RE-ARTICULATING WATERSCAPES AND URBAN STRUCTURES IN THE SABANA DE BOGOTÁ Interweaving eco- and infra-structure
Liese van Aert Bram Van Sever
RE-ARTICULATING WATERSCAPES AND URBAN STRUCTURES IN THE SABANA DE BOGOTĂ Interweaving eco- and infra-structure
Authors: Liese van Aert Bram Van Sever Promotor: Bruno De Meulder Co-promotor: Claudia Lucia Rojas Readers: Paulina Espinosa Kelly Shannon Karel Vandenhende Camillo Pinilla
Re-articulating waterscapes and urban structures in the Sabana de Bogotรก Interweaving eco- and infra-structure
Liese van Aert Bram Van Sever
Eindwerk aangeboden tot het verkrijgen van het diploma Master of Science in de ingenieurswetenschappen: architectuur. Promotor: Bruno De Meulder Co-promotor: Claudia Lucia Rojas
Academiejaar 2014-2015 Master of Science in de ingenieurswetenschappen: architectuur
K.U. Leuven Faculteit Ingenieurswetenschappen
2014-2015
Master’s thesis file
Students:
Liese van Aert Bram Van Sever
Title:
Re-articulating waterscapes and urban structures in the Sabana de Bogotá Interweaving eco- and infra-structure
Abstract: The preliminary book ‘Rearticulating waterscapes and urban structures in the Sabana de Bogotá’ defines four identities among which the identity this thesis elaborates on: the sub-urban sprawl. Sub-urbanisation goes hand in hand with an uncontrolled and land consuming urban expansion, it causes severe fragmentation in the tissue and has no regard for ecologies, to mention only a few of the issues at hand. The sub-urban sprawl has come to the greatest extent in strip of land alongside Calle 13 and more specifically in the municipalities Funza and Mosquera. The expansion of the urban fabric has been shaped by large ecological and infrastructural figures in the landscape of the Sabana. Based on these figures two principles, eco-structure and infra-structure, are established to guide the future sub-urbanisation. The implementation of the guiding principles on a large scale leads to the development of a structural framework for Funza and Mosquera. A closer reading of the historical, spatial, ecological and social context of the municipalities, enables a well-founded design of this framework. The eco- and infra-structure take on a human scale and focus on three well-considered open spaces within the urban fabric, that are threatened to be swallowed whole by the expanding tissue. The ultimate design proposes the three open figures to each be designed as a park. Naturally these parks function within a larger-scale framework determined by interacting eco-and infra-structure. The incredible growing rate of Funza and Mosquera demands a solution for the housing deficit. The current way of building does not result in a qualitative living environment. Therefore a new building typology, based on a structure and fill-in system, is designed. With the exceptionally flexible building manner, 4 housing typologies are defined. Each type relates to another context within the eco- or infra-structure. At present day the expansion of the urban tissue of the municipalities has reached a crucial point. The thesis aims to acknowledge this and proposes a design that articulates clear and strong vision for the future development of Funza and Mosquera. Thesis submitted to obtain the degree of Master in Engineering: Architecture. Promotor: Prof. Dr. ir. Bruno de Meulder Co-promotor: Claudia Lucia Rojas
Š Permission for Use of Content: The authors herewith permit it that the present dissertation be made available for consultation; parts of it may be copied, strictly for personal use. Every other use is subject to strict copyright reservations. Particular reference is made to the obligation of explicitly mentioning the source when quoting the present dissertation’s results. Leuven, 2015 All images presented in this booklet are, unless credits are given, made or drawn by the authors.
Š Copyright KU Leuven Without written permission of the promotors and the authors it is forbidden to reproduce or adapt in any form or by any means any part of this publication. Requests for obtaining the right to reproduce or utilize parts of this publication should be addressed to dept. ASRO, Kasteelpark Arenberg 1/2431, B-3001 Heverlee, +32-16-321361 or via e-mail to secretariaat@asro.kuleuven.be. A written permission of the promotor is also required to use the methods, products, schematics and programs described in this work for industrial or commercial use, and for submitting this publication in scientific contests.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We would like to express our gratitude to all the people who made the outcome of this thesis possible. A first and honest appreciation goes to Claudia Lucia Rojas, our copromoter, for guiding us throughout our stay in Bogotรก. Her advice and guidance during our time in Colombia aided in a better understanding of the city and its water issues. Thank you for arranging the collaboration with the university, for showing us around, for helping us gather information about Bogotรก. Your guidance allowed us to experience a unique fieldwork trip. To Bruno De Meulder, our promotor, for his time for constructive meetings and his critical reflections and expertise upon our works. To Paulina Espinosa, for her insights during instructive sessions and meetings and her continuous care. To Studio Chile, for the interesting collaboration throughout the year. To everyone at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia, especially to Camilo Pinilla and Henry Talavera for inviting us to the international workshop and for sharing their experience in Colombian urbanism. To VLIR and ASRO, for the financial and institutional support that allowed us to travel to Bogotรก. To our families, friends and fellow students, for their sincere interest and motivating encouragements. To our parents, for the given opportunities and the moral support. Finally, we would like to thank Charlotte, Anna, Miep and Josephine, our companions during this year. For their friendship, the interesting discussions and the shared knowledge.
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PREFACE The preliminary book ‘Re-articulating waterscapes and urban structures in the Sabana de Bogotá’ depicts an extensive analysis of the power struggle between water and city that the Sabana has been enduring. The vision for the future development of the plateau pursues harmonious coexistence and even cooperation of urban fabric and water. In the book four identities are articulated as key components of the current imbalance. Therefore they are to be adopted as guiding principles to design the future of the Sabana. Urban fringe of Bogotá: the built tissue of the city of Bogotá with a severely deprived fringe of informal housing bordering the river. Urban voids of the watershed: the undeveloped and almost always underused spaces that remain void because of the water that is present. Rural landscape: the productive land west of the river that is as dependent on the water system as it is threatening to it. Sub-urban sprawl: the uncontrolled expansion of the municipalities on the western side of the river. This book will focus on the identity of the sub-urban sprawl.
11
SUB-URBAN SPRAWL
FUNZA Y MOSQUERA
HOUSING
INTERWOVEN STRUCTURES
Acknowledgements Preface Sub-urban sprawl
9 11 14
DETERMINING FIIGURES Grey veins Bue veins
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GUIDING PRINCIPLES Eco-structure Infra-structure
32
READING Booming Urban fabric Water issues Utility framework Social Shortcomings
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GUIDING PRINCIPLES Eco-structure Infra-structure
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SELF-CONSTRUCTED VERSUS FORMAL Self-constructed housing Formal housing
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FILL-IN STRUCTURE Structure Fill-in
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SPATIAL QUALITIES
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LIVING ...in blue ...in green ...along the line ...across the line
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HUMEDAL PARK
114
AGRO PARK
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FLORAL PARK
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Bibliography
135
14
SUB-URBAN SPRAWL Bogotá’s explosive expansion over the last few decades has forced the city to its limits. This has led to a shift in growth patterns. The municipalities that surround the city have been accommodating all those who could not find a home in the capital. Therefore they now grow at twice the rate of Bogotá. In combination with the traditional building fashion that only reaches low densities, this results in a very land consuming sub-urban expansion. Furthermore the development of new housing projects is purely profitdriven. Little or no planning strategy for a larger scale is taken into account. This leads to a great dispersion within the urban fabric with loss of centrality and a fragmented internal road network as a result. The infrastructure on a regional scale is concentrated in two saturated access roads to Bogotá making low connectivity another disadvantage bestowed on sub-urbanisation. Finally it is also apparent that no one has learned from the previous mistakes of Bogotá. The sub-urban sprawl has just as little regard for ecologies.
RECAP PROBLEM STATEMENT “SUBURBANISATION”
17
Sub-urban Sprawl
1
Chapter one
SUB-URBAN SPRAWL
18 Facatativá
Madrid Funza Mosquera
Fontibón
The sub-urban sprawl in the Sabana de Bogotá has spread the furthest around Calle 13, one of the two main entrance roads of Bogotá. It connects the municipalities Facatativá, Madrid, Mosquera and Fontibón – annexed in 1954 – with the city centre. This strip of quite dispersed built fabric touches an area rich in wetlands in the North and the hydric soil at its widest range and the Fucha river in the South. At their current growing rate the municipalities form a severe threat to these precious landscape structures. On some locations wetland has even been destroyed or damaged by development. Future expansion should keep away from these valuable areas.
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Sub-urban Sprawl
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DETERMINING FIGURES 22
The sub-urban fabric is considerably more dispersed than that of Bogotá city. The built tissue embedded in the landscape of the Sabana is partially shaped and bound by the big figures present on site.
Build tissue Industry Flower housing
Grey veins Calle 13 is the main arterial road and forms one of the few crossings over Río Bogotá. Because of the underdeveloped regional infrastructure and the presence of the airport, it is burdened with a tremendous amount of traffic – of both goods and persons – everyday. Consequently it is plagued with congestion. US21 is the closest thing Bogotá has to a ring road. It forms a north-south oriented connection between multiple municipalities in the Sabana. Most of the industry is settled on and around these roads. The Cicloruta bike lane network is quite extensive in Bogotá city. In the sub-urbanised municipalities however, the network is developed very poorly and disconnected from Bogotá.
Road Bike lane
Blue veins The numerous water bodies are the main shaping structures for the area. Naturally the Río Bogotá is the main artery. The river swells with the water of the Río Fucha that streams from the Monseratte mountains. The site is enriched particularly with wetlands. Furthermore also the drainage canals of Canal Cunidamarca and the irrigation canals of La Ramada district are present.
(next page) Map showing the determining figures in the landscape they shape.
River Canal Wetland Hydric soil
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Sub-urban Sprawl
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La Herrera lake Humedal GualĂ-Tres Esquinas Humedal Meandro del Say Humedal CapellanĂa Humedal de Techa Humedal El Burro Humedal La Florida Humedal Jaboque Humedal Tibabuyes 400
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Sub-urban Sprawl
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Calle 13 is one of the two main entrance roads of Bogotรก. It is in an almost permanent state of congestion. Picture taken by Abel Cรกrdenas, 2014.
27 Sub-urban Sprawl
The Cicloruta bicycle network is one of the large-scale infrastructural realisations that result from Peñalosa’s policy as mayor. The network is well developed and consequently intensively used in Bogotá. The surrounding municipalities lag behind in the implementation of an equally qualitative bicycle infrastructure. Picture taken by Abel Cárdenas, 2013.
28
29 Sub-urban Sprawl
Río Fucha is one of the three main tributaries of the Bogotá river. Its presence makes development in the subcatchment considerably more difficult. Consequently a big part of the riverside remains open and unused space. Picture taken by Gabriel Castelblanco, 2011. Río Bogotá is the largest and most influential blue figure in the watershed. Every imbalance or fault in the water system (eventually) manifests itself at the river. Precautions taken in the past, for instance the dykes visible in the picture, have proven unadapt and inadequate. Picture taken by Rocio Hendez, 2010.
30
Humedal Gual铆-Tres Esquinas is one of the larger wetlands on the Sabana. It is mostly threatened by the use of its waters for irrigation and by the sub-urban expansion. Laguna La Herrera is the biggest natural freshwater reservoir of the Sabana and the biotope of its largest and most diverse population of waterfowl. At present day this ecosystem is being damaged severely by intensive mining activity on the waterside. [ Palacio L.M., 2010] Picture provided by Joselh H贸mez, date unkown.
31
Sub-urban Sprawl
32
GUIDING PRINCIPLES The formation and growth of both the urban and sub-urban tissue so far has been largely determined by the blue and grey figures in the landscape. They therefore form the fundamental idea behind eco- and infra-structure: guiding principles for suburbanisation.
33
Sub-urban Sprawl
34
Eco-structurE The whole of connected water bodies and the ecosystems they produce that sculpture the land- and cityscape.
Eco-structure Aims The eco-structure guides urbanisation. Through the presence of water it determines specific borders that limit urban expansion. In the same way it secures breathing space within the city.
The eco-structure safeguards ecologies. Wetlands have a purifying effect on certain contaminations. Green blue corridors that connect water bodies procure continuity. It is vital that animals and seeds can travel for ecosystems to flourish. The eco-structure holds flexible contextual value. Depending on its surroundings it can be of economic, residential, educational, recreational, ... importance.
Tools
Wetlands capture sediments and retain heavy metals and excess nutrients. In doing so they purify the water that runs through them.
By enabling controlled seasonal floods, a water barrier articulates limits to the urban expansion zone.
By manipulating the dykes, the river can take more place, in wet seasons or permanently. The widespread water from the river will form wetlands on the riverbanks.
Runoff and rainwater is captured in basins and wetlands. The water is given time to infiltrate, be discharged gradually and/or reused.
35 Sub-urban Sprawl
The eco-structure increases the resilience of the water system. The enlarging and strengthening of water bodies simply gives water more time to cross the plateau and thus aids in the natural flood regulation.
36
Different water bodies guide the development of the urban tissue. The water barrier south of Humedal Guali-Tres Esquinas puts a limit to the urban sprawl and prevents it from intruding the valuable, fertile and flood prone area of hydric soil. In the large open areas on the banks of big water figures, like the wetlands, Río Bogotá and Río Fucha, wetlands and basins are constructed to safeguard spaces that breath, that are depressurised as opposed to the dense and closeknit urban fabric.
stream. The water barrier, basins and extended wetlands increase the storing capacity. The water bodies inside the city capture run-off.
Naturally these water bodies capture water and in doing so, partially regulate flooding. The wetlands next to the Bogotá and Fucha rivers give more space to the water and slow down the
The whole of these existing and new water bodies forms an ecological strip that reaches from the Fucha subcatchment, over the Río Bogotá and wetlands, to the La Herrera lake.
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The stored water can infiltrate, be discharged gradually in the dry season or reused. The water from the water barrier and the basins next to the wetland can for instance contribute to the La Ramada irrigation system. The captured water in the city on the other hand can be used to serve small-scale human functions.
Constructed wetlands
Water barrier
Basin
Urban void
37
Sub-urban Sprawl
38
Infra-structurE The whole of hierarchical components that facilitate connection and movement and generate interaction.
Infra-structure Aims The infra-structure guides urbanisation. By providing connection and access, it generates platforms for interaction that operate in a series of scales. A wide range of different programs and functions gravitate toward it. The infra-structure has a dual nature:
39
It is soft when functioning in a human manner. It has a slow pace, is flexible and allows a multitude of uses. It is a tangible network linked to public spaces and residential areas.
Sub-urban Sprawl
It is hard when functioning in a mechanical manner. It has a fast pace, is strict and efficient. It is an unyielding chain into which large economic functions are plugged in.
Tools
The infra-structure provides fluent connections on a human scale through a tramline and bike lanes. The tram is an easy-to-use public way of transportation. The stations on the line can become centres of activity and hold the potential to become true catalysts for their surrounding neighbourhoods. The purpose of the bike lanes is equally functional as recreational.
Through its linear character infra-structure articulates borders. Depending on the context, it can aid in defining spaces by establishing a clear outline.
Hard infra-structural connections are realised through high capacity regional roads. They provide an efficient medium for transportation to and from the industry and storage facilities nearby.
Through its linear character infra-structure functions as a guide. It is the element that is necessarily present for urban fabric to hatch onto and to expand alongside.
40
The extended Cicloruta and a tramline parallel to Calle 13 provide a soft public connection between Bogotรก and the municipalities across the Sabana. The tramline has stations on strategic locations close to the municipal centres. The positions of the stations will strongly influence the traffic dynamics, as well in their immediate surroundings as on a larger scale. The stations will attract activity and a multitude of functions that can revive their neighbourhoods. The bike lanes are an eco-friendly medium for a pleasant and tranquil way of travelling. They can serve both commuters and recreational cyclists. The latter category can enjoy a direct connection to the hill in the West, the perfect setting for mountainbikeand BMX-trails.
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These new alternatives to travel between the suburbanised area and Bogotรก relieve a large part of the pressure on Calle 13 and US 21. They enable a partial compartmentalisation in transportation: a network for persons and one for goods. The two big regional roads will be less congested and thus reach a higher capacity for economic purposes. In the sub-urbanised municipalities the bike lanes and small scale roads are implemented as boundaries or as guides. If running along the current border of the urban areas, they articulate an urban faรงade and limit possible further expansion. When in line with the tissue the infrastructure forms a directional guide for Existing bike lane
New bike lane
Existing road
New road
Railway tracks
Tram station
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Sub-urban Sprawl
El tren de Cercanías 42
The Sabana de Bogotá used to have a quite well-rounded train network, El Tren de la Sabana. From 1882 until 1953 the network was built and gradually expanded. It consisted of 5 railway lines, one of which was never completed and torn down a couple of years after the start of its construction. Departing from a central station on Calle 13 the network provided a connection to the North and Northeast (both lines some 200 km), to the Tequendama Falls in the Southwest of Bogotá and to Facatativá, the most western point of the Sabana. [Ortega A., 1917] Halfway the 20th century the train started losing popularity because of its outdated system. In combination with the rising of new and faster ways of transportation, the national railway company – and with it El Tren de la Sabana – was liquidated in 1991. Some of the tracks have been removed for the construction of the Transmilenio bus system. The northern train line is now used as a tourist train. The tracks of all other lines have been removed or lay unused in the landscape. [La Otra Opinión, 2012] 25 years after El Tren de la Sabana was shut down, an initiative for a new railway system has surfaced. Regiotram is the new ‘tren de cercanías’ or commuter train. It will use the old remaining railway tracks. The proposal entails a network of five train-tram lines in total. In the urban areas Regiotram will function as a tram, with frequent stops and an average speed of 40 km/h (maximum 60 km/h). Once entering the sub-urban areas the number of stops will diminish and the speed will increase to 80 km/h on average (maximum 110 km/h). The old central station on Calle 13 will be renovated. The two initial lines of the project will start from there: an 18 km connection with Soacha in the south and a 44 km connection to Facatativá in the west. The latter line has main stations in Fontibon (with a side branch to the El Dorado airport), Funza, Mosquera, Madrid, El Corzo and Facatativá. This railway, which should be completed in 2019, is integrated in the design proposal this book presents. [Portafolio.co, 2014]
43 Sub-urban Sprawl
Postcard No. 251 from Editores Focion Soto & Cia depicting the central station on the Sabana, date unkown. Picture provided by Henry Carre単o Ospina.
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47 Funza y Mosquera
2
Chapter two
FUNZA y MOSQUERA
48
Apart from Bogotรก, the Sabana territory is administratively divided in 25 pieces, each belonging to a separate municipality. With exception of the conurbated Soacha, the twin municipalities, Funza and Mosquera, are the largest. Because the overcrowded capital is rapidly reaching its limit, the last several years the tendencies of settling within the Sabana have changed. Instead of living in the big city, people now go live in the municipalities that surround it. This shift has been most distinctively noticeable in the sub-urbanised strip around Calle 13 and more specifically in Funza and Mosquera. Therefore these municipalities are the perfect subject to look into multiple aspects of a vast sub-urban sprawl, a transformation other municipalities on the Sabana might still have in prospect.
49 Funza y Mosquera
The remarkable size of the urban centres of Funza and Mosquera in 1942, then barely grown in comparison with the original colonial centres founded in 1538 (Funza) and 1861(Mosquera) [AlcaldĂa de Funza, 2015; AlcaldĂa de Mosquera, 2015]. Map provided by IGAC.
MOSQUERA
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FUNZA
51 Funza y Mosquera
READING Booming From approximately 1990 until the present day Funza and Mosquera have known a true demographic boom. Over the span of the last 25 years the combined population has tripled. [DANE, 2006] According to the most recent demographic data Funza had 71 172 inhabitants in 2012 and Mosquera 76 662, leading to a total population of nearly 150 OOO inhabitants. [Secretaría de Planeación de Cunidamarca, 2012] Currently the municipalities are still growing at a rate close to 6%. This kind of growth resembles that of the major cities in the 70’s, at the peak of urbanisation. [Acosta P., 2010] A lot of the open space has already disappeared due to this rapid expansion. If Funza and Mosquera continue to grow in this manner there will be no more room for qualitative public space, nor for water to infiltrate. The wetland Gualí-Tres Esquinas that surrounds the sub-urban area, will be destroyed.
52
The diagram represents the population growth of Funza and Mosquera in relation to their tissue expansion. The red markings in the 2015 map show the buildings that were constructed over the timespan of just 2 years! Map based on Google maps and demographic data provided by DANE and Secretaría de Planeación de Cunidamarca.
Funza + Mosquera Funza Mosquera
53 Funza y Mosquera
54
The aerial picture of Funza and Mosquera from 1962 shows the newly constructed US 21. At the time it was built as a ring road to keep passing traffic out of the municipal centres. At present day however it has been completely swallowed by the urban tissue. Picture provided by IGAC, 2014.
55 Funza y Mosquera
Urban fabric
56
The urban tissue of Funza and Mosquera is similar to that of Bogotรก. A basis of informal, self-constructed tissue has gradually been pierced and expanded with formal settlements, often in the form of gated communities. These private islands of moderate wealth lay dispersed in the fabric. They sharply contrast the conventional idea of qualitative urban life with its emphasis on public accessibility. The formal settlements disrupt the continuity of tissue and thereby distort its centrality. Large industries are located next to Calle 13 and US 21. A substantial amount of smaller industrial buildings and storage facilities however is randomly dispersed in the residential tissue of the municipalities.
The interplay, or rather the lack thereof, between selfconstructed housing and a gated community. An industrial building is located in the middle of a residential area. Sadly this is no exception in Funza and Mosquera. (next page) Map showing industry, self-constructed and formal housing in the sub-urban tissue.
57 Funza y Mosquera
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Self-constructed housing Formal housing Industry Flower housing
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59 Funza y Mosquera
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Water issues Like Bogotá, also Funza and Mosquera have suffered from flooding, although less severe, in the past. The wetland GualíTres Esquinas functions as a regulating buffer for the Río Bogotá. If the level of the river starts rising, water flows into the wetland. When a critical point is reached both the wetland and the river flood. The explosive manner in which Funza and Mosquera have been expanding entails a widespread impermeable surface. Consequently the amount of run-off discharged in the wetland has increased and with it the flooding risk.
Apart from the heavily contaminated water of the Río Bogotá and the run-off from Funza and Mosquera flowing into the wetland, a large amount of household water and industrial wastewater is also illegally dumped in it. The pollution poses a great threat to this valuable ecosystem. Since the water of the wetland is pumped in the La Ramada system and is then used to irrigate agricultural fields, the contamination also jeopardises the general public health.
During the La Niña of 2011 there were multiple floods on the Sabana. The picture shows the Río Bogotá near Funza and Mosquera during one of those floods. Picture taken by Marta Olga Restrepo , 2010. (next page) Map showing the estimated flooding risk in Funza and Mosquera. Map based on information of Alcaldía de Funza and Alcaldía de Mosquera, 2013.
61 Funza y Mosquera
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2 542 m
HIGH flooding risk
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63 Funza y Mosquera
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Utility framework Most of the functions are concentrated around the 2 historical axes. Carrera 13, the road that connects the historical centres of Funza and Mosquera, carries a lot of economic functions. Consequently its character is quite well adapted to a human scale. Especially around the city centres the road is mostly used by pedestrians. The second historical axis, Calle 15, forms the shortest route to BogotĂĄ. It connects the centre of Funza with Calle 13, hereby cutting the wetland in two, burdening the road with a lot of heavy traffic. Thus even though Calle 15 is charged with a lot of public facilities, mostly schools, it is not adapted to vulnerable road users.
Calle 15, an historical axis, dangerously damages humedal GualĂ-Tres Esquinas by cutting it in two. (p. 66-67) Carrera 13, the other historical road connecting the municipal centres, is the most important commercial axis. (p. 68-69) A lot of industries and storage facilities are located on US 21, a main arterial road. Through its heavy traffic load and central position it creates a tear in the urban fabric, dividing Funza and Mosquera in a northern and southern part.
65 Funza y Mosquera
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67 Funza y Mosquera
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69 Funza y Mosquera
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Road Bike lane Sport facilities Commercial functions Educational facilities Library Cultural facilities Religious facilities Health facilities Municipal administration Public squares Recreational and sports fields
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71 Funza y Mosquera
Public spaces lie dispersed in the urban fabric. With the exception of the two main squares, all of the developed public outdoor spaces are sports fields with generally little quality. Parks where one can enjoy some green are remarkably absent. Furthermore there is also a noteworthy lack of cultural facilities.
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(previous page) Map showing the location of public functions in Funza and Mosquera. It is clear that most of them are located on or near one of the historical axes. A little playground with a basketball court in Funza. The central square of Funza with its beautiful colonial church. Picture taken by Jos茅 Rafael Luna L贸pez, 2015.
73 Funza y Mosquera
“
I would like to have more sense of community and more activities to do for the community. All these new people here, they’re just too much at once. It feels a lot less safe around here now. - Euro Agiular, 57
74
Social shortcomings Social life
For the warm-hearted Colombians community life is of great importance. The inhabitants of Funza and Mosquera are pleased with their neighbourhood feeling. The quite brusque influx of new people however is often perceived as disruptive for the community. Social life usually happens inside the house and on the sidewalk. There simply don’t exist other places to get together. The same goes for recreational infrastructure. There is a general demand for pastime accommodations, places where one can attend adult education, play music, learn to sculpture or paint.
“
I would like it to be safer around here. People use the empty space between Funza and Mosquera to sell and do drugs. It would be better if it were fenced. - Marta Moreno, 34
La inseguridad
In general people feel safe, but the idea ‘if it’s gated, it’s better’ is still strongly present. The limited feeling of unsafety that remains is related to youth aimlessly hanging about in the street, often using drugs. This problem manifests itself mostly in and around large vacant lots with little social control.
Public space
The citizens of Funza and Mosquera would like to have more parks, but mainly they want improved parks. The existing ones are usually nothing more then an idle piece of land with a football field or basketball court. There is a great demand of well-designed sport facilities and actual green parks, rich in vegetation.
This general view on the social aspects of life in Funza and Mosquera is based on numerous conversations. Men and women as well as children shared their worries and hopes for their hometown. The information was gathered between September 25 and October 3 of 2014
“
I meet my friends in a park that’s a one-minute walk from my house, but I don’t think that there are enough parks. The ones we do have aren’t very good. I’d like to have a sports centre nearby with decent football fields. - Ales Posar, 30
75 Funza y Mosquera
Ales Posar and two of his children on September 25, 2014. (p. 76-77) On the border between Funza and Mosquera lies a little wetland within large empty space. (p. 78-79) Bogotá has a vibrant side-walk culture. In Bogotá there are simply not enough public spaces for an outdoor lifestyle, so it happens by the side of the road.
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77 Funza y Mosquera
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79 Funza y Mosquera
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GUIDING PRINCIPLES The eco- and infra-structure defined on the large scale, are now further developed in Funza and Mosquera. The structures as guiding principles aim to solve problems specific to the two municipalities by interacting on a human scale. The picture of people having lunch at La Herrera lake reminds of a time when the waterside was seen as a place of recreation. On the Sabana this notion has been lost for a long time. Picture provided by Joselh H贸mez, s.d.
81 Funza y Mosquera
Eco-structure
82
The broadwise expansion of the sub-urban tissue is limited by a couple of important eco-structural components. In the south a water barrier prevents Mosquera from expanding into the territory of the hydric soil. In the northeast the sub-urban sprawl is prevented from intruding the extremely valuable, ecological strip of wetlands by a new and improved type of agriculture. MuequetĂĄ: A mosaic of cultivated fields elaborates on the design of this highly productive agricultural system. Finally a framework of water bodies safeguards 3 large open spaces in the existing tissue. Narrow canals collect the runoff and guide it towards these open spaces where it is captured in basins or constructed wetlands. While stored there the water gets partially purified in a natural manner. It is also given time to infiltrate or to be reused. The eco-structure draws ecologies deep into the scattered sub-urban fabric. On a smaller scale this
brings forth pleasant public space that takes on different characters depending on its surroundings. In the South of Funza and Mosquera the ecostructure borders on the wetland and is designed as an extension of that wetland. It has a large storage capacity and thereby relieves pressure from the Humedal GualĂ-Tres Esquinas. In the East, water flows from a constructed wetland across the city limits to irrigate the highly productive fields. In the opposite direction the ecostructure enables the rural character to infiltrate in the urban fabric, since it is also feeding the irrigation system of considerably smaller urban farming plots. In the North the eco-structure draws in flower housing with quality of botanical gardens. Considerably large constructed wetlands and basins feed this water intensive production.
Tools Newly constructed wetlands store and purify runoff from the city. Ecological corridors, which are formed through the connection of these wetlands, are thereby brought inside the urban perimeter.
83
Similar to wetlands, basins capture runoff. They are implemented in industrial areas to directly catch the rainwater from the large roof surfaces. The basin’s character is adapted to the structure it connects with. The side that faces the hard infrastructure has the formative language of a concrete tub. The other side however that connects with soft infra-structure or other eco-structure transits gently into its surroundings.
The captured water is used to flush toilets, to supply laundromats and carwashes and to irrigate flowers and agricultural fields.
Eco-structure also manifests itself as public waterspace, public squares in which water plays a central role.
Funza y Mosquera
Small canals collect runoff and guide it to one of the multiple storage bodies. The canals have a specific composition and vegetation to purify the water running through them. Furthermore they reveal the water management system to the public. This will inevitably raise consciousness for water issues.
Infra-structure The infra-structure imposes guidelines for further expansion of the urban tissue. Both the hard and soft roads mark either the direction of the development or put a limit to it. Within the urban fabric infra-structure also functions as a border by defining the outlines of open spaces that need protection and by articulating a faรงade for them. 84
The industry is linked to hard infra-structure, more specifically Calle 13 and US 21. These regional roads form efficient connections between Bogotรก and the surrounding municipalities for heavy traffic. Regiotram provides a similar connection, but one that is adapted to a human scale. The tramline has stops on strategic locations at the end of Calle 15 and Carrera 13, hereby creating direct, soft connections with the historical centres of Funza and Mosquera. These tram stations are designed as complete transferiums, where one can switch from going by foot to taking the tram, bus or bike. The route over Calle 15, between transferium and municipal centre, will undergo the biggest change. A bridge will replace the current road that cuts straight through
the wetland. This bridge will only be accessible to vulnerable road users and public transport. The extended Cicloruta network shapes another soft connection between Bogotรก and the twin municipalities. Inside the sub-urban perimeter the network is further developed: the bike lanes partially define the borders of the 3 main open spaces and make them accessible to the whole of Funza and Mosquera. The proposed interventions will thoroughly change the traffic patterns within Funza and Mosquera. They enable clearly articulated, separate networks for hard and soft traffic. The historical axes play a crucial role in connecting Funza and Mosquera with their new access points: the two transferiums. The axes offer a framework that aids in structuring the sub-urban tissue. They are the carriers of public transport and soft traffic and hereby function as a connector and collector on a human scale. The axes can be enriched with public space, a variety of functions and a densified surrounding tissue.
85 Funza y Mosquera
Tools The axis’ functioning on a human scale is pronounced in its spatial form. The axis is enriched with a sequence of various characters and public spaces.
Infra-structure gives a façade to the urban tissue that borders on one of the main open spaces. It hereby eliminates residual spaces. Based on its context the façade can take on different characters
Infra-structure provides recreational facilities. Bike lanes, footpaths, promenades, sports fields, playgrounds,… all are part of infra-structure as an integrated framework.
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3
Chapter three
HOUSING
88
In the urban tissue of Funza and Mosquera mostly two building typologies are recognisable. The houses of the poorer citizens are self-built, which is immediately visible because of the limited skill level. Those a bit more prosperous live mainly in formal housing settlements. These are equally easy recognised because of the copypaste methodology.
89 Housing
One of the typical self-fabricated houses, which now and then raise serious questions about the building logic, amongst other things.
90
SELF-CONSTRUCTED VERSUS FORMAL Self-constructed housing The people of the lower strata have the long-standing habit to build their houses from scratch because they lack the means to hire a contractor or to buy a house or apartment. Usually they start by building only the first floor and then later add another level when they can finance the construction cost. From this moment on the first floor is quite often rented to another family or converted to a small shop. Neighbours and family usually lend a hand with the construction, but that does not make up for the lack in skill. Therefore self-construction leads in most cases to substandard living conditions. Both the technical and spatial quality of the houses is extremely low. Inside the building block, for instance, houses are built back to back, hereby ignoring the most obvious possibility for private outdoor space. Furthermore self-construction also gravely reduces the maximum achievable height: usually 2 or 3 storeys and exceptionally 4 and 5. Consequently selfconstructed housing is very ground consuming and brings forth overcrowding. [Salazar J. F., 2001] Axonometric presentation of the transformation of a self-constructed house. Through this continuous transformation the self-built tissue seems to be in a semi-permanent state of construction.
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93 Housing
The ground floor of the house is often converted into a shop. The clash of self-constructed houses makes for a very colourful tissue with a rather pleasant small grain. The general living quality however is considerably low.
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95 Housing
Formal housing
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The formal building typology stands in sharp contrast to selfconstructed housing. This type of housing development can without a doubt be described as mass production. Private developers buy large vacant lots, erect a series of identical buildings and then turn profit by selling the houses or apartments. The buildings brought forth by this system usually correspond to strata 3 and higher, leaving the poorest people out. The biggest disadvantage of the system however is the arguably illogical impulse to fence the housing projects, hereby turning them into gated communities and isles of wealth that lie disconnected and dispersed into the urban fabric. Consequently the no-go area’s marked by fences disrupt the dynamics in the use of public space and ultimately lead to urban fragmentation. [Thibert et al., 2014] On the slightly positive side, a cautious tendency has emerged the last several years to develop apartment blocks with approximately 5 to 6 stories, thereby achieving a higher density. The majority of the formal housing projects however take the form of 2- or 3-storey single-family row houses. According to Colombian law a certain percentage of public space must be comprised when developing a gated community. In reality the provided area is mostly left void, without any of the qualities a well-designed public space should offer. [Castaùeda V. J. M., s.d.] Not all formal housing is gated. And although these projects function considerably better in the urban tissue, a couple of issues still remain. They are ground consuming because of the general low height of the buildings and they impose a very strict architectural style with little options to make adaptions according to one’s personal taste. The formal housing typology leaves little room for personal taste.
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FOTO FORMAL
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99 Housing
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FILL-IN STRUCTURE Neither the self-constructed nor the formal building method succeeds in providing qualitative housing that is well integrated and functioning within the urban context. This chapter therefore proposes an alternative housing typology that aims to combine the qualities of both known typologies and eliminate their shortcomings.
Structure The proposed typology provides a concrete fillin structure that achieves higher densities by stacking building lots. The structure functions as a framework that on the one hand allows a great internal flexibility and on the other hand imposes a number of external limitations. First and foremost the location of the structure fully determines the location of the housing. This entails that the structure can resist further sub-urban sprawl. By imposing impassable limits on housing development the framework can control the tissue expansion. It also determines the maximum number of storeys, which makes it possible to achieve higher densities. In this regard the structure forms a very valuable component of the infra-structure. The structure is mainly pre-fabricated which makes it possible to build at a high speed and in great amounts. This is necessary to complement Funza’s and Mosquera’s incredible growing rate. Axonometry of the structure.
Fill-in
The flexibility of the structure reaches further than the 4 options mentioned, since nothing imposes the limitation of sticking to just one lot. The structure does not limit the personal style nor does it discriminate based on financial means. The structure can bring all of the strata together under one roof and end social segregation. The faรงade is a big colourful clash, allowing every inhabitant to implement his personal style. The structure brings unity and balance to the architectural whole.
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The absolute minimum that the structure provides is basic shelter - offered by the roof - and a connection to the water and electricity service networks. When buying a lot one can opt for this absolute minimum and self-built the rest of the house or one can choose to buy a lot with a (partially) constructed house. For instance: an empty lot with basic sanitary cell installed, a lot with a completed one-storey house, leaving the option to built a second storey oneself, a lot with a completed twostorey house, etc.
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SPATIAL QUALITIES The houses are accessible through a light steel skeleton that is anchored in the concrete structure. The skeleton forms the support for various staircases and passageways, which guide the inhabitants to their own front door. If two structures are positioned parallel next to each other, the space in between is designed as a circulation and light shaft. In this specifically shaped, narrow space the steel skeleton - and the circulation it supports - are explicitly present. They fill the shaft with movement and interesting views. Not all the lots in the structure are preserved for building. Some lots will remain open so they can become a communal space where neighbours can meet with each other, where they can organize a party, light a barbecue or play a game of cards. Both the circulation and the open lots enrich the structure with different atmospheres and characters, going from semi-private to semi-public. The route to and from one’s house becomes a pleasant experience. Naturally this has a positive influence on the general quality of living.
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Some lots are left unbuilt, so they can become a communal space. Furthermore they let light infiltrate in the circulation shaft.
LIVING The fill-in structure can be implemented in various ways. The four housing typologies proposed here are designed for two specific contexts: the eco- and infra-structure.
... in blue 104
So far housing and water in one place have been irreconcilable. If the housing is raised however, the 2 can peacefully coexist. The ground level from the structure is left open so water can freely flow in between the concrete columns. The lots in the higher levels can be filled in according to the general method. A platform connects neighbouring structures on the first level and provides access to the housing. Furthermore it is a pleasant public space that offers a view on the waterscape of the eco-structure.
... in green 105 Housing
The housing typology in the context of a park is designed with a small footprint to have as little impact as possible on its surroundings. The concrete structure can stack up to 6 lots, resulting in a total height of 12 stories. Because of this height staircases alone do not longer provide a sufficient vertical circulation. Therefore an elevator is installed in the centre of the building.
... along the line
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To live next to a hard infra-structural road, demands a well adapted housing design. The typology entails a vertical division. On the ground level the structure is quite deep and open towards the hard infra-structure in the front. This level is preserved for commercial purposes. The big spaces with high ceilings are perfect for ateliers such as garages, bike repair shops, car washes, carpenters and so on. The ground floor can initially also functions as garage, before the structure gets filled in. On the top levels housing fills in the structure. The housing is rather closed towards the infra-structure because it is fully directed on the green area in the back. The inhabitants can access their house over a large, green, semi-public platform that sits on top of the ateliers.
... across the line
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The proposed typology for living on a soft infrastructural axis makes a strong inviting statement by placing the structures perpendicular to the road. Through their positioning the structures create a connection between the soft infra-structure and its surroundings. These connections are formed as a series of public squares in between the structures. Such a square takes on the character of the public place it is hatched onto. If this is for instance the soft road, then the square will have a more urban atmosphere and the ground level of the structure will be filled in with commercial functions. This level can also serve as a covered market place in expectation of the structure being filled in.
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Chapter four
INTERWOVEN STRUCTURES
110
In chapter two a framework based on eco- and infra-structure was established for the future urban development of Funza and Mosquera. The framework has 3 focus areas, namely the 3 big open spaces in the city. These figures are of great importance because they are most threatened by the further expansion of the urban tissue. Exactly for that reason they have the opportunity to stop the unstructured tissue from consuming all land until no breathing space in the city remains.
111 Interwoven Structures
The proposal consists of three parks that exist within the eco- and infra-structural framework. Each park is defined by different conditions and thus designed with a different focus in mind.
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The design of the Humedal Park in the South of Funza and Mosquera is determined largely by the extension of the wetland to which it borders. Therefore this park’s main focus points are ecology and recreation. The smaller Agro Park in the West has an important social function. It aims on providing practical education for the community. It has a certain financial strength through small-scale agricultural production. The Floral Park in the North, on the border between Funza and Mosquera, has the specific character of a botanical garden with the function of flower housing and vice versa. Like the previous one, this park is also productive and thus holds an econovvmic function. A commercial and a cultural center at the park entrance strengthen the design both economically and functionally.
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HUMEDAL PARK
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The eco-structure is prominently present in this park, more specifically by means of the extension of the humedal Gualí-Tres Esquinas. This new constructed wetland provides a large storage capacity that will aid in regulating floods when the water in the Río Bogotá and the existing wetland reaches crucial levels. The park lies in the lowest area of Funza and Mosquera. This entails that a great amount of run-off from the city will be captured in the constructed wetland. The presence of fluctuating water imposes a certain border on the urbanisation. The park is therefore safeguarded from urban expansion in its territory. Where the water touches the urban tissue the housing typology ‘living in blue’ is implemented, on the border of the park ‘living
‘Living along the line’
‘Living in green’
in green’. The park interacts with multiple forms of infra-structure. The new tramline runs parallel to the wetland and has a stop in the West of the park. This transferium and the square in front of it form the first public space in a sequence of squares on Calle 15, the historical axis. Because of the connection with the tramline, commuters will extensively use the route over the axis. Therefore a solid basis for commercial function on the axis is ensured. The square that defines the main entrance of the park forms the scene of a daily market. It also provides access to a commedor, a typical Colombian canteen-like restaurant that offers meals at very reasonable prices. The housing on this axis is of the type ‘living across the line.
‘Living in blue’
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‘Living in green’
‘Living across the line’
Commedor
Bridge
Transferium
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BUILT FABRIC
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VEGETATION
WATER
Axonometric layering of the framwork with eco-structure (water and vegetation) and infra-structure.
Interwoven Structures
INFRASTRUCTURE
AGRO PARK
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The most important component of the ecostructure in this park, is the water stored for the irrigation of agriculture. The constructed wetland positioned central in the area provides water to small lots used for urban farming and passes the excessive water on to the large agricultural fields in the West (as designed in Muequetá: A mosaic of cultivated fields). The organisation of the urban farming is assigned to the community center, which also provides practical adult education in farming and other crafts.The community center is also connected to the housing typology ‘living along the line’ and more specifically the ateliers and workshops that this typology provides on the ground floor. The sequence of public spaces on the historical axis is continued with a water square and an orchard.
‘Living along the line’ Constructed wetland Urban farming Community center & Water square
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View inside the Agro Park, with the community center at the left and the housing of the type ‘living along the line’ in the back.
BUILT FABRIC
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VEGETATION
WATER
Axonometric layering of the framwork with eco-structure (water and vegetation) and infra-structure.
Interwoven Structures
INFRASTRUCTURE
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FLORAL PARK
Flower housing
The applied housing typologies are mainly ‘living in green’ and ‘in blue’ with the exception of ‘living across the line’ that is implemented at the entrance of the park on Carrera 13. ‘Living in blue’
Constructed wetland
Platform Grand Café/theater/ concert hall Public space in building block Community Center
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‘Living in green”
Flowers and other vegetation mainly determine the atmosphere of this park. The flower houses are not merely productive, but also serve as botanical gardens. Visitors can enjoy the overwhelming colors of both planted and natural flowers. The longitudinal park is compartmentalised in a series of large steps through separating water collectors. Run-off is captured and stored to support the water-intensive flower production. This system provides a eco-friendly alternative for pumping groundwater out of the aquifers.
BUILT FABRIC
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INFRASTRUCTURE
VEGETATION
WATER
Axonometric layering of the framwork with eco-structure (water and vegetation) and infra-structure.
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View from the platform, overlooking the Floral Park.
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At the entrance of the park on Carrera 13, the historical axis, the housing typology ‘living across the line’ is implemented. This entrance is designed as a public space inside a building block. It announces the Floral Park - in a not so sublte manner - by a large flower house roof structure. The public square beneath it is comprised of a water basin with multiple terraces and a variety of plants to achieve a cozy atmosphere whilst maintaining an open character. The surrounding building block has multiple functions on the ground level. A community center across from the church is linked to different classrooms in the building, which can be used for adult education as well as cultural courses, for instance painting, dance, theater, music, … Once passed the main square, one is drawn to a platform that offers a beautiful panorama over the Floral Park. Furthermore this platform provides access to a Grand Café and the theater/concert hall.
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View inside the central square at the entrance of the Floral Park.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
BOOKS ORTEGA, A., “Historía de Ferrocarril de la Sabana”, study for “Anales de Ingeniería”, 1917, Bogotá
PAPER & ARTICLES ACOSTA, P., “The Bogotá - Sabana region: the political economy behind the struggle to implement a sustainable urban development model”, 2010, Bogotá, (http://www.urosario.edu.co/cpg-ri/InvestigacionCEPI/documentos/Caratulas/documento-ekistica-2.pdf), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] CASTAÑEDA V. J. M., “Las ciudades cercadas, el caso de Bogotá”, s.d., Bogotá, (http://revistas.javeriana. edu.co/index.php/cvyu/article/viewFile/5380/4752), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] PALACIO, L.M., “Minería acaba último gran humedal de la Sabana de Bogotá”, 2010, Bogotá, (http:// www.unperiodico.unal.edu.co/dper/article/mineria-acaba-ultimo-gran-humedal-de-la-sabana-de-bogota. html), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] SALAZAR, José F., ”Expansión o Densificación”, Universidad Nacional de Colombia Colombia, 2001 (http://www.revistas.unal.edu.co/index.php/bitacora/article/view/18797), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] THIBERT, Joel et al., “Urban Segregation and Metropolitics in Latin America: The case of Bogotá, Colombia”, Internal Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Volume 38.4, July 2014
OTHER ALCALDÍA DE FUNZA, “Historia”, 2014, (http://www.funza-cundinamarca.gov.co/informacion_general. shtml#historia), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] ALCALDÍA DE FUNZA, “Historia”, 2013, (http://www.mosquera-cundinamarca.gov.co/informacion_ general.shtml#historia), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] DANE, “Censo General 2005, República de Colombia. Resultados Bogotá y municipios metropolitanos”, 2006, (https://www.dane.gov.co/files/censo2005/bogota_mun/Resultados_poblacion.pdf), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] LA OTRA OPINION, “Ferrocarriles en Colombia”, 2012, (http://laotraopinion.net/medios-detransporte/ferrocarriles-en-colombia/), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] PORTAFOLIO.CO, “En video/Así será el tren de cercanías en Cundinamarca”, s.d., (http://www. portafolio.co/portafolio-plus/tren-cercanias-cundinamarca), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] SECRETARÍA DE PLANEACIÓN, “Estadísticas básicas provincia de Sabana occidente”, s.d., (http:// www.planeacion.cundinamarca.gov.co/BancoMedios/Documentos%20PDF/sabana%20occidente_ indicadores.pdf), [last consulted on 05-06-2015]
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IMAGE CREDITS All pictures or drawings not mentioned in the list are taken by the authors.
CHAPTER 1 / SUBURBAN SPRAWL P. 22 GOOGLE MAPS, aerial picture, 2015, (https://www.google.com/maps/@4.69528,-74.1729502,19124m/ data=!3m1!1e3), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] P. 26 CARDENÁS, A., “La Calle 13, centro de inmovilidad por transporte pesado”, 2014, (http://diarioadn.co/ bogota/mi-ciudad/inmovilidad-en-la-calle-13-1.123410), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] P. 27 CARDENÁS, A., “La capital fue calificada como un modelo de ciudad sostenible”, 2013, (http://diarioadn. co/bogota/mi-ciudad/la-capital-fue-calificada-como-un-modelo-de-ciudad-sostenible-1.82693), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] P. 28 ROCIO, H., “Río”, 2010, (http://www.panoramio.com/photo/33874821), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] P. 29 CASTELBLANCO, G., “Río Fucha con Ciudad de Cali”, 2011, (http://www.panoramio.com/ photo/60635075), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] P. 32 HÓMEZ, J., “Laguna La Herrera, Cunidamarca”, s.d., (https://www.facebook.com/photo. php?fbid=10151472069609683&set=a.10151142063534683.469453.531039682&type=1&hc_location=ufi), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] P. 43 OSPINA, H. C., “Estación del Ferrocarril de la Sabana, Bogotá, Colombia”, s.d., (https://www.facebook. com/photo.php?fbid=126563854139276&set=oa.10150720917041215&type=3&theater), [last consulted on 0506-2015]
CHAPTER 2 / FUNZA Y MOSQUERA P. 49 IGAC, “Carta preliminar del Municipio de Funza, Cunidamarca”, 1942 P. 50 GOOGLE MAPS, aerial picture, 2015, (https://www.google.com/maps/@4.7151292,-74.2133817,3752m/ data=!3m1!1e3), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] P. 54 IGAC, aerial picture of Funza and Mosquera, 1962
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P. 61 RESTREPO, M. O., “Inundaciones en mayo 2011”, 2011, (https://ssl.panoramio.com/photo/54061860), [last consulted on 05-06-2015] P. 81 HÓMEZ, J., “Laguna La Herrera”, s.d., (https://scontent-lhr3-1.xx.fbcdn.net/hphotos-frc3/v/t1.09/1016313_10151709152639683_1702361093_n.jpg?oh=8b41d380373e7fd020abd92fade02350&oe=55FD3F43), [last consulted on 05-06-2015]
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