Rituals of the Dead - ANTH 397

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RITUALS OF THE DEAD Volume 1 Issue 1 02.12.25

Incan Sacrifice p. 4 Aztec Sacrifice p. 10 Dia de los Muertos p. 16 Anth 397



EDITORS: ...BRITNY MARTLIN ...RAVEN BROSTER ...KATIE GARAGAN

RITUALS OF THE DEAD V O L U M E

INSIDE THIS ISSUE:

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Letter from the Editors

Letter from the Editors

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Incan Sacrifice

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Aztec Sacrifice

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This is a special edition of Rituals of the Dead with headline articles on Incan and Aztec sacrificial rituals and beliefs, as well as an ethnographic article about the modern Day of the Dead practice of Latin American cultures. The content in this magazine may not be suitable for all readers. Reader discretion is advised. Please be advised that, although the practices of Aztec and Incan ritual sacrifice are no longer used in modern society, The Day of the Dead is still a common practice in modern Latin American culture.

New DNA 15 evidence reveals ancient human expansion Dia de los Muertos

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References

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Day of the Dead Celebrations from Around the World (2015, November 2). In The Globe and Mail. Front Page Image: The Llullaillaco Maiden. From Castro 2013. Inside Front Page Image: Depiction of the Incan Creator, Viracocha. From Ancient astronomy: Looking at the Sky through the eyes of the Inca (2015)


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“Children were sacrificed through either a blow to the head, strangulation, or being buried alive, often inebriated through a variety of alcohols and drugs,

INCAN SACRIFICE The Incan civilization was one of the “largest…and most complex civilizations in pre-Columbian America” (GómezCarballa et al. 2015, p. 1), governing between 1438 and 1533. They ruled a large part of South America, from Peru to Argentina, including parts of Bolivia, Columbia, Chile and Ecuador, and held their capital in Cuzco, Peru (Gómez-Carballa et al. 2015). One of the most interesting, and chilling, aspects of Incan life was their proclivity for sacri-

including chicha and coca leaves.”

Map of the Incan Empire between 1438 and 1533. From The Inca Empire and the Wheel (2011, January 28).

By Britny Martlin

ficial rituals on the highest of snow-capped mountaintops. Over 100 ceremonial shrines have been found on the summits of the Andes throughout the territory of the once great Incan Empire (Ceruti 2004), all located between 5,200-m and 6,700-m (Wilson et al. 2007). These peaks were sacred to the Inca, some of which underwent regular lightning strikes, while others were active volcanoes, spewing smoke and fire. The highest of these peaks were associated with deities, such as the weather god, Illapa, the sun god, Inti, or the Creator Viracocha, which became the locations for human sacrifice, otherwise known as the ritual capacocha (Ceruti 2004; Wilson et al. 2007; GómezCarballa et al. 2015). Capacocha in-

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volved the ritual sacrifice of children. Incan children were chosen based upon their beauty, virginity and over-all unblemished appearances and were believed to become messengers for the Gods after being sacrificed. Children were sometimes even offered by their own families for sacrifice, and were yearly given as tribute to Incan authorities (Ceruti 2004). While children from throughout the Empire were used as tributes to the Gods, they were also used by the Incan rulers to exert power over their territory. By using the sacred peaks of the Andes for sacrificial rituals, the Incas were able to reinforce the spiritual connection to the mountaintops while maintaining their own farreaching power; usually using capacocha to commemorate important political events, such as the birth or death of a king, or after natural disasters (Gómez-Carballa et al. 2015; Wilson et al. 2007).


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X-ray of Llullaillaco Maiden illustrating chewing quid of coca found in cheek. (Castro 2013).

New Science for Old Discoveries Wilson et al. (2007) uses isotopic analysis of the three mummified capacocha victims from Mount Llullaillaco, Argentina to demonstrate that Incan sacrifices were chosen from various locations within the empire, taken to Cuzco for ritual festivities, then undertaking pilgrimage to the chosen mountain. All of which was done to instill fear and maintain order and control throughout the vast empire. By taking samples of bone, tooth enamel, and even sometimes hair, isotopic analysis can indicate diet and even the area an individual lived throughout their life (Wilson et al. 2007).

in Argentina, an Incan shrine was discovered near the 6,739-m summit of the volcano. The frozen remains of a 15-year-old girl (the Llullaillaco Maiden), a 7-yearold boy (Llullaillaco Boy), and a 6-year-old girl (Lighting Girl, named due to her remains having been partially burned by a lightning strike) were found on this peak, currently the world’s highest archaeological site (Ceruti 2004; Wilson et al. 2007). At the time, these mummies were the best preserved that had been recovered, due to the freezing temperatures at such high altitudes (Ceruti 2004).

In 1999, at Mount Llullaillaco

The radiocarbon date for the

Llullaillaco Maiden shows that she died between 14301520 AD (Wilson et al. 2007), while there are no radiocarbon dates available for the other children, Wilson et al. (2007) concludes that they are most likely from the same pre-colonial period of Incan rule. The children were buried within a 10m long and 6m wide stone structure near the summit of Mount Llullaillaco. They “were found together with more than 100 offerings made of metal, shell, pottery, feathers and textiles in an excellent state of preservation� (Ceruti 2004, p. 108). These offerings included multiple ceram-

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ic vessels of typical Incan style, some of which had contained chicha, a maize -based alcoholic drink of the Andes, multiple leather pouches, some containing coca leaves, from which the drug cocaine is derived, and another containing human hair, as well as human figurines that were placed surrounding the bodies (Ceruti 2004; Wilson et al. 2007). The boy was discovered in a similar state as to that of the previously discussed Aconcagua Boy, with legs bound tight to his chest by rope (Ceruti 2004), although there was no such evidence of intense fear. While there is evidence of blunt force trauma, or severe fright on some Incan mummies that have

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been discovered, such as the Aconcagua Boy (see story on page 15), cause of death has not been as easily discernable on the Llullaillaco children. According to Spanish chroniclers, children were sacrificed through either a blow to the head, strangulation, or being buried alive, often inebriated through a variety of alcohols and drugs, including chicha and coca leaves (Ceruti 2004; Wilson et al. 2007). The Llullaillaco Maiden was found with a chewing quid of coca in her cheek, however the researchers do not believe this is what killed her. Through analysis of the children’s hair, researchers were able to discover that all the Llullaillaco children had been con-

suming a steady amount of coca and chicha for approximately nine months, while the Maiden’s consumption had greatly increased for about a year with peak consumption occurring around six months before death (Castro 2013). Her isotopic analysis indicates that she had been fed more chicha and coca than any of the other children, and her level of coca consumption was also about 3.5 times higher than any other Incan mummy previously analyzed (Wilson et al. 2007).


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The Llullaillaco Maiden. (Castro 2013).

Virgin of the Sun It has been hypothesized that the Llullaillaco Maiden was an acllus, a ‘chosen woman’ or ‘virgin of the sun’. She was buried with a feathered headdress upon her head, intricately braided hair and many artifacts made of shell, bone, and textiles surrounding her, and she also appears to have been in no stress at the time of her sacrifice (although the levels of coca and alcohol in her system

were higher than many other child sacrifices) (Wilson et al. 2007). The chosen girls were selected around age four and raised by priestesses. At about age 14, they would either be wedded to noblemen, become a priestess themselves, or offered as a human sacrifice (Wilson et al. 2007). This was most likely used as a statement of control, as being selected for such a

sacrifice was meant to be a great honour, but would have caused a climate of great fear in the people (Castro 2013).

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“Diet and class were ‘strictly correlated in the Incan Empire.’”

Who were these Children? The Spanish chronicler, Hernández de Príncipe wrote the final words of a 10-year-old girl as “[f]inish with me now, because the celebrations they held for me in Cuzco were enough” (Wilson et al. 2007, p. 16456). Incan society believed that human sacrifice was an honourable occupation, resulting in the ability to be closer to the Gods (Ceruti 2004). While previous research was thought to have

The Llullaillaco Boy. (Ceruti 2004).

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placed the Llullaillaco children in an upper class Incan society (Ceruti 2004), new isotopic data for all three children points to a highland origin, which would have given the children a lowclass status in Incan society (Wilson et al. 2007). The children’s social status was then raised during the ritual festivities in Cuzco. Isotopic analysis of the children’s hair, as well as the hair that they carried in pouches, demonstrated that the

hair belonged to the child it accompanied and was cut approximately six months before death. The cutting of hair has been seen in other Latin American societies to be symbolic of an individual’s entry into a new social class. This new research suggests that between a year and six months before the sacrificial ritual the children were brought to Cuzco, from lower-class families, and raised up on the social ladder.


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Diet and class were “strictly correlated in the Incan Empire� (Wilson et al. 2007, p. 16460), and so, through isotopic analysis of diet over time, this new research has been able to demonstrate the children’s altered status in relation to sacrificial ceremonies. Isotopic evidence of diet for the Llullaillaco Maiden suggests that about a year before death her diet was altered, appearing to consume greater amounts of C4 plants, most likely the elite maize, and greater quantities of meat, prior to a meatpoor diet. This most likely represents her integration into the upper class of Cuzco society in preparation for sacrifice. Around 4.5 months before her death, her diet increased again in C4 plants, being maize, which was most likely dried and stored for the pilgrimage to Mount Llullaillaco (Wilson et al. 2007). Ceruti (2004) estimates that a group of between 10 and 15 people, including priests, assistants and those to be sacrificed, would have climbed to the summit of Mount Llullaillaco in order to

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The Llullaillaco Infant. (Ceruti 2004).

commit the capacocha ritual. The amount of coordination involved in those mountaintop rituals demonstrates a previously unknown level of logistics, used to instill fear in order to maintain control of the Empire (Wilson et al. 2007). Children for sacrifice were chosen from all over the Empire, from the lower classes of society, and brought to

Cuzco. They were given a high status during the ritual festivities before being taken on pilgrimage to the sacred mountain, thus to be sacrificed to the Gods (Wilson et al. 2007).

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Image of a human sacrifice. (Gayle 2012).

AZTEC HUMAN SACRIFICE Over the years, a number of theories have come to light in an attempt to explain the sacrificial trends among the Aztec people of Mesoamerica. Many of these theories have been disproven in some way or another. The most prominent theory, however, seems to relate back to the Aztec creation story, The Legend of the Five Suns. This essay will discuss anthropological evidence from the site at Tlatelolco, Mexi-

co, cultural studies based on the first and accounts of Conquistadors as well as Indigenous people who were present during the Aztec rule as well as the Aztec religious beliefs. Before diving into the subject, it is important to understand the Legend of the Five Suns. In this legend, there are five worlds. In each, one of the gods sacrifices themselves to create a sun. In the first four worlds, a sun is created and then

By Katie Garagan

destroyed by conflict. In the fifth world, Nanahuatzin, a god ridden by disease, tossed himself into the sacred fire to become the sun. But because he was so weak, he was unable to move across the sky. The other gods, desperate to preserve the new world, sacrificed themselves to give Nanahuatzin strength (C贸ttrill 2006). According to theory, the Aztec people believed it was their duty to help provide blood so that Nanahuatzin could continue being the sun as all current life depended on it. The Aztec people, however, did not invent ritual human sacrifice. According to Gonzales Torres (in Mutsumi Izeki 1998), human sacrifice was likely rooted deep in Mesoamerican traditions. Despite this, according to current historical and anthropological knowledge, the Aztec people may have participated most extensively, compared to other ancient civilizations, in the

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Five skulls from Tlatelolco, Mexico City that were strung together on a skull rack. (Gayle 2012).

act of ritual human sacrifice. This is represented in writings on Aztec festivals. In each of the 18 months on the Aztec calendar (one for each god), there was a massive festival in which large sacrifices would take place (Izeki 1998). Most of the human sacrifices involved blood offerings that would usually be the result of cutting out a victims still-beating heart. However, some sacrifices also involved burning a victim until near death, then flaying their chest and cutting out their hear. Each sacrifice was meticulous in the execution of its processes and each of the victims would have some close resemblance to the god being celebrated or appeased whether it was their sex, appearance or personality (Anawalt, 1982). This theory of sacrifices resembling the god is support-

ed by the anthropological and DNA findings at Tlatelolco, Mexico City. This temple was erected in honor of the Aztec gods of wind and rain, Ehecatl-Quetzalcoat and Tlaloc, according to De La Cruz et. al., (2008). Tlaloc, being the leading god of rain, and Ehecatl-Quetzalcoat of wind and rain who blew obstacles from the path of Tlaloc was said to “be helped by a myriad of gods with small bodies” (De La Cruz et. al., 2008). According to aDNA from this site, as well as archaeological evidence, 37 of the 43 individuals found at this site were children. Most of which were found to be male. A number of the subadults found at this site were be-

lieved to have been in poor health around the time of their death, suffering from different diseases. De La Cruz et. al. (2008), infers that because the small bodied gods, according to myth, were the patrons of disease, the Aztec people may have believed that the gods selected their sacrifices and showed their choice through a manifestation of disease. However, De La Cruz et. al. (2008) points out that the health of these children may or may not have been much different from the health of the general population. To reinforce the topic of Aztec sacrificial processes, Anawalt (1982) notes from the Durán codex, that the children who cried and “shed many tears”

“The children who cried and ‘shed many tears’ would likely bring more rain.”

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would likely bring more rain. According to the paper by De La Cruz (2008), the sacrifice of these victims coincides with the “great drought and famine of AD 1454–57, a date consistent with the founding of this temple” (De La Cruz et. al. 2008)To determine whether or not this sacrifice also coincided with a festival to celebrate the wind and rain gods would require more extensive research on the matter but is something

Ceremonial Aztec Knife. (Cartwright 2013).

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worth looking in to. It is likely that this was the case as “the majority of [human sacrifice] took place during the principal festivities associated with the 18 monthly ceremonies of the Aztec calendar” (Anawalt 1982).

The primary reason for sacrifice seems to be a means to sustain the sun, but also to appease the gods who, according to Aztec myth, sacrificed themselves for this world. Although Aztec documents claim to have sacrificed extensive num-

bers of people, a claim largely supported by the accounts of Cortes and other conquistadors, there has yet to be enough archaeological evidence uncovered to support it. However, the theory that the victims were sacrificed to sustain their world is supported by such evidence as that found in the Mexico City archaeological site of Tlatelolco.


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WORDSEARCH

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Image from: Volcano (2015)


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INCAN CHILD SACRIFICE REVEALS ANCIENT HUMAN EXPANSION By Britny Martlin

New DNA analysis of 500-year-old Incan mummy has revealed neverbefore-seen evidence of human expansion in the Americas. In 1985 a 7-year-old boy (the Aconcagua Boy) was discovered mummified on Mount Aconcagua, in the Andes of Argentina. He has been identified as having been victim to the Incan sacrificial ritual of capacocha, frozen on the mountain, and wrapped in textiles surrounded by six statuettes. The Aconcagua Boy was wrapped so tight in textiles that his ribs were crushed and pelvis dislocated, likely causing suffocation. His clothes were also covered in vomit and diarrhea, illustrating a time of terror before death, and traces of the hallucinogenic drug achiote was found in his vomit and stomach (Wilson et al. 2007).

first attempt at recording the entire search, the presence of the C1b mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) segenetic lineage suggests that there quence of a Native American mummy. was a period of exponential populaDNA was extracted from the lung of tion growth during the initial poputhe Aconcagua Boy which demonstrat- lation of the Americas, resulting in ed that he was part of the C1b genetic fast migratory patterns throughout lineage. This lineage was one from the the Americas. There was then a founding peoples of America, who ar- sharp decline in population around rived on the continent around 18,000 9,000 years ago, which lasted about 5,000 years, with another populayears ago. tion increase coinciding with the However, the Incan boy was part of a Incan period. More recent times, new genetic offshoot called C1bi that with the arrival of European colopointed to a genetic origin of about nists, have seen a very steep decline 14,000 years ago, along the Andean in Native American populations. side of South America. While the boy’s DNA lineage is raThe researchers have compared this re today, the researchers suggest boy’s DNA sequence to other known that it may have been much more C1b genomes and were able to reprominent in the past. create the ancient populating of the [All information from Ghose (2015) Americas. According to this new reand Gómez-Carballa et al. (2015).]

The Incan civilization controlled territory from Peru through to Chile during the 13th century, between 1438 and 1533, commonly engaging in ritual sacrifices atop the Andean mountains in order to maintain power and control over their expanding territories. On November 12, 2015 an article was published by Alberto GómezCarballa, and others, in the journal Scientific Reports that may have revolutionized the way we understand ancient populations of the Americas. This research was the

The Aconcagua Mummy. Inset on left illustrates lung that was used for DNA analysis. (Ghose 2015).


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“This annual visit from the deceased is no mournful occasion, but an excuse for a party.”

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DIA DE LOS MUERTOS El Día de los Muertos is a holiday celebrated in much of Latin America, but it’s most lavish celebrations happen in Mexico. It is celebrated in conjunction with the Catholic holidays of All Saint’s Day on November 1st and All Souls’ Day on November 2nd (Bedgeldt-Diaz 2013). This day is a way of honouring and remembering deceased loved ones when the souls of the dead come back for 24 hours to see that they are not forgotten and to make sure that all is well in the family (Massey 2008). Although some sources state that it is only in conjunction with All Saint’s Day, it generally refers to the entire period of the evening of October 31st through to the morning of November 2nd which are the days when the majority of the activity occurs (Brandes 1997). Mexicans, as well as other Latin Americans, believe that they maintain a spiritual connection to the deceased both recent and ancestral (Brandes

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By Raven Broster

1997). There is some debate amongst academics as to the extent of real connection there is between the Catholic holiday and the Day of the Dead. Some argue that the only thing they have in common is that both are days which are dedicated to the memory of deceased loved ones (de Orellana 2011). There is quite a difference in how these two holidays are celebrated. In Europe, the families visit the cemetery to remember their deceased family members, whereas Mexicans see this as a time when their deceased return to the Earth to spend the day with their relatives (de Orellana 2011). Before going into the details of the various celebrations, I will briefly discuss the history of the holiday. The history of this particular holiday is very important in understanding why the celebrations vary from Europe to Latin America. El Día de los Muertos is a melding of Aztec and

Catholic beliefs, though it has since expanded out of Mexico into much of Latin America where the influences from other locations’ indigenous peoples becomes evident. Rituals celebrating the deaths of ancestors have been practiced by preColumbian civilizations for as long as 3,000 years and there has only been Catholic influence for the past almost 500 years (Bedgeldt-Diaz 2013). According to a few articles, there were many ways to honour the deceased throughout the 18-month Aztec year, but the two most important were Tlaxochimaco which was dedicated to children and Xócotl Uetzi which honoured the adults (de Orellana 2011). These holidays had been moved slightly to coincide with the Catholic All Saint’s Day and All Souls’ Day so that in many locations, November 1st is for the deceased children and November 2nd for adults. It is said that the


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Aztecs believed that the way a person died determined the kind of afterlife he or she would have and that this was predestined by the magical calendar from birth (de Orellana 2011; Massey 2008). While the ceremonies and rituals differ based on the region, there are many common that are nearly always found. Each family creates an altar as a place of honour for the soul of a deceased loved one and ofrendas are placed around the altar. Ofrendas include a photograph or more of the deceased, favourite articles of clothing belonging to the deceased, their favourite foods, candles and incense to guide the spirit home, flowers, and even more food. In some instances, tissue-paper flowers, special cut banners, and crosses may also be placed on the graves. The various celebrations can be traced back to their indigenous cultures and each community adds its own colour and pageantry to the Day of the Dead ceremonies (Bedgeldt-Diaz 2013; Mundo Maya ND). The Day of the Dead provides a way of cele-

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brating death as part of the cycle of life (Massey 2008). This annual visit from the deceased is no mournful occasion, but an excuse for a party (de Orellana 2011). Often, someone plays music as families share memories, tell stories, and recite prayers, while others have conversations with their dead relatives (Massey 2008). Other villages hold dances as part of the celebrations. Some will perform in the street, some go from house to house, and others dance in the cemetery (de Orellana 2011). No one celebrates El Día de los Muertos quite like Mexico can. On top of the universally used practices, Mexico adds in sugar, sugar, and more sugar! Pan de muerto is bread that is made to look like twisted bones glistening with white icing. Sugar skull candies with tin foil eyes and gold grins and sugar coffins in which scrape-clad corpses holding liquor bottles lie are a few of the things that makes Mexico’s Day of the Dead so special and unique (Brandes 1997). Food is clearly set out for the deceased but Mexicans do not believe that the returning

souls actually eat the food, instead “it is believed that the departed relative visits the home and takes pleasure in the foods that in real life pleased him or her. The visitor, since he or she is a spirit can only aspire to enjoy the aroma of the ofrenda with which they remain satisfied” (Brandes 1997). In Mexico, the celebration ends late at night with fireworks and much noise (Massey 2008). It is clear that this is very much a holiday of joyful remembering and not mourning the dead as is typically expected in Western culture in cemeteries. Families who do not partake in the festivities in honour of their deceased loved ones are said to await punishment either in this life or in the afterlife (Brandes 1997). Marigolds hold a special role in the Day of the Dead rituals. Some believe that the scent of the flowers helps the spirits find their way back to their graves (Massey 2008). The scent of these flowers is by far the most overpowering thing you will encounter when you first enter a cemetery on the Day of the Dead. However, there is evidence that this practice

“Families who do not partake in the festivities in honour of their deceased loved ones are said to await punishment either in this life or in the afterlife.”

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“The kites are burned afterward so the dead may quietly return to their world.”

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with the marigolds goes far back into preHispanic times. They are also called flowers of the dead, or flowers of infinity. They were piled into golden drifts over anything connected to the deceased in these preColumbian times, but while this plant is certainly both antique and native to Mexico, it was used in a range of festivals as just one among many other species that were considered no less important in the endless game of fiestas, life, and sacrifice (de Orellana 2011). Day of the Dead is without doubt the most famous holiday with immense numbers of foreign tourists visit Mexico to embrace the lively unique ritual performances and artistic displays (Brandes 1997). Mexican and foreign scholars alike often cite it as something peculiar to Mexico, a remnant of ancient Aztec funerary rites and an expression of a uniquely Mexican relationship with death

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(Brandes 1997). A museum catalog published by the National Autonomous University of Mexico states that death is “triumphant or scorned, venerated or feared, but always and at every moment, walking inevitably alongside us” (Brandes 1997). This special relationship to death has become a part of their national identity, both in their eyes and in the eyes of the outsiders. As I mentioned, the Day of the Dead is not only a Mexican celebration. It is celebrated throughout much of Latin America and each have their own interesting twists on the holiday. In Santiago Sacatépequez and Sumpango construct enormous kites called barriletes made from crepe paper and bamboo which can measure up to 30ft in diameter. These are flown on both November 1st and 2nd but they rarely survive their first flight and they are often destroyed in the powerful winds representing the death of their loved

ones (Mundo Maya ND; Bedgeldt-Diaz 2013). The kites are burned afterward so the dead may quietly return to their world and it is thought that if the kites are not burned, the souls won’t know how to return home and they will stay, damaging those who mourn them (Mundo Maya ND). In the Andean regions of Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia families gather in the cemeteries and also prepare enormous amounts of food, including colada morada, a spiced fruit porridge made with Andean blackberries and purple maize, and guagua de pan, bread shaped like a swaddled infant that can be filled with cheese or guava (Bedgeldt-Diaz 2013). In Bolivia they also have the Día de las ñanitas or Day of the Skulls which is an ancient ritual celebrated on November 9th which more closely resembles Mexico’s Day of the Dead. They decorate the skulls of their ancestors with flowers, cigarettes, coca


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leaves, and other treats to bring good luck to the family (Bedgeldt-Diaz 2013). Brazil celebrates Finados when people go to cemeteries and churches with flowers, candles, and prayers to celebrate their ancestors and deceased loved ones (Bedgeldt-Diaz 2013). In other places still, celebrations take place at night where the

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cemetery will be filled with candles creating a festive and magical atmosphere (de Orellana 2011). No matter where or how you celebrate the Day of the Dead, it is a big party with extremely personal meaning and good food guaranteed. The Latin American way of celebrating the dead rather than only mourning them is a

refreshing take on an event that affects us all, the death of our loved ones. Who wouldn’t want to be celebrated and remembered in a happy and fun way?

Image of a Dia de los Muertos alter, containing images of the deceased and representations of the four elements. (Bratz 2015).

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Image from: Day of the Dead (2015).


COME TO MEXICO CITY FOR DIA DE LOS MUERTOS! Are you looking for somewhere to travel this fall? Do you want to experience the culture of the dead? Then Mexico City is the perfect place for you! As the capital city of Mexico, it is rich in Mesoamerican culture. On November first and second, the citizens of Mexico City will gather to remember and celebrate their loved ones. They will dress in vibrant colours and wear masks to blend in with the wandering dead. When you aren't participating in this exciting spectacle, you can visit the Museo del Templo Mayor to get a first hand look at the Aztec history and the artifacts related to their horrific sacrificial ceremonies.


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REFERENCES: Anawalt, P. R. (1982, September). Understanding Aztec Human Sacrifice [Electronic version]. Archaeology, 35(5). Ancient astronomy: Looking at the Sky through the eyes of the Inca (2015). In Experience Imagination. Retrieved November 28, 2015, from https://www.peruforless.com/blog/ ancient-astronomy-looking-sky-eyes-inca/ Bedgeldt-Diaz, Paula. (2013) El Día de los Muertos Traditions Across Latin America. [Online] Available from: http://growingupbilingual.com/2013/recipes/el-dia-de-losmuertos-celebrations-across-latin-america/ . [Accessed: 27th November 2015]. Bratz, J. (2015). 10 Reasons to love Dia de los Muertos. In Globe In Blog. Retrieved November 28, 2015. Brandes, Stanley. (1997) Sugar, Colonialism, and Death: On the Origins of Mexico’s Day of the Dead. Society for Comparative Study of Society and History, 39 (2):270-299. Cartwright, M. (2013, September 2). Aztec Sacrifice. Ancient History Encyclopedia. Retrieved from http://www.ancient.eu/Aztec_Sacrifice/ Castro, J. (2013, July 29). Final Moments of Incan Child Mummies' Lives Revealed. In Live Science. Retrieved from http://www.livescience.com/38504-incan-child-mummieslives-revealed.html Ceruti, C. (2004) Human Bodies as Objects of Dedication at Inca Mountain Shrines (North -Western Argentina). World Archaeology, 36(1): 103-122. Cóttrill, J. C. (2006-2015). Aztec Creation Story. In Aztec History. Retrieved November 24, 2015, from http://www.aztec-history.com/aztec-creation-story.html Day of the Dead (2015). Retrieved November 28, 2015, from http:// imageszhd123.tk/2015/11/day-of-the-dead/ Day of the Dead Celebrations from Around the World (2015, November 2). In The Globe and Mail. Retrieved November 28, 2015, from http://www.theglobeandmail.com/ news/world/day-of-the-dead-celebrations-from-around-the-world/article27063845/ De La Cruz, I., González‐Oliver, A., Kemp, B. M., Román, J. M., Smith, D. G., & TorreBlanco, A. (2008, June). Sex Identification of Children Sacrificed to the Ancient Aztec Rain Gods in Tlatelolco. Chicago Journals, 49(3), 519-526. doi:10.1086/587642 De Orellana, Margarita. (2011). Day of the Dead Ritual Serenity. Artes de Mexico y del Mundo, 62 (2): 65-80

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REFERENCES CONT: Gayle, D. (2012, October 10). Brutal Aztec rituals revealed by gruesome find of 50 skulls buried around sacrificial stone in the heart of Mexico City. Mail Online. Retrieved from http://www.dailymail.co.uk/sciencetech/article-2215527/Brutal-Aztec-ritualsrevealed-gruesome-50-skulls-buried-sacrificial-stone-heart-Mexico-City.html Ghose, T. (2015, November 12). Incan Child Sacrificed to the Gods Reveals History of American Expansion. In Live Science. Retrieved from http:// www.livescience.com/52783-incan-child-mummy-genome.html G贸mez-Carballa, A., Catelli, L., Pardo-Seco, J., Martin贸n-Torres, F., Roewer, L., Vullo, C., & Salas, A. (2015, November 12). The complete mitogenome of a 500-year-old Inca child mummy. Scientific Reports, 1-11. Just Some Thoughts (2014, January 8). Retrieved November 28, 2015, from https:// laurawojto.wordpress.com/2014/01/08/an-adventure-alpaca-my-bags/ Massey, S. (2008) El Dia de los Muertos. Faces, 25 (3): 32. Mundo Maya Online. (ND) In Guatemala. Retrieved November 27, 2015, from http:// www.mayadiscovery.com/ing/life/dead/guatemala.htm Mutsumi Izeki (1998) The Aztec Ritual Sacrifices, Performance Research, 3:3, 25-32, DOI: 10.1080/13528165.1998.10871623 The Inca Empire and the Wheel (2011, January 28). In The Khipu Blog. Retrieved from http://www.aracari.com/blog/aracari-team-insights/the-incas-and-the-wheel/ Volcano (2015). In Science Clarified. Retrieved November 28, 2015, from http:// www.scienceclarified.com/landforms/Ocean-Basins-to-Volcanoes/Volcano.html Wilson, A., Taylor, T., Ceruti, M., Chavez, J., Reinhard, J., Grimes, V., Meier-Augenstein, W., Cartmell, L., Stern, B., Richards, M., Worobey, M., Barnes, I., and Gilbert, T. (2007) Stable Isotope and DNA Evidence for Ritual Sequences in Inca Child Sacrifice. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 104(42): 16456-16461.

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