicated that many of them were rejected by their parents and siblings when they adopted the faith, but formed their own families within the community. Family poverty was associated with specific household structures including single parent households containing three generations and several children; single person homes, in particular elderly persons living alone; and households of migrants or ex-prisoners. However, professional informants were unaware of the existence of sibling households comprised of children under the age of 16 in Barbados. Perceived as a persistent intergenerational cycle and most evident in the vulnerable group poor and welfare households, family poverty was attributed to the causal interconnections between early school leaving, teenage pregnancy, multiple children, unstable conjugal relationships, absentee fathers and single mothers, and female headed households. Some resistance to birth control was reported among Rastafarians, but not seen as common in the general population, although, as reported in the SLC and confirmed in the PPA/VG, there was evidence of high numbers of children in households being associated with poverty. The survival strategy among women of repeated child-bearing as a gateway to income from men as fathers was identified as an option, but generally associated with past generations. Where this continued to exist, it was generally acknowledged as a short-term strategy for survival in the context of dire poverty, but one bound to fail in the long term and thus t o reinforce intergenerational poverty. Although some informants spoke of receiving care and support from friends and neighbours, it was extended family support that was critical in this regard and essential to alleviating pover ty . However, such support for vulnerable persons was seen to have declined over r ecent generations. The absence of support for mothers combined with poor parenting skills to render young 94


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children vulnerable. Parental stress and frustration may lead to the physical abuse of children and also neglect when, for example, young children are left at home alone while their mothers are at work. And the physical or mental illness of a parent causes child and family impoverishment. Empathy was expressed for families and individuals, women in particular, who assume the burden of care and support for dependent family members. They were generally seen to be doing what they could, but were themselves struggling in poverty and often also suffering with their own physical incapacities. Informants called for public support and assistance for family care-givers especially those responsible for severely disabled children and infirm elderly persons. Those suffering the highest levels of stigma in the wider society generally also experienced stigma within their families. For PLHIV and MSM/G, family ostracism was reported to be severe and often quite sudden as their HIV status or sexual orientation was revealed. However, stigma reduction and improvements in family tolerance, care and support for PLHIV were noted. Though some migrants had married and formed families locally, many were without family members in Barbados. They were in frequent contact with children, spouses and parents back home, and also formed bonds with other migrants of the same nationality in Barbados. Most socially isolated for fear of being exposed and deported were illegal migrants whose status in Barbados had not been regularized. Ex-prisoners as well as deportees were unlikely to be reintegrated into their families and many joined the ranks of the homeless. Social isolation was also attributed to family conflict correlating with violence against individuals from vulnerable groups, but also with a lack of knowledge of their condition. At its mildest, the elderly and persons with disabilities reported concern with misguided care received from family members who, though well intentioned, lacked a knowledge and understanding of disability and the aging process. The result was either neglect or the reinforcement of dependency – “they want to do everything for you”. Children with disabilities were said to be neglected relative to their more able-bodied siblings and those “left behind” by migrant parents were at greater risk of neglect and abuse. Verbal abuse including “scorn” and belittling was commonly reported by many in vulnerable groups. They also reported avoidance, neglect and inconsistent care by families. They interpreted their dependency, especially dependency as a result of moving in with family members, as generating vulnerability to caregivers who exercised control in abusive ways and who might appropriate their pensions and other benefits. For members of vulnerable groups, their status as dependents was perceived to be a drain on family resources and they bore the brunt of family frustration and resentment. Though violence was not seen to be exclusively confined to poor families, reports were frequent. Vulnerable members – women, children, the elderly and persons with disabilities – were specifically identified as the main targets of intra-family violence. Children were seen to bear the brunt of family stress and resentment expressed as abuse. Unemployed youth claimed that their present circumstances and relationships with their families dated back to family conflict and violence experienced in childhood and there was anecdotal evidence to the effect that this was also the case among ex-prisoners and the homeless. Physical and sexual violence, in particular, were seen as most damaging, having deep and lasting psychological effects and leading to homelessness. Sex workers reported abuse and violence from their spouses and partners. Rastafarians, however, denied that violence occurred in their families, though they admitted that family solidarity and support had declined in recent years. 95


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Gender distinctions in family support as well as violence were noted. Female members of families were said to be more tolerant of diverse sexual orientation and HIV status, especially in their sons, though some personal experiences contradicted this generalization. Age and gender distinctions correlated in the suggestion that mothers were more supportive of their girl children when young, but lavish care and attention on their sons when they reach adulthood. Paradoxically, the support of mothers was said to reinforce the joblessness and dependency among unemployed youth. Though both boys and girls were perceived to be vulnerable to physical abuse, sexual abuse was perceived to target girls and penalties for pregnancy were severe, while the males involved got off lightly. The view that poor women are provided for by men, not the other way round, and that these women seek out men for their money was expressed, especially by unemployed young men. Women were also said to be more embedded in supportive family networks and to receive care and support from their adult children, while men were reported to be more disconnected and isolated from their families, especially from their children. Among the elderly, men are less likely to have made preparations for old age. Female ex-prisoners are more easily reintegrated into their families and homelessness and destitution was significantly more prevalent among men. Within the PLHIV and MSM/G groups, stigma and rejection was more prevalent towards male members. Men, rather than women, were perceived to have families who want nothing to do with them and to “blank them out”. On the other hand and importantly, within families, women and girls were much more likely to be the targets of abuse and violence and to carry the greater burden of family care and support, particularly in relation to children, the elderly and family members with disabilities. Communities in Barbados were generally perceived as less caring and supportive than in past generations, a finding confirmed in the PPA/COMM. Previously, according to vulnerable group members, residents “looked out” for each other and protected the vulnerable – especially children, the elderly and persons with disabilities. Social interaction, shared child care within communities and the distribution and sharing of agricultural produce, cooked food and other basic needs were less prevalent today. Even the Rastafarians reported that their communities were not as “close-knit” as in the past. Informants also noted a decline in volunteerism in communities, a disconnect between the generations, and the “abandonment” of the elderly. These characteristics were attributed to residential instability – the out-migration of families and the influx of strangers, in this regard echoing the findings of the PPA/COMM. Specific vulnerable groups including ex-prisoners, PLHIV and MSM/G, were more socially isolated in some of their communities, unlikely to receive community support, and targeted by stigma and abuse. In terms of security and safety, some communities were also perceived to have deteriorated into “ghettos”. While some expressed increasing fears of crime and violence, as also reported in the SLC, most informants felt safe in their communities. However, they abhorred the rise in violence and crime – including armed robberies, drug and alcohol use, “prostitution” and “cursing”, vehicular traffic and predators that placed vulnerable residents at risk, as did the informants in the PPA/COMM. Children reported hearing verbal abuse and seeing acts of extreme violence in their homes and communities. Most of the elderly felt safe in their communities, though some expressed concern and a few reported being robbed, though not hurt in the process. One or two among the elderly responded by recounting the benefits of residential care as against community living. Migrants and ex-prisoners mentioned their fear

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of police patrols and raids in communities. Rastafarians and unemployed youth expressed concern about police harassment and some children revealed their distrust and avoidance of the police. However, variations between communities were reported. The elderly and women of poor and welfare households recalled the care, assistance and support within their neighbourhoods, including those among the poorest and with the lowest reputations. Neighbours and the “boys on the block” provided protection and company for them and their children. The downside was that residence in these areas generates stigma and rejection in the wider society, especially in job applications and other formal situations, a finding that resonates with the PPA/COMM. Persons living in these communities, the unemployed youth in particular, mentioned the lack of influential, inter-personal contacts as a drawback in applications for training and employment. However, migrants reported Barbados to be a safer and more secure place to live than their own countries and Rastafarians claimed that they had built a strong sense of identity and community among themselves, though they bemoaned a decline in group unity.

3.7.

Effects of Poverty and Social/Familial Exclusion

The effects of unemployment and the absence of family and community support were many and complex. Included were homelessness, poor housing conditions and confinement to home, ill health, inadequate nutrition, drug and alcohol abuse, and a range of psychological problems. Homelessness in Barbados was estimated to be on the increase with an estimated 350 persons homeless. Most are men, including elderly men, though there are some women, but no children were counted among them. The recent influx of deportees has added to their number. Homelessness was seen as the result of eviction from home by family members due, in turn, to the individual’s mental illness, drug and alcohol abuse, or theft, or to family conflict and violence. The unemployed youth also asserted that members of their group were evicted from home because they were not earning and contributing financially to their households. Some persons, among the elderly and migrants in particular, were said to have no family in Barbados to take them in. Migrants, especially those in Barbados illegally, are vulnerable to sudden eviction by landlords. The homeless either construct and squat in shanties – that is, basic shelters that are without electricity and water, unhealthy and targets for theft, and also under threat of dismantlement and removal by government authorities. Others “house hop” by finding temporary accommodation with friends, or sleep in old cars, abandoned buildings, on the beach or on the street. The direct effects of homelessness are ill health and an unkempt, unclean appearance that reinforce unemployment and social exclusion. Poverty and social exclusion are also evident in poor housing conditions. The housing shortage in Barbados contributes to high rental costs, and exploitation by landlords results in families doubling up and migrants sharing overcrowded accommodation in appalling and unsanitary conditions. The issue of exploitation by landlords has been officially acknowledged: “Because of the acute shortage of houses, some landlords are exploiting tenants. Many of the rooms being rented are in very poor condition and are even being rented in time slots – those who work at night rent space for the day and those who work during the day rent the same space for nighttime” (Barbados, Ministry of Housing and Lands 2006:17). Moving in with family members was generally perceived as a last resort strategy, especially among the elderly and persons with disabilities. They stated a preference to live independently and to 97


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protect their furniture and possessions, even in the most dilapidated of homes. Family disputes and the absence of clear legal titles and documentation were, however, said to deprive the elderly of their own homes. Even children cautioned that living with extended family member could be a disadvantage; that an aunt was not the same as a mother. Persons with disabilities also confront problems of physical mobility when their homes are without ramps and rails. Ill health and inadequate nutrition were especially apparent among the poor and socially excluded. For the elderly and persons with disabilities, health and physical mobility make a huge difference in their lives, but ill health and incapacity were seen as chronic and permanent. Many of the elderly in Barbados are diabetic and have experienced amputations, severely affecting their physical mobility. Cutting back on expenditure by consuming inexpensive food items especially canned goods on sale and going without vegetables and fruits compounded the problems of ill health, leading to both under- and also over-weight. Hunger was mentioned by persons in most vulnerable groups, though not as a permanent, chronic condition. Persons revealed that they often went without meals, made food items stretch across several meals and were sometimes unsure of where their next meal was coming from. However, Rastafarians denied that they and their children were ill nourished or hungry, since they lived in agricultural communities where food was always plentiful. Informants’ narratives also revealed the difference made by persons in vulnerable groups by having a neighbour or other woman to cook for them. Poor nutrition was said to exacerbate the problems of ill health, including chronic disease and mental illness and, among persons living with HIV, to compromise their treatment, exposing them to other infections. Ill health was exacerbated by drug and alcohol dependency, a side- effect of coping with poor conditions of living. This was reported for the homeless and ex- prisoners. Sex workers spoke of their substance use and abuse in order to endure their work. They also admitted engaging in unprotected sex for higher remuneration and because the drugs and alcohol impaired their judgment. The psychological effects of poverty and social exclusion were many and varied. The elderly and persons with disabilities who were incapacitated and spent most of their time alone at home spoke of “loneliness” and young children reported “sadness” along with “loneliness” when their parents, teachers and friends stopped communicating and ignored them. Being alone lead to worry and exacerbated anxiety. Most vulnerable groups reported “depression” and “helplessness” as a result of dependency and being unable to care for themselves. They also spoke of low levels of motivation, low expectations and no sense of purpose. Professionals spoke of a “dependency syndrome” among many of the poor: “they do not want to work; they just want gimme, gimme, gimme”. At rock bottom are those that succumb and give up, refusing to engage in social activities when invited to do so. They were also said to have let themselves go and no longer care about their health and appearance; they have low self-worth and no self-respect. Many reported turning to alcohol and marijuana to deal with stress and pain. Self-stigma and self-blame were reported as prevalent within the most publicly stigmatized groups, PLHIV and MSM/G, occasionally resulting in suicidal tendencies. Sex workers also reported self-stigma, but generally indicated their refusal to give up and their hope for a brighter future when it was no longer necessary for them to engage in sex work. No significant gender distinction was identified in men’s and women’s experience of and response to poverty and social exclusion, though women were said to be more resilient.

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Informants were divided on the issue of acquiescence to poverty. While most argued that “no- one chooses to be poor”, there were others who echoed the comment: “some people just like being poor, they don’t look to move ahead. They are poor, they look poor and they will continue to be poor. It’s a syndrome they don’t want to change”. Whatever their emotional response to poverty, members of vulnerable groups continue to be relatively powerless and invisible in Barbadian society and denied a voice in their own affairs. Children are often silenced by their parents and families and denied participation in decision making on matters concerning their lives. The elderly were most articulate on this point as they spoke at length of being “the last to be considered”, “without a voice”, “having little value”, and “excluded from society”. They described themselves as “ostracized, pushed to one side”, as a “has been”, and without “the respect you deserve”. They, along with persons with disabilities, referred to being trapped in dependency. For vulnerable groups dependency meant being: “without life choices, in terms of what they wear, what they eat, where they go and when”. Among the most powerless in Barbadian society were ex-prisoners, sex workers and the homeless. Migrants, especially those without legal status, made sure to keep a low profile and stay clear of the police and other authority figures. Members of vulnerable groups reported that they had no recourse for situations of harassment and abuse. Their complaints to the police, courts and other authorities were not taken seriously and, they predicted, were likely to make the situation worse. They, therefore, tend to avoid these agencies for social protection. Women, including sex workers and heads of poor and welfare households, were said to be more submissive to ill treatment having nowhere to turn to. Men were more likely to retaliate, to meet violence with violence, as the experiences of the MSM/G and ex-prisoners showed. Such a reaction, however, was seen as more likely than not to further their troubles.

3.8.

Responses to Poverty

Finding employment was the major strategy in the response to poverty among vulnerable groups. Few informants were employed full-time in a job with remuneration that enabled them to meet their daily living expenses. As members of the “working poor”, referred to in the MESA, they were engaged in a continuous search for income generating opportunities in self-employment and doing “odd jobs” to “make a dollar bill”. Migrants were said to do “all kinds of jobs” to “earn a little, no matter how small”. Some persons in vulnerable groups though, face limitations in employment capacity, either because they are elderly; physically and mentally challenged as is the case with persons with disabilities; or unwell as in the case of PLHIV who suffer the side-effects of medication; or, like the women who head poor and welfare households, because they are fully occupied as care givers for young children and other dependents. Cutting back on expenditure was mentioned in tandem with employment as a coping strategy in the context of poverty. However some costs such as rents and utility bills are relatively fixed, though persons did unplug fridges and televisions, light candles and lanterns, and, for Rastafarians, “bathe in the spring”. While some could make savings on entertainment and beauty treatments, for others making ends meet involved cutting down on basic needs, including clothing by resorting to second hand garments, and more seriously, food. This included food for children, especially protein and vegetables, with consequent implications for diet and health. Also mentioned was withdrawing children from preschool a choice that would likely jeopardize their educational success later on. However, primary and secondary education was highly valued as an investment for social mobility and also for the meals 99


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provided at schools, as well as being mandated by law. Several informants provided detailed accounts on how they managed their money. Constantly in arrears on utility bills, they managed by astute prioritizing and partial payments to avoid disconnections. Strategies for survival, according to the findings of the PPA/COMM cross into hustling and underground economic activities in drug trafficking, gambling and sex work. Vulnerable group members resorted to begging and stealing as a coping mechanism, especially among the poorest such as the homeless and exprisoners. Mention was made of incidents in which children and persons with disabilities were taken by their families to evoke sympathy when applying for services or begging, though not as a commonplace occurrence. Illegal and pseudo-legal activities, such as hustling and drug trafficking were mentioned most by the unemployed youth who also spoke of “sponging off others”. One informant called attention to the use of persons with disabilities as drug runners by others more powerful. Children reported that they “ask people” for money and things, but saw this as their privilege as children, and claimed that it did not constitute begging. The elderly, persons with disabilities and Rastafarians, in particular, denied that they were involved in any of these activities, arguing as an elderly woman did, that there are “some things we would not do”, that they would “prefer to do without” than sink to these levels, and would “make do” with what they have. As regards a gender dimension, women, especially those more mature and with children, were seen to be more inclined to find productive, legally sanctioned ways of making money; men to avoid responsibility, lime on the block and engage in these practices. Engaging in transactional sex, or “sex for money”, was also mentioned as a survival strategy by members of vulnerable groups, other than sex workers. Most frequent mention was by women in poor and welfare households, MSM/G and PLHIV, though all informants denied their own involvement. In referring to others in their groups, there was less condemnation and more an understanding of transactional sex as last resort strategy – “because they don’t have a choice” in the context of extreme poverty, in turn, the result of unemployment, social exclusion and stigma. Grave concern was expressed over the persistent prevalence of unsafe sex for higher remuneration, and the perception that adolescent girls were engaging in transactional sex. Marriages of convenience were mentioned, though infrequently, as a plan among female migrants in their attempts to regularize their status. Informants were strong in their insistence that independence and the desire to lead as normal a life as possible underpinned their strategies to improve their quality of life. A critical factor was remaining in one’s own home and to have one’s own financial resources. The elderly and persons with disabilities pointed out that independent living on their part functioned as a catalyst for other positive outcomes in their quality of life. Showing others that they were not helpless reduced stigma and the power of others to control their lives, and enabled them to maintain self- respect and dignity. Faith and prayer, especially among the elderly and among women more so than men, provided comfort and solace. As one informant summed up: “poor people pray more than anyone else”. Informants from all of the vulnerable groups declared that they “put their trust in God”, and that they were “poor but rich in God”. Ex-prisoners, many of whom were said to have been converted to Christianity while in jail, continued to find support in prayer. Rastafarians spoke of their own spirituality as overriding material comfort. On the one occasion that disillusionment was expressed by a woman in the poor and welfare

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households group, it was towards members of a particular church not living up to their promises, rather than representing a loss of faith on her part. Closely correlating with the independent orientation and the faith of vulnerable groups was psychological resilience. While, as mentioned, they referred to others in their situations who “give up” and “don’t care”, they spoke of the importance for themselves of maintaining an optimistic outlook on life in the face of poverty, social exclusion and social isolation – “putting on a brave face”, “holding your head high” and “making the best of life”. According to one informant: “poor is just a state of mind; it’s how you carry yourself, how you handle it … have to will yourself”. The elderly and persons with disabilities, in particular, spoke of disciplining their minds to prevent negative thoughts and anxiety. A strong attitude and spirit were evident among members of the MSM/G and PLHIV, especially those of the latter group who were committed to counseling and treatment. Migrants, although they expressed deep concern about high costs, menial employment, poor accommodation and social isolation, also referred to their spirit of endurance. Rastafarians claimed dignity and self-esteem, denied loneliness and spoke of warding off emotional problems and deriving spiritual strength by drumming and using marijuana. Parents, especially mothers in poor and welfare households, expressed the view that it was important to keep strong for the children and to hide one’s frustration and despair. In general, a gender distinction was noted in that women, especially mothers, were seen to be positive in their attitudes, while men were more inclined to drop out and give up. Reflecting their contrast between being ‘poor’ and living in ‘poverty’ without hope, members of vulnerable groups expressed the belief that life for them and their children would improve in the future. Even PLHIV and sex workers were intent on looking forward and not back to self-blame. Surviving poverty also meant maintaining dignity and self-respect and living according to traditional, high moral codes, most especially among the elderly. Group support was also important, but mainly informal. There was very little evidence of formal associations, rather members of vulnerable groups help each other out. Rastafarians, in particular, prided themselves on their community self-sufficiency, support and protection. Children revealed that they share snacks at school, try to make poorer children happy and help the slow ones with their school work. Their statements to this effect were endorsed by professionals. Unemployed young persons provide accommodation, child-care, company, advice and emotional support for each other. Migrants also assist each other in a range of different ways, by sharing food and accommodation and other basic needs, providing information on job opportunities and sources of basic needs for living. Sex workers provide some protection for each other and distribute condoms among themselves. Even the homeless were reported to provide protection and share what little they have. There was, however, also evidence of disunity within the vulnerable groups. Rastafarians regretted the decline in togetherness among themselves. Migrants are divided by nationality and also distance themselves from those who are illegal. MSM/G commented the provision of accommodation and emotional support for each other, but also spoke of stigma among themselves. As mentioned, families and communities also constituted social contexts for material support in sharing food and accommodation and occasionally, money; social support in providing company and solace; services primarily in the care of children in particular; and protection from abuse and violence. But informants lamented that extended family members had themselves become over- burdened with poverty and the exigencies of survival, but also that, as a result of growing materialism, individualism and 101


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“selfishness”, families and communities had become fragmented and did not function as they had in earlier generations. Government was the major source of assistance for persons in vulnerable groups. They spoke of taking full advantage of the range of services provided for poverty alleviation and well-being. In general, the financial and material assistance and social support service providers were seen to be more responsive to women than men. The elderly relied heavily on NIS pensions and a range of other supports including health, medication and free public transport, and most persons with disabilities were on benefits designed specifically for them. Children benefited greatly from free education and health services in public schools, clinics and the local hospital, and parents avidly sought out these services as well as the public library and other provisions. However, some persons in these groups fell through the cracks in the social service and social protection system, while those in other vulnerable groups were excluded. Persons with disabilities expressed appreciation for efforts on their behalf, but felt that more could be done to make life more comfortable, especially as regards physical mobility, transport and social activities. Migrants avoided public health and welfare services and some of their children were said not to be attending school despite entitlement. Illegal migrants, the homeless and ex-prisoners were among the most excluded from government services. Heavy criticism, however, echoed the complaints reported in the SLC and the PPA/COMM in relation to public health and welfare service provision. Comments focused on poor attitudes and treatment from social service staff and systemic problems in service delivery. Front line staff were described as: “obnoxious”, “cruel” and “dismissive”, and the experience as “humiliating”, “degrading”, “frustrating” and a “waste of time”. Complaints also related to long waiting periods, red tape, intrusive questioning, repeated reassessments, the lack of confidentiality, the “runaround” and, ultimately, nonresponsiveness. Informants commented: “you feel like you begging”, “you have your character defamed” and according to an adolescent girl, pregnant at the time, they “treat you like you’re a real little girl”. “Favouritism” was also perceived with the flip side of discrimination against those stigmatized members of particular vulnerable groups. Rastafarians, migrants and sex workers spoke of avoiding access to these services as a result. A male single parent complained of a gender bias in services that favours mothers over fathers. However, men were said to have more pride and were reluctant to ask for benefits, while women had a greater capacity for patience, tolerance and negotiation for benefits and services Professionals and members of the vulnerable groups also reported that social service staff was overwhelmed by the demand. They also complained that staff, albeit a minority, lacked training to respond to complex contemporary social problems, such as dementia and Alzheimers disease among the elderly. The level of criticism varied. The Welfare Department came in for strong condemnation from virtually all informants. Opinions varied however, concerning treatment at public health clinics. There was high praise for the services and treatment at the specialist HIV clinic, the Lady Meade Reference Unit, and some public health clinics where staff were described as professional, “loving”, “caring” and “understanding”. For children, schools were said to play a role beyond that of education as teachers and others provided meals and snacks, bathed and provided clean clothes for poor children. Several informants indicated that schools could, however, be more proactive in identifying problems of poverty and social exclusion and so facilitate early intervention. Special initiatives for children with disabilities were mentioned, though 102


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perceived to have long waiting lists and to be limited in their reach, especially for children among the poor and those between the ages of five and eleven years. Concern was expressed at the absence of policies and programmes for mainstreaming children with disabilities within the public education system. Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and private sector agencies were mentioned, but mainly as providing occasional, small scale, in-kind support. The Salvation Army received frequent mention and some social groups referred to specialist agencies such as BARP for the elderly, the YWCA Breakfast Club for children, and the Prison Fellowship for ex-prisoners. Many of the informants, however, were unaware of and not in contact with these agencies. As indicated also in the PPA/COMM, many communities lack CBOs and NGOs other than those relating to sporting activities. Mentioned also was reluctance on the part of vulnerable group members to join any social group or association for fear of further stigmatisation. Churches were seen to provide clothing and food, including hampers at Christmas, outings and social activities, and home visits for counseling and fellowship. But, as also reported in the PPA/COMM, churches were generally perceived to be less community oriented than in the past, to be biased towards women and families, and to extend services only to members of their own congregations – as one unemployed youth put it, “to the saved young people in church”, and another informant, to those in prison, rather than those who have been released. The church response to poverty and social exclusion varied from one vulnerable group to the next. Well embraced within the family focus and scope of church benefits were children, the elderly and persons with disabilities. Excluded were MSM/G, PLHIV and sex workers – that is, once their status as such was revealed. Informants in these groups indicated that they had attended church until their status became known was exposed to the congregation, after which stigma and discrimination drove them away. While sex workers were said to be deeply religious, they too avoided attending church for fear of stigma. Paradoxically, members of these vulnerable groups were strongly religious and depended more on their faith as a result of their conditions of poverty and social exclusion, but were stigmatized, condemned as immoral and excluded from the church.

3.9.

Advocacy and Action

The Institutional Assessment reported the virtual absence of training and encouragement among institutions in the assessment to build agency and advocacy among the social groups they cater for. Concomitantly, among the vulnerable groups themselves, there was very little evidence of a culture of advocacy for their rights and needs. Few have organized to take action on their own behalf. Persons with disabilities are the best organized among them and have mobilized government and private sector support. In this group also, the potential for advocacy was noted as informants expressed the desire for training and opportunities to assist others in their group and for an advocacy role: “to make sure no-one coming after would have to go through what I went through”. Though the elderly, the MSM/G, PLHIV and migrants from individual Caribbean countries have also developed formal associations, their reach and influence is limited. Rastafarians have put forward proposals to government for their own development, but expressed frustration at the lack of response to their requests. There is also growing evidence of adult advocacy on behalf of children, but few opportunities provided for children themselves to participate.

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4.

Causal Pathways and Entry Points for Poverty Alleviation

An assessment of poverty in Barbados reveals characteristics common to other small island developing states, notably others of the Caribbean region, but also unique features that require a more nuanced conceptualization of poverty. It was with this in mind that the PPA/VG expanded the traditional frame for poverty assessments based on economic, social investment, and spatial conceptualizations, to incorporate issues around social exclusion and human rights, and adopted an approach and methodology designed to capture these.

4.1.

Social Development Achievements

Barbados has done well as a small island developing state in maintaining political stability, economic viability and social investment – a development model that has kept poverty levels low. Critical to the Barbados model are social investment programmes that have provided basic health, education, housing and social protection with targeted safety nets for the poor and vulnerable. The importance of maintaining this comprehensive and integrated development package that promotes economic growth while simultaneously enhancing social development, cannot be overstated. The message is especially important as the present international economic crisis challenges this legacy and puts pressure on government to introduce cuts in public spending and other measures such as user-fees. Accentuating the potential impact on poverty levels of any downsizing in these provisions is the heavy dependence among the poor on government assistance in the form of pensions, welfare and other provisions, and the absence of alternative sources of support. But although Barbados scores high in terms of social provision, as is evident in the achievement in MDGs and HDI rankings, there are shortfalls in terms of quality and uptake. Specifically identified for special programmatic attention in the PPA/VG and other components of the Barbados CALC are:  

high numbers of children who drop out of school or leave without certification and the limited mainstreaming of children with disabilities, despite commendable enrolment rates; persons who are deterred from access to health care by bureaucratic inefficiency and discriminatory attitudes and practices, despite universal provision in country-wide public health clinics; persons who fall through the cracks of the welfare system and live in poverty, despite wide ranging financial, service and in-kind social protection provisions.

The development of an NGO sector is less advanced in Barbados than in many other Caribbean countries. This may be related to the comprehensive coverage and relative success of these public sector social development policies and programmes. Whatever the reason, the need to involve a range of civil society individuals and agencies – including the private sector, NGOs, CBOs, FBOs and service organizations, in fight against poverty and social exclusion has become critical in the contemporary context of economic crisis and governmental financial constraints. Of special importance in Barbados, is the encouragement of CBOs with a mandate to develop a community spirit for environmental self-improvement; for the enhancement of security and protection by collaborating with the police in the control of crime and violence; to monitor the welfare of vulnerable persons especially the elderly, women, adolescent girls, young children and persons living alone; and for the improvement of the public reputations of particular neighbourhoods. The newly established 104


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Constituency Councils might play a central coordinating role as the umbrella groups in facilitating such an initiative.

4.2. Extending the Analysis of Poverty: Family Support, Social Inclusion and Human Rights An innovative social dimension incorporated into the Barbados CALC through the PPA/VG was the focus on social exclusion and human rights. It has been conventional in poverty assessments to privilege economic, social investment and protection, and spatial conceptualizations. Poverty has accordingly, been perceived and measured as the gap between income and consumption in relation to basic needs and as dependent on employment and other income sources. Employment in turn, has been connected with education and training as evident in the qualifications, skills and experience of individuals. The need to reduce inflation and address the rising cost of living has been addressed, in particular by assessments of basic needs provisions in health, education and housing, along with food subsidies. From a spatial perspective, poverty has also been traditionally associated with specific geographical locations, with isolated rural communities and urban slum neighbourhoods in particular. However, as the SLC confirms, regional distinctions in the levels of poverty in Barbados are relatively insignificant. This can be attributed to small size and easily navigable terrain, as well as the legacy of political stability and good governance with social investments in basic health, education and welfare distributed across the country. In Barbados, the PPA/VG confirmed that income and employment, and the association with education and training, were critical factors in the identification of poverty, but by taking the causal analysis upstream as indicated in Figure 1, also revealed that these interconnections were complicated by a range of social factors. Thus, family support was identified by informants in tandem with employment as critical to poverty alleviation. In addition, access to sustainable employment that offered the means to a standard of living above poverty, as well as family support were closely associated with the absence of stigma and discrimination. In other words, employment and family support, both essential to poverty alleviation, were conditional on social acceptance and social inclusion. The recognition of the importance of family care and support in poverty alleviation leads to a more detailed, context specific and, in all probability, more effective set of priorities for poverty alleviation. The PPA/VG as well as other sections of the Barbados CALC, revealed the existence not only of families already immersed in poverty, but also those highly vulnerable to a sudden descent into poverty as a result of the death, incarceration or migration of the main or only breadwinner, or of a major unforeseen expense. Important, therefore, are interventions both to alleviate and prevent family poverty. Policy and programmatic attention might therefore, privilege direct cash transfers to poor households either on a regular or emergency basis, with mechanisms to ensure that these reach and benefit the most vulnerable in those households. Other interventions for Barbados should include strategies to relieve the burden of care such as the expansion of quality and low-cost day-care services with nutrition for young children, the elderly and other dependent family members, and more effective legal mechanisms to ensure child support. A well-thought out and sustainable family support package will generate positive spread-effects. Interventions should, for example, reduce the engagement in pseudo-legal and harmful survival strategies for income generation including drug trafficking, transactional sex, stealing and begging, all of which 105


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emerged in the PPA/VG as survival strategies among the poor in Barbados. Family support should also be designed to relieve the burden of care on women other family care-givers, a factor that emerged as a major contributor to the feminization of poverty in Barbados. As women are able to dovetail employment with their duties of care and enter the labour market on a more full-time basis, so they provide family income support and, in the process, ease the burden on the public purse, especially on welfare budgets. The ensuing economic autonomy for women will also reduce their financial dependence on men, and any residual tendency on their part to see child-bearing as a gateway to income support from children’s fathers, a strategy with the long-term effect of immersing families in a cycle of intergenerational poverty. Women’s economic independence has other positive spread effects by also impacting on conjugal relationships, generating greater gender equality and reducing exposure to domestic violence and abuse. Further research into the issue of women’s burden of care, along with economic dependency and genderbased violence, might well provide an explanation, at least in part, for the apparent paradox between female educational achievement relative to that of their male contemporaries, and their overrepresentation in the lower levels of the labour force. The PPA/VG exposed evidence of family dysfunction and violence, an indication of the urgency in addressing these issues with programmes to encourage conflict negotiation, to improve parenting practices, and to inform care-givers and family members on issues around child development, disability, aging, and HIV&AIDS. However, there was also clear evidence of families doing everything possible for vulnerable members, but that in the context of poverty, resources were stretched beyond the capacity to care and protect. The daily struggle for survival and ensuing exhaustion on the part of financial and care providers often compromises these efforts. Family support interventions might also improve the capacity for parents and other adults to protect their adolescent daughters against the temptations of early sexual initiation and transactional sexual practices for material benefit; to encourage their unattached sons, at risk of delinquency and a life of crime, to reenter society via vocational training and gainful employment; to better ensure the school attendance and educational advancement of their children; and to promote the safety, nutritional needs and psychological well-being of the elderly, younger children and other most vulnerable family members. Extending the analysis by moving closer to the root causes of poverty in Barbados also facilitated an understanding of the interconnections between poverty and social exclusion and the denial of human rights as a result of stigma and discrimination. Interventions to reduce stigma and discrimination and promote social inclusion among vulnerable groups must recognize that stigma, as demonstrated in Figure 2, varies in intensity according to a range of criteria – from age, sex and religion, to disability, to disease and migrant status, to perceived sexual immorality. Living in poverty itself, being highly visible, also attracts stigma; the poor live on the margins of society. Education, information and sensitization in antistigma campaigns must therefore avoid a one size fits all approach. Social inclusion initiatives should also recognize the ubiquitous nature of stigma and discrimination, operating as they do at institutional as well as interpersonal levels, in both private and public domains. Targeted approaches are required in the workplace in particular, as well as in job application procedures, to ensure equal treatment and the elimination of gender and social discrimination and sexual harassment, and to open up work opportunities for persons with disabilities and others vulnerable to poverty. In this, it is important to recognize the extent to which the scarcity of employment opportunities puts power into the hands of employers in relation to discriminatory and exploitative practices against their more powerless 106


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employees. As regards housing also, regulations and sanctions are required to eliminate exploitation in terms of poor conditions of accommodation and extortionate rentals that exacerbate poverty. Of particular concern is the need for systemic efficiency and improved attitudes and practices in health care services. Measures to reduce harassment and abuse, physical and verbal, in public spaces on the streets and in neighbourhoods are important. Critically also, particularly in view of the importance of family support as a cushion against poverty, are interventions to reduce neglect, ostracism, violence and eviction from home for members of vulnerable groups. All these interventions must be supported by mechanisms for reporting and sanctions, that encourage members of vulnerable groups to come forward without fear of further victimization and with the expectation of recourse. The capacity for advocacy and action among members of vulnerable groups is underdeveloped. In so far as it exists, it operates at informal and inter-personal levels, with little evidence of group organisation to improve their own well-being and protect their rights. The exception can be found in the persons living with disabilities group whose experience of organization, agency and action for social inclusion might be adopted as a best practice by other vulnerable groups, and also to some extent among the elderly and MSM/G. The PPA/VG analysis has clear implications for designing and prioritizing poverty alleviation interventions. Traditional economic and spatial conceptions of poverty tend to lead to recommendations for expanding employment opportunities accompanied by enhancements in education and skills training, and for targeting interventions in particular geographical locations and communities. A more extensive and intensive analysis of poverty subjects these approaches to interrogation by raising critical questions such as: how might the provision of employment (and training) opportunities to alleviate poverty be compromised, without attention to the burden of care among women poor households, and without attention to discrimination and harassment practices in the workplace on the basis of gender, nationality and sexual orientation? And, is the emphasis on comprehensive social provision in employment, education, health, housing and welfare sufficient to alleviate poverty where stigma and discrimination operate to deter access and comprehensive coverage? By adopting a frame for understanding poverty that expands on traditional economic, social provision and spatial paradigms by exploring the intersectionality of poverty, social exclusion, and familial isolation, the PPA/VG provides in-depth insights into the causal pathways of poverty and recommendations for the enhancement of social development in the unique context of Barbados. These measures recognize the intersections between stigma and discrimination, social exclusion and isolation from family and community on the one hand, and unemployment, homelessness and dependency, alcohol and drug misuse, and psychological withdrawal and helplessness, on the other, and how these ultimately, combine to intensify poverty. By extending the analysis of poverty upstream and identifying entry-points for social policy along this causal chain, Barbados can generate a strategic poverty alleviation model to reverse this downward spiral and in the process, a more preventive approach to poverty, as against the present reactive tendency. The model builds on the culture of resilience built up over the generations in Barbados – the desire for independence, self-respect and dignity as against dependency on public welfare, private donor agency hand-outs (with maximum publicity!) and inter-personal charity.

4.3.

Solutions and Recommendations

The specific recommendations for vulnerable groups outlined here are neither complete nor conclusive given the nature of this PPA/VG assessment exercise and its primary dependence on informant 107


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perceptions. However, they offer pointers as to where priorities for policy and programmatic interventions might lie and, in combination with recommendations from other sections of the Barbados Country Assessment of Living Conditions, should propose strategic directions and targeted interventions for poverty alleviation in the specific context of Barbados. Law Reform: At the level of law and legal reform, virtually all of the vulnerable groups spoke of gaps and inadequacies in legislation legal practice, particularly in relation to redress and sanctions. Law reform was especially urgent for migrants and their families to regularize their legal standing as members of a wider Caribbean region and so, realise human rights and social inclusion in Barbados. Reforms in child support laws and the system of delivery were highly recommended. Persons with disabilities recommended anti-discrimination legislation and affirmative action, and the elderly mentioned special legislation to deal with abuse against persons of their group. Sex workers and MSM/G also referred to law reform to reduce stigma and discrimination and support the realization of their human rights. The latter proposed law reform regarding same sex relationships, specifically the decriminalization of buggery, and the implementation of legal measures to eliminate sexual harassment against members of their vulnerable group. Rastafarians proposed the decriminalisation of marijuana. All informants, whether as professional experts or members of vulnerable groups, were concerned that legal reforms should not remain on the books, but should be accompanied by procedures for investigation, redress and sanctions. Governance: Ideological, structural and policy reforms recommended, especially in the system of governance, included policies to effect a change in the local political climate including policies and programmes for the reduction of stigma and discrimination. Migrants emphasized the need to build a more tolerant and welcoming culture for all in Barbados, irrespective of class, colour and place of origin. Also recommended were improved partnerships between government and NGOs – this mainly from persons living with disabilities – and closer relations between Barbados, the wider Caribbean and Africa by the Rastafarians. Unemployed youth had a number of suggestions including a national task force in response to poverty, the decentralisation of government services and accessible community-based initiatives for young people, and greater support from government to NGO programmes for young persons. The wider dissemination of information on programmes and services offered by NGOs and other agencies was recommended. Social Policy: Few comments were received from persons from vulnerable groups regarding social policy in Barbados, though recommendations were made for reform in policies for children and families and for clarification and change in immigration policies. Employment: Employment opportunities were high on the list of recommendations from all vulnerable groups. Even children reported their wish for jobs during vacations and weekends and persons with disabilities proposed small-scale income generating activities tailored to their capacities. The type of employment recommended was broad and realistic, with the emphasis on small business opportunities and flexibility, rather than demands for full-time, regular, secure, waged work. Migrants had a very precise idea of their 108


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need for enhanced opportunities for self-help to earn a living. For them and for others, this included access to micro-credit initiatives and more favourable terms for small loans for business development. Members of vulnerable groups saw job opportunities as the major route for escaping poverty and, for sex workers, for providing income sufficient to terminate their involvement in sex work. Coupled with recommendations for employment, from unemployed youth in particular, were improved access to vocational education and training, including skills training, and the attachment of specific job opportunities to training programmes. Financial support: Recommendations were presented by some vulnerable groups for direct financial support. The elderly proposed pension increases to reflect inflation and supermarket discounts, and those in poor and welfare households similarly, recommended increases in welfare benefits to keep pace with the cost of living as well as funds for housing repairs. The homeless recommended financial support for rehabilitation and PLHIV proposed funding arrangements for those of their group who, through ill health, were no longer able to work. Professionals and vulnerable groups were divided on whether or not special provisions should be made for the payment of utilities. Social programmes and services: Recommendations for programmes and services were put forward as suggestions to enhance and to fill the gaps in governmental provisions. Several initiatives for children were suggested including, additional educational facilities such as extra lessons and reading programmes, “buddy� and community service projects in which more wealthy children are paired with those who are poorer to build compassion and care, the reservation of places in day-care centers for children of the poor, and a more proactive approach in early identification of children’s physical, psychological and social problems. Special programmes for children with disabilities within a more inclusive framework, included combining early diagnosis and intervention, additional day- care facilities, interventions to ease the transition to adulthood, and economic support for their care-givers and families. Also proposed for children were parent education, training and support and additional training for teachers to build sensitivity and facilitate early intervention. The elderly proposed an expansion in home-based services and training for service providers; social activity programmes; advocacy for the rights and wellbeing of the elderly; and public sensitization and response to the problems of the elderly. Reduction in abuse and violence: Targeted interventions to reduce abuse and violence, at home and in public spaces, were emphasized. Violence was seen to be widespread and on the increase in Barbadian society and members of most of the vulnerable groups felt themselves to be specifically targeted. The elderly, persons living with disabilities, children and sex workers, especially those who were female, expressed grave concern over violence in their homes, as did MSM/G and PLHIV. Rastafarians, unemployed youth and migrants spoke of harassment from the police, while MSM/G and PLHIV also identified the general public as the source of their experiences of violence. Housing: Assistance with housing was also recommended. Included among the suggestions were the recognition in policy and programming of a home as a basic human right, government provision of low rent housing, safe housing in temporary hostels for the homeless, ex-prisoners, MSM/G and PLHIV, and home repair 109


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services. Migrants and others recommended the monitoring of landlords who exploit their tenants with high rentals and summary eviction. A national housing policy to address the needs of various constituent groups in the population was recommended. Transport: Improvements in transportation were recommended especially by the elderly and persons with disabilities. Access: Persons with disabilities also recommended interventions to facilitate access at home and in the wider environment, including adherence to building codes and specialized provisions such as ramps and rails. Security: Security was not a major area of concern, though the elderly, in particular, did propose enhanced security in their homes and communities. Health care: In the area of health care, most suggestions came from the more socially excluded vulnerable groups. The homeless, sex workers and migrants between them recommended greater access to public health services, expanded counseling and mentorship, and more effective family planning and contraception. PLHIV proposed rapid testing and service provision, expanded counseling services, and redress for breaches of confidentiality. Sex workers recommended institutionalised, consistent health checks, and education and information on safe sexual practices. Unemployed youth recommended expanded social and psychological counseling services for members of their vulnerable group. Service staff attitudes: Recommendations for services, however, focused less on the service per se and more on service delivery. Members of all vulnerable groups strongly recommended improvements in the approach and treatment received from front-line staff. Specifically identified were an increase in staff and resources at public service agencies; service staff training and sensitisation; a change in attitude and behaviour towards clients; greater discretion and responsiveness; reduction of stigma and discrimination; and equal treatment for men and women. The other side to this story is related in the IA. The Welfare Department came under heavy criticism from vulnerable group members and also from participants in the PPA/COMM, but the institutional report reflects a combination of insufficient staff to deal with a growing case-load and unrealistic service expectations by members of the public. The IA reports similar staffing and other constraints at the Child Care board. Education: The major recommendation in the area of education was for measures implemented for children, especially poorer children, from an early age to ensure that they attend school regularly, remain in school and do well. This was grounded in the firm belief that education is the key to breaking the intergenerational cycle of poverty.

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Support for families: Support for family care-givers was mentioned frequently, especially for those women responsible for round-the-clock care of adults and children with disabilities, the elderly and PLHIV. Included in the recommendations to relieve the burden of care were enhanced day-care provisions, including specialized services for children with special needs, expanded home-based care programmes, and the greater involvement of the community in care and support for those in need. Community support: Community interventions for families and individuals living in poverty and social exclusion were highly recommended, in terms stigma reduction and protection as well as general care and support. There were calls for rebuilding a culture of volunteerism in communities and for partnerships with faith-based organisations. Informants also spoke about building their own skills for care and support, and also advocacy and action, on behalf of their own vulnerable groups. Reduction in stigma and discrimination: The IA reports that stigma and discrimination reduction is addressed by six of the institutions included in the assessment, but that interventions are concentrated at individual level with the provision of care and counseling. Recommended here are that these strategies designed to enhance individual coping skills and responses are accompanied by public campaigns that provide information and sensitisation to eliminate stigma and discrimination against vulnerable groups and to foster understanding and respect, as well as training programmes to build a culture of advocacy and action against stigma and discrimination within vulnerable groups themselves. These strategies were highly recommended by virtually all vulnerable groups, especially PLHIV, MSM/G, migrants, sex workers, the homeless, and ex-prisoners, but also by Rastafarians, the elderly and persons with disabilities. Recommended were interventions to eliminate stigma in schools and other public spaces against the children of Rastafarians, migrants and poor and welfare households, and children who are physically and mentally challenged. This was coupled with proposals for a reduction in harassment from the police, immigration officers other authority figures. In this regard, the involvement of churches and communities was proposed. In sum, informants envisioned a moral responsibility on the part of all members of Barbadian society to assist those more vulnerable and in need. Repeated observations were made by informants in vulnerable groups to the effect that everyone should help the poor; that everyone deserves a second chance; that the revival of a community spirit and volunteerism would go a long way towards solving social problems of poverty and social exclusion; and that a life as a full member of society, without poverty and social exclusion and with dignity and respect is a fundamental human right.

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