ni k k i o ’ l o u g h l i n
killing time
colonizing territory for transient populations
killing time
c o l o n i z i n g territory for transient populations
nicole o’loughlin fall 2010 advisors: francisco sanin daniel deRiva
This project explores how one negotiates between contested territories. The focus of this study is Ceuta, a Spanish enclave in nor thern Morocco.
The city has experienced an evolution
of long-term tran sience, having undergone successions of Arab, Por tuguese, and Spanish occupation.
Recently, Ceuta
has acquired global attention due to its unique geographic and political position. As the only E.U. territory on African soil, the city has emerged as a microcosm of global immigration patterns. Large numbers of sub-Saharan and, increasingly, South East Asian immigrants seek refuge in Ceuta. . Ceuta has emerged as a dual city. The outlying neighborhoods on the western half of the peninsula are home to the transient populations entering and exiting downtown Ceuta on a daily basis. Moroccan satellite cities have developed in close proximity to the border, resulting in a daily flow of commuters crossing into Spanish territory. The western periphery of downtown is home to immigrants housed in the temporary holding center and Ceutis living in Muslim neighborhood enclaves. As a result of these given conditions, Ceuta experiences a large influx of people entering and exiting downtown on a daily basis. These complex issues pose the question: how does one colonize space for transient populations?
Ceuta has emerged as a pit-stop for Sub-Saharan Africans and south East Asians seeki ng European soil. As the only EU territory on African soil, it is very attractive- and accessible - to immigrants seeking admission to the EU. Though the enclave has been under Spain’s authority since the late fifteenth century, it wasn’t until 1998 that the government constructed a for tified border. This border fence and accompanying neutral zone was constructed primarily to thwar t the effor ts of incoming immigrants. To accommodate the large number of visitors, Ceuta has constructed a temporary holding center on the outskir ts of the city. With the strengthening of immigration policy throughout Spain and the EU- in addition to the recent economic crisisimmigrants are spending a significant duration of time in the ‘temporary’ holding center. According to official policy, a stay in the temporary holding center should last no longer than three months; an extension of an additional three months can be granted if necessary. Typically, the stay can last up to two years.
i m m i g r a n t d e m o g r a p hics and c e u t a ’ s t e m p o r a r y h o l d i n g center
ceuta (spain)
| immigrant demogr phics and ceuta ’s te mpora ry holding center
or i gin m a p of ceuta’s imm ig rant po p ulation
morocco
neutral zone + border fence
location of ceuta enclave and adjacent neutral region
origin and destination of c e u t a ’ s i m mi g r a n t population
The
Centro
de
Estancia
Temporal
de
Inmigrantes (CETI), is a holding center where immigrants remain while their applications for entry are processed.
These centers have
recently attracted attention due to a serious
surpassed capacity by several hundred people; rooms are above capacity and tents are now used as living quar ters. What is perhaps most troubling about the living accommodations is not just the overcrowded quar ters, it is the duration which the individual stays in the ‘temporary’ holding center.
According to
official policy, a stay in the C.E.T.I. should last no longer than three months; an extension of an
men
women
minors
ceti capa c i t y
additional three months can be granted if necessary. Typically, the stay can last up to two years. The CETI provides basic services, including: legal
assistance,
and
Spanish
Job oppor tunities are not provided,
however. Those living in the temporary holding centers are free to leave and spend the day as they wish as long as they repor t back to the center by 11pm. W ithout legal documents, the individuals are left to jobs in the informal sector or asking for spare change.
512
act u a l oc cu p an c y
classes.
b u i l d in g ca p a ci ty
healthcare,
892
c e ut a ’ s te m porary h o lding cen ter
rights organizations. The CETI in Ceuta has
population living inside of ceti
has come under attack by a variety of human
population living outside of ceti
house all occupants, the Spanish government
| immigrant demogr phics and ceuta ’s te mpora ry holding center
shor tage of space; lacking enough beds to
2+ years Mali, 9
Nigeria, 9
1 y e a r, 6 months
Guinea Bissau, 11 Nigeria, 69 Mali, 10
10 | immigrant demogr phics and ceuta ’s te mpora ry holding center
du r a ti on o f t im e sp en t aw ay from coun try of origin
1 year
Mauritania, 33 Nigeria, 12 Liberia, 34
6 months Mali, 35
Nigeria, 101
Ghana , 1 0
Guinea Biss a u , 2 0
1 ,200
1 ,000
8 00
6 00
4 00
2 00 j f m a m j j a s o n d
j f m a m j j a s o n d
t ime c ha r t o f arrival an d d ep ar t ure of im migrant population
11 | immigrant demogr phics and ceuta ’s te mpora ry holding center
1 ,200
1 ,000
8 00
6 00
4 00
2 00
j
f
m
a
m
jn
jl
a
s
12 | immigrant demog rp hi cs a nd ce uta’ s t empor ary holding center
a v e r a g e d ur ati on o f stay at th e tem p orary holding center
t e m p o r a r y holding center: c.e.t.i.[centro d e e s t a n c i a t e m p o r a l d e i n m i g r a n t e s ]
= 1 month
permitted period o f re s i d e n c e potential extension p e r i o d average residence d u r a t i o n
o
n
d
s t a ti s ti c s re gardi ng th e rej ect ion of asylum status
2 0 % o f t h o s e t r a n s f e r re d a re officially granted asylum status
13 | immigrant demog rp hi cs a nd ce uta’ s t empor ary holding center
30% of the c.e.t.i. inhabitants a re t r a n s f e r re d t o t h e mainland.
Islam
14 | immigrant demog rp hi cs a nd ce uta’ s t empor ary holding center
re ligi on de m o grap h ics
Christianity
Tradi tional Religion
Equa l Par ts: Christianity and Tradi tional Religion
Equa l Par ts: Christianity and Islam
female
80+
60-79
40-59
20-39
1-19
ge n de r de mo g raphics
15 | immigrant demog rp hi cs a nd ce uta’ s t empor ary holding center
number of individuals from specified country
male
16 | immigrant demog rp hi cs a nd ce uta’ s t empor ary holding center
a ge de m ogr ap h ics
18-25
26-29
30-35
36-39
40-45
46+
Morocco
Iraq Afghanistan
Algeria
India
Algeria Cameroon Ghana Gambia
Guinea
Bangladesh
Niger Nigeria
Mali
other Sub-Saharan
no education primary koranic technical education secondary bacalaureat university studies
or i gin a n d ed ucat ion demog rap hics
Sierra Leone
17 | immigrant demog rp hi cs a nd ce uta’ s t empor ary holding center
Rep.Congo
g l o b a l i m m i g r a t i o n patters
contextualizing global migration patterns Global migration trends indicate that, in its current state, the international population is a nomadic people. The movement and dispersion of ethnicities, languages, and people is not unique to the contemporary world stage, however; the phenomenon of global migration has existed in a variety of forms, ranging from nomadic tribes to large scale colonial ventures.
What is unique to the
current situation, however, is the unprecedented scale on which political effor ts and economic investments are utilized to preven t migration. Migration cann ot be fully conceptualized in simple terms of supply and demand. Increased interest in national security, widening economic gaps between the have-everythings and have-nothings, and advanced border control technologies are increasing the presence- and symbolic power- of border fences and immigration policies.
Fleeing political and economic instability, individuals
invest many years and entire life savings to seek new oppor tunities.
The
countries of destination resist employing simple humanitarian responses. Rather, their response is oftentimes rational and calculated: due to decreased labor demand, the increased supply of immigrants cannot be accommodated and expectations for economic oppor tunities cannot be fulfilled as sought. The conflicting goals and expectations of eith er par ty cannot expect simple these very issues.
20 | g lobal immigration pat te rns
c on s ide r in g th e g lobal co ntext
reconciliation. Complex political, economic, and social issues are imbedded in No single intervention can ameliorate the aforementioned
issues. The following body of research is intended to map the processes and issues instigat ing and resisting immigration.
Though the project focuses on
Ceuta, a small Spanish enclave on Morocco’s nor thern coast, a global context of migration issues is also investigated.
In order to formulate a theoretical
understanding of the people and places involved in these complex systems of movement, an understanding of territorial and individual identity is explored. This project poses the question: how are borders manifested in human and spatial relationships?
Ceuta: The migration layover T h o u g h a b ro a d t h eoretical framework is introduced, the central focus of the re s e a rc h i s S p a i n’ s enclave, Ceuta. Ceuta has emerged as a microcosm of global m i g r a t i o n p a t t e r n s . Though these enclaves have been under Spain’s authority s i n c e t h e l a t e f i f t e enth century, not until 1998 did the government construct f o r t i f i e d b o rd e r s . The region, along with its sister enclave Melilla, is the only E . U . t e r r i t o r y e x i s t i ng on the African continent. Consequently, Melilla and Ceuta s e r v e a s g a t e w a y s to the European coast. Social and economic strife compels h u g e n u m b e r s o f S ub-Saharan and, most recently, South East Asian immigrants, t o t h e E u ro p e a n re f uge. C e u t a ’ s p ro x i m i t y to Europe’s coast makes it par ticularly attractive to i m m i g r a n t s ; l o c a t e d only nine miles from mainland Spain, the enclave has e m e rg e d a s a j u mping ground to Europe.
Spain has recently come under
i n c re a s e d p re s s u re by the EU to tighten its border controls. Due to current EU b o rd e r p o l i c i e s , once an individual arrives on European soil, he/she is p r a c t i c a l l y f re e t o travel within EU boundaries without showing identification papers.
A l t h o u g h Spain is often an immigration route, it is not always the
d e s t i n a t i o n . T h e E U has expended serious economic investment and political p re s s u re t o p re v e n t the flow of immigration through Spain. Though Ceuta is a p e n i n s u l a r o f 1 7 s quare miles, its immigration issues extend to an international
c on s ide r in g th e g lobal co ntext
21 | g lobal immigration pat te rns
audience.
22 | g lobal immigration pat te rns
ma p pin g imm i gratio n tren ds
-0 - 9 9
+0-99
-2 0 0 - 2 9 9
-3 0 0 + afri ca
australi a
+100-199
sout h a merica
+200-299 asi a
+300+
nor th america
-1 0 0 - 1 9 9 e urope
g l o b a l m i g ra t i o n , in thousands. 2000-2005
saudia arabia +192
eu ro p e
mali
-27
guinea
-60
DR congo
-64
ta n z a n i a
-69
m o ro c c o
-80
egypt
-90
sudan
-104
spain
+405
germany
+220
uk
+137
fr a n c e
m o roc c o
+60
russia
+80
uzbekistan
-60
bangladesh
-70
kazakhstan
-140
ukraine
-140
indonesia
-200
iran
-276
india
-280
china
-390
united states +1,160 canada
+210
s ou t h a m e ri ca
+88
+10 0
mexico
-400
ecuador
-50
guatemala
-60
peru
-60
iraq bangladesh saudi arabia
india
spain
mexico united states
ma p pin g imm i gratio n tren ds
+116
australia
23 | g lobal immigration pat te rns
ethiopia sierra leone
+192 australia
UAE asia
+214
n o r th a me ri ca
africa
kenya
24 | g lobal immigration pat te rns
ma p pin g co nt est ed t erritories
or i gin o f c e u ta’ s im migran t p opu lation
25 | g lobal immigration pat te rns
Hong Kong was occupied by the UK in the mid 19th century; not until 1997 did the UK transfer control to China. It was at this time when Hong Kong was declared a Special Administrative Region (SAR) under Chinese control. As an SAR, Hong Kong is autonomous in all matters excluding those of self-defense and foreign affairs.
Simultaneously an autonomous region and a dependent of China, the region’s
identity is a composite of UK, Chinese, and independent influences.
Similar Hong Kong’s political status, Macau is a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of China. Prior to achieving SAR status, the region was until Por tuguese control; the Protugese had occupied the territory since the 16th century. Under China’s ‘one country, two systems’ policy, Macua retains a high degree of autonomy expect in matters of self-defense and foreign affairs. Under the Sino-Por tugese Joint Declaration, Macua retains autonomy until 2049.
territory in 1853. Throughout the 1980s and 90s, New Caledonians increased pressure on France to relinquish control. It wasn’t until 1998 that the Noumea Accord was reached, increasing the territory’s sovereignty.
26 | g lobal immigration pat te rns
do c ume n ti ng con tested and ambig u ous territory
New Caledonia was originally under French and British control; the island was officially made a French
US involvement in the Panamal Canal dates back to the early 20th century, when the Panama agreed to permit US construction of the Panama Canal. In addition to ceding control of the canal, the US was granted control of land on either side of the canal border; a total of ten years was required for the completion of the project.
Nearly 50 years after construction was complete, the US agreed to
incrementally transfer control of the canal. It was intended that, by the year 2000, Panama would gain full responsibility and control of the canal.
Cyprus is a former British colony which gained independence in 1960. Shor tly after Britain’s depar ture, violence between the Greek majority and Turkish minority commenced. The UN has maintained a large presence on the island since the initial uprisings. Despite attempts at reunification, negations c ontinue today. In an effor t to maintain peace, a buffer zone between nor th and south divides the island.
Territorial claims to the Fal kland Islands are currently a source of contention between the UK and Argentina. The islands have undergone a progression of ownership and transfer since the 16th century. English and French occupation began in the 16th and 17th centuries; France finally settled on the island in 1764.
Several years later, the territory was transferred to Spain.
Subsequent territorial disputes
between Spain and Britain ensued. Most currently, the dispute involving the UK and Argentina escalated; Argentina deployed military force to invade the islands in 1982. Re l a t i o n s b e t w e e n I s r a e l a n d t h e We s t B a n k / G a z a s t r i p h a v e p ro v e d e x t re m e l y v o l a t i l e .
P re c a r i o u s
p o l i t i c a l re l a t i o n s h a v e d i c t a t e d t h e c o n t ro l o f G a z a a n d t h e We s t B a n k , d r a w i n g a t t e n t i o n o n t h e i n t e rn a t i o n a l s c a l e . Re c e n t e v e n t s e x e m p l i f y t h e p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y w h i c h c o n t i n u e s t o p l a g u e t h e re g i o n .
Te r r i t o r i a l c l a i m s b e t w e e n S p a i n a n d G i b r a l t a r a re i m p o r t a n t i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e c u r re n t p o l i t i c a l t e n s i o n s i n C e u t a . G i b r a l t a r w a s f i r s t c e d e d t o B r i t a i n b y S p a i n t h e e a r l y 1 8 t h c e n t u r y ; s o o n t h e re a f t e r i t w a s d e c l a re d a B r i t i s h c o l o n y. A f t e r S p a i n’ s i n s i s t e n c e t h a t G i b r a l t a r b e re t u r n e d t o S p a n i s h c o n t ro l , a 1 9 6 7 re f e re n d u m d e t e r m i n e d t h a t G i b r a l t a r w o u l d , i n f a c t , re m a i n u n d e r B r i t i s h c o n t ro l . Tw o y e a r s a f t e r t h e re f e re n d u m t h e U K g r a n t e d G i b r a l t a r f u l l a u t o n o m y, w h i c h c o n s e q u e n t l y f u r t h e r s t r a i n e d s o v e re i g n t y t o t h e U K a n d S p a i n ; S p a i n s u b s e q u e n t l y s o u g h t i n c re a s e d c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h t h e U K . . O r i g i n a l l y u n d e r S p a n i s h c o n t ro l , We s t e r n S a h a r a h a s c o m e u n d e r M o ro c c a n c o n t ro l . I n 1 9 7 6 M o ro c c o c l a i m e d t h e n o r t h e r n t w o - t h i rd s o f We s t e r n S a h a r a ; a d d i t i o n a l l a n d w a s c l a i m e d s e v e r a l y e a r s l a t e r. T h e U N i s c u r re n t l y i n v o l v e d i n d e t e r m i n i n g t h e s t a t u s o f t h e c o n t e s t e d t e r r i t o r y. T h o u g h M o ro c c o h a s p re s e n t e d a p l a n f o r a u t o n o m y, n e g o t i a t i o n s a re s t i l l u n d e r w a y. We s t e r n S a h a r a u n t i l f u r t h e r re s o l u t i o n .
M o ro c c o re m a i n s a d m i n i s t r a t o r o f
27 | g lobal immigration pat te rns
re l a t i o n s w i t h S p a i n . A 2 0 0 2 re f e re n d u m d e t e r m i n e d t h a t G i b r a l t a r c i t i z e n s d i d n o t w a n t t o g r a n t j o i n t
do c ume n ti ng con tested and ambig u ous territory
B o t h t h e We s t B a n k a n d G a z a i s I s r a e l i o c c u p i e d t h o u g h s u b j e c t t o t h e I s r a e l i - Pa l e s t i n i a n A g re e m e n t .
The Berlin Wall stood for a period of 28 years before it was dismantled. The wall represented far larger political divisions plaguing Europe throughout the course of the Cold War. The wall was erected in 1961 with the intention of isolating East Berlin, controlled by the German Republic, from the West, occupied by the US, Britain, and France. The wall, therefore, additionally stood to represent Cold War tensions on the global stage. With the collapse of communism throughout the 70s and 80s, tensions continued to escalate over the wall’s presence in the city.
With much celebration, East Berliners
dismantled the wall in 1989.
Melilla and Ceuta, Spanish enclaves located on the Moroccan mainland, serve as gateways to the European coast. Social and economic strife drives many Moroccans, and other Nor th Africans alike, to seek refuge in nearby Spain. Though these enclaves have been under the ownership of Spain since the late fifteenth centu ry, not until 1998 did the government construct for tified borders
This
security, the Moroccan/Spain border is becoming increasingly volatile.
Large economic disparities exist between India and its neighbor Bangladesh.
28 | g lobal immigration pat te rns
do c ume n ti ng con tested and ambig u ous territory
escalation is indicative of larger issues; with increased numbers of migrants and tightening of border
With high
unemployment, overpopulation and illiteracy rates, few oppor tunities exist for the Bangladeshi. These problems have caused many to seek oppor tunities in nearby India. As the fifth longest border in the world, the fence runs great lengths- and through varied terrain. Patrolled by guards, the fence stands 12 feet high and is for tified with barbed wire.
As a consequence of the politics of border fence
construction, approxima tely 200 Indian villages exist between the border fence and Bangladesh, effectively locking the communities out of both countries, leaving 500,000 people to inhabit non-place
A heavily for tified and managed demilitarized zone currently separates Nor th and South Korea. Post WWII, the Korea’s nor th/south divergence began.
While the south embraced capitalism, the nor th
adhered to communist policies. Nor th Korea’s communist principles have dominated Nor th Korea’s stern political ideology. Internal problems such as a faltering economy and food shor tages continue to plague Nor th Korea.
Saudi Arabia has recently been involved in dramatic measures to increase its border security. Neighbor to the unstable Iraq, Saudi Arabia intends to prevent terrorists, drug traffickers, and illegal immigrants from entering the country. The fence represents the sophistication and technological advancements of the contemporary border fence. The 560 mile-long border is enhanced with movement detectors, face
With dramatically increased interest in national security, the United States/Mexico border has come under serious scrutiny. Though heightened border patrol was put into place throughout the 1990s, post 9-11 events dramatically increased interest, and economic investment, in border security. Between 1986 and 2002, funding for b order patrol increased a substantial 519%; staffing increased 221%. New, sophisticated technology subsequently followed funding increases. .
29 | g lobal immigration pat te rns
border fence techniques are also employed.
do c ume n ti ng con tested and ambig u ous territory
recognition software and ultraviolet detection capabilities. To augment this ‘vir tual fence,’ traditional
c o n t e x t u a l i z i n g s p a i n’ s i m m i g r a t i o n history
32 | cont ext ua li zing spa in’ s i mmig ra tion hi story
ma p pin g s pani sh en claves o n m ainland africa
M o roc c o
location of enc l a ve a n d adjacent neutr a l re g ion
geogr aphic contex t of sit e
ceuta (spain)
morocco
spain
morocco
d etail o f C eut a morocco
Ceuta (Spain)
neutral zone
border fence neutral zone
melilla (spain) neutral zone
i m m i g r a t i o n p a t t erns: spain
morocco 16% ecuador
12% 11%
romania
colombia
3%
china
3%
bulgaria
3%
other
37%
s pa i n’ s imm i grat ion statistics
peru
1980 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
33 | cont ext ua li zing spa in’ s i mmig ra tion hi story
argentina 7%
tot al immigr at ion Spain, 1 994-2007
percentage of non-EU nationalities in Spain, 2006
8%
average income comparison
morocco
e.u. spain
8 9
34 | cont ext ua li zing spa in’ s i mmig ra tion hi story
human development index
ma p pin g int an gi ble b o rders
20
A r a n k i n g d e v e l o p e d b y t h e U . N . m e a s uring life e x p e c t a n c y, l i t e r a c y, s c h o o l i n g , a n d i n come levels
117 a v e r a g e i n c o m e c o m p a r i s o n7 3
22
22
10
30
greece
60
80
117 moro cco 90
100
110
120
20
c ha r ti ng t he h u man develo pment in d ex
8
35 | cont ext ua li zing spa in’ s i mmig ra tion hi story
france
spain
9
20
italy
40
50
libya
73
70
1939
36 | cont ext ua li zing spa in’ s i mmig ra tion hi story
do c umn e ti ng ceut a’slo n g-term transience
1912
1914
internal france spain other e.u.
1830
timeline of transient population: precolonial period- 1940
France colonizes Algeria
WWI
WWII
precolonial
1900
1910
1920
1930 The colonial period begins
precolonial Sedentary and semi-nomadic groups inhabit present-day morocco. The majority of this rural to rural migration occurs in western Morocco 7th c. Following the Arab-Islamic conquests, migration to Morocco increased. 8th-15th c. After the reconquest of the Iberian Peninsula, large number of Muslims and Jews migrate from Spain to Morocco. 1830 The French colonize Algeria. A demand for workers results in a large immigration from Morocco to Algeria
1912
The Colonial Era begins. 1914
Control over Morocco is divided amongst Spain and France. France acquires control over the majority of Morocco; Spain is granted the south western Sahara.
early 20th c.
The development of infrastructure, particularly along the coast, incited urban growth. Subsequently, rural to urban migration followed. 1939 During WWII 126,000 Moroccans join the French forces.
t ime li ne de scrip tion
1912-1956
37 | cont ext ua li zing spa in’ s i mmig ra tion hi story
During WWI 40,000 Moroccans were recruited for the French army.
1940
1940-2010
1960
1950
1960 1975
Immigration agreements signed
WWII The Green March
1985
1970
1998
1980
1990 2009
3 8| cont ex tua lizi ng s pa i n’s immigrat ion his tory
d oc umn e t ing ceu ta’slo ng- term tran sien ce
1985 Immigration Law
1985 Immigration Law
WWII
2000
Enclave border fence construction
1949-1962
Moroccan immigration to France increased dramatically. Demand for factory and mine workers resulted in an increased Moroccan immigration population, from 20,000 to 53,000. 1956
Morocco achieves independence from France
1962-1972
The latter half of the 20th century saw a diversification of Moroccan immigration. Economic growth in Western Europe resulted in a demand for labor. Labor recruitment agreements were signed with Germany, France, Belgium, and the Netherlands
Spain joins the E.U. With this economic boost, Moroccan immigration increases. 1990 Spain and Italy revise visa requirements. 1998 Spain constructs border fences, for a cost of $37 million US dollars. The E.U. contributes two- third of the total cost. 1980-2004 Spain and Italy become major destinations for Moroccan immigrants. The number of Moroccans in these countries increased from 20,000 to 65,000 2000-2010 Morocco joins the European Mediterranean Association Agreement (EMAA). The plan includes a free trade agreement between the E.U. and Morocco, increased investment in the private sector, and funds for immigration reduction.
t ime l ine de scri ptio n
Moroccans in Europe increases, rising from 30,000 in 1965 to 400,00 in 1975. 1973 The Oil Crisis decreased labor demand in Europe. 1975 King Hassan II organizes the Green March. 350,000 Moroccans peacefully ‘invade’ the Western Sahara. Spain eventually withdraws from the area. 1985-1995 A cycle of return migration begins. 1985 In anticipation of entering the European Union, Spain proposes strict new immigration policies aimed at Moroccans. Severe backlash ensues. 1986
3 9| cont ex tua lizi ng s pa i n’s immigrat ion his tory
1965-1975
i m m i g r a n t r i g h t s a n d l e g a l c o n s i d er taions
42 | immigrant rights and lega l consi derat ions
ma p pin g met ho d s o f b ord er cro ssin g
Rights and legal processes: non-refoulement acceler ated retur n expulsion
Often, after being caught, immigr ants are ex pelled from t he c ou n try without legal assitance or the oppor tunity to appeal t he ex pu l s i on decision, as required by law . I nstead, they are often ex pelled i n to deser t territory.
The border crossing success r ate is 20%.
Three groups are for med on the selected day: group 1: distract guards at one location group 2: jump fence at second location w ith w ooden or rope s e l f-made ladders. group 3: hold ladder s in place for group tw o.
Border crossing process 1. Self-organized groups for m over the dur ation of s ever a l m on th s . 2. Groups are ar r anged by nationality, ethnic or igin, la ngua ge grou p. 3. They await to reach a cr itical mass (sever al hundred).
Alternative entr ance method: A dangerous sea route around the fence is often attem pt ed, ei th e r by boat or by swimming.
Multiple border crossings are typically attempted.
Daily routines consist of cooking, collecting w ater a nd cons tru cti n g ladders and gloves for the anticipated border cor ssing. Thes e activities often occur in groups.
Immigrants live on the boder per ipher y for an aver age of s eve n months. This time is taken to str ategize border cros s ing. Li v i n g conditions are deplor able and food and w ater are not rea dily av ai l abl e .
cros s ing the b o rd e r
ma p pin g border co n trol
43 | immigrant rights and lega l consi derat ions
F i x e d s ta ti o n s Pa t ro l B o a ts M e d i u m - S i z e d fa s t b o a ts L i g h t p a tro l b o a ts
O n c e S p a i n i s h la n d i s re a c h e d , i m m i g ra n ts m u s t a v oi d e x p u lsion. To t h i s e n d , t h e y m u s t i m m e d i a te ly re p o r t to a p o li c e s ta ti on to register t h e i r i n t e n t t o re a m i n i n S p a i n i s h te rri to ry. T h i s re c e i p t p re vents i l l e g a l e x p l u s i o n o r a c c e le ra te d re tu rn . It a ls o p e rm i ts s ta y at the c e t i . Re p o r t s s u g g e s t th a t th i s p ro c e d u re i s n o t a lw a y s followed, l e a d i n g t o i l l e g a l i m m e d i a te e x p u ls i o n .
25 16 44 11
S y s t e m o f R a d a rs a n d V i d e o C a m e ra s c o n tro lli n g th e fi rs t 20 km of M e d i t e r r a n e a n c o a s tli n e . T h i s s y s te m i s c o n n e c te d w i th a c o o rd i n a t i o n c v e n te r w h i c h d i re c ts re s c u e a n d i m m i g ra ti on forces a l o n g t h e A n d a lu s i a n c o a s t.
SIVE System, 2008 I n t e g r a t e d S y s te m fo r th e c o n tro lo f S p a n i s h Ma ri ti m e b ord e rs
7.8 km double b o rd e r f e n c e , 2 - 5 m e te rs a p a r t. 3 sections 3 1 6 p o l i c e m e n a rm e d w i th ru b b e r b u lle ts , w a tc h to w e rs 6 2 6 g u a rd i a c i v i l 3 7 c l o s e d c i rc u i t c a m e ra s i n f r a - re d r a y s f i b e r- o p t i c t h e rm a l s e n s o rs helicopters
b o rd e r characteristics
b o rd e r c h e c k p o i n t: Mo ro c c a n c i ti z e n s o n ly
b o rd e r c h e c k p o i n t
g u a rd i n g t h e b o rder
The hierarchy of immigration authorities begins with the Spanish National Police. An incoming immigrant would most likely first encounter the National Police upon entering Spain. The National Police do not have the authority to make policy decisions; they do, however, have the power to enforce decisions. The National Police repor t to the delegate, consisting of a staff and chief of cabinet. The delegate serves as mediator
between
national
policy
and
local
enforcement. It is impor tant to note that, although the delegate repor ts directly to the national government, they are entitled to significant decision-making authority.
Thought the delegates are granted the
responsibility to interpret immigration law, they receive little oversight; interpretation of immigration law therefore goes vir tually unchecked. This hierarchy of immigration authority is par ticular per tinent to Ceuta. Due to its geographic isolation and unique legal position, Ceuta’s delegates exercise
44 | immigrant rights and lega l consi derat ions
im migr a tio n au th o rities
broad and unchecked power- to a degree greater than mainland autonomous communities.
The absolute
authority of the delegate often results in negative consequences
for
the
immigrant;
individual
interpretation of laws and procedures oftentimes neglect the rights of immigrants and asylum seekers.
U n l i k e S p a i n , M o ro c c o ’ s f i n a n c i a l re s o u rc e s d o n o t f u l l y s u p p o r t a g g re s s i v e m e a s u re s a g a i n s t illegal immigration.
The EU has on multiple
o c c a s i o n s , h o w e v e r, o f f e re d f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t t o M o ro c c o i n e x c h a n g e f o r a m o re p ro a c t i v e a p p ro a c h t o i m m i g r a t i o n . F u r t h e r c o m p l i c a t i n g M o ro c c o ’ s p o s i t i o n i s t h e f a c t t h a t t h e m a j o r i t y of
immigrants
entering
Spain
a re
not
of
M o ro c c a n o r i g i n . If
caught
by
M o ro c c a n
security
f o rc e s ,
i m m i g r a n t s a re o f t e n h e l d a t m i l i t a r y b a s e s . Tw o b a s e s , N a d o r a n d G u e l m i m , a re t h e f re q u e n t d e s t i n a t i o n o f n o n - M o ro c c a n i m m i g r a n t s . N a d o r military base is located on the north-east coast o f M o ro c c o , l o c a t e d i n c l o s e p ro x i m i t y t o t h e Spanish
enclave
of
Melilla.
Immigrants
o r i g i n a t i n g i n We s t a n d C e n t r a l A f r i c a a re o f t e n transported to these military bases to await expulsion.
f i n g e r p r i n t s a re re c o rd e d . L i v i n g a r r a n g e m e n t s a t t h e m i l i t a r y b a s e s a re n o t e q u i p p e d f o r comfortable accommodation.
Canvas tents,
typically of a capacity of seven people, house i m m i g r a n t s . T h o u g h f o o d a n d w a t e r i s p ro v i d e d , m e d i c a l s e r v i c e s a n d w a s h i n g f a c i l i t i e s a re n o t available.
le ga l p ro ce sses
n a t i o n a l i t y a re d o c u m e n t e d ; p h o t o g r a p h s a n d
45 | immigrant rights and lega l consi derat ions
Upon arriving at the military base, names and
Two distinct legal processes dictate the official procedure for expelling immigrants. Both legal processes grant cer tain rights to the immigrant, including legal assistance and legal services. It is impor tant to note, however, that if an immigrant
has
filed
an
asylum
request,
processes of accelerated return or expulsion cannot be applied. objective
upon
An immigrant’s primary
entering
Spain,
therefore,
involves registering at a local police station. Non-refoulement is a principle in accordance with international law. The Refugee Convention of 1951 sought to protect the rights of asylum seekers, declaring that "no Contracting State shall expel or return ("refouler") a refugee in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account
of
his
race,
religion,
nationality,
membership of a par ticular social group or political opinion." The right to non-refoulement
46 | immigrant rights and lega l consi derat ions
le ga lit ie s of o f exp ulsion
is not always recognized in practice.
The
following procedures, accelerated return and expulsion, are oftentimes illegally applied to asylum seekers. Repor ts from NGOs such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch document many cases in which asylum seekers are denied their full legal rights in favor of immediate expulsion from Spanish territory.
Devolución
(accelerated
re t u r n )
is
the
p ro c e s s o f e x p e d i t e d re p a t r i a t i o n w h e n a n individual is found illegally entering Spain. T h e re
a re
two
c i rc u m s t a n c e s
when
the
p ro c e s s o f d e v o l u t i o n i s e n a c t e d : w h e n a n individual is entering the country by illegal means
or
if
an
individual
has
been
p re v i o u s l y e x p e l l e d b u t h a s f a i l e d t o l e a v e S p a n i s h t e r r i t o r y. E x p u l s i ó n , b y c o n t r a s t , i s a m o re s e r i o u s l e g a l re s p o n s e a n d i s e n f o rc e d u n d e r t w o c i rc u m s t a n c e s . F i r s t l y, a n i n d i v i d u a l c a n b e e x p e l l e d i f h e / s h e i s f o u n d re s i d i n g i l l e g a l l y in
Spain;
maintaining
a
re s i d e n c e
and
o c c u p a t i o n w i t h i n S p a n i s h t e r r i t o r y, w i t h o u t official
permits,
expulsion.
most
often
re s u l t s
in
S e c o n d l y, i f a s e r i o u s c r i m e -
o n e w i t h a p e n a l t y o f a y e a r o r m o re i n j a i l is committed by an individual who has p re v i o u s l y b e e n g r a n t e d t h e r i g h t t o re m a i n
taking
T h e e x p u l s i o n p ro c e s s i s r a p i d , place
almost
i m m e d i a t e l y.
An
individual is permitted 72 hours to seek c o n s u l w i t h a l a w y e r a n d i n t e r p re t e r t o appeal the case. Though legal distinctions exist between devolución and expulsion, technical
ambiguities
and
loose
i n t e r p re t a t i o n c a n o f t e n t i m e s d i s re g a rd a n d abuse immigrant’s rights.
me t ho ds of ex pu l sion
Spain.
47 | immigrant rights and lega l consi derat ions
i n S p a i n , h e / s h e c a n b e e x p e l l e d f ro m
A p p l y i n g f o r re f u g e e s t a t u s i s a n a rd u o u s t a s k a n d m o s t o f t e n re s u l t s i n a re j e c t e d a p p l i c a t i o n . W i t h d e c re a s e d d e m a n d f o r e c o n o m i c m i g r a n t s , S p a i n h a s b e g u n t i g h t e n i n g i t s b o rd e r c o n t ro l s . Po l i t i c a l
and
economic
instability
in
sub-Saharan Africa and South East Asia has s i m u l t a n e o u s l y i n c re a s e d i m m i g r a t i o n p re s s u re on Spain. M o ro c c o ’ s C a p i t a l , R a b a t , i s h o m e t o t h e c o u n t r y ’ s U N Re f u g e e c e n t e r, w h e re re g i s t r a t i o n f o r re f u g e e s t a t u s t a k e s p l a c e . A n i n t e g r a l s t e p i n t h e re g i s t r a t i o n p ro c e s s m u s t t a k e p l a c e o n Spanish soil. As soon as an immigrant enters S p a n i s h t e r r i t o r y, h e / s h e m u s t re p o r t t o a Spanish police station.
H e re t h e y a n n o u n c e
t h e i r p re s e n c e o n S p a n i s h s o i l a n d p e t i t i o n f o r t h e i r r i g h t t o a s y l u m . S p a i n’ s re s p o n s e c o n s i s t s of two primary phases.
The first phase takes
place in Ceuta; if further investigation is d e e m e d a p p ro p r i a t e , t h e a p p l i c a t i o n a n d a s y l u m
48 | immigrant rights and lega l consi derat ions
a s y lum s t a t us
s e e k e r i s t r a n s f e r re d t o m a i n l a n d S p a i n . T h e a u t h o r i t i e s i n C e u t a a re re s p o n s i b l e f o r p ro c e s s i n g t h e a s y l u m s e e k e r ’ s a p p l i c a t i o n . I n t e r v i e w s t a k e p l a c e i n o rd e r t o d e t e r m i n e t h e immigrant’s
country
of
origin.
Because
M o ro c c o re f u s e s t o a c c e p t i m m i g r a n t s o f o t h e r n a t i o n a l i t i e s b a c k o n M o ro c c a n s o i l , S p a i n i s re s p o n s i b l e destination.
for
determining
the
expulsion
S p a i n h a s f e w re p a t r i a t i o n a g re e m e n t s w i t h African and South East Asian countries; without such
an
a g re e m e n t ,
immigrants
cannot
be
l e g a l l y re t u r n e d t o t h e i r c o u n t r i e s . A s a re s u l t , i m m i g r a n t s o f t e n d e s t ro y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n p a p e r s for fear of expulsion. Tw o o u t c o m e s a re p o s s i b l e ; i f d e t e r m i n e d t h a t t h e i m m i g r a n t i s n o t a d m i s s i b l e , t h e y a re s e n t t o the CETI, a temporary holding center in rural Ceuta.
If determined that that immigrant is
a d m i s s i b l e , t h e a s y l u m s e e k e r i s t r a n s f e r re d t o a Re f u g e e Re c e p t i o n C e n t e r i n m a i n l a n d S p a i n host cities. F e w i m m i g r a n t s a re e v e r t r a n s p o r t e d t o m a i n l a n d S p a i n ; o n l y 2 0 - 3 0 % o f a s y l u m s e e k e r s a re s e n t to host cities. Once on Spanish soil, expulsion o rd e r s
a re
difficult
to
e n f o rc e ,
practically
e n a b l i n g f re e m o v e m e n t t h ro u g h o u t t h e E U . A f t e r t h i s s e c o n d a r y s t a g e o f a p p l i c a t i o n re v i e w , o n l y
has
been
even
m o re
re l u c t a n t
to
immigrants access to the mainland.
permit Though
s t r i n g e n t re g u l a t i o n s a re i n p l a c e t o p ro t e c t t h e r i g h t s o f i m m i g r a n t s , re p o r t s s h o w t h a t t h i s p ro c e d u re i s n o t a l w a y s f o l l o w e d . I n re a l i t y, a n a p p l i c a t i o n f o r a s y l u m d o e s n o t a l w a y s e n s u re p ro t e c t i o n
against
accelerated
re t u r n
e x p u l s i o n , a s d i c t a t e d b y o f f i c i a l p o l i c y.
or
re a c hing main l and spain
D u e t o i n c re a s e d i n t e r n a t i o n a l p re s s u re , S p a i n
49 | immigrant rights and lega l consi derat ions
1 0 % o f a p p l i c a n t s a re g r a n t e d a s y l u m .
Transience is imbedded in the history of Ceuta. From Arab, Por tuguese, and Spanish colonization, to the current influx of immigrants seeking European soil, Ceuta has witnessed a continual flow of people around, in, and through the city.
In
addition to the immigrant populations living in Ceuta, there are two additional transient populations which enter and exit the city on a daily basis. Ceuta’s Muslim population is largely concentrated in the outlying neighborhoods west of downtown. This pattern of occupation has deep historical roots and can be traced back to the 15th Por tuguese occupation wherein the Por tuguese relocated the Arab population to the city outskir ts, west of the for tification. Additionally, there are a large number of daily commuters who travel from Morocco to Ceu ta on a daily basis; approximately 13,000 commuters enter Ceuta to work. Satellite cities such as Fnideq and Benzu have provided a steady flow of commuters in and out of the enclave.
m a p p i n g c e u t a ’ s t r a n s i e n t p o p ulations
Tr a d i t i o n s o f I d e n t i t y Tr a n s f o r m a t i o n C e u t a , a p e n i n s u l a o f l e s s t h a n 3 0 k m , m a n i fests the precarious relationship between Morocco and Spain. Issues of t e r r i t o r i a l a n d g e o g r a p h i c i d e n t i t y u n d e rg o continual transformation; the ethnic and national identities of individuals s u b s e q u e n t l y re a c t t o , a n d a g a i n s t , t h e s e p olitically-derived boundaries. In order to contextualize the impetuses for i d e n t i t y o s c i l l a t i o n , a b r i e f o v e r v i e w o f re c e nt political events will be examined.
The current religious, ethnic, and
l i n g u i s t i c p a l i m p s e s t e x i s t i n g i n C e u t a i s n o t new; rather, this identity confluence is embedded in the history of city. C o n t e m p o r a r y C e u t a i s c o m p r i s e d o f C a t h o l i c Spain and Muslim Morocco descendants; new waves of immigrants from s u b - S a h a r a n a n d , i n c re a s i n g l y, S o u t h E a s t Asian countries increase the complexity of identity mapping and ethnic d i v e r s i t y. T h e n e w t r a n s i e n t d i v e r s i t y i s t h e refore both a continuation of- and a depar ture from- past traditions.
E a r l y M o r o c c a n Tr a n s i e n c e F ro m t h e l a t e 1 7 t h t o t h e l a t e 1 9 t h c e n t u r y, Ceuta remained fairly unpopulated. Primarily functioning as a Spanish for t a n d p r i s o n , p o p u l a t i o n w a s l o w ; i n a d d i t i o n t o Spanish military personnel and Muslim servants, there was no suggestion o f t h e u r b a n i z a t i o n e x i s t i n g t o d a y.
1
S o o n t hereafter, the Spanish population increased; the 1890s saw a substantial
p o p u l a t i o n g ro w t h f ro m S p a n i s h A n d a l u c í a . It wasn’t until the 1912 Spanish Protectorate that Moroccan presence in C e u t a e x p e r i e n c e d s i g n i f i c a n t e x p a n s i o n . I n fact, the Moroccan influx was largely due to mercenaries fighting against M o ro c c o i n t h e S p a n i s h C o l o n i a l Wa r.
2
T h is military alliance confused issues of allegiance and national identity and
52 | mapping ce uta’ s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
ov e r v ie w of span ish m o ro ccan relation s
l a t e r c o m p l i c a t e d e t h n i c i d e n t i f i c a t i o n f o l l o w ing the future demise of the Spanish protectorate. O n c e t h e S p a n i s h P ro t e c t o r a t e w a s i n p l a c e , however, Moroccans were finally granted access to Ceuta soil. Though the 1 9 4 0 s s a w t h e b e g i n n i n g s o f i n c re a s e d M o ro c can immigration, droughts and poor harvests throughout the 1950s and 60s d ro v e i n c re a s e d n u m b e r s o f M o ro c c a n s t o C e uta in search of work. The majority of these families relocated from the Rif re g i o n t o t h e M o u n t a i n s o u t s i d e o f C e u t a .
3
The ending of the Spanish Protectorate in 1956, a major historical landmark,
s o o n f o l l o w e d t h e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n c re a s e s a n d drastically impacted Ceuta’s Spanish-Muslim relations.
1 2 3
E v a E v e r s Ro s a n d e r, W o m a n i n a B o rderland: Managing Muslim Identity where Morocco Meets Spain ( S t o c k h o l m : S t o c k h o l m S t u d i e s i n S ocial Anthropology: 1991), 24. T h i s s i t u a t i o n i s n o t d i s s i m i l a r t o F r ance and Algeria’s military dependence in both world wars; nearly 1 7 0 , 0 0 0 A l g e r i a n s a s s i s t e d t h e F re n ch forces. Hein de Haas, Morocco: From Emigration Country to Africa’s M i g r a t i o n Pa s s a g e t o E u ro p e ( M i g r a t ion Policy Institute: 2005), 1). Ro s a n d e r, 2 3 .
T h e Tr a j e c t o r y o f A m b i g u o u s Te r r i t o r i e s : C u r r e n t P o p u l a t i o n Tr e n d s Tho u g h h i s t o r i c a l l y t h e M u s l i m p o p u l a t i o n w a s d i scriminated against in Ceuta, recent political trends indicate a greater pre s e n c e a n d p o w e r o f M u s l i m - B a c k e d p o l i t i c a l p ar ties. The recent emergence of the PSDC and CM par ties suggest that the M u s l i m p o p u l a t i o n i s g a i n i n g p o l i t i c a l p o w e r. The Muslim population in Ceuta continues to rise; out of the 76,000 inh a b i t a n t s , 2 7 , 0 0 0 a re M u s l i m . I t i s e s t i m a t e d that this trend will continue, as the Muslim population has a higher bir t h r a t e a s c o m p a re d t o t h e S p a n i s h - C a t h o l i c c o unterpar ts.
M i c r o -Tr a n s i e n c e : D a i l y Tr a n s f o r m a t i o n o f t h e C e u t a P o p u l a t i o n In a d d i t i o n t o t h e l a rg e t r a n s i e n t p o p u l a t i o n o f i mmigrants who remain in Ceuta for periods of weeks or years, t here is als o a l a rg e i n f l u x o f i n d i v i d u a l s w h o e n t e r a n d e xit the city on a daily basis. This daily pattern is due in large par t to eco n o m i c e x c h a n g e s , e i t h e r i n t h e f o r m o f e m p l o yment or tourism.
Ceu t a i s a m a j o r s o u rc e o f j o b s f o r M o ro c c a n s l i ving in close proximity to the border. Satellite cities have provided a ste a d y f l o w o f c o m m u t e r s i n a n d o u t o f t h e e n c l a ve. In fact, a second border checkpoint was implemented spec ifically for t h i s re a s o n ; t h e n o r t h e r n m o s t b o rd e r c h e c k p o i nt is intended for Moroccan residents only, as the checkpoint permits
The
com m u t e r s c ro s s i n g t h e b o rd e r d a i l y e n t e r i n a n d out of E.U. territory- the only E.U. territory on African soil. Additionally, the b o rd e r s e r v e s a s a t e m p o r a l d i v i s o r ; t h o u g h Ceuta aligns itself with mainland Spain time, Morocco employs its own tim e z o n e . I n t h e w i n t e r, M o ro c c o i s o n e h o u r a h e ad of Ceuta. In the summer, it leaps ahead two hours. Ceuta is th erefore div i d e d w i t h re g a rd t o s p a c e a n d t i m e ; t h o u g h g e ographically it is proximal to Morocco, temporally it aligns itself with Spa i n . T h e d a i l y b o rd e r c ro s s i n g i s t h e re f o re , e x perientially, anything but routine.
c e ut a ’ s porou s b o rder
The M o ro c c o / C e u t a b o rd e r re p re s e n t s s i g n i f i c a n t differences with regard to culture, religion, and economics.
53 | mapping ce uta’ s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
Mo ro c c a n re s i d e n t s t o q u i c k l y c o m m u t e t o B e n z u , a sister community on the Spanish side of the border.
Scales of Identity:
T h e P r i o r i t i z a t i o n o f Te r r i t o r i a l A l l i a n c e s
T h e re l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n S p a i n a n d G i b r a l tar fur ther complicates its diplomatic position with regard to Morocco. T h ro u g h o u t t h e 1 9 8 0 s , S p a i n i n c re a s e d p re s sure on the UK to return ownership of Gibraltar to Spanish rule. Morocco i n t e r p re t e d s uc h d e m a n d s a s h y p o c r i t i c a l a s they had similarly demanded, to no avail, political control of the enclaves. I n 1 9 8 5 , re s e a rc h w a s c o n d u c t e d t o d e t e r m i ne with whom citizens of Gibraltar, Ceuta, and Melilla identified.
It was
c o n c l u d e d t h a t G i b r a l t a r i a n s i d e n t i f i e d t h e m s elves with Gibraltar first and Britain second. By contrast, residents of the e n c l a v e s c o n s i d e re d t h e m s e l v e s S p a n i a rd s f i rst and Ceutis or Melillenses second. The historian Peter Gold speculates w h y t h e s e i d e n t i f y f o r m a t i o n s t o o k p l a c e . He suggests that it was “no doubt a reflection of a growing preoccupation 11
i n t h e e n c l a v e s m a i n t a i n i n g H i s p a n i c h e g e mony in the face of an increasing asser tive non-Spanish com munity.”
T h u s , j u s t a s t h e M u s l i m p o p u l a t i o n s o u g h t to increase its identity with Morocco following the disintegration of the p ro t e c t o r a t e , t h e S p a n i s h s i m i l a r l y a s s e r t e d i ts association with mainland Spain. As a result, an increasingly polarized community developed.
I n d i v i d u a l a n d t e r r i t o r i a l i d e n t i t y c o n t i n u e s t o transform, however. Sid Embarak, a working class neighborhood on the o u t s k i r t s o f d o w n t o w n , i s h o m e t o C e u t a ’ s p r imary mosque. The adjacent neighborhood is largely Muslim; A rabic is the
t h e i r o w n n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y ; a s e r i e s o f i n t e r views recently conducted reveals the complexity of identification existing w i t h i n C e u t a ’ s M u s l i m p o p u l a t i o n . M s . A b d e lati, a Moroccan resident who commutes to Ceuta daily, observes that “the
54 | mapping ce uta’ s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
de f in ing t e r rit ori al and ind ivid ual id en tit y
d o m i n a n t l a n g u a g e a n d c a f e s s e r v e t r a d i t i o n a l Moroccan dishes. The inhabitants represent a diverse set of views towards
M u s l i m s h e re a re j u s t l i k e M o ro c c a n s [ … ] C euta is Moroccan – I don’t understand why people here don’t se e that.”
12
F o r M s . A b d e l t i , n o b o rd e r e x i s t s b e t w e e n Morocco and Ceuta’s Sid Embarak. Ironically, her characterization of the M u s l i m n e i g h b o r h o o d i s s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f t h e employee at the tourist information desk to which Rosander spoke in 1978. B o t h i n d i v i d u a l s a s s e r t t h a t M u s l i m n e i g h b o rhoods, because they share similar religious affiliations with Morocco, are n o t S p a n i s h t e r r i t o r y. A c c o rd i n g t o t h e i r t e r r itorial classifications, ethnicity, religion, and language transce nd political b o rd e r s .
1 1 1 2
Pe t e r G o l d , E u ro p e o r A f r i c a : A C o n t emporary Study of the Spanish Enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla (Liverpool U n i v e r s i t y P re s s , L i v e r p o o l : 2 0 0 0 ) , 56. J o h n T h o r n e , “ M u s l i m s o f S p a n i s h City Caught in the Crossfire,” The National, December 28, 2008.
The Dangers of Identity: Safety in the Concealment of Ethnicity and Origins Iro n i c a l l y, t h e i m m i g r a n t s e n t e r i n g C e u t a t o d a y find security by masking, rather than celebrating, their identity. Ide n t i f i c a t i o n p a p e r s a re o f t e n d e s t ro y e d , n a t i o n a l ity is disguised, and regional accents are concealed. Spain has come und e r i n c re a s e d p re s s u re t o s e c u re i t s b o rd e r s ; c onsequently, fewer individuals are granted asylum. In order to ensure tha t t h e y a re n o t re t u r n e d t o t h e i r c o u n t r y o f o r i g in, immigrants often feign a nationality in hopes of securing the right to a s y l u m .
A re c e n t a c c o u n t o f M a m a d o u S a l i o u ’ s j o u r n e y f rom Senegal to Italy illustrates how the masking of identity is employed as a s e c u r i t y d e v i c e . B o r n i n G u i n e a , h e m o v e d t o Senegal to work as a nurse. Earning a salary insufficient to suppor t his fam i l y, h e s e t o f f f o r C e u t a i n h o p e s o f re a c h i n g I t aly. Upon entering Ceuta, his national origins disappeared. He recalls: “I w a s a re f u g e e f ro m R w a n d a a n d a s k e d f o r p o l i t i cal asylum. If I had said I was from Guinea or Senegal, they wou ld have sen t m e b a c k h o m e . T h a t n i g h t I s l e p t o n a c l e a n and comfor table mattress for the first time in four months.”
9
Thi s re j e c t i o n a n d c o n c e a l m e n t o f t r u e i d e n t i t y does not occur throughout all stages of the immigration process. Thro u g h o u t j o u r n e y s i n d i v i d u a l s f o r m g ro u p s , o f ten based on similar ethnicity and language, to assist one another. Res o u rc e s a n d a d v i c e , h o w e v e r s c a rc e , a re o f f e red.
Manadou recalls one occasion on his journey when he and his
of t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e j o u r n e y.
9 10
10
“ B i l l y ’ s Jo u r n e y : C ro s s i n g t h e S a h a r a , ” BBC News, March 22, 2004. Ibid, 3.
c on c ea l ing i n di vi dual identity
wit h n o t h i n g . O n e o f t h e g ro u p m e m b e r s , h a v i n g h idden money in his shoe, offered each person $5 to permit continuation
55 | mapping ce uta’ s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
trav e l l i n g c o m p a n i o n s w e re c a u g h t a n d a s s a u l t e d by the Algerian police. Having lost all papers and money, he was left
I d e n t i t y A s s e r t i o n : Re a c t i o n s t o t h e D e m a rc a t i o n o f Po l i t i c a l B o u n d a r i e s E v a Ro s a n d e r, a n a n t h ro p o l o g i s t s t u d y i n g f e m ale Muslim identity in Soza, discussed how the transition of political power s u b s e q u e n t l y i m p a c t e d e t h n i c a n d re l i g i o u s identity.
4
Her interviews reveal the consequences of this rapid identity
transformation: “ T h e o l d e r S o z a i n h a b i t a n t s re m e m b e r h o w t h e i r re l a t i v e s o n t h e o t h e r s i d e o f t h e b o rd e r w e re c o n v e r t e d i n t o t r i u m p h a n t M o ro c c a n s f i l l e d w i t h r a d i a n t n a t i o n a l i s m . T h e S p a n i s h - M o ro c c a n b o rd e r t h a t w a s e s t a b l i s h e d a t Ta r a j a l , s o u t h o f C e u t a , h a d m a d e t h e C e u t a M u s l i m s n o n M o ro c c a n s , n o t o n l y i n p r a c t i ce , b u t a l s o i n t h e o r y. T h e y n o w h u r r i e d t o c h a n g e t h e i r i m a g e a n d o r i e n t t h e m s e l v e s t o w a rd s M o ro c c a n s [ … ] A n I s l a m i c ‘ re v i v a l ’ a n d a w a v e o f a d m i r a t i o n f o r M o ro c c o s t a r t e d a m o n g t h e C e u t a a n d S o z a M u s l i m s . ”
5
I n re a c t i o n a g a i n s t t h e e x p re s s i o n o f o v e r t ethnicity, the Spanish aggressively asser ted their own Spanish-Catholic i d e n t i t y. F i r m e t h n i c s t a n c e s c o n s e q u e n t l y i mpacted geographic positions. Former Moroccan mercenaries, assumed to b e S p a n i s h s y m p a t h i z e r s , l e f t f o r C e u t a . S p aniards in Morocco similarly followed. The change in geograph ic location, f ro m o n e a r b it r a r y p o l i t i c a l b o u n d a r y t o a n other, was integral in declaring one’s identity.
The political border was
t h e re f o re a c c o m p a n i e d b y e t h n i c a n d re l i g i o u s borders between Muslim Moroccans and Christian Spaniards.
56 | mapping ce uta’ s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
c on s tr u c ti ng in t ang ible b o rders
T h i s i n t a n g i b l e b o rd e r w a s re i n f o rc e d ; Ro s a n der observes the role of female Muslims in instilling Muslim val ues in their c h i l d re n . S h e w r i t e s t h a t “ t h e M u s l i m w o m e n , who had traditionally not associated as much with the Spaniards, achieved a n e v e n s t ro n g e r ro l e a s b o u n d a r y- m a k e r s a nd upholders of ethnic and religious identity.”
6
This boundary-making
p ro c e s s i n c l u d e d s e n d i n g c h i l d re n t o re l a t i v es in the Moroccan countryside to learn Arabic. Arabic was increasingly u s e d i n f a m i l y c o n v e r s a t i o n a n d i n t h e p re s e n ce of Spaniards. Language was therefore employed as a device to reinforce re l i g i o u s a n d e t h n i c i d e n t i t y.
4 5 6
S o z a i s a s m a l l M u s l i m c o m m u n i t y i n Ceuta territory. Ibid, 29. Ibid, 30.
ceuta (spain)
downtown ceuta
m o ro c c o border zone
de n s it y a nd l o catio n o f ceu ta’s mu slim p opulation
57 | mapping ce uta’ s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
> 3,000
1,100-3,000
501-1,000
201-500
51-200
< 50
D e f i n i n g Te r r i t o r y : C a t e g o r i z i n g A m b i g u o u s S p a c e Ro s a n d e r, d u r i n g o n e o f h e r v i s i t s t o C e u t a , recalls encountering vehement division between the Spanish and Muslim p o p u l a t i o n . T h e e x c e r p t w h i c h f o l l o w s d e t a i ls an exchange between herself and a Spanish employee at a local Ceuta tourist office: “O n m y f i r s t v i s i t t o C e u t a i n 1 9 7 6 I t o l d a p e r s o n e m p l o y e d a t t h e S p a n i s h t o u r i s t o f f i c e a b o u t m y p l a n s t o s t u d y M u s l i m s i n C e u t a . H e re a c t e d s t ro n g l y a g a i n s t t h e i d e a a n d s a i d i n a v e r y i r r i t a t e d t o n e o f v o i c e : “ M u s l i m s , t h e re a re n o M u s l i m s h e re . I f y o u w a n t m o ro s , y o u w i l l h a v e t o g o t o M o ro c c o . ” La t e r, w h e n I a s k e d h i m a b o u t S o z a , h e g o t e v e n m o re u p s e t : “ W h y o n e a r t h 7 S o z a ? I t i s j u s t a b u n c h o f h o v e l s a n d s o m e m o ro s . ”
S o z a , i n f a c t , i s i n S p a n i s h t e r r i t o r y. Ye t , a ccording to the office’s employee, because Soza was a Muslim community, i t w a s M o ro c c a n t e r r i t o r y- n o t S p a n i s h . H i s conception of territory was in this case independent of political and legal b o u n d a r i e s ; f o r h i m , t e r r i t o r y w a s re l i a n t u p o n ethnic identity.
A d e l i c a t e re l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s b e t w e e n c o l o n i e s and colonizers. An unbalanced power structure works to the disadvantage o f t h e c o l o n i z e d p e o p l e . T h e s t re n g t h e n i n g o f religious identity can assist in recalibrating unbalanced power structures. Ro s a n d e r s p e c u l a t e s t h a t , “ t h e re l i g i o n , w i t h its collective and periodic festivals, offered refuge and dignity, for the i n d i v i d u a l a s w e l l a s t h e g ro u p [ … ] a d h e r i n g t o religion was also an act of self-confirmation, a means of safeguarding the
58 | mapping ce uta’ s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
c e ut a ’ s ne s ted en claves
c o l l e c t i v e c o n s c i o u s n e s s w i t h o u t w h i c h a p e ople quickly cease to exist”
7 8
Ibid, 32. Ibid, 41.
8
1935 1960
2009 grow th of c eu t aâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s m uslim pop u lato in : 187 5 - 2009
1888
59 | mapping ce utaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
1875 1986
200
4 00
600
800
1000
1200
1400
1600
1800
2000
5 3 0 V i s i g o t h , B yzantine Occupation
Por tugal Conquers Ceuta
1415
Ceuta Becomes Spanish Territory
1668
War of Africa
1860
Protectorate Established
1912
Morocco Independent From Spanish Control
1956
Spain Joins EU
1986
Statute of Autonomy
Ti meline o f re l i g i o u s b u i l d i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n
60 | mapping ce utaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
hi s to r ic a l t imel i ne an d con structio n o f religious buildings
1995
1300
1400
1500
1600
1700.
1800
1900
2000
Hermitage of St. Anthony Church of Our Lady of the Valley Church of Our Lady of the Remedies Church of St. Francisco Christ of the Afflicted Mosque of Sidi Embarak Mosque of Mulay El Mendhi Morabito of Siai Bel Abbas Carretera del Sarchai
Synagogue of Bat-El
Mandir of Durga Mata Mandir of Durga Mata Church of our Lady of Africa
loc a t io n of ceu t a’s relig o us b uildin g s
61 | mapping ce uta’ s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
Cathedral of Our Lady of the Assumption
ara b o c c u p a t i o n p re 1 4 1 5
por tugues e o c c u p a t i o n
m u s l i m p o p u l a t i o n re l o c a t e d t o c i t y o u t s k i r t s
62 | mapping ce utaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
loc a t io n a nd m o vement of ceutaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s m uselim population
15th to 16th century
spa n i s h t e r r i t o r y
1 6 6 8 - p re s e n t
muslim neighborhoods downtown
fnideq commuters
di a gr a m o f ceut aâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s tran sien t pop u latio n s
63 | mapping ce utaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
benzu com m u t e r s
temporary holding center
border bus: arrives and departs
64 | mapping ce utaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
s a t e llit e c it y com m uter stat istics
every eight minutes
frequency / hour line 1
line 2
line 3 13,000 / day
line 9
m o ro c c a n c o m m u t e r s
line 4
line 5
line 6
line 7
line 8
ceuta population
76,000
ph ot ogr a p h o f sp ain/morocco b ord er
65 | mapping ce utaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; s tra nsie nt p opulat ions
Ceuta’s for tification, which was successively occupied by the Arabs, Por tuguese, and Spanish, serves as a record of the various occupying forces which have formed the territorial identity of the city. Though not currently used for military purposes, the for t still serves as a border between ‘Spanish’ Ceuta and ‘Moroccan’ Ceuta. Outlying regions, home to the immigrants’ temporary holding center, Muslim neighborhoods, and Moroccan satellite cities, are geographically and culturally distinct from downtown Ceuta. Negotiating between these two different territories, the for t serves as a point of filtration for the various transient populations who enter and depar t downtown on a daily basis. This project seeks to re-occupy the for t and use the existing infrastructure to connect - rather than divide - the two distinct sides of the city. By inver ting the original intent of the for t, the proposed market+park seeks to unite ‘Spanish’ Ceuta and ‘Moroccan’ Ceuta, effectively eroding this border and physically connecting this EU territory with its African counterpar t.
e v o l u t i o n o f c e u t a â&#x20AC;&#x2122; s f o r t ification
68 | e volut ion of ceuta â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for ti fi ca ti on
s a t e llit e c it y com m uter stat istics
ph ot ogr a p h o f sp ain/morocco b ord er
69 | e volut ion of ceuta â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for ti fi ca ti on
70 | e volut ion of ceuta â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for ti fi ca ti on
do c ume n ti ng t he layers o f fo r tificatio n
ph ot ogr a p h o f fo r tificatio n m o at
71 | e volut ion of ceuta â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for ti fi ca ti on
17th c. - present
spanish occupation
72 | e volut ion of ceuta â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for ti fi ca ti on
do c ume n ti ng t he fo r tâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s d evelo p ment
15th-17th c.
portuguese occupation
8th c. - 15th c.
arab occupation
8th c.
Roman occup a t i o n
V i sigoth, Byzantine Occupation
Count Julian surrenders to Moorish troops.
1415
1668
1912
Ceuta seized by Po r t u g a l
Tre a t y o f Lisbon: Spain granted c ontrol of Ceuta.
Spanish protectorate over Morocco established
1956
1986
1995
Morocco gr a n t e d i ndependence fro m S p a i n
Spain joins EU
Ceuta granted statute of autonomy
t ime li ne of ceu ta o ccup ation
6th c.
73 | e volut ion of ceuta â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for ti fi ca ti on
4th c.
74 | e volut ion of ceuta â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for ti fi ca ti on
c oll a ge
c oll a ge
75 | e volut ion of ceuta â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for ti fi ca ti on
7 6| ev ol ution of ce utaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; s f or t if icat ion
c o lla ge
c o lla ge
7 7| ev ol ution of ce utaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; s f or t if icat ion
78 | e volut ion of ceuta â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for ti fi ca ti on
c oll a ge
c oll a ge
79 | e volut ion of ceuta â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for ti fi ca ti on
80 | e volut ion of ceuta â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for ti fi ca ti on
c oll a ge
c oll a ge
81 | e volut ion of ceuta â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for ti fi ca ti on
CThe existing central market serves several impor tant functions in Ceuta. As the location of the primary bus transfer station, the market is the point of arrival and depar ture for transient populations. Functioning as both a market and transpor t hub, the site is an essential component of urban life for a variety of Ceutaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s inhabitants. The basement level of the existing market, comprised of vacant stores and underground parking, permits informal exchanges to take place. The proposed project seeks to provide oppor tunities for these types of informal exchanges which are already common throughout the city. The proposed marke t attempts to include spaces of occupation for the diverse populations inhabiting Ceuta. Elements of Moroccan souqs and West African eateries are adapted and transplanted in Ceutaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s for tification in the form of a new market+park. The market par ticipates in the evolution of the for tification; rather than serving as a defensive border, however, the proposal seeks to recognize and welcome Ceutaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s palimpsest of cultures and identities.
d o c um e n t i n g c e u t a â&#x20AC;&#x2122; s e x i s t i n g c e n t r a l market
84 | d ocume nting the e xi sti ng ce ntra l mar ket
s e c t ion o f e x i sti ng market
produce
corridor
meat +fish
gallery corridor
unoccupied retail space
informal market
s e c t ion o f e x i sti ng market
corridor
85 | d ocume nting the e xi sti ng ce ntra l mar ket
meat +fish
in fo r ma l ba sem en t market
trad iti onal european cen tral market
86 | d ocume nting the e xi sti ng ce ntra l mar ket
c e nt r a l ma r k et ph o to g raphs
transpor tation hub + bus station
b a s e m e n t - l e v e l i n f o r m a l market
c e nt r a l ma r k et ph o to g raphs
87 | d ocume nting the e xi sti ng ce ntra l mar ket
central market, ceuta
88 | d ocume nting the e xi sti ng ce ntra l mar ket
loc a t io n of exist in g central market
existing central market and transpor tation hub
b u s ro u t e bus stop
prop os e d mark et relo cat ion
89 | d ocume nting the e xi sti ng ce ntra l mar ket
e xi st i ng c e n t r a l m a r k e t + b u s t r a n s f er hu b
p ro p o s e d re l oc at ion o f ce nt ral m ark e t + bu s t ran sfe r l o cat i on
re - c ent ering the centra l ma rk et:
d i a g r a m m i n g m a r k e t t y pologies
hang it
raise it
92 | d iagramming mar ket typologi es
ma r k e t s pa c e con d itio n s ti e r i t
lift it
sq u a sh it
g ro u n d it position of vendor c ro u c h sit stand
c oll a ge of pro po sed roof to p m arket
93 | d iagramming mar ket typologi es
tw o - w h e e l sh a llo w ca r t
94 | d iagramming mar ket typologi es
a c c om oda t in g t h e mo b ile market
two-wheel deep car t
the one-wheel wheel b ar row car t
dimensions
3’
4’
5’
2’2”
2’8”
2’6”
3’
4’
2’6”
reveal
conceal
10â&#x20AC;&#x2122;
sit s p a c e
small-sell space 11â&#x20AC;&#x2122;
tab l e s p a c e
sit space
discrete sell space
a c c om oda t in g t h e mo b ile market
le a n s p a c e
95 | d iagramming mar ket typologi es
12â&#x20AC;&#x2122;
half-wall chop
96 | d iagramming mar ket typologi es
t he c hop b a r
patio chop
enclosed chop
signage exterior interior
section
trees+outdoor seating
roof + half-wall enclosure
t he c hop b a r
roof + open patio
97 | d iagramming mar ket typologi es
plan
98 | d iagramming mar ket typologi es
do c ume n ti ng t he moroccan m arket
do c ume n ti ng t he moroccan m arket
99 | d iagramming mar ket typologi es
10 0| d iagramming mar ket typologi es
do c ume n ti ng t he moroccan m arket
do c ume n ti ng t he moroccan m arket
10 1| d iagramming mar ket typologi es
10 2| diag ramming ma rket t yp ologi es
do c ume n ti ng t he moroccan m arket
do c ume n ti ng t he moroccan m arket
10 3| diag ramming ma rket t yp ologi es
d e s i g n i n g t h e m a r ket|park
10 6| designing the market|par k
pla n, s t re e t l evel
c
n
n
pla n, roo f le vel
10 7| designing the market|par k
a
b
panel 1 panel 2 p anel 3
10 8| designing the market|par k
de c k e xpl oded axo n
stress laminated limber
underlying structural suppor t
s t re s s l a m i n a t e d t i mber j oints
b e a r i n g plate a n c h o r plate h e x nut
i n v e r t e d s t e e l T beam
de c k e xpl oded axo n
e n d b lock
10 9| designing the market|par k
s t e e l t e n s i o n rod
11 0| designing the market|par k
c oll a ge , moat market
c oll a ge , moat market
11 1| designing the market|par k
11 2| designing the market|par k
c oll a ge , roo ft o p park
c oll a ge , cu lt ural cen ter
11 3| designing the market|par k
11 4| designing the market|par k
c oll a ge , pla za de armas m arket
c oll a ge , pla za de armas m arket
11 5| designing the market|par k
11 6| designing the market|par k
c oll a ge , pla za de armas
c oll a ge , int ernet cent er
11 7| designing the market|par k
sea hibiscus
hibiscus tiliaceus
rose of china
trees
hibiscus rosa-sinensis
kola tree
cola acuminate
oil palm
elaeis guineensis
tiger nut
low-lying gro und cove r
11 8| designing the market|par k
la n ds c a pin g diag ram
cyperus esculentus
bambara groun dnut vigna subterranea
lemongrass
cymbopogon citratus
cultural
par t of hindu religious ritual given to visitors as sign of hospitality; impor tant in ceremonial rituals fruits u sed for many festival foods symbol of strength and health
medicinal
used as traditional medicine used as antiviral medicine and stress reliever used to relieve headaches, sleep sickness, small cuts, bronchitis
consumption
brewed into tea often sold by street vendors and at bus stops stimula nt; reduces fatigue, hunger, thirst horchata: consumed as a drink eaten raw as a snack eaten as a snack brewed for tea consumed as palm wine
constructio n
natural haircare product used fo r haircare and soap used as emollient for skin and hair. used to make soap
economic often sold by street vendors and at bus stops often sold by street vendors
la n ds c a pin g diag ram
hygienic
11 9| designing the market|par k
used to make small boats and ropes good source of building materials: roofing, hut poles, rafters, beds
12 0| designing the market|par k
c oll a ge
c oll a ge , de tai l
12 1| designing the market|par k
12 2| designing the market|par k
c oll a ge
c oll a ge , de tai l
12 3| designing the market|par k
t h e e u a n d i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c y f ormation
The immigration issues involving Spain and Morocco must be considered within an extended geographic and political context.
Spain’s
introduction into the European Union in 1986 dramatically altered immigration patterns and subsequent political, economic, and social ramifications. Spain’s
With its entrance into the EU,
economy
benefited
considerably.
Increased industrial and economic investment in turn permitted and welcomed the flow of labor. A slowing economy followed this period of economy growth; consequently, decreased labor demand followed suit. Spain’s relationship to the EU is critical in understanding the broad network of immigration policy.
Upon its entry to the EU, Spain was
required to reexamine its immigration policies and procedures. Spain’s history as a gateway to Europe did not go unnoticed by its fellow member states. Ceuta and Melilla are, in fact, the only EU territories on the African continent. Since its entry into the EU, Spain has been under continuous pressure by the other member states to secure its borders. In addition to pressure for
12 6| designing the market|par k
t he e u imm igrat io n n et work
more stringent immigration policies, the EU has provided sign ificant financial assistance to Spain to suppor t border security measures.
European Union Membe r s Non-European Union C o u n t r i e s
T h e i m m i g r a t i o n e n f o rc e m e n t n e t w o r k e x t e n d s f a r b e y o n d S p a i nâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; s o w n b o rd e r s . A s p re v i o u s l y n o t e d , S p a i n c a m e u n d e r i n c re a s e d p re s s u re f ro m t h e E U t o i n c re a s e i t s b o rd e r s e c u r i t y m e a s u re s .
This
p re s s u re
has
been
supplemented by financial support and policy legislation. In addition to its association with the EU, Spain is also a member of the Schengen Te r r i t o r i e s . T h e S c h e n g e n A g re e m e n t , s i g n e d i n 1 9 8 5 a n d p u t i n t o e f f e c t t e n y e a r s l a t e r, h a s s i n c e e x p a n d e d f ro m a n a s s o c i a t i o n o f f i v e c o u n t r i e s t o a l l E U m e m b e r s t a t e s . T h e o r i g i n a l a g re e m e n t was
between
France,
G e r m n a y,
Lu x e m b o u rg , a n d t h e N e t h e r l a n d s . the
1990s
other
EU
member
Belgium, T h ro u g h o u t
states
w e re
g r a d u a l l y i n c o r p o r a t e d ; i n 1 9 9 9 t h e Tre a t y o f A m s t e rd a m o f f i c i a l l y i n c o r p o r a t e d t h e S c h e n g e n A g re e m e n t i n t o E U l a w . T h e S c h e n g e n A g re e m e n t s o u g h t s e v e r a l g o a l s . F i r s t , t h e a g re e m e n t a i m e d t o p e r m i t f re e d o m o f a c c e s s t h ro u g h t h e m e m b e r s t a t e s , c re a t i n g a
Existing Schengen State
i n d i v i d u a l b o rd e r s e c u r i t y. A c c o m p a n y i n g t h i s
Schengen States, not par t of E U
p e rc e i v e d f re e d o m o f a c c e s s w a s a s e r i e s o f
Not Schengen EU, but able to j o i n
m e a s u re s immigration.
aimed
at
p re v e n t i n g
illegal
Schengen countries from 2007 Expected to join
t he s c he ng en agreement
t e r r i t o r i e s a n d t h e re b y e l i m i n a t i n g t h e n e e d f o r
12 7| designing the market|par k
s i n g l e e x t e r n a l b o rd e r a ro u n d t h e m e m b e r
A network was established which sought to facilitate information exchange amongst the participating
countries.
This
information
n e t w o r k w a s e s t a b l i s h e d t o c re a t e a d a t a b a s e t r a c k i n g d e n i e d e n t r i e s , re c o rd i n g e x p u l s i o n o rd e r s , a n d b a n n i n g e n t r y t o o t h e r S c h e n g e n territories. A s a re s u l t , a u n i f i e d s e t o f p ro c e d u re s a n d p o l i c i e s g o v e r n E U i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c y. A s i n g l e s e t o f e n t r y p ro c e d u re s , v i s a re q u i re m e n t s , r i g h t o f a s y l u m , b o rd e r c h e c k s , a n d f re e m o v e m e n t was enacted.
At the heart of this cooperative
effort is the Schengen Information System (SIS), the database facilitating information s h a r i n g . W i t h i n t h i s b ro a d i n f o r m a t i o n s y s t e m a re
two
primary
divisions,
the
National
Schengen Information System (N-SIS) and the Central Schengen Information System (C-SIS). D u e t o t h e a b o l i t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l b o rd e r s , o n c e o n e e n t e r s t h e E U , h e / s h e i s f re e t o t r a v e l w i t h o u t e n c o u n t e r i n g b o rd e r s e c u r i t y.
The
g a t e w a y s t o E u ro p e , h a v e c o m e u n d e r i n c re a s e d p re s s u re b y o t h e r E U m e m b e r s t a t e s t o s e c u re
12 8| designing the market|par k
t he s c he ng en in form ation system
Spanish enclaves, having historically served as
t h e i r b o rd e r s t o p re v e n t t h e f l o w o f i l l e g a l i m m i g r a t i o n . T h e e n c l a v e s â&#x20AC;&#x2122; l e g a l re s p o n s e t o this
international
p re s s u re
will
be
further
e l a b o r a t e d u p o n t o c o n t e x t u a l i z e S p a i nâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; s o f f i c i a l i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c y.
When the Spanish Parliament adopted their new constitution in 1978, Ceuta and Melilla were incorporated Andalucía.
into
the
legal
territory
of
At the time of the Constitution’s
ratification, 17 aut onomous communities were formed. Soon thereafter, Ceuta and Melilla were san roque
offered the oppor tunity to pursue autonomous status.
As soon as 1979, Municipal councils
were established to organize elections and
spain
la linea
los barrios
initiate legal processes leading to autonomy. A series of draft proposals were formed; bitter
gibraltar ( u k )
algecerias
political arguments soon ensued. Though Ceuta and Melilla sought full autonomy, Spain was hesitant to grant su ch demands. The legal wrangling over Ceuta and Melilla’s legal status was in direct response to Spain’s precarious
relationship
Negotiations
were
with
complicated
Morocco. during
this
period by the conflicting ownership claims of Gibraltar. The conflicting claims of Spain and Britain over Gibraltar paralleled those between
benzu
Morocco and Spai n over Ceuta and Melilla. Thus, while Spain engaged in a political battle
enclaves so as to not provide Morocco the oppor tunity to lay claim to the territories.
morocco
c e ut a ’ s le gal st atu s
to carefully negotiate the legal status of the
fnideq
12 9| designing the market|par k
over the territorial status of Gibraltar, they had
ceuta (spain).
The
strained
relations
between
Spain
and
Morocco resulted in intense scrutiny over the status of the enclaves. Impor tant to note is that the
residents
of
the
enclaves
identified
themselves as Spaniards and, as such, resisted Morocco’s territorial claims. In 1992, a survey of enclave inhabitants revealed that less than one
quar ter
of
the
residents
thought
Asturias Galicia
País Vasco Cantabria Navarra La Rioja Aragón Castile and León
the
Madrid
enclaves should be returned to Morocco; one quar ter of residents believed that armed defense of the enclaves would be justified.
Valencia Extremadura Castile-La Mancha
It therefore wasn’t until 1995 that the legal status of Ceuta and Melilla was officially agreed upon.
As autonomous cities, as opposed to
Murcia
Andalusía
autonomous communities, the enclaves do not have legislative power. They do, however, have the power to propose and modif y legislation; they additionally have the legal right to block legislation
if
the
proposed
legislation
Ceuta
is
contrary to their interests.
Melilla Morocco
With regard to representation, each enclave
13 0| designing the market|par k
de f in ing a u to n o mo us cit ies
elects
a
president
who
presides
over
the
governing council; the administrative duties of
Autonomous Communities
the president are similar to those of a mayor. In
Autonomous Cities
the
national
parliament,
the
enclaves
are
permitted one representative in the Lower House and two senators in the Upper House.
Canary Islands
Cat a l u ñ a
B e l e a re s
Head of State, King Juan Carlos
Executive
Vice President Prime Minister, Luis RodrĂguez Zapatero Cabinet, Council of Ministers overseen by Prime Minister
Cortes Generales
ceuta
Lower Chamber, Congress of Deputies
Empowered with greater legistaltive authority than the Senate. Each peninsular provnice is allocated two seats. Ceuta and Melilla are granted 1 seat each. Additional seats are allocated based on proporational representation
ceuta
Legislative,
Equal representation accross peninsular provinces. four seats per province; islands are permitted less. Additional senators are appointed based on province population. Seats directly elected by popular vote Ceuta and Melilla are each allocated 2 senators
ceuta
Upper Chamber, Senate Bicemeral Parliament
Spai n
1978 Constitutional Parliamentary Monarchy
European Un i o n
appointed by king, voted in by congress
Supreme Court
Judicial
General Council of the Judiciary Power of Spain
President
National Court of Spain
President of Chambers Magistrates
peninsular elected official ceuta elected representatives
4 elected by Congress of Deputies 4 elected by the Senate 2 appointed by the executive branch 2 appointed by the general court judiciary
po lit ic a l organ i zatio n
national representative
12 Magistrates
13 1| designing the market|par k
Constitutional Court of Spain
Departments Department of the President Environment and Urban Services Sanitation and Commerce Eduation and Culture Public Works Treasury Social Affairs Youth, Sports, and New Technology Interior Economy and Employment
P re s i d e n t
Chair of Assembly Appointed by King, Juan Jesús Vivas Lara
V i c e P re s i d e n t
Elected from Assembly, Pedro Gordillo Durán
Assembly of Ceuta
19 PP: Partido Popular 4 UDC: Union del Centro Democrático 2 PSOE: Partido Socialista Obrero Español
13 2| designing the market|par k
c e ut a ’ s gov ern m ental organ iz atio n
25 members The president and vice president are elected from the Assembly
Governing Council Answers to the Assembly Develops rules adopted by the Assembly
The
legal
status
of
Ceuta
is
impor tant
in
immigrantion authority hier a rc h y
contextualizing immigration policies. Due to its legal status
and
isolated
geographic
position,
Because the delegate serves as proxy for the national government, the government provides minimal oversight.
Ceuta
exercises broad power with regard to the interpretation and enforcement of immigration policy. Immigration enforcement responsibilities are shared
n a t ional government
amongst local and national authorities. The Spanish National Police and Ministry of Interior are the two divisions accountable for policy implementation and enforcement. The Ministry of Interior is the primary authority, and as such, oversees larger processes at work. The National Police, working on the local level
m i nistry of interior
ministry of employment and social affairs
to enforce policy, repor t to the Ministry of Interior. According the non-profit agency Human Right Watch, the National Police are the major source of disparities Represents the national government, including exercising control over immigration decisions.
with regard to interpretation and implementation of immigration law.
Unclear expulsion procedures,
arbitrary depor tations, and varied interpretation of
+
+
policies often work to the disadvantage of immigrants
chief of cabinet
immigration administration
staff c.e.t.i administration
Typically make first contact with the immigrants. Do not have authority to make decisions about treatment.
n a t ional police
Reports to the delegate
im migr a tio n en fo rcem en t
d e l egate
13 3| designing the market|par k
and asylum seekers.
g e o g r a h p i c overview
modern infrastructure: residential high-rise and large scale commercial
downtown ceuta: spanish baroque urban structure
dense, low rise residential
for t
largely uninhabited
13 6| geog raphic over vi ew
de f in ing la n d use
low density residential
residential mixed-used commercial +residential modern big-box commercial central city spine for t
de f in ing la n d use
13 7| geog raphic over vi ew
mi xe d co mme rcial and reside nti al
central ci ty spi ne: commerci al and resi de ntial
mo dern resi de ntial : mi xed high- rise compl exe s and l ow- rise resi de ntial
residentia l
por t, pedestria n prom ena de
big box com m ercia l a nd m odern residentia l
city periphery: some residential development, largely uninhabited
mount hacho: public park
downtown
1
5
13 8| geog raphic over vi ew
loc a t io n of ceu t a aerial views
2
3
4
6 7
9 8
3_extent of southern beaches
4_harbor inlet
5_waterfront development
6_por t and docks
7_ city view from east
9_southern facing beach cliffs
10_mount hacho
c e ut a a e r ia l vi ew s
2_ southern shore beaches
13 9| geog raphic over vi ew
1_view from west of city
C e u t a i s d e n s e l y p o p u l a t e d a t i t s c e n t e r. To t h e e a s t l i e s a f o r m e r m i l i t a r y f o r t ; t h e s u r ro u n d i n g site has been maintained as a public park. The west
is
primarily
rural
land,
with
some
re s i d e n t i a l d e v e l o p m e n t .
limit ot urbanization, downtown Ceuta
La rg e a re a s o f e n v i ro n m e n t a l l y p ro t e c t e d l a n d exist to the west of downtown Ceuta.
A l a rg e
re g i o n i s p ro t e c t e d f ro m f u r t h e r d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e o t h e r l a rg e l y u n i n h a b i t e d s p a c e i s re s e r v e d a s a n a t u re p re s e r v e . endangered species protection zone
I n a d d i t i o n t o e n v i ro n m e n t a l l y- p ro t e c t e d a re a s , some land west of the line of urbanization is re s e r v e d f o r g o v e r n m e n t s e r v i c e s , s u c h a s a p e n i t e n t i a r y, m i l i t a r y b u i l d i n g s , a n d g o v e r n m e n t i n f r a s t r u c t u re a n d s e r v i c e s .
14 0| geog raphic over vi ew
la n d us e : u r ban d evelop m en t and rural p eriphery
common land, protected from urbanization
government infrastructure and services penitentiary defense
ceti
ph ot ogr a p h o d resid en tial high rises, lo cated west of downtow n
14 1| geog raphic over vi ew
T h e c i t y h a s i d e n t i f i e d s e v e r a l w a t e r f ro n t a re a s s l a t e d f o r re d e v e l o p m e n t .
The development
a re a s o n t h e n o r t h c o a s t a re l o c a t e d a d j a c e n t t o M o u n t H a c h o , a f o r m e r d e f e n s e f o r t re s s a n d c u r re n t p u b l i c p a r k . elevation
and
is
Mouth Hacho is high in uninhabited.
Downtown
development begins at the hillâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s base.
T h e c i t y h a s s a n c t i o n e d c e r t a i n a re a s o f t h e c i t y â&#x20AC;&#x2DC; s a n c t i o n e d g re e n s p a c e . â&#x20AC;&#x2122; D o w n t o w n c o n s i s t s o f dense
urban
fabric;
Ceuta
is
28
s q u a re
kilometers and is home to 76,000 people. The majority of the population lives downtown; some outskirts.
The composite map illustrates the system of w a t e r f ro n t d e v e l o p m e n t a n d g re e n s p a c e s . water
p ro v i d e s
the
city
with
The
significant
geographic and economic advantages- as a port
14 2| geog raphic over vi ew
la n d us e : g reen space and wat erfront d evelopment
re s i d e n t i a l d e v e l o p m e n t s a re l o c a t e d o n t h e c i t y
and a tourist destination.
ph ot ogr a p h o f p laya de la ribera, sou thern ceuta coastline
14 3| geog raphic over vi ew
N e w d o w n t o w n re d e v e l o p m e n t p l a n s h a v e b e e n p ro p o s e d
for
transportation-
Ceuta. for
A both
new
system
of
pedestrian
and
v e h i c u l a r t r a f f i c a re i n p l a n n i n g s t a g e .
New
p e d e s t r i a n c i rc u l a t i o n ro u t e s i n t e n d t o f a c i l i t a t e d o w n t o w n c i rc u l a t i o n .
New vehicular traffic
c i rc l e s a re p ro p o s e d w e s t o f d o w n t o w n . pedestrian vehicular
A seaside walk extends along the southern coast of the peninsula. The north coast is the location t h e n o r t h e r n c o a s t i s m o re u r b a n i z e d a n d contains fewer beaches. The southern seaside walk
extends
along
the
line
of
heaviest
downtown urbanization.
seaside walk T h e s e n e w p e d e s t r i a n c i rc u l a t i o n ro u t e s a re p r i m a r i l y f o c u s e d o n t h e d o w n t o w n w a t e r f ro n t a re a . T h e p o r t i s m o s t l i k e l y t h e f i r s t p o i n t o f contact a visitor makes when entering Ceuta. A d d i t i o n a l l y, t h e s o u t h e r n s h o re i s a p r i m a r y t o u r i s t d e s t i n a t i o n . F ro m a m a r k e t i n g p o i n t o f
14 4| geog raphic over vi ew
la n d us e : v eh icu l ar t ranspo r tation and pedestrian circulation
o f t h e m a i n p o r t a n d w h a r f s y s t e m ; a s a re s u l t ,
v i e w , i t i s i n t h e c i t y â&#x20AC;&#x2122; s b e s t i n t e re s t t o i n v e s t i n t h e s e a re a s .
ph ot ogr a p h o f p aseo d e revellin, d o wnt own pedestrian prome nade
14 5| geog raphic over vi ew
14 6| geog raphic over vi ew
ma p pin g ce uta cu lture: museum s
3
1 2 5 7
4 6
4 5 6
ma p pin g ce uta cu lture: museum s
3
14 7| geog raphic over vi ew
2
cesa r manr ique exhib ition museum mus eum of the late roman basillica of ceuta legion museum
1
mus eum of the s ea cat hedr al mus eum
ceuta museum: roy al city walls
ceuta: an op en city-a protected city
ceuta city history
ceuta military history
religious museums
ar t exhibition space
7
14 8| geog raphic over vi ew
ma p pin g ce uta co m merce: sh opp in g d istricts
1
2 3 5
4
ma p pin g ce uta co m merce: sh opp in g d istricts
14 9| geog raphic over vi ew
4
calle real
3
paseo del revellin
2
mercato central
1
paseo de las palmeras
parque ceuta: modern shopping ce nte r
enclosed building
commercial strip
pedestrian-only shopping street
5
15 0| geog raphic over vi ew
ma p pin g ce uta: l eisu re
3
2
1 4 5
ma p pin g ce uta: l eisu re
4
15 1| geog raphic over vi ew
3
sarchal cove
2
medi ter ranean maritime resor t
1
medi ter ranean maritime park casino
la riber a
pl ay a d el chorillo
beach
casino
5
d e f i n i ng terms
The Wall as Program Rem Koolhass, in writing about the Berlin Wall, examines the architecture of The Wall.
He contends that the power
of the wall d oes not originate in its physical proper ties, but rather in the symbolic force it imposes upon the city. He asser ts that the wall exer ts “radically different meanings, spectacles, interpretations, realities. It was impossible to 1
imagine another recent ar tifact with the same signif ying potency.
And there was more: in spite of its apparent
absence of program, the wall- in its relatively shor t lifehad provoked and sustained an incredible number of events, behaviors, and effects.” 1
Koolhaas similarly differentiates
between the wall as a material object and impalpable force. He notes that the wall is not a singular object, but rather a “situation.” 2
Throughout the essay Koolhaas refers to the
wall as if it is an evolving force, one which reacts to- and against- the city.
2
Its height increases and decreases; its
curvilinear path slides around churches and makes abrupt stops at checkpoints.
The wall, therefore, is far from a
passive, iner t structure. Rather, it is an urban ar tifact which aggressively constructs and defines space. A wall, therefore, is closer to a landscape, a subtle and extensive force capable of defining the city. The spatial consequences of delineated 15 4| def in ing terms
ma p pin g th e w all
borders and territories are difficult to define. The character 3
of place is comprised of a multiplicity of factors, and often defined by the character of the people who inhabit it. 1 Re m Ko o l h a a s , S , M , L , X L ( M o n a c e l l i Press, Inc., New York: 1998): 222. 2 Ibid, 219.
1-3
Untitled Photographs Rem Koolhaas, S, M, L, XL
5
Un t i t l e d P h o t o g r a p h Rem Ko o l h a a s , S , M , L , X L
Viewing Platforms I: Stair to Park Architecture for Humanity, Design Like You Give a Damn, (Metropolis Books, New York: 2006)
c ha l le ngi ng t he wall
6
4
15 5| def in ing terms
L.A. gated community viewing platforms
Berlin Wall overlook
Planet (Orange): W ith Map and Figure (Blue) Baldessari, John 2004
Signs of the Times Mar tin Parr 1991
territory Tangible and- perhaps m ore impor tantly, intangible boundaries- define and characterize borders and territories.
The normative definition of each of
these terms is expanded to a broader theoretical framework. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Territoryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; is not simply a politically-defined, geographically-identifiable region; rather, this
15 6| def in ing terms
t e r r it or y
term refers to physical and cultural space.
Fence Weaver from Working Owens, Bill
Sign Above Moving Picture Theater Russell Lee 1939
borders Tangible borders, derivative of both organic and ar tificial processes, are inclusive of such elements as natural topography and border fences. Intangible borders, by contrast, are manifested in legal processes, social practices, and economic regulations. Intangible borders are far more effective in defining territory because they have the ability to disperse and infiltrate. While a wall remains in a single geographic position, ideologies move, transform,
of the individual; a legal process is composed at the scale of the collective. The symbolic power of a wall should not be overlooked or oversimplified, however. The physical proper ties of a wall, including barbed wire and guard posts, are far less powerful than the symbolic power of the object as a social construct.
bo rde r s
means; rivers can be forged, fences scaled. A wall is constructed at the scale
15 7| def in ing terms
and evolve. Fur thermore, tangible constructs can be overcome by physical
High School Uni-Form Suh, Do-Ho 1996
identity Identity implies singularity and clarity of character.
Just Because You Put Feathers in Your Hair Donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t Make You an Indian
Fragua, Laura 1991
Most often however,
the identity of an individual, people, or place cannot be reduced to a single entity. Each place and people is comprised of a palimpsest of competing classifications. People and places are comprised of competing histories, obligations, and expectations, forces which undergo continual transformation
15 8| def in ing terms
id e nt ity
and evolution.
If You Canâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t Lick Marclay, Christian 1992
Manual: Identifying with Mona Lisa B l o o m , S u z a n n e ; H i l l , E d ; Le o n a rd o , d a V i n c i 1977
ambiguity Uncer tainty and vagueness is inherent in ambiguityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s definition.
According
to technical definitions, identity and ambiguity would embody polarized meanings; while one assumes a degree of singularity and clarity, the other expresses duality and inconclusiveness. One must resist, however, oversimplif ying these definitions.
When applied to people and places,
identity is a palimpsest of competing forces, not a singular entity. Ambiguity
a mb igu it y
which resists simplification.
Rather, it is an irresolvable complexity 15 9| def in ing terms
does not simply imply a duality.
Certificate of identity of noncombatant creator unknown circa 1943-1944
EUROPE. Ooh La La Mar tin Parr 19 97
individual identity Individual Identity is generated from a series of defining characteristics. Language, ethnicity, religion, age, and gender are several of the innumerable forces comprising oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s identity. From the compilation of all these factors ambiguity naturally emerges. Oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s geographic and/or cultural origins, most often laden with social norms and expectations, have a significant impact on
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in div i dua l id en t it y
how oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s personal identity develops.
EUROPE. Ooh La La Mar tin Parr 1997
Identity Stretch: aerial view Oppenheim, Dennis 1970-75
spatial identity Territorial identity often emerges from those who inhabit the space. Geographic features and national currency fail to account for the complexities in defining place. Though place cer tainly can be defined by innate physical characteristics: location, political authority, economic status, the nature of space is often defined b y the people who shape its cities, laws, and
s pa t ia l i de nt it y
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customs.
7-11 Mural, Las Vegas, Nevada photo by author 2007
transience The inherent complexities in defining people and place are fur ther complicated by the fact that definitions are far from stable.
The identity of a place
changes over shor t periods of time: political par ties move in and out of office, restaurants and neighborhoods go in and out of style, people move in and out of town. The identity of a place also undergoes gradual evolution over long periods of time: industries materialize, social customs emerge,
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t r a ns i en c e
and religious practices develop. These emergent qualities develop and wane over broad expanses of time. Undergoing physical mobility can dramatically impact oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s individual identity. Moving through- and temporarily living amongst- foreign customs, languages, and conventions will undoubtedly impact the cultural nomad.
New York Birdcage-Imaginary Architecture Friedrich St. Florian 1968
NICARAGUA . Managua Larry Towell 1984
spatial transience and ambiguity Friedrich St. Florian’s New York Birdcage is a drawing of the airplane holding patterns over New York City. Each space contained by the encircling lines room.’ These patterns of temporary occupation emerge as real, contained spaces.
Defining or classif ying these spaces is difficult; occupied only
Larry Towell’s photograph o f the U.S. embassy in Nicaragua serves as a comparison to St. Florian’s holding patterns.
While the embassy is
constructed of physical matter, it similarly embodies questions of spatial ambiguity.
Classifications of territorial ownership and occupation are
integral to the spatiality of the embassy.
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briefly and with no clear ownership, these spaces resist a stable definition.
s pa t ia l t r a n si ence an d am b iguit y
delineates a space, what author Bevin Cline refers to as a ‘non physical waiting
Diego Barajas Dispersion: A Study of Global Mobility and the Dynamics of Fictional Urbanism
networks While transience implies a degree of movement, networks suggest dispersion and systems of connections.
Networks alter oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s conception of space,
compressing distances between disparate locations. Such systems permit intangible mobility; oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sphere of influence and avenues of assistance can
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ne t wo r ks
exist simultaneously in multiple locations.
Barajas and Dispersion
Te r r i t o r i e s
in
Diego Barajas’ investigation into Rotterdam’s Belhuis, the city’s international call centers, reveals how geographic space undergoes dispersion. The call centers, he asser ts, can simultaneously exist on the local and global scale. Though physically rooted in a specific location, they are connected via communicative devises to locations throughout the globe.
Barajas terms such spaces
‘territories in dispersion’, “social habitats which are no longer physically constrained in geographically continuous areas, but have spread out and re-ar ticulated by ar tificial means.”
These centers are therefore placeless, not rooted
in any par ticular geography and existing simultaneously everywhere and nowhere. Barajas
argues
that
the
immigration
patterns
and
co mmunication networks of Rotterdam challenge traditional notions of urbanism. Communities of people and cultures are dispersing to a variety of international locations; yet, ties can be maintained and communities intact through the use of communicative devices.
These call centers have
emerged as micro-communities, serving as a place of
glo a bl ne tw orks
3 D i e g o B a r a j a s , D i s p e r s i o n : A S t u d y o f G l o b a l Mobility and the Dyn a m i c s o f Fi c t i on a l U r b a n i s m ( E p i s o d e Pu b l i s h ers, Rotterdam: 200 3 ) : 1 .
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gathering and comfor t for diverse immigrant populations.
killing time colonizing territory for transient populations
nicole oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;loughlin