6 minute read
New Zealand needs to get serious on defence
A 2% of GDP defence spend will serve to address soaring attrition and capability gaps in the NZDF, writes Dr James McDowall, ACT Party Defence Spokesperson.
There is no hiding the fact that the New Zealand Defence Force has been through an extremely tough time over the last few years, with Operation Protect being a turning point for many personnel and their families. Combine that experience with underinvestment, low pay, a lack of deployment opportunities, and miserable conditions in Defence housing, the pressures were and still are in plain sight.
The previous Minister, Hon Peeni Henare spoke frankly about these pressures, however beyond this year’s additional funding I’m not expecting a great deal more under the new Minister before the election.
ACT would ensure the New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) is equipped to do its part in defending New Zealand’s people, allies, and values in today’s increasingly volatile strategic environment. That means increasing defence operating and capital spending over the next four years to two per cent of GDP. This is the NATO definition of military spending and would bring New Zealand in line with its allies.
Our Defence force is full of hardworking Kiwis who want to protect and serve their country. We need to give these brave men and women the tools and resources they need. This kind of targeted spending would send a message to the rest of the world.
The Prime Minister’s recent visit to China, including a sit-down with President Xi Jinping, may seem like the tightrope that is the China-New Zealand relationship is in a good space, compared to how our traditional allies are fairing. Delicate as that relationship is, it is not a reason to be shy about our place in the Pacific, nor to underinvest or cooperate less with the likes of Australia, the United States, and so on.
Throughout the world, liberal democracies are being directly challenged by increasingly assertive autocratic governments that reject the rules-based international order.
Russia’s appalling invasion of Ukraine and the atrocities it continues to commit have highlighted how important it is for democratic nations to stand up for human rights, liberal values, and to not take the status quo for granted; no matter how well we work our relationships in the Pacific, we must be prepared. China’s People’s Liberation Army has modernised and grown at a rapid pace, as has their reach, and at any time they can combine that show of force with economic coercion. Trade is obviously critically important, but so are our values.
The values of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law are increasingly under threat, and New Zealand needs to sharpen its position. A capable and agile defence force is essential to support other democracies internationally and help with greater security and stability in the Indo-Pacific region.
While disaster relief missions and initiatives such as supporting local police are important roles for the Defence Force in the Pacific, we have found ourselves somewhat limited to such roles as a result of decades of underinvestment in our capabilities and assets. Our mission to train Ukrainian personnel is highly commendable, but ultimately we should be doing more. Over time, larger operations in conflict zones further afield may call on New Zealand to play a larger role.
In April 2022, China and the Solomon Islands signed a security pact, catching New Zealand offguard despite a decade of engagement in the Solomons. China has sought to build naval bases in Pacific Islands, and a tour of the Pacific islands by China’s foreign minister in May 2022 showed that China is seeking to deepen its presence in the Pacific. Since then, China has continued to pressure New Zealand to maintain an ‘independent foreign policy’; translation: one that is more dependent on them and not on our traditional allies.
Meanwhile, Australia is substantially increasing its defence engagement with the Pacific - it has announced a A$1.9 billion budget package aimed at boosting Australia’s influence across the region. In Australia’s most recent defence review, New Zealand was mentioned once, and only in the context of disaster relief.
Rebuilding our alliance with Australia and other democracies Australia is our only formal defence ally, and our most important international partner overall. However, the relationship has been imbalanced for some time as New Zealand’s defence capabilities have progressively fallen behind Australia’s. Australia has reinvigorated its military alliance with the United States and is investing in increasingly sophisticated military capabilities.
New Zealand’s irrelevance was most graphically seen when Australia announced the formation of the AUKUS alliance and the purchase of nuclear submarines without bothering to inform New Zealand. Under Labour, New Zealand has gone from being an ANZAC partner to being an afterthought. When Australia and China clashed over trade issues, the Labour Government told Australia to “show respect” to China, infuriating the Australians.
In the meantime, Australia, the United States, India and
Japan are moving ahead with the Quad security partnership. While President Biden labelled President Xi a “dictator”, Xi himself described New Zealand as a “friend and partner”. We’re treading a very fine line.
A Boost for Defence Spending
The NZDF needs significantly more resources as it grapples with increasing pressures, including improving pay and conditions, replacing ageing capabilities such as the ANZAC frigates, and acquiring new technologies such as drones and precision weapons.
New Zealand’s defence spending is low by international standards at $5.3 billion (or 1.4% of GDP) depending on how you cut it, while the Australian Labor government plans to spend A$52 billion on defence (2.02% of GDP) this financial year, with much more to come over the following decade.
2% of GDP is the ‘NATO standard’, and is a signal that a nation has a commitment to common defence of themselves, their allies, and to upholding the rules-based international order. ACT believes that this is an appropriate spending target for the next four years, and will serve to address soaring attrition and capability gaps that have been emerging for some time.
I have thoroughly enjoyed holding the Defence portfolio for ACT for the duration of this term in Parliament, and being one of the many voices calling out for more funding and investment, and exposing the Government’s lack of foresight and the concerns of the fantastic men and women serving in our defence force. Combined pressure has led to better remuneration, and also the Defence Policy Review, which should shine more light on our capabilities, limitations, and one hopes the many future opportunities.
