Hammond is in trouble, and he knows it

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Hammond is in trouble, and he knows it

By Brad Baines

On the 22nd November, Philip Hammond will deliver the fi rst Autumn Budget in over twenty years. It will a career defi ning budget – determining whether he stays or goes.

Credits: Secretary of State

The Chancellor has come under increased criticism from all sides of the Conservative Party for his unwillingness to break fi scal restraint to prepare for the consequences of a ‘Hard Brexit’ and his preference for a soft -Brexit. November’s Budget will need to be everything to all people. Trouble is Hammond has managed to box himself in – leaving little fl exibility. To give in on preparations for a Hard Brexit would give impetus to the Tory right, who is playing up the idea to try and set the agenda. Th is would undermine his own preference for a soft Brexit and his previous tight hold on the purse strings. To be honest about the impacts of a Hard Brexit risks outright revolt amongst his Eurosceptic colleagues, let alone demolishing any remaining ideas of economic credibility. Any big spending commitments or interventions in the economy come at a fi scal cost that could also alienate the party’s right and hurt the Austerity narrative, if that indeed exists aft er the DUP deal. An impossible position some might say! So, if I were Hammond what would I do? Mayism still has the potential to terrify me as a left ie. It is politically potent – a ‘compassionate’ patrician-style conservatism hasn’t been on the cards for a good while. It just needs to become action rather than just vacuous rhetoric. Something that has only gone to enhance Labour’s ability to paint the Tories as out of touch and uncompassionate. 2017 shows that the Austerity narrative has lost traction with the electorate. Th is means May and Hammond have to be bold, saying what they are for rather than just what they are against, or risk surrendering the narrative to Labour. Ranting about Venezuela and patronising young people about the 70s simply won’t cut it. Th is means bold action around the National Living Wage, ending the freeze on benefi ts and public sector pay, as well as fi xing universal credit; a radical new off er on devolution backed up by a strong interventionist industrial strategy; a Macmillan scale housebuilding programme and a guaranteed settlement for public services. Th e Tories used to exclaim ‘We are the builders’, believe in a ‘property owning democracy’ and extol the virtues of hard work. It’s time for them to put their money where their mouth is – Philip Hammond’s job is riding on it.

Cryptocurrencies: a regulatory aff air?

By Arthur Lanos

At a press conference a couple weeks ago, Mario Draghi, the governor of the European Central Bank, said that cryptocurrencies were “not mature enough” to be considered for regulation. Th is decision is ill-advised and, more generally, a lack of supervision of cryptocurrencies will ultimately lead to their destruction. Cryptocurrencies, such as Bitcoin, are based on the concept of blockchain, in which transactions made are recorded chronologically and publicly. Th e reason why so many people are interested in its use is that buyers and sellers remain anonymous, but the transactions are transparent and transferred at virtually no cost. Th e need for regulation is dire as cryptocurrencies are increasingly treated as speculative investments rather than currencies, as shown by the highly volatile price of Bitcoin, which skyrocketed from $1000 at the beginning of the year, to close to $7000 this week. All this speculation and the ever-higher price of the Bitcoin prevents people from considering any kind of cryptocurrency as a means of payment. Furthermore, as there is no regulatory oversight, no warranty is given to holders of cryptocurrencies, which are not backed by any institution that could, in the event of a crash or anything else, prevent the total loss of capital from investors. However, I understand that this is one of the reason why people want cryptocurrencies to succeed, because they bypass traditional institutions, but in order for them to be widely accepted, minimum regulations are required. Indeed, that insuffi cient oversight, creating uncertainty and mistrust, is holding back startups and the growth of fi nancial technology. In addition, the anonymity of cryptocurrencies might be a bit of a problem, as it is increasingly used for money laundering and criminal activities. Th e EU and the UK should follow the actions of Japan, in which authorities now require companies involved in cryptocurrency exchanges to apply for licences and are subjected to annual audits and “know-your-customer” requirements. Bitcoin is now even classifi ed as a payment method, allowing people to purchase goods and services in more than 200 places around the country. Th is is the perfect example of how Bitcoin and cryptocurrencies can become valid currencies. Overall, the challenge is for policymakers to fi nd the balance between addressing the risks posed by virtual currencies without inhibiting innovation, as I fi rmly believe that cryptocurrencies have a major role to play in years to come.

Credits: geralt

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On Democracy and Self-Determination

By Sauri Walker - Bath Time Contributor

In an unprecedented move in Spanish regional politics, the Spanish national government announced that they would assume control of the autonomous region of Catalonia. Mariano Rajoy had set the region’s president Carles Puigdemont an ultimatum to confi rm whether or not Catalonia’s independence had been unilaterally declared. Rajoy had warned that failure to return to ‘constitutional order’ by the deadline given would result in activation of Article 155 of the Spanish national constitution, thereby allowing the central government to seize control of the region. The Catalonian independence referendum has plunged Spain into the deepest political crisis since the early 80’s, creating a serious social and political schism between the regionalists and nationalists within Spanish nation. The referendum vote, with an estimated turnout of 40% resulted in a landslide majority of over 90% of voters opting for an independent Catalonian Republic. Accessibility to the vote has been one of the most contentious issues in the vote, with over 700 reports of brutality or excessive force being exercised against potential voters by the Guardia Civil or the National Police in front of polling booths. Regardless, the vote for sucwcession has been voided by Spain’s highest constitutional court just one day after the national police detained two separatist leaders on charges of sedition. Madrid’s refusal to recognize the region’s vote is based on constitutional legitimacy. However, a political contradiction has emerged between the national constitution and international law, as in international law all peoples are entitled to their right to self-determination. For many, both regionalist and nationalist alike, the increasing democratic defi cit and authoritarian repressive response to the secessionist movement from the central government is redolent of a Spain from 50 years ago.

Sobre Democracia y Autodeterminación

Photo Credit: Marius Monton

En un movimiento sin precedentes en la política regional española, el Gobierno Nacional de España anunció el jueves que asumiría el control de la región autónoma de Cataluña. Mariano Rajoy había dado al presidente de la región, Carles Puigdemont, hasta las 10:00, el jueves 19, para confi rmar si la independencia de Cataluña había sido declarada unilateralmente. Rajoy había advertido que, si no se regresaba al “orden constitucional” antes de la fecha límite, daría lugar a la activación del Artículo 155 de la constitución nacional española, que permitiría al gobierno central tomar el control de la región. El referéndum sobre la independencia de Cataluña ha sumergido a España en la crisis política más profunda desde principios de los 80, creando un serio cisma social y político entre los regionalistas y los nacionalistas dentro de la nación española. Se estima que el 40% de la población catalana votó en el referéndum, lo que resultó en una mayoría aplastante de más del 90% que optaron por una República Catalana independiente. La accesibilidad a la votación ha sido uno de los giros más impactantes en esta historia, con más de 700 informes de brutalidad o fuerza excesiva ejercida contra votantes potenciales por la Guardia Civil o la Policía Nacional frente a las mesas de votación. A pesar de todo, el voto por la sucesión ha sido anulado por la corte constitucional más alta de España apenas un día después de que la policía nacional detuviera a dos líderes separatistas acusados de sedición. La negativa de Madrid a reconocer el voto de la región está basada en legitimidad constitucional. Sin embargo, ha surgido una contradicción política entre la constitución nacional y el derecho internacional, ya que en el derecho internacional todos los pueblos tienen el derecho a la autodeterminación. Para muchos, tanto regionalistas como nacionalistas, el creciente défi cit democrático de ambos lados y la respuesta represiva autoritaria del gobierno central ante el movimiento secesionista recuerda a la España de hace 50 años.

DEBATE Should University Consent Classes Be Compulsory?

Hi Gemma,

On my  rst day at university they introduced us to the #neverokay campaign and they showed us a hilarious video from the #consentiseverything campaign comparing consent to tea making. I thought my newfound British friends would empathize with the tea infused analogy but I was surprised and disheartened by the comments that ensued. I couldn’t understand why some thought the presentation was “useless”, “patronizing” and “enforcing some psycho idea that men are all rapists and women victims”. A minority found the presentation “funny and informative” and many were shocked at their lack of knowledge on the topic. Upon doing further research I saw that the  rst opinion was one prevalent in many UK universities. Now that prestigious universities like Oxford have made sexual consent classes semi-mandatory, a trend that has continued in many UK institutions, opposition to these classes has existed from the onset and seems to be increasing. The argument that “I don’t need to be taught how not to rape” is not good enough. I asked 20  at mates and friends to de ne consent and only 2 manage to give a correct answer. This doesn’t mean that they’re rapists but I think that the ambiguity surrounding consent and a general lack of knowledge are part of the reason why 1/7 women will experience serious sexual assault during their university experience and why 1/7 men and 54% of women will be victims of sexual harassment. These are scary  gures and it’s not good enough to say that sexual consent workshops are “useless” and “patronising” because a solution is necessary. I think a lot of resistance from students comes from our unwillingness to admit that sexual assault at university is a problem and that as students we’re part of it. If we can get over this and admit that this is an issue and we’re the key to solving it, through these workshops we can actually change something. To the argument that they’re unnecessary, this is not the case. Of the same 20 friends I asked not one knew the appropriate university protocol to dealing with sexual assault or the support mechanisms in place to help victims. This is disregarding the general lack of sexual education of most university students and their ignorance in terms of consent. In response to the argument that these classes are essentially branding men as “rapists” and women as “victims” this is a very super cial analysis of the content of most workshops. The very fact that these workshops target both genders and not simply heterosexual males is proof that the problem concerns both women and men. Furthermore, male rape victims aren’t uncommon and these workshops work to debunk preconceptions and myths about consent. Sexual consent workshops aren’t perfect and they’re not going to solve everything, but they’re a good place to start. They can only be eff ective if people participate with an open mind and willingness to reconsider what they though they knew about sexual consent. What do you think?

Bianca

YES

By Bianca Galimberti

Photo Credits: Paul Chapman

Hi Bianca,

Your opening remark about our Fresher’s week ‘consent class’ highlights a key why I feel compulsory consent classes for students at university would be ineff ective. Much like being taught sex education at school, the way our university tried to tiptoe around consent with a light-hearted video I believe completely trivialises the issue of consent. Analogising non-consensual sex in the form of being forced to drink tea is funny, but highly undermines the severity of an issue which aff ects approximately 85,000 people in the UK each year. Which is why I would argue that consent classes at university would predominantly be inadequate because, based  rst-hand experience of the teaching format of sex in school, they are patronising, hidden behind euphemisms and consequently severely inadequate for the purpose they were designed for: to inform and educate. I, like probably 99% of people my age, learnt almost everything I still consider useful information surrounding sex, from friends, family or literature external to school, not from a biology textbook or an innuendo-ridden cartoon awkwardly put on by my form teacher. This is because our society still considers words such as ‘sex’, and ‘rape’ as social taboos and consequently much eff ort is made to convert them into more socially acceptable terms, such as ‘sexual intercourse’ or ‘sexual attacks’, or are presented in the form of videos such as the one you mentioned in your email. However, rape and consent are not terms that can be sugar-coated or euphemised. To do that is to completely invalidate and undermine the ordeal that victims go through and is one reason why I strongly feel consent classes at university would be inadequate.

Gemma

NO

By Gemma Barnett

Photo Credits: Chris Brown

Fake News Epidemic

By Nidhi Arun - Columnist

We are now well into November, which marks the anniversary of Trump’s greatest contribution to English speech (or so he claims), ‘Fake News’. The concept of deliberate misinformation has surfaced in many conversations around the globe. With crumbling barriers to enter mass media, there is good reason to think of it as a millennial creation. However, you’d be surprised to learn that fake news has existed for a long time. As early as in the17th century, royalists across Europe fought not only on the battlefi eld but also through wiles of the pamphleteer. Written word was used to present contradictory versions of the truth and the familiarity in approach is evidence that we haven’t progressed much since. What we often don’t realise is that fake news can do real harm. As realities are largely based on digital stories, our minds are the most exploitable devices on the planet. If you can get a hashtag trending with fake allegations, you can infl uence your target to make independent decisions that are favourable to you. The unfettered fl ow of information at the palm of our hands is seductive, especially when it is curated to our own tastes. They say you have to trust your gut, but as a consumer, what if your gut demands a 3-pound conspiracy theory doused in a load of politics? It’s time for us to stop acting as victims and understand that the cyberspace is made up not just of computers but that minds are interacting with it. For this network, there is no encryption or fi rewall to protect us but merely our own ability to think critically and press for the truth. Standing up for facts is a kind of patriotic act. A US based lingerie brand is doing just that with their ‘Sexy Fake News’ Halloween costume. I know I have got next year’s outfi t sorted, have you?

Italian Ambassador visits Bath University

By Th omas Knight and Genevieve Redgrave - Bath Time Contributors

The University played host to H.E. Pasquale Terracciano, the Italian Ambassador to the UK, as he delivered a wide-ranging talk and Q&A session on Anglo-Italian relations, including Brexit and the refugee crisis in the Mediterranean. Th e Ambassador opened on a sentimental anecdote about his fi rst English textbook with our very own Roman Baths on its cover. Touching on the Roman Empire, Shakespeare, the unifi cation of Italy and the Second World War (referred to as an unfortunate 3 year period), Ambassador Terracciano charted the course of what he referred to as the “love story between our nations”. Moving on to more contemporary matters, he referenced Britain’s absence from the original European alliances as an indication of things to come. Unsurprisingly the majority of his speech was devoted to the UK’s impending exit from the EU. Hinting early on at his position on the matter he spoke of “thriving in a wider community”, reminding the audience of the struggle that comes with isolating oneself. Terracciano bemoaned the slow progress of the talks, describing a no-deal scenario as “totally chaotic.” Whilst stating that he respected the result of the referendum and that Britain should not be punished within Europe for its decision, the Ambassador’s view is that the referendum did not provide “a real binary choice” alongside the reasoning behind leaving being largely fl awed. Pointing to the fact that Britain had never been outvoted in the Council of Ministers, he argued that British sovereignty was not under threat by the EU, defi antly stating: “I believe that nations can be part of the EU whilst retaining their sovereignty and independence.” When asked by an audience member whether Brexit would result in a larger role within the organisation for Italy, Terracciano was swift to recognise the sense of having lost out on the issue Italy is experiencing. Th is came alongside a reminder of motions the UK had been consistently blocking and could now be passed following Britain’s exit. Th e ambassador outlined his hopes for the future of the UK within Europe and his vision for a “whole-hearted commitment to join a union for the progression of Europe”, reminding the room in a tongue-in-cheek manner that due to geographical ties, Britain would not actually be able to ever leave the EU fully.

“We are frustrated with Brexit” -Terracciano

Th e refugee crisis that in recent years has taken up a large portion of Italy’s domestic agenda, was a topic the ambassador delivered with great passion. His frustration with other countries was clear as he pointed out that more could have been done to help Italy cope with the situation. Whilst Sicily was given additional boats, Terracciano explained that the EU provided to additional aid. Although he admitted that Britain ran experienced problems at the border in Calais, he expressed confusion at the UK’s struggle to manage 3,000 refugees while mainland Europe was faced with “250,000 arriving each year”. His Italian pride emanated as he told the audience about the government’s agreement with the “most legitimate Libyan government” including coast guard training and local projects to stop the market for human traffi cking. Terracciano also paid tribute to the 600,000 Italian citizens living in the UK, particularly the 8,000 students and 5,000 teaching staff at UK universities. Possibly hinting at the recent spike in hate crime uncovered during the 2016 EU referendum, he hoped that “Italian citizens would continue to be so warmly welcomed to the UK”.

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