Profiteering
暴
Research on how Chinese land management system and revenue system affect Ruian’s urban development Beck Chen Jinkai Wenzhou Kean University Michael Graves College ARCH4107 2023 Fall
暴
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Introduction
引子
"Profiteering" As the title of this booklet, " 暴 "(BaoLi) is A summary of " 以利为利 "("benefit for profit") in " 大学 " ("Da Xue"):" 国不以利为利，以义为利也 " ("the state does not benefit for profit, but also righteousness for profit"). is the combination of " 利 " ("benefit" )and" 力 " ("power"). In Oracle bone inscriptions, " 利 " ("benefit") means that sharp knives can make it very convenient for farmers to harvest food and then expand it to benefit, while the right side is changed " 力 " ("power"). means that a strong force can make it easier for people to rob others of food, which can be extended to the act of depriving others of property through violence/power.
“暴 ”作为本册子的标题 ，是对《大学》中“国不以利为利，以义为利也”中 “以利为利”的总结， 是“利”与“力”结合，在甲骨文中的“利”意为锋利 的刀子可以让农民收获粮食时十分便利进而引申为好处，而 将右边的偏旁改为 力，意为强大的力量可以让人更加便利的抢夺他人的粮食，可以引申为通过暴力 / 权力而剥夺他人财产的行为。
Since I was born, Chinese cities have begun their great urbanization process, and I often ask: Why do we build so many buildings? Why are some villages being demolished and replaced with high-rise buildings while still engaged in agricultural production? Why are there only traffic jams and no cars on the streets? And so on, and this research, to some extent, let me understand the reason. This booklet is divided into four sections: 1. Tax Sharing Reform & Land Finance 2. Enclave 3. Ruian's boundary and factory 4. Urban Village - Shenzhen&Ruian, to reveal the logic behind the urban development of Ruian and various problems arising from the urban development, answer my previous questions and raise a question: How to break away from the profit-oriented model to the profit-oriented model of development so as to finally achieve a sustainable urban development model or even a urban development model under socialism with Chinese characteristics?
自我出生起，中国城市就已经开始了其浩浩荡荡的城市化进程，而身处其中的我 经常会提问：我们为什么要建这么多楼？有些为何村庄被拆除搬入高楼但同时仍 从事着农业生产？街道为何只有堵车与没车两种状态？等等，而这次调研在一定 程度上让我了解了其中的原因。 本册子分为四节 1. 地方政府财政收入的来源与其城市发展的的关系 2. 城市中的 飞地 3. 瑞安的边界及工业发展 4. 城中村 - 瑞安与深圳，来揭示瑞安城市发展的 背后逻辑及其城市发展中产生的种种问题，解答我之前疑问的同时也提出一个问 题：如何从以利为利的模式中脱离出来而转为以义为利的发展模式从而最终达到 一种可持续发展的城市发展模式甚至是一种中国特色社会主义下的城市发展模 式？
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Contents
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Introduction
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Tax Sharing Reform & Land Finance 01 Before tax sharing reform 1979-1994 02 tax sharing reform 1994 03 tax sharing reform & Land Finance
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Enclaves 01 Urban Planning 02 Superscale Road 03 Commercial House(Superscale Xiaoqu)
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Ruian's boundary and factory(Living and working) 01 Scarce land resources 02 Boundaries 03 Factory(Living and Working)
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City in village-Shenzhen&Ruian 01 Housing Shortage 02 Shenzhen-Village develop with city 03 Ruian-Village was abandoned
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01Tax sharing reform and Land Finance This Chapter will talk about the reason that the tax sharing reform appeared in 1994, the content of the tax sharing reform, how it affect the local government action of getting the revenue-land finance- and how the land fiance affect the develop model of Chinese cities especially the eastern coastal cities.
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Tax sharing reform&Land Finance
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Tax sharing reform&Land Finance
01 Before tax sharing reform 1979-1994
如右图所示，中央政府的收入在 1993 年达到最低值，但在 1994 年分税制改革后 中央政府收入占全国政府总收入的比例是原来的两倍多。
60%
1994-Tax Sharing Reform
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
Govt Revenue to GDP Central Govt Revenue to Total Govt Revenue
2013
2011 2012
2009 2010
2006 2007 2008
2005
2001 2002 2003 2004
1999 2000
1996 1997 1998
1995
1994
1993
1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992
1985
1982 1983 1984
0% 1981
在 1979 年改革开放后，中国开始了市场化，大量的个人企业及地方政府企业在 东部沿海地区兴起，其中有三种模式“苏南模式”“温州模式”“珠三角模式”。 虽然这三种模式的具体参与者与市场不同但这三种模式下的工厂都在乡镇地区。 这个时期实行的“包干制”税收政策以及财政部与税收部统一的体制使得乡镇地 区采用了许多方法可以减少税收的上缴这使得中央的入不敷出（例如：地方政府 可以对企业进行免税政策但企业需要通过其余途径上交税收，这个操作使得企业 可以减少其所上交的税费与此同时由于不需要再次向中央上缴费用，地方政府可 以得到更多的“税收”但带来的结果是中央政府的收入只能维持在其与地方政府 约定的最低水平），加以 1989 年 64 运动以及此运动带来的国际贸易制裁的冲击 使得中央政府着手进行政府在财政方面的权力集中。
Percent
1980
As the chart on the right shows, the central government's revenue reached its lowest level in 1993, however the proportion of central government revenue to the total national government revenue more than doubled after the tax sharing reform in 1994.
Sharp Declines of the"Two Rations"Prompted Central Leaders to Overhaul Tax Regime
1979
After the reform and opening up in 1979, China began to marketization, and a large number of individual enterprises and local government enterprises arose in the eastern coastal areas, among which there were three models: "Southern Jiangsu model," "Wenzhou model" and "Pearl River Delta model." Although the specific participants in these three models differ from the market, the factories in these three models are in rural areas. The "contract system" tax policy implemented during this period and the unified system of the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Revenue led to the adoption of many ways for rural areas to reduce tax payments, which made the central government unable to make ends meet (e.g., Local governments can implement tax exemption policies for enterprises, but enterprises need to pay taxes through other channels, which enables enterprises to reduce the taxes they pay. At the same time, local governments can get more "taxes" because they do not need to pay fees to the central government again. Still, as a result, the central government's revenue can only be maintained at the minimum level agreed with the local government).
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Tax sharing reform&Land Finance
02 tax sharing reform 1994
Central Goverment Central tax system Local tax system
首先税务系统脱离出政务系统成为一个可以独立运行的系统，并由上级税务系统 领导，这使得中央政府掌握了修改税种及地方与中央分税比例的决定权。在税收 方面，中央政府收取所有的海关税，银行税，保险税及消费税，75% 的增值税（增 值税是税收系统中占比最大的税种，其收取的是生产及流通环节的 17%），在收 取税费后中央将一定比例的消费税及增值税（这两种税费被成为两税）返还给地 方。 然而，通过右图所展示的计算公式，随着时间的增加，地方政府所得的返还数占 该省的税收比重会越来越小。如果每年增收 10%，大概 2-3 年会减少一个百分点。 由于地方政府的支出不变，这使得地方政府必须得寻求其他方式来满足剩余的支 出需求。
100%
value-added tax
However, the formula shown in the right chart shows that, over time, local governments will receive a smaller share of the province's tax revenue. If you increase your income by 10% a year, it will probably decrease by one percentage point in 2-3 years. With local government spending unchanged, this has forced local governments to find other ways to meet the rest of their spending needs.
consump�on tax
Insurance tax Bank tax customs duty
First, the tax system has become a system that can operate independently from the government system, which is led by the higher-level tax system, giving the central government the decision-making power to modify the tax types and the proportion of local and central taxes. In terms of taxation, the central government collects all customs taxes, bank taxes, insurance taxes, and consumption taxes, 75% of value-added tax (value-added tax is the most significant tax in the tax system, which collects 17% of the production and distribution links), and returns a certain percentage of consumption tax and value-added tax (These two taxes are called the two taxes)to the local government after collecting taxes to central government.
Financial system
75%
The tax rebate to a local government =
The return of the two taxes in the previous year × (1+ the increment of the tax in the current year/the amount of the two taxes completed in the previous year) ×0.3
Local share of VAT as a percentage of the increment of the two taxes 50% 45% 40% 35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0%
1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 The share of value-added tax increment by local governments accounted for the proportion of total value-added tax increment. The increase in tax returns accounted for the proportion of the two taxes handed over to the central government
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Tax sharing reform&Land Finance
03 tax sharing reform & Land Finance
Local Financial system In the past, the primary source of revenue for local governments came from the income of enterprises and the factory taxes. Now, because the tax on enterprises is unified into valueadded tax and most of it is recovered by the central government, local governments have to seek new means of revenue.
随着返还的两税的减少，地方政府开始通过土地金融来增加其收入：地方政府通 过建立城投公司来抵押土地与发放城投债来获得大量的资金收入。 根据 2021 年的数据统计，地方政府收入种有约 72.5% 的收入与土地相关，其中 最终要的是土地金融，几乎占到了与土地相关收入的一半。
Land transfer+Tax relate to land:40%
Central tax system
在 1998 年房改及土地管理政策出台后，土地及住房进入市场，由于地方政府在 土地开发的过程中政府可以收取大量营业税（主要集中在建筑行业及交通运输业） 及来自房地产的土地租用费，并这使得政府有大量的动力来进行城市的扩张。
Refunded tax
Traffic+Building Construction
在过去，地方政府的收入来源主要来源于企业的收入及其税收，而现在由于对于 企业的税收统一成了增值税并且其中的大部分被中央政府收回，这使得地方政府 必须要寻求新的财政收入手段。
Factory
business tax
Developer
According to 2021 statistics, about 72.5% of local government revenue is land-related, of which land finance is ultimately needed, accounting for almost half of the land-related revenue.
value-added tax-25%
Land transfer fee
Bank
With the reduction of the two taxes returned, local governments began to increase their income through land finance: local governments obtained a large amount of capital income by establishing urban investment companies to mortgage land and issue urban investment bonds.
Land Loan
After the introduction of the housing reform and land management policies in 1998, land and housing entered the market. In the process of land development, local governments could collect a large amount of business tax (mainly in the construction industry and the transportation industry) and land rental fees from real estate, which gave the government a lot of motivation to carry out urban expansion.
Land loan:32.5%
Revenue Relate to Land 72.5%
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the Land Finance process and the Revenue relate to land in Ruian 2022
Tax Reform
Arable land/Village
Buisness Tax:100%
Construction and tertiary industries
Value Added Tax:25% Township enterprises
Raw Land
Cultivated Land
A
Eminent Domain
Land Mortage
Urban Infrastructure construction
B
Pay Debt
Land Leasing
Land Value Increasement
Land Fiance
C
Buisness Tax
Building construction
Land Realization Buisness Tax
44% 13.922billion 35% 11.144billion 21% 6.601billion
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02Enclaves This Chapter will talk about the Enclaves appeared during the rapid develop of the city driven by the land finance: Commerical housing(Xiaoqu), Factory zone/Industrial Park, Super scale road, Hidden village in city.
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Enclaves
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01 Urban Planning
Land finance makes land and the buildings on it not only a thing to meet people's needs, but also a means for the government and enterprises to obtain income, which makes the government need a simple and direct city master plan to ensure the stability of income. This profit-oriented urban planning led to the occupation of the city by streets and blocks on an impersonal scale with no regard for human life but only for efficiency: the efficiency of development and the efficiency of access. This super-scale design for efficiency led to the current urban development pattern: a city made up of several enclaves.
土地财政使得土地及其上的建筑不仅仅是一种满足人需求的事物，它们变成了政 府及企业获得收入的手段，这使得政府需要一个简单直接的规划来确保收益的稳 定。这种以利益为导向的城市规划使得城市被非人尺度的街道及街区占领完全不 考虑人的生活而只考虑效率：发展的效率及通行的效率。这样追求效率的超尺度 设计进而导致了现在的城市发展格局：一个由数个飞地组成的城市。
2035Ruian Urban Master Plan
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Enclaves
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Commerical Housing(XiaoQu)
Community(Danwei Compounds )
Village Housing(Self-built House)
Arable Land
Village collective factory
Government industrial park
Company(Big&Small)
Road
Village Building(Self-built House) Company/Collective Building Commerical Housing School Temple Agricultural greenhouse Arable Land Village collective/Villager factory Company Goverment industrial park
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Enclaves
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Enclaves
02 Superscale Road
Super-scale roads are widely appearing in various cities in China, especially in the newly built urban areas in the last decade. The fundamental reason is that people who large-scale plots rely on cars for travel. Most of these super-scale streets are above 30m. This non-human scale street is like a wall blocking the buildings on both sides of the road. At the same time, due to the traffic under the super-scale road, the street gradually turns into an intermediate area from vehicles to buildings rather than a public space where activities can take place.
Ruian-50m
Beijing-50m
Seoul-55m
Shenzhen-58m
Shanghai-65m
Hangzhou-70m
超尺度的道路在中国各个城市广泛出现，尤其是最近十年新建的城区，其根本原 因是大尺度地块下人们的出行对汽车的依赖。这些超尺度的街道大都在 30m 以上， 这种非人尺度的街道就如墙一般阻隔着道路两边的建筑，同时由于在超尺度道路 下的车行交通使得街道逐渐变成了从车辆到建筑的中间区域而不是一个可以发生 活动的公共空间。
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Enclaves
03 Commercial House(Superscale Xiaoqu)
Due to the top-down large-scale land planning and the profit model of real estate developers under the financialization of real estate and land financialization, most of the residential areas are super-large-scale, most of which are larger than 200m×200m.
Real estate billboards
Due to the target group of the Xiaoqu is middle class, privacy, safety and complete supporting facilities have become the standards of Chinese Xiaoqu, which makes the Xiaoqu an introverted and closed space, and the boundary of the residential area also becomes an exclusive space due to the super-scale streets.
由于自上而下的大尺度地块规划以及在房地产金融化及土地金融化下房地 产商的盈利模式使得大多数的小区是一种超大尺度的小区，大部分都大于 200m×200m。而由于其中产的定位使得私密，安全，配套设施齐全成为中国小区 的标准，这使得小区成为一个内向封闭的空间，由于超尺度的街道小区的边界也 成为了一个排外的空间。
An Example of Xiaoqu
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Enclaves
N Xiaoqu in the development area
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04 Industrial Park
Since most of the former industries were in villages, the land utilization rate was low and most of them belonged to collective land, so that more and more small factories were dismantled and more and more industrial parks were built. The integrated form of living and working in industrial parks allows industries to meet their living and entertainment needs without leaving the industrial park at all.
由于之前的工业多在村中，土地利用率较低且大多数属于集体用地，所以越来越 多的小工厂被拆除，越来越多的工业园区被建造出来。工业园区居住与工作一体 的形式使得工业可以在完全不走出工业园区的情况下满足其生活和娱乐的需求。
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Enclaves
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Enclaves
Factory
Dormitory
0
15
45
75
150m
N
Industrial park example in Ruian
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Enclaves
N Industrial park and company in the development area
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05 Hidden Village in city
Due to the construction of infrastructure and the expropriation of land, the villages were gradually demolished, and the remaining villages were surrounded by new buildings and regarded as a kind of urban disease, becoming the dark side of the shiny city. In this process, the communication between the village in the city and the people outside the village gradually decreases, and the village in the city passively becomes a closed enclave, but unlike the enclave mentioned earlier, the village in the city is full of vitality.
由于基础设施的建筑以及土地的征收，村庄逐渐被拆除，而剩余的村庄被新建的 建筑包围起来并被视为城市病的一种，成为了光鲜亮丽的城市的阴暗面。在这个 过程中城中村与城中村外的人的交流逐渐减少，城中村被动成为了一个封闭的飞 机，但与之前提到的飞地不同，城中村是充满活力的。
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Enclaves
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Enclaves
N Hidden Village in City
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Enclaves
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01Ruian's boundary and factory(Living and working) The chapter will talk about how the different policy affect the Ruian's boundary(boundaary of city boundary and land boundary) and how the different policy affect Ruian's factory industry development, the living and working of the worker.
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Boundary and Factory
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Boundary and Factory
Industrial Area Reclamation/City Boundary
Dingshan Reclamation phase 2(2007-2009)
Dingshan Reclamation phase 1(1974-1996)
LongWan
Urban Arable Land
River
Sea
Living and Working Building Living
m 60
Working Commerical
m
40
m
m
m
65
15
15
0m
11
ad Ro
5m
17
m-
m
55
50
Wenzhou Model Phase1
Village
Xiaoqu (Commerical Housing)
Community (New Village)
Wenzhou Model Phase2
1994
Ruian Rural Economic Cooperative
Buisness Tax:100%
Construction and tertiary industries
Value Added Tax:25% Township enterprises
A B C
1983
The household contract responsibility system with income linked to output, commonly known as "the all-round contract," allowed farming households to contract with the collective economic organizations, so that the means of production still belonged to the collectives, while the farming itself was carried out by individual families in accordance with the principle "to each according to his work." The collectives and the households thus played different roles in production and operations. Tis Policy also give the villagers freedom to come into the city to work for more money.
2012
44%
Government revenue related to land
The Household Contract Responsibility System
Production, supply and marketing, credit "three integrated" comprehensive cooperation
Land Realization 13.922billion Buisness Tax
1998
Arable land/Village
Land use control
A
Eminent Domain
Land Mortage
Cultivated Land Infrastructure Construction
B
Pay Debt
Land Leasing
Land Value Increasement
C
Buisness Tax
Building construction
Law of the People's Republic of China on Land Administration
2000 Post-Wenzhou Model
1984
In 2006, the National Bureau of Statistics and the former Ministry of Agriculture based on the population, grain yield per mu and multiple cropping index and other comprehensive factors, calculated that in 2010 and 2030 to ensure that China's food self-sufficiency rate is stable at more than 95%, at least 1.8 billion mu of arable land
Wenzhou area develops non-agricultural industries in the way of household industry and specialized market, thus forming a development pattern of small commodities and large markets
1990
Commerical Housing
2006 No gricultural tax
2007 Subprime mortgage crisis
Wenzhou Model
1980
Population
village in the city Housing 2019 Stop approving new reclamation
1985
2000
The FAR should be high or high, generally not less than 2.0. Projects with construction conditions and state-owned company development projects can pilot exploration of FAR above 3.0. There are no restrictions on plot building density or green space ratio, and indicators such as height limits, road concessions, and parking spaces can be appropriately broken through
Outline of the National Master Plan for Land Use (2006-2020) 1.8 billion acres of arable land red line
300,000 people in Wenzhou work in household factories.
Reform and Opening Up
1970
2006
Coastal open cities of the People's Republic of China
1970
Renovation of old industrial areas
1. The size of a single renovation should be more than 2 hectares in urban areas. More than four hectares enjoy preferential policies. 2.To provide 95% of the population within the scope of renovation commitment 3. Relocation is carried out when the plot ratio reaches 3 and the average construction area of each renovated house is less than 160 square meters 4. Resettled households per capita area of 30 square meters 5. Each mu of public land compensates 100 square meters of building land
21% 6.601billion
Raw Land
2022
village-in-city Management Measures
Xi proposed when he was in Zhejiang Province
35% 11.144billion
>60% of total government revenue
Industrial Park Phase2
Industrial Park Phase1
2003
Tax Reform
Land Fiance
limited liability company Phase3
2010
2023 2035 Urban Planning
Due to the large amount of fiscal revenue brought by land reclamation, cities in coastal areas began a large amount of reclamation, which led to serious ecological damage, so that the government issued a halt to the approval of new reclamation projects in 2019
2020
2030
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Boundary and Factory
01 Scarce land resources
As part of Wenzhou, Ruian is a city with extremely scarce land resources: construction land is 43% of the national average, arable land is 34% of the national average, and industrial land prices are the second highest in the country. Due to the shortage of land, the government must strictly control the use of land, which makes the urban planning of Ruian seriously affected by the construction index and the land policy of the central government.
作为温州的一部分，瑞安是一个土地资源极为紧缺的城市：建设用地为全国平均 水平的 43%，耕地面积为全国平均水平的 34%，工业用地价格为全国第二名。由 于用地的紧张，政府必须要严格控制土地的使用，这使得瑞安的城市规划严重受 到建设指标及来自中央政府的土地政策影响。
Construction Land
Arable Land
43% 34%
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Boundary and Factory
LongWan
Arable Land
02 Boundaries River
Sea
Before the reform and opening up, Ruian was a region composed of small villages. With the reform and opening up and the implementation of the household contract system, the area of the villages's scale gradually increased. Since the local land area of Ruian could not meet the development needs, Ruian began to carry out the first phase of land reclamation project (Dingshan Phase I 1974-1996). After the tax reform in 1994, Ruian began to develop rapidly. However, due to the cultivated land protection policy, Ruian's urban boundary line did not change much. Ruian began to focus on developing land areas within the city (through demolition, etc.) and along the coast, however in 2019 Zhejiang Province stopped approving all land reclamation projects, which forced Ruian to shift development to the city's boundaries, eventually forming a ring layout in the 2035 urban development plan.
Dingshan Reclamation phase 1(1974-1996)
在改革开放前瑞安是一个个小村子组成的地区，随着改革开放以及家庭联产承包 制的推行，村子的面积逐渐变大。由于瑞安本地的土地面积并不能满足发展需要 瑞安开始进行第一期填海造陆工程（丁山一期 1974-1996),1994 年税制改革后瑞 安的城市开始快速发展，但由于耕地保护政策瑞安的城市边界线并没有太大的变 化，瑞安市开始集中发展城市内部（通过拆迁等）以及沿海填海造陆地区，然而 2019 年浙江省停止了所有填海造陆项目的批准这使得瑞安不得不将发展转移到城 市的边界，最终形成了在 2035 年城市发展规划中的环形布局。
Dingshan Reclamation phase 2(2007-2009)
2023 2035 Urban Planning
2003
Ruian Rural Economic Cooperative
1994
Tax Reform
1983
The Household Contract Responsibility System
1970
1980
1998
Xi proposed when he was in Zhejiang Province
Land use control
1990
2000
2019 Stop approving new reclamation 2006
Outline of the National Master Plan for Land Use (2006-2020) 1.8 billion acres of arable land red line
2010
2020
2030
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Boundary and Factory
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Boundary and Factory
03 Factory(Living and Working)
After the reform and opening up, Wenzhou quickly began industrialization by virtue of its advantages of mutual assistance. At the beginning, the upper part is living space the lower part is factory in their house, most of which processed domestic production supplies. With the further development, Wenzhou factories gradually became family enterprises, housing and factories were separated and factories were expanded. After the tax reform, many enterprises carried out the parallel mode of finance and industry. However, after the private lending crisis in Wenzhou in 2011, many factories closed down, leaving only some relatively strong high-tech enterprises and a small number of family and village collective enterprises. After this, the government's control over land was further strengthened. This allows the government to build a large number of industrial parks, which can tear down the original small enterprises and gather together, and at the same time, the government encourages the old enterprises to rebuild and build more to improve the utilization rate of land. In the history of the development of the Ruian factory, the places of work and life were extremely close at the beginning, and then became more and more distant, and now the industrial park has become extremely close. But the relationship between workers and enterprises has changed dramatically, the first intimacy is actually the protection of private assets and the second intimacy is the exploitation of workers. At the same time, with the construction of a large number of industrial parks, the family composition of migrant workers is also undergoing great changes: due to the single and small housing type in industrial parks, migrant workers tend to be more and more single, and the
traditional family migration becomes less and less, which makes workers can not become a part of the city, and the city can not get other resource advantages brought by factories. 在改革开放后温州凭借其互帮互助的优势迅速开始了工业化，最开始为在自己房 屋中上部住宅下部工厂的模式，大多数加工国内生产用品，随着进一步发展，温 州工厂逐渐变为家族企业，住房与工厂分离并且工厂扩大。在税制改革后，许多 企业进行金融与工业并行的模式，但在 2011 年温州民间借贷危机后许多工厂倒 闭只剩下一些实力较为强硬的高科技企业及极小部分家庭及村集体企业，在这之 后政府对土地的控制权进一步增强，这使得政府可以建设大量的工业园区从而可 以将原本的小企业拆除并聚集到一起，同时，政府也鼓励老旧企业进行重建，加 建以提高土地的利用率。 在瑞安工厂的发展历史中，工作与生活的场所一开始极度亲密，后来又变得越来 越疏远，到现在的工业园区又变得异常亲密。但这其中的工人与企业的关系发生 了巨大的变化，第一种亲密实为对私有资产的保护而后种亲密则为对工人的压榨。 同时随着工业园区的大量建造，外来务工人员的家庭组成也发生着巨大的变化： 由于工业园区中单一且窄小的住房户型，外来务工人员越来越趋向于单人化，传 统的举家迁移变得越来越少，这使得工人既不能成为城市的一部分，城市也不能 得到因工厂带来的其他资源优势。
Living and Working Building
m
60
Living Working Commerical 40 m
m
m
65
15
15
m
0m
11
ad Ro
5m
17
m-
m
55
50
Village
Wenzhou Model Phase1
Community (New Village)
Wenzhou Model Phase2
1984
Coastal open cities of the People's Republic of China
1970
Reform and Opening Up
1983
1994
Land use control
1970
1980
Industrial Park Phase2
Industrial Park Phase1
2022 2000 Post-Wenzhou Model
Law of the People's Republic of China on Land Administration
1985
limited liability company Phase3
1998 Tax Reform
The Household Contract Responsibility System
Xiaoqu (Commerical Housing)
Renovation of old industrial areas
2007 Subprime 2012 mortgage crisis village-in-city
Management Measures
Wenzhou Model
1990
2000
2010
2020
2030
Profiteering
54
Example
Rent
DĂŝŶ &ĂŵŝůLJ ƐĐĂůĞ
55
Boundary and Factory
Living&Working
2400 2000
400
1600
800
ϭ 4
Ϯ ϯ
1200
0
20
80
180m
N
2400 2000
400
1600
800
ϭ 4
Ϯ ϯ
1200
2400 2000
400
1600
800
ϭ 4
Ϯ ϯ
1200
One kind of house in industrial park
Profiteering
56
57
Boundary and Factory
Profiteering
58
04 City in village-Shenzhen&Ruian The chapter will talk about why village in city is very important for a city, How Shenzhen's village in city developed before 2000 and why Ruian's village in city can not work as good as Shenzhen.
59
Shenzhen&Village in City
Profiteering
60
61
Shenzhen&Village in City
01 Housing shortage problem
Housing shortage
Unaffordable
Empty commercial house
Higher
Commercial housing Price
In the eastern coastal areas with population inflow, the supply of land is strictly controlled due to various land policies, and the government reduces the amount of residential land in order to attract industry to supply a large amount of land to factories, which leads to the rise in land price and the high price of commercial housing. However, as the population flows into cities, especially industrial cities, the income of most migrant workers is not too high to afford commercial housing, making housing shortage a huge problem in the population flow into cities.
在东部沿海人口流入地区，由于各种土地政策使得土地的供应量被严格控制，又 由于政府为了吸引工业给工厂供应大量土地，使得住宅用地量减少，进而导致土 地价格上涨，商业住房售价过高，但由于人口流入城市特别是工业城市大多数外 来务工人员的收入并不太高无法负担商业住房，使得住房短缺成为人口流入城市 的一个巨大问题。
Higher
More
Housing Demand
Residen�al Land Price
More
Industrial Land
Less
Residen�al Land
Popula�on inflow City
Restricted construc�on land
Migrant Worker
Prohibi�on of reclama�on + Land Finance + Ecological Protec�on + Arable line
Factory
Profiteering
62
63
Shenzhen&Village in City
02 Shenzhen- village grow with city together
Population
Migrant Worker
Population
Housing
Second-line
66.8%
Live in Village
Village in the City
54%
17.6 million 70%
17.6 million
10.68 million units
Profiteering
64
02 Shenzhen- village grow with city together
65
Shenzhen&Village in City
Less Housing shortage
Affordable
At the beginning of the establishment of Shenzhen Special Zone, many foreign enterprises chose to rent land in villages to build their factories. With the development of time, urban villages in Shenzhen gradually expanded and increased, which provided a large number of cheap housing for factories and further promoted the industrial development of Shenzhen. Due to the universality of the development of villages and factories together, the Shenzhen government did not have enough control to demolish urban villages. On the other hand, all the land in Shenzhen is state-owned land in law, so there is no land expropriation process like Rui 'an. It is difficult for the Shenzhen government to demolish urban villages, and there is no large demand for demolishing urban villages in fact (more consideration is given to health and other aspects). Therefore, in the 21st century, Shenzhen Municipal government and urban villages have been a cooperative relationship, and even in recent years, urban villages have gradually become a kind of culture in Shenzhen and have been deliberately preserved.
NO Land Price
More and Higher
Villager owned House
“Villager’s Land”
Popula�on inflow village Migrant Worker
However, urban villages also encounter many problems: some urban villages have been transformed into low-rent housing during Shenzhen's transformation process, but many migrant workers who have lived in Shenzhen for more than ten years have been driven out, and the renovated low-rent housing is small and expensive, just like the factory dormitory due to the many middlemen.
由于在深圳特区建立之初，许多外来企业选择去村中租地来建造其工厂，随着时 间的发展深圳的城中村逐渐扩张与增高，这给工厂提供了大量的廉价住房进一步 促进了深圳的工业发展，由于这种村庄与工厂一同发展的普遍性使得深圳政府没 有足够的掌控力来拆除城中村，另一方面，深圳的土地从法律上来说全部都是国 有土地因此不存在像瑞安一样的征收土地的过程，因此深圳政府既难以拆除城中 村也对拆除城中村没有过大的需求（更多的是考虑卫生等方面）。所以在 21 世 纪深圳市政府与城中村一直是一种合作关系，甚至在近几年城中村已经逐渐变成 深圳的一种文化而被刻意保留下来。 然而城中村也遇到许多问题：一些城中村在深圳转型过程中被改造成为廉租房但 将许多生活在深圳十几年的外来务工人员驱赶出去，而被改造的廉租房由于多了 中间商使得其房型又小又贵与工厂宿舍无异等等。
Psat: 白芒村 (Baimang Village),Baimang:doing things for nothing Now: 百旺村 (Baiwang Village),Baiwang:very lively
Profiteering
Before 1982
Village House Commerical House Goverment Apartment Village Factory Factory Frome outside Goverment Industrial Park Commerical Building
66
67
1982
1992
Establishment of Shenzhen Special Zone
Rural Urbanization (within second-line)
Each family allo�ed a piece of land for their house.
The government took ownership of all land in the second-line
Shenzhen&Village in City
1996 urban master planning Introduce advanced enterprises and strengthen the management of land outside the second-line
Now
Profiteering
68
69
Shenzhen&Village in City
Profiteering
70
71
Shenzhen&Village in City
03 Ruian-Village was abandoned
Population
Although there are many urban villages in Ruian, but because most of the local government's financial revenue depends on land finance, the local government's strengthened control over land after the private lending crisis in 2011, land resources shortage and other reasons, villages in city are regarded as something that must be demolished, and this concept and demolition action cannot be changed in a short time.
虽然瑞安也有很多城中村，但由于地方政府的财政收入大部分依靠土地财政， 2011 年民间借贷危机后地方政府对土地的掌控力度增强，土地资源紧缺等原因， 城中村被视为一种必须被拆除的事物，并且这种观念以及拆迁这一行动在短时间 内是无法改变的。
32% Migrant Worker
1.838 million
Profiteering
0
72
20
80
Housing
Village collective company
Goverment Industrial Park
180m
Commerical
73
Shenzhen&Village in City
N Private Enterprise Education
Map of village in city in Ruian
Profiteering
0
74
20
80
Housing
Village collective company
Goverment Industrial Park
180m
Commerical
75
Shenzhen&Village in City
N Private Enterprise Education
Map of Industrial Zone in Ruian
Profiteering
0
76
20
80
Housing
Village collective company
Goverment Industrial Park
180m
Commerical
77
Shenzhen&Village in City
N Private Enterprise Education
Map of village in city in Shenzhen
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