Lloydr~1

William Wyborn Lloyd RUSSELL 1892-1916

David Jenkyns Russell family late 1914 or early 1915 Edgar Day Matt McArthur Lloyd , Annie, Eileen, Henry, Gordon, Charlie Alice Emma with Russell, Minnie (Mary) David J Lena , John and Rose with Nancy Jean Day Dave McArthur and Nellie Russell

William Wyborn Lloyd Russell, known as Lloyd was a very popular member of the family he was a younger brother to my Grandfather John Mitchell Russell, 1887-1968 and was a keen and talented Rugby player, representing the Kaipara Union, and earning his cap, a potential All Black. His name came from his Maternal Grandfather William Wyborn Lloyd Bradly . The Wyborn was a Bradly Family name from W W L Bradly's Great Grandmother , who was Mary WYBORN of Sandwich Kent.

Lloyd was born in Taupaki 13th February 1892

Lloyd attended Parkhurst School along with some of his siblings in 1902 Charlie Russell, Henry Russell, and Annie.

13 Feb 1911

His 19th Birthday.

Excerpts from News papers of the times with references to Lloyd 1912 FOOTBALL.

FOOTBALL. Last Saturday's matches both went by default, to Parakai and Helensville, neither Otakinini or Woodhill bringing out a team. Next Saturday Helensville play Parakai at Helensville. This should prove a good match., as Helensville require to win to get on an even footing with Parakai, while if the latter are successful they become the possessors of the coveted caps.

Both teams, we understand are training hard, and spectators wishing to witness a good match should not miss this chance.

Following will represent Helensville: Fullback, B. Fifield; threequarters, Jas. Downer, Wilson, Q-. Avey; five-eights, McLeod, W San. din; half, C. Downer; wing, Joe. Downer; forwards, 0.

Sandin, Garry, Teasdale, G. Bennet. Davey, J. Hafford, E, • Cucksey. Emergencies, backs, Cofleison; forwards. Porter, Burnett.

The Parakai team will be selected from the following: G. Bradly, J. Dickey, G. and J. Nicholl, D. Bradly, C. and H. Russell, W. Simmer, H. Bradly. H. Hart, L., A. and C. McLeod, L. Russell, M. Me Arthur, Q. McDonald, H. and D, Bradly, and H. Newman. ( I have in my possession the Rugby caps won by Lloyd and his brother Henry wbs) The above match will be in the Show Ground at 3 p,m. Woodhill v. Otakanini will be played on the same ground, commencing at 1.30 sharp.

FOOTBALL SOCIAL.

October 1912 Kaipara and Waitemata Echo , 9 October 1912, Page 3 FOOTBALL SOCIAL. The Football Social, under the auspices of the Kaipara Rugby Union, held in the Foresters' Hall last Friday evening was attended by about 170 people, and proved a very enjoyable finale to the football season. Mr Coates, M.P. for the District, had practically given his week end from Parliamentary duties to be present to distribute the handsome caps, presented by Mr Cucksey to the Union for the winning team during the season, together with a medal presented by the late Mr Thos. McEwin. for the best back player in the Helensville Club, and a medal for the best forward in the same Club.

After a few dances had been indulged in and several songs rendered, Mr Jas. McLeod, (chairman of the Town Board) explained that the social evening had been arranged principally to present in a public manner, the caps and trophies so generously given by wellwishers for successful sports. Mr Coates, M. P had accepted an invitation from the Kaipara Union to be present, coming right 'from "Wellington after a hard week of Parliamentary duties to do so. He (Mr McLeod) was sure the district had now an active man to represent them, and since Mr Coates had been in Parliament he had been a worker, and had already done a lot, and had the welfare of the district at heart. (Applause) Mr J. G. Coates, on rising, received hearty cheers and " He's a jolly good fellow." He stated it was a surprise the way he was cracked up, as he was only yet feeling his way in Parliament (Mr J Gordon Coates went on to be a popular and prominent Politician and Prime Minister of NZ) , but he appreciated the courtesy meted out to him in the township, After three years if he was received in the same hearty manner he would be very pleased indeed. It was a pleasant week-end off for him. He was asked, and pleased to accept the honour of discharging the pleasing duty for which they were assembled. He could say a few eulogistic t words how they had upheld their end of the leather; Football was an English game, and we have made it our national game, and if it was to be the national game they had to stick to the Unions.

(Applause). He thought the N.Z. Rugby Union was the most conservative body in the Dominion, and the only chance of making themselves heard at headquarters was to be well represented, therefore it was absolutely necessary to get full representations on the Auckland Rugby Union. Continuing, Mr Coates said 'he was a keen footballer, and contended that it was every public man's duty lo assist the game. He congratulated the Parakai team on winning the Caps, It was only by good leadership and solid training, that any club could

be successful, and the Captain, Mr L. McLeod, was to be congratulated on his team's success. The Caps presented by Mr Cucksey were really handsome, and he thought that the district was richer in possessing a sport who made such a presentation to the Football Union.

(Applause). Mr Coates then presented the following with caps, each recipient being cheered : —Messrs H. B. Bradly, B, Bradly, A. McLeod, G. McDonald, J. Dickey. J. Nicholls, R. Hart, G. Nicholls, H. Newman, D. Bradly, W. Rimmer, C. Russell, C. McLeod, H. Russell, M. McArthur, L. Russell, R. Bradly, G. Bradly, and Captain L. McLeod.

Cheers were then given by the Helensville footballers for the Parakai team, which were heartily reciprocated by the winners.

Mr Donovan, in rising to thank Mr Cucksey for his gift, said he had been a footballer in the district for some long time, but it was something new to have a sport of Mr Cucksey's calibre amongst them ; they had never had a person to make such a handsome do* nation purely for sport before. Three cheers were then given for Mr (Nudger) Cucksey.

In replying, Mr Cucksey thanked them for the good words anent his present He thought that next year they would have more teams in tho Union competition ; and he would always do what he could to forward sport while he was in the district. (Cheers). Mr Coates then called upon Mr V. McLeod, and presented him with a medal given by the late Mr Thos. McEwin for the best back in the Helensville team; and also presented Mr J. Hafford with a similar trophy for the best forward player, both players receiving hearty Cheers. Mr Coates called on Mr Cr. Bennett, Sen., and said that the last presentation he had to make was not the least pleasing by any means, Mr Bennett having won the esteem of footballers through the efforts he had put forward in assisting them during the season. Mr Bennett was one of the best old sports in Kaipara, and he had much pleasure in presenting him with a biscuit barrel, subscribed by the footballers genially, (Cheers). He also presented Mr Bennett with a cigarette holder, given by Mr Cucksey as a mark of appreciation to a, good sport.

Mr Bennett thanked the footballers for the reward. He was a good sport he knew, although he was an old man; but he. had a heart, and would do all he could for the footballers. He hoped the young fellows who did not win this year would go in and win next year.

(Applause).

Mr Coates asked for cheers for the sides, which were heartily given ; the presentation proceedings terminating with cheers for Mr Coates and " They are jolly good fellows."

The assembly then sat down to supper, supplied and nicely laid out by a number of lady football enthusiasts, the good things being much appreciated.

The. social proceeded until well after midnight with songs and dancing, Miss Donovan supplying the dance music in her usual good time, and also accompanying songs given by Messrs Drower, Cucksey, Screaton and Lowe, which were well rendered and receive cd. The M'Cs. did their duties ably. and all present spent a pleasant time.

Mr Tui McEwin, who acted as secretary, deserves great credit for his untiring efforts in arranging the affair, and it is to him in a great measure that the success attained was due, together with the assistance of the ladies and members of the Union Committee.

July 1914 TEAMS FOR TO-MORROW Kaipara and Waitemata Echo , 31 July 1914, Page 4 TEAMS FOR TO-MORROW To-morrow an A and B practice match match will be played. The following teams have been selected:

A Team. — Full-back, R. Williams ; U, . C. McLeod, Te Tuhi, L. Taylor; SA, Lang, Bell; H, Fi-uin; wing, P; Williams ; forwards, G. Snell, P. Fulton, R. Bradly, G. McDonald, H. Russell, J. Hafford, C. Russell.

B Team.—Full-back, G. Wigfttman ; U, H. Williams, J. O'Neill, Fletcher; Vs, J- McLeod, H. Mcßride ; H, Hart ; wing, McKenzie; forwards, L.Russell, G. Nicholls, Baker, J. Foster, J. Fulton McArthur, Cox. ' Emergencies.—Masters, Porter, Cox Shanks, White, Teasdale, Dormer, and Luttrell.

August 1914 Kaipara and Waitemata Echo , 28 August 1914, Page 5 FOOTBALL KAIPARA RUGBY UNION v. WAIROA JUNIOR REPS. THE above match will be played on the Helensville ground to-morrow, Saturday. Following are the names of the home team:— V. McLeod; C. McLeod, Taylor, Fletcher; Lang, Te Tuhi; Hart; Williams; Russell, Fulton; Shanks, Foster, Cox, Russell, Cox. Emergencies: Keri, Masters, Porter, Hafford, Bradly, Russell, McArthur.

Sep 2014 Kaipara and Waitemata Echo , 25 September 1914, Page 5 CHALLENGE FOOTBALL CUP. A silver cup of elegant design and suitably inscribed, is now on exhibition at R. Screaton's store, Commercial road. It was won by "C" Coy., 15th, (N.A).,- Regiment, during the annual camp at Cambridge in May last. The winning team also received silver- medals, and those to receive same of the local corps were Lieut. C. S. White, and Pts. G. Masters and L. Russell.

17 Jun 1915 p.18 [AWN 17.06.1915] RECRUITS FROM NO.3 AREA GROUP, WHANGAREI The recruiting lists etc cover the upper half of the North Island but other lists include the whole of New Zealand. The lists are just that - lists ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Infantry - ALDRED, J R, Waihopo; ALLAN, J, Helensville; ANDREWS, K, ; Whangarei; BADLEY, W; BARROTT, W J, Whangarei; BAWDEN, O W, Rawene; BAYLIS, J R, Whangarei; BEEHRE, H M, Whangarei; BILLINGS, B, Whangarei; BLUTCHER, C T, Waihopo; BLUTCHER, F D, Waihopo; BRENNEN, L J, Whangarei; BRIGGS, C R, Ruatangata; BRIGHOUSE, J S, Kaeo; BUCKTON, R, Warkworth; BUTTERWORTH, R, Taupaki; CAMPBELL, F M, Parua Bay; CHAPPELL, M, Whangarei; COE, H G, Parua Bay; CRICKET, A G, Whangarei; CULLEN, O, Whangarei; DEEMING, J, Rawene; DELAHOYDE, W, Onerahi; DICKSON, H A, Whangarei; DIXON, A L, Whangarei; EDWARDS, S, Kohukohu; FATT, J, Kamo; FITZPATRICK, J A, Whangarei; GALLAHER, E M, Whangarei; GARRY, W E, Helensville; GODFREY, H, Dargaville; GOODWIN, N, no address;

GRANT, G J; GRIBBLE, L G, Whangarei; GROVES, G H, Broadwood; HALLIWELL, B, Kohukohu; HARROW, R M, Whangarei; HAYWARD, L B, Maungakaramea; HEATHER, E H, Whangarei; HENDERSON, R, Whangarei; INCH, V W, Rawene; IRWIN, W E, Houhora! ; JACKSON, H, Whangarei; JAMES, A , Houhora; KELSEY, T H, Motukaraka; KENWORTHY, F, Waihopo; KNIGHT, F, Whangarei; LAING, G, Dargaville; LOBB, S C, Warkworth; LOLERGAN, R A, Dargaville; LOVELOCK, S, Dargaville; MARSHALL, R, Waipapakauri; MASTER, G S, Helensville; McINTOSH, L A, Pukenui; McKAY, J C, Dargaville; McNICKLE, M, Kumeu; MONKHOUSE, H R, Whangarei; MOUSLEY, L, Whangarei; O'CONNEDLL, D P, Kaikohe; O'DONALD, P, Takahue; O'NEILL, H A, Towai; PARKES, J, Hukerenui; POTTER, G, Whangarei; RAMSEY, A N, Rawene; RICKMAN, J G, Whangarei; ROYCROFT, K D, Warkworth; RUSSELL, L, Helensville; SHELTON, W W, Kaiwaka; SMITH, G, Hukerenui; STANLEY, G, Dargaville; STEWART, J, Takahue; TAAFFE, J T B, Pukenui; TAYLOR, A, Whangarei; THOMPSON, J H, Whangarei; TURNBULL, L, Dargaville; URWIN, E W, Houhora; WALMSLEY, J H, Whangarei; WATCHHORN, J F, Whangarei; WATSON, T M, Whangarei; WEEKS, L, Whangarei; WILKINSON, H, Whangarei; WILLIAMS, A P, Hakaru; WORTHINGTON, H H, Whangarei; WRACK, G S, Wha! re...; WYATT, G, Dargaville :

New Zealand Army WWI Nominal Rolls for Lloyd Russell

New Zealand Army WWI Roll of Honour for Lloyd Russell

UK, Commonwealth War Graves for Lloyd Russell

July 1916 Kaipara and Waitemata Echo , 27 July 1916, Page 2 There will be an "In Memoriam '' service in the Parakai Hall on Sunday, next, July 30th., at 2.30 p.m., for Private Lloyd Russell, late Secretary and Treasurer for the Presbyterian Church in that district. Friends and the public generally are cordially invited to attend.

August 1916

August 1916

Sep 1921 DISTRICT MEMORIAL Kaipara and Waitemata Echo , 8 September 1921, Page 2

DISTRICT MEMORIAL NAMES TO GO ON At a meeting of the Helensville Memorial Committee on Monday evening last, it was decided that the list of names be published in the KAIPARA ECHO, with the request that any name omitted be supplied to the hon. secretary — Mr W. F. F. Raisher —before noon on Thursday, September 15, on which day the list will be handed to the sculptor.

Following are the names so far received : — A. Bennett M. McKinnon A. H. Carleton D. McLean W. A. Corieison J. Marshall W. B. Downer E. W. Monk / & A. Curtis G. H. NichoHs M. I E.J.Edwards R. Pengelly ""1» S, Geldard W. Ross v S. R. Hoe L. Russell G.F.Lambert T.G.N.Screaton M. Mc Arthur A. E. Taylor [Further particulars of the meeting will appear in next issue.]

Full Name William Wyborn Lloyd Russell Rank Last Held Private Forename(s) Lloyd Surname Russell Also Known As L.L. Russell War World War I, 1914-1918 Serial No. 12/3148 Gender Male First Known Rank Private Next of Kin David Jenkyns Russell (father), Helensville, New Zealand Marital Status Single Enlistment Address Helensville, New Zealand Military District Auckland Body on Embarkation 7th Reinforcements Embarkation Unit Auckland Infantry Battalion Embarkation Date 9 October 1915 Place of Embarkation Wellington, New Zealand Transport HMNZT 32 HMNZT 33 HMNZT 34 Vessel Aparima or Navua or Warrimoo Destination Suez, Egypt Nominal Roll Number Vol1 Page on Nominal Roll 636 Last Unit Served Auckland Infantry Regiment, 1st Battalion, 15th (North Auckland) Company Place of Death Somme, France Date of Death 3 July 1916 Age at Death 24 Year of Death 1916 Cause of Death Killed in action Cemetery Name Cite Bonjean Military Cemetery, Armentieres, France Grave Reference II. C. 34. Memorial Name Kaipara Memorial RSA, 49 Commercial Road, Helensville, New Zealand Description of Image Portrait, Auckland Weekly News 1916 Headstone, Cite Bonjean Military Cemetery (photo R Young September 2007) Headstones Row, Cite Bonjean Military Cemetery: Russell, LL; Hill, WG; Baillie, JR (photo R Young September 2007) Kaipara Memorial RSA, 49 Commercial Road, Helensville, New Zealand (photo G.A. Fortune April 2010) Kaipara Memorial RSA, 1939 - 45 Name panel: M. McArthur - L.S. Williams (photo by G.A. Fortune April 2010) Additional Information Named LL Russell on the headstone at Cite Bonjean Military Cemetery Archives NZ source Military personnel file Sources Used Nominal Rolls of New Zealand Expeditionary Force Volume I. Wellington: Govt. Printer, 1914-1919 Commonwealth War Graves

JULY 1ST 1916 - THE BATTLE OF THE SOMME At 11am on June 28th, just 21 hours before zero hour, the attack was postponed for forty-eight hours, after a series of heavy summer storms had flooded the battlefield. The assault would now commence at 7:30am, July 1st.

At 7:28am, the two enormous mines on the shoulders of the Albert-Bapaume Road were exploded. As the noise died away, an eerie silence befell the battlefield as the artillery lengthened their range. Finally, a strange whining noise broke the silence and encompassed the reserve trenches, where the Tyneside Scottish had been evacuated in order to avoid the fall out from the mines. The pipers were tuning up as they prepared to play the Tyneside Scottish over the top.

The Official History estimates that within the first 10 minutes of the attack, 80% of the Tyneside Scottish had become casualties. As night fell, the only gain which had been held was a tiny portion of the German third line, which Major Acklom (3rd Tyneside Scottish), dangerously low on men, bombs and water, had managed to establish. To the left of La Boisselle, "...the bulk of the 1st and 4th Battalions were lying dead in No-Man's Land, and the remnants of these battalions held a short length of our front trench north of La

Boisselle. Of the 1st Battalion no officer at all, or even sergeant, could be found."

Scene of the fighting at St. Eloi and the British Salient round Ypres in the spring of 1916.

The Theatre of War on the Western Front Showing the Main Battle Lines from September 1914 to November 1918

The Allied Line from the Sea to Rheims, in June 1916.

The Allied Battlefield on the Somme : showing approximately by the shaded areas the Franco-British gains from July 1st to September 18, 1916

In Memory of

Private LLOYD RUSSELL 15th Coy. 1st Bn., Auckland Regiment, N.Z.E.F. who died aged 24 on Monday, 3rd July 1916.

Private RUSSELL was the son of David Jenkyns Russell and Helena Burnand Russell, of Helensville, New Zealand.

Remembered with honour CITE BONJEAN MILITARY CEMETERY, ARMENTIERES, Nord, France.

In the perpetual care of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission

In Memory of LLOYD RUSSELL Private 12/3148 15th Coy. 1st Bn., Auckland Regiment, N.Z.E.F. who died on Monday, 3rd July 1916. Age 24.

Additional Information:

Son of David Jenkyns Russell and Helena Burnand Russell, of Helensville, New Zealand.

Commemorative Information Cemetery: Grave Reference/ Panel Number: Location:

CITE BONJEAN MILITARY CEMETERY, ARMENTIERES, Nord, France II. C. 34.

Historical Information:

Armentieres was occupied by the 4th Division on the 17th October, 1914, and it remained within the British lines until its evacuation of the 10th April, 1918, after a prolonged and heavy bombardment with gas shell. It was occupied by the enemy next

Armentieres is a town in the Department of the Nord, on the Belgian frontier, 14.5 kilometres north-west of Lille. From the town of Armentieres take the D945 to Estaires. Cite Bonjean Military Cemetery is signposted off this road just before Erquinghem-sur-la-Lys. Within the cemetery will be found the Cite Bonjean (New Zealand) Memorial, which commemorates officers and men with no known grave who fell in 1916-1917 in the neighbourhood of Armentieres.

day, and it was not recovered until the 3rd October, 1918. The Cemetery was begun (Plot IX) by British troops in October, 1914. It was used in the winter of 1914-15 for civilian burials, the cemetery at Le Bizet being too greatly exposed; the civilians are now in a separate enclosure. British Field Ambulances and units (partly the 4th, 6th, 21st, New Zealand, 17th and 57th (West Lancashire) Divisions and the Australian Corps) continued to use it until April, 1918. Plots V, VI, VII and X were then used by the Germans. In 1925, 455 German graves were removed from Plots V and VI to Illies German Cemetery. There are now over 2,000, 1914-18 and 30, 1939-45 war casualties commemorated in this site. The cemetery covers an area of 13,178 square metres and is enclosed by a red brick wall.

Lloyd Russell

1st July - 18th November 1916 - The First Battle of the Somme.

Joffre's original plans for a French offensive on the Somme were disrupted by Verdun, but the serious crisis there made a diversionary attack by the Allies even more necessary. The British would now make the main attack on a front of 18 miles, which stretched from Maricourt, north of the River Somme to Gommecourt. The Fourth Army (Rawlinson) was to take charge of the attack; on its left was the right hand corps of the Third Army (Allenby). Facing the 19 British divisions was the German Second Army (Below), occupying strong positions on the crests of hills. They were well protected in deep dugouts. South of the Somme was the French Sixth Army (Fayolle), consisting of eight divisions positioned on a 10-mile front opposite Péronne.

A massive preliminary bombardment, which began on 24 June, continued for eight days. The assault began at 7.30 a.m. on 1 July, when over half a million troops advanced across no mans land. The French achieved the greatest success in their secondary sector, their heavy artillery having prepared the ground more effectively than the British, who had insufficient heavy guns.. On most of the British front, with one exception, virtually no progress was made in the face of fierce German resistance, particularly from a relatively small number of machine-gunners. By the end of the day the British had suffered 58,000 casualties (19,000 were killed),the largest loss ever sustained by the British army in a single day. The only real success came at the southern end of the British front, where an advance of one mile was achieved and the villages of Montauban and Mametz were taken.

Further small gains were made in this area in a series of limited, local engagements, but it was not until 13/14 July that any real progress was made. A surprise night attack by four divisions, under Rawlinson's command, broke through the German line, advancing 6,000 yards.

The initial objective - Bazentin Ridge - was achieved before German reinforcements closed the gap.

The hopes of a further advance which this success encouraged were soon dashed. Another attack by Rawlinson on 23 July on the ridge by Pozières ended in failure, although Pozières itself was captured by two Australian divisions. In response to British progress on 14 July, the command of the rapidly expanding German forces on the Somme was reorganised. The front was split between Below, who retained responsibility for the northern sector, and Gallwitz, who held the front south of the Somme and was in overall command as head of the army group defending this sector.

A costly war of attrition, in which the British infantry was assisted by Allied air superiority, followed during August as Haig prepared for a major new assault. Early in September, the front was extended by some 12 miles south of the Somme as the French Tenth Army (Micheler) entered the battle.

The new British attack (the Battle of Flers-Courcelete) began on 15 September on a 12-mile front south-west of Bapaume. Twelve divisions, supported by 36 tanks secretly shipped to the front, faced six and a half German divisions. The value of the tank, used in battle for the first time, was immediately evident, but they were not available in sufficient numbers of reliable enough to produce a decisive breakthrough.

Haig, was in fact, severely criticised by some tank experts for what they regarded as the premature use of the weapon in insufficient numbers. Substantial gains were made in the centre of the line, with an average advance of one and a half miles along the whole front.

The offensive slowed by poor weather and the arrival of more German reinforcements. Further British gains were made on 25/27 September at the actions of Morval and Thiepval Ridge. In October the weather worsened and the Somme became a 'wilderness of mud'. Haig pressed on in a series of limited attacks, beginning with the Battle of Transloy Ridges (1-20 October). On Joffre's instruction the battle continued into November with Beaumont Hamel, a field fortress, and Beaumont itself falling before winter snow brought the Battle of the Somme to an end after five months.

The British had gained a crescent-shaped area about six miles across at its widest point, but there had been no breakthrough and losses had been enormous. Their casualties amounted to almost 419,000 men, with the French losing 194,451 and the Germans 650,000. The 'flower of Britain", the volunteers of Kitchener's Army, had been sacrificed for what appeared to be very little. However, as a diversionary attack it had achieved its objective and it also inflicted permanent damage on the German army.

Source An Illustrated Companion to the First World War by Anthony Bruce Return to Timeline

British troops on their way to the front. Jun-1916

The German trenches at La Boiselle under British artillery bombardment. 1-Jul-1916.

Lochnagar mine crater outside of La Boiselle as it appears today. It was created by 27 tons of explosive on the morning of 1-Jul-1916.

Foot traffic on the sunken road outside of La Boiselle. 1-Jul-1916.

Evacuating an early casualty. 1-Jul-1916

The Decision to Create the New Army

The decision to create the New Armies was one which was to have a profound effect on the constitution and the character of the First World War British army and, devastatingly, was the decision which effectively wrote the tactical programme to the Battle of the Somme. Ironically, the resolution to form the 'New Army', was passed almost casually, during a cabinet meeting where Kitchener conveyed his opinion on the possible nature and course of the war. In his predictions, he showed a remarkable ability to appraise the situation, at a time when common (and cabinet) opinion advocated a short war, victoriously complete by Christmas.

His appraisal of the character of the British army and the chosen method of its rapid expansion were perhaps not so astute. Of all the options open to Kitchener, who had assumed the office of Secretary of State for War, the creation of an entirely 'New' Army, based totally outside the existing and traditional framework of the Regular and Territorial Forces, was perhaps the least plausible. It could be suggested that the 'obvious' solution to the training, logistical and tactical problem of how to create an effective and vast army, in a country which traditionally favoured the navy, was to maintain the Regular army at full strength with a system of Battle Casualty Replacement, and to expand and build via the foundations of the recently formed Territorial Force.

If this were the obvious solution, then it was also extremely obvious that Kitchener's view of the Territorial Force was coloured by his prejudice to non-regular soldiers. On the evening of the 4th of August 1914, the day when war was declared, Lloyd George quoted Kitchener alleging that the Territorial Force was "...a few hundred thousand young men, officered by middle-aged professional men, who are allowed to put on a uniform and play at soldiers."

While Kitchener's opinion of the British reservists may also have been clouded by the apparent unenthusiasm of some elements of the Territorial Force to commit to France , Haig clearly did not share his view; " ...I had the opportunity of discussing the situation with Lord K. Two points struck me: first K.'s ignorance of the progress made by the Territorial Army towards efficiency...I was very intimately acquainted, of course, with what the Territorials had been doing. I was well aware how hard some units had worked and of the splendid patriotic spirit with pervaded the whole force..."

Clearly Kitchener was not fully aware of the level of training, professionalism and the potential use of the Territorials, and it was perhaps this, rather than any tactical motivation which urged him to create a totally 'New Army'. His attitude and motivation is summed up in a comment which he made to Violet Asquith; "I prefer men who know nothing to those who have been taught a smattering of the wrong thing." The route which Kitchener chose to follow took 'raw' recruits, concentrated them into 'raw' units and trained them for a totally new kind of warfare, in a country with which he was totally unfamiliar; as he himself explained to Sir Edward Carson, "I don't know Europe; I don't know England, and I don't know the British Army."

While the national recruiting campaign began immediately with Kitchener's awe-inspiring pointing finger, it was not until the 8th of September 1914, that the idea of reviving the concept of a Tyneside Scottish battalion was reported. The Tyneside Scottish had first been conceived during the Boer War, although its use had been denied by the War Office, who were able to rely solely on its Regular Force As both Kitchener and Haig had predicted however, the 'European War' would be on an entirely different scale to the Boer War and the reliance on the Regular Army would all too soon prove impossible.

The article publicising the Tyneside Scottish on the 8th September read; "An effort is being made to revive the 'Tyneside Scottish', and to offer a battalion to Lord Kitchener for service at the front....The scheme is to be launched at once, and Sir Thomas [Oliver] as well as Major Innes-Hopkins, will be pleased to receive a postcard from Scotsmen or men of Scottish descent on Tyneside, who are willing to enrol."

The Evening Chronicle, the local newspaper of Newcastle upon Tyne, proved to be as swept away with patriotism as the rest of Great Britain apparently was. Almost every day, the regular features provided the 20,000 strong readership with a diet of death and glory. One of the most regular entries throughout the early part of the war, until the official censor forbade it, was "The News of Local Soldiers at the Front". This provided readers, who might be considering the call to arms, with an optimistic, romanticised and almost non-lethal view of the desperate fighting in Flanders; "We went into action on Monday morning...we killed them like heaps of flies on paper. It was terrible work but we glorified in it. We gave them a couple of bayonet charges. Their pluck lasted until we were about fifty yards off then they were off. It would do you good to see our little chaps who were laughing and shouting and chasing the big fellows. You wouldn't think it was war."

With such keen support for the war, it is hardly surprising that the Tyneside Scottish found the Evening Chronicle eager to report its progress and appeals, and it is equally unsurprising that the calls of the Tyneside Scottish were apparently lapped up with patriotic impatience by the ever increasing readership; the day after the proposal was announced, the news appeared to be very encouraging. On Wednesday 9th September 1914, the Evening Chronicle stated; "The proposal to revive the Tyneside Scottish, and to offer the battalion to Lord Kitchener for service at the front, is

meeting with a very encouraging response."

Although no recruitment had actually yet occurred, the Tyneside Scottish Committee were undoubtedly bolstered by the interest which their renown had provoked in the shipyards and in the wider circle of the army. It seemed that finally, after the failure of the original Tyneside Scottish battalion during the Boer War, that by means of the European War, they had been provided with a successful opportunity for their formation.

A Brigade is Born On Friday 18th September 1914, the following telegram on behalf of the Secretary of State for War was received by an expectant Sir Thomas Oliver, Chairman of the Tyneside Scottish Committee; "Sir, - with reference to your application to make a battalion in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, I am commanded by the army council to inform you that, owing to the number of local battalions already authorised, they have decided that no more such battalions can be authorised. I am to express to you the sincere thanks of the Army Council, and to say that, whilst they much appreciate the patriotic spirit which has prompted your proposal, they much regret that they are unable to accept it."

Any level of thanks awarded for patriotic spirit meant very little to the committee, who believed that the 1900 prediction of the Daily Chronicle was finally becoming reality - it ran as follows; "If Scotchmen persist in their demand, sooner or later there will be a Scottish Volunteer Corps on Tyneside."

The refusal to accept the offer of a battalion of Tyneside Scottish came particularly as a surprise to the committee, who considered that permission had already been granted by Lord Kitchener - a newspaper article, dated the 8th August 1914, concerned with the efforts to revive the Tyneside Scottish, disclosed that permission had indeed been sought by Sir Thomas Oliver, and had been enthusiastically granted; "Sir Thomas Oliver...took the precaution of writing to the War Office, and has received a reply from Mr H.J. Tennant which states that Lord Kitchener would be willing to take a battalion of Scotsmen from Newcastle if he could get as many as 1, 000 men. Lord Kitchener, the letter states, would not mind taking men up to 45 years of age."

In addition to this, The Tyneside Scottish Committee, First Report of the Honorary Secretaries, September 1914 - December 1915, emphasised the belief that permission had previously been given; "The members will recall the exceeding disappointment they experienced in September 1914, when, as the result of a communication from the War Authorities, it looked as though the movement for the establishment of 'The Tyneside Scottish', which, having previously been approved by the authorities had then made a good start, would suffer the same fate as the project of 1900."

While Kitchener undoubtedly sanctioned the formation of the Tyneside Scottish, it is extremely unlikely at that early stage of the war, that he could have fully appreciated the scale with which the country would respond to the Call to Arms; in August 1914 alone 300,000 men enlisted with this figure increasing to 450,000 enlistments in September.

After such an encouraging and explosive start, the subsequent refusal to sanction units such as the Tyneside Scottish appears almost inexplicable. The halt was announced as a result of Kitchener's caution towards what he viewed as the semi-nationalistic local recruiting campaigns which had been in fullswing since the momentous "First Hundred Thousand" campaign. Kitchener's principal concern, it could be suggested, stemmed from his native Irish fear of the Catholics in Ireland and his subsequent suspicion

of recruitment into apparently patriotic Catholic units.

In addition to this, the largest problem, which the War Office encountered in the two months from the announcement of the formation of the New Armies, was managing the huge numbers and diversities of the men enlisted . Certainly every town, and almost every village in the whole country followed the patriotic path to raising its own "Pals" Battalion, with immense competition breaking out between rival formations, eager to recruit faster and complete units more quickly than their local 'opponents'. By October, however, Kitchener reported to the cabinet that this problem had been replaced in gravity by the scarcity of materials and recruitment could continue once again.

It was not until October 10th that Lord Haldane (Lord Chancellor), following a visit to Newcastle, finally managed to persuade Kitchener to sanction the formation of the Tyneside Scottish. The jubilation of the Tyneside Scottish Committee was clear; "The disappointment, however, proved short of duration, as the visit of Lord Haldane to Newcastle, on Saturday, October 10th 1914, immediately revived hopes and aspirations, and the real work of the Committee commenced, as its quickly convened meeting on the Monday following, October 12th, when the message brought by Lord Haldane from Lord Kitchener (and which he had announced at the Mass Meeting in the Tyne Theatre on the 10th October), 'that he wished the raising of the Tyneside Scottish Battalion to proceed' was formally reported, discussed and agreed to be energetically prosecuted." The work for the Committee had finally begun.

The Tyneside Scottish Committee, Chaired by Sir Thomas Oliver (Honorary Colonel of the First Tyneside Scottish), was formed during the initial attempt to create a battalion of Tyneside Scots during the Boer War. The Committee consisted of many of Tyneside and Northumberland's most influential citizens; Lord Armstrong, the owner of the Armstrong Munitions Works in Elswick and probably the wealthiest man in the north of England held the position of Vice-Chairman. The Committee members also included Councillor Johnstone Wallace (Honorary Treasurer), who had been Lord Mayor of Newcastle during the outbreak of war, Mr Henry Gregg, Mayor of Tynemouth and Mr Alex Wilkie, MP for Newcastle-uponTyne The military members of the Committee were Colonel WM Angus, CB (late Royal Artillery), Lieutenant-Colonel CH Innes-Hopkins (who took the position of Commanding Officer, First Tyneside Scottish) and Major McClintock (Joint Honorary Secretary), both of whom served with the brigade in France.

The role which the Tyneside Scottish Committee was to perform, was to supervise the successful enlistment of the brigade, by providing a Recruiting Office and by organising advertising, and to control all financial aspects of the formation of the brigade, including the provision of equipment, billets and provisions. These tasks were the responsibility of a Committee, as the War Office was simply unable to fulfil its usual role, in such an atmosphere of rapid recruitment throughout the country. It was not until August 15th,1915, that the War Office was able to finally take direct responsibility of the brigade away from the Committee.

The importance of the Tyneside Scottish Committee should not be underestimated. It was this body, more than any other, which created the Tyneside Scottish and ensured its daily existence before the brigade left for France. Between August and December 1914, any business or enquiry was by direct communication with the War Office in London.

This level of communication, however, ended abruptly and controversially in December 1914, as Kitchener's fear of private, not municipal, bodies lingered on. From mid-December 1914 onwards, the Lord Mayor of Newcastle was recognised solely as the official raiser of any of the Newcastle battalions as The Tyneside Scottish Committee, First Report of the Honorary Secretaries explained, "A triangle had taken the place of a straight line...We were unconscious of any reason why our direct relationship should be disturbed, and surely at the very least we ought to have been consulted. The discovery of this step in December might have had serious consequences as the Committee strongly resented the intervention, but each member felt the need of the country was too great, and the success of the movement should not be imperilled by wasting time over a side issue." It was an annoyance, but realistically did not effect the Committee's dedication, effectiveness or success in any apparent way.

The original scheme proposed on October 12th, 1914 by Kitchener suggested the formation of a 'Tyneside Brigade'. This was to be composed of one or two 'Tyneside' Battalions, known as the 'Commercials', to be raised by the Chamber of Commerce, one battalion of 'Tyneside Irish', to be raised by the Tyneside Irish Committee, and one Battalion of 'Tyneside Scottish', to be raised by the Tyneside Scottish Committee; "We set out to raise a single battalion of 1,100 men, and before doing so, seriously considered whether, in the event of our not being able to raise more than 700 or 800 men, the War Authorities would accept that reduced number and make up the remainder from other sources. There were some grounds for these apprehensions in view of the enormous numbers of eligible men who were engaged on war material in the district."

Tyneside was a hugely productive industrial area, with mining, essential to the success of the manufacture of War Materials, the principal product. The Tyneside Scottish Committee, it could be suggested, were appropriate to question the availability of recruits in an area with such a preponderance of vital industries. Nationally, mining, farming and transportation all needed able-bodied men, with 1,670,788 being kept back in these 'reserve occupations', in order to support the front line.

Miners, however, made extremely good First World War soldiers. From the age of thirteen onwards, the process of pit-hardening accustomed miners to the pressure of constant danger, generated bonds of mutual dependency, which would prove crucial in overcoming the hardships of the trenches and fostered a heightened sense of their own manliness. Miners also proved that they possessed a natural resilience to the unpleasant conditions which characterised the trenches, they did not fatigue quickly and they were used to digging and living in confined spaces. Perhaps as a result of these factors, between August and October, 1914, despite mining remaining a reserve occupation, 52, 000 northern Pitmen answered the call to the colours. With such widespread recognition of the fighting capabilities of the miners and the patriotic spirit pervading Tyneside, the Tyneside Scottish Committee need never have even considered the possible recruitment problems which initially they had been concerned with.

RECRUITMENT

On Friday, October 16th 1914, the Head Recruiting Offices at 17 Grainger Street West (Newcastle upon Tyne) were finally opened by the Tyneside Scottish Committee . Simultaneously, branch recruiting offices were organised, opened and staffed in North Shields, Wallsend, Hebburn, West Moor, Prudhoe, Sunderland, South Shields, Jarrow, Ashington and Bedlington. A massive recruitment campaign had begun, which would see the ranks of the Tyneside Scottish filled with phenomenal rapidity.

The pace at which the Tyneside Scottish attracted recruits was explained in The Tyneside Scottish Committee, First Report of the Honorary Secretaries; "During the whole period of enrolment, so great was the pressure of the crowds at the Chief Recruiting Office...that street traffic was constantly being held up...and there could be no more moving spectacle than that afforded by the bodies of men marching into Newcastle from outlying villages for enlistment...one group of about ninety miners so marching some nine or ten miles into the city, headed by some of their number playing mouth organs."

Undoubtedly the rate at which Tynesiders enlisted in the First Battalion of the Tyneside Scottish during October was exceptional, even in the context of the patriotic rush to the colours of 1914 . By Friday October 23rd, the Evening Chronicle was claiming that the Tyneside Scottish had secured a 'record rate of recruitment' . On Monday October 26th 1914, just 10 days after the first recruiting office opened in Newcastle, a letter from a triumphant Sir Thomas Oliver appeared in The Evening Chronicle; " - TO THE MEN OF THE TYNESIDE SCOTTISH - Gentlemen, by Saturday evening over 1,150 men had been enrolled. On Tyneside, as in Scotland, our countrymen have come well to the front in the matter of recruiting, for in one week our battalion has been raised. I take this, the earliest opportunity, on behalf of the Committee and myself, of thanking all the men who have so promptly come forward in obedience to the call of duty, and who have so patriotically inscribed themselves under the badge of the Tyneside Scottish..."

The exceptional response of Tynesiders to the call to arms was recognised in a meeting of the Newcastle City Council on November 9th, 1914 and is apt in summing up the attitude which apparently engulfed the region during the recruitment to the Tyneside Scottish; "Whatever was the condition of recruiting in

other parts of the country, they had not had the slightest difficulty in getting recruits in Newcastle and on Tyneside. It said a great deal for the courageous young manhood - and for the older manhood too, because they had got some older men - for the manhood of Tyneside that they had come forward in such great numbers to serve their king and country in the hour of need."

With such rapid response, it became clear that Kitchener's initial scheme to form one Tyneside Brigade, with a single Battalion of Tyneside Scottish, was too restricting. By the end of October 1914, a second Battalion was nearing completion and on Saturday, October 31st, an article appeared in The Evening Chronicle, suggesting for the first time the intention of creating an entire Brigade of Tyneside Scottish. In conclusion, a fourth battalion was sanctioned on November 10th, 1914, and the Tyneside Scottish Brigade was reportedly complete by November 16th; "As the men were volunteering so irresistibly it was decided to enrol for the fourth battalion, and the necessary official consent having been obtained, the fourth battalion was enrolled in six days, viz. on November 16th; the whole brigade therefore being enrolled in a period of twenty-eight days."

With the advancement of the scheme, by early November, from the intention to create a single Tyneside Brigade, to the creation of a brigade each of Tyneside Scottish, Irish and Commercials , a keen competition developed between the Tyneside Scottish and Tyneside Irish Committees, as a race began to see which body would complete a full brigade first, with each, for different reasons, eventually claiming victory.

A closer examination of each of the Brigades reveals that whilst the Tyneside Irish did indeed enrol much of its strength from the substantial Irish immigrant community on Tyneside, the Tyneside Scottish was over 75% pure Geordie. Apparently the Geordies on Tyneside were lured to the Tyneside Scottish by the glamour of the name and by the attraction of serving in a 'Scottish' Regiment. In order to add to the glamour, recruits were even hoping to be fully kilted - although they were to be disappointed, receiving only a Glengarry hat and special cap-badge. The importance which the prospect of wearing kilts played in the recruitment of some of the Tyneside Scottish is demonstrated in one of Private Tom Easton's observations after the Battle of the Somme, when each man was given a small square of tartan to be worn behind the cap-badge as a tribute to their bravery ; "One Geordie sat quietly studying the three inch square of cloth. 'Man, we'll have to fight a hell of a lot of battles before we get our kilts !' " Ultimately, of course, the result of the competition was of no consequence to either of the Committees.

Both the Tyneside Scottish Committee and that of the Tyneside Irish had no doubt whatsoever that their brigade was the best in the entire British army. Each committee had no hesitancy in believing that the superiority of their unit would be proven beyond all question when the brigade finally faced the enemy, and defeated them single-handedly. The Tyneside Scottish newspaper advertisement, 'Harder than Hammers', which was first published in early 1915 stated; "You will be proud to be one of the Tyneside Scottish, when you hear of their valour in days to come. You will be prouder still, when after training you take your place amongst the veterans of the brigade, and march to the music of the pipes to defeat the enemy."

By Thursday February 4th 1915, the Tyneside Scottish was able to end the recruitment campaign which had been running relentlessly, seven days a week, since October 10th 1914. The Tyneside Scottish Brigade, by now with each of its four battalions attached to the Northumberland Fusiliers , was complete.

Apparently not lacking any of the excitement and patriotism which it had shown when the idea of reviving the Tyneside Scottish was first suggested, the Evening Chronicle reported the conclusion of the first stage in the history of the Brigade; "This morning the Tyneside Scottish stopped recruiting. That action means that the Tyneside Scottish Brigade is actually at full strength in the field, namely 5,400 officers and men."

There is no need to dwell on the remarkable speed with which the Tyneside Scottish went from the recruitment of a single battalion, to the recruitment of an entire brigade. With enrolments concluded only five months from their commencement, the average number of enlistments for the Tyneside Scottish was over 1,050 every month. This, it could be suggested, did not typify the national response.

If anything, rather than being seized by patriotic excitement, the country appears to have been bemused and unaware of the gravity of the situation; The Bradford Daily Argus on August 4th 1914 suggested that "...it will be in the kitchens that the pinch will be chiefly felt, but that difficulty may be overcome by

deleting the more dainty dishes" and on August 14th, the Catford Journal reported that "...what with the war and the rain, last Saturday was a most depressing day for Catford cricket club." There was also apparently little hostility towards the enemy on the outbreak of war; the Sphere advertised a return trip to Hamburg for 45 shillings, on August 8th 1914 and a week later was still advertising German cameras.

German citizens were even allowed to return home to join the army.

There was seemingly an inexplicable inability to grasp the seriousness of the situation. While this can be blamed on the media for failing to communicate adequately, it must be remembered that this was an era before the advent of television or radio. Even national newspapers had a relatively small circulation, which was compounded by a starvation of news in the villages; for example, Neville's Cross received news only twice weekly on the carrier's cart from Durham. The information which the majority of people wanted, namely local news and the national horse racing and football results, could be found in the local press, where the only 'real information' about the war which the official sensor would allow to be published was from the letters of serving soldiers at the front. These were often less than optimistic; "They had two marches of 30 miles and one of 28 miles, and went direct into the trenches at the Aisne.

They had not been in the trenches for more than half an hour before firing from the enemy opened, and was kept up incessantly, with the result that his battalion suffered severe loss. The trenches were filled with water up to their waists, and they had a most distressing time, for they got little or nothing to eat.

There were hundreds of dead soldiers."

Therefore, it could be suggested, nationally, the majority of 'ordinary' people had little idea of either what was really happening in the war overall or how serious the general situation was - there was simply no way of knowing. Perhaps this is why, contrary to the patriotic exaggerations of the contemporary press and contrary to common opinion, there was not such an exceptional rush to the colours on the outbreak of war; in 1914 there were actually fewer enlistments than in either 1915 or in 1916.

The formation of the Tyneside Scottish evidently did not conform with the wider picture of apparent national bemusement on the outbreak of war. It is clear that generally, the north of England provided an excellent environment for the recruitment of large sections of society. In 1914, 1 in 3 of all volunteers came from the north, as northern towns produced a culture full of a sense of belonging, from Brass Bands to Football Clubs. This sense of belonging became important in 1914, when whole villages and mines enlisted together - a culture which developed such bonding prepared its men for the hardship of the trenches.

To the individual, the call to arms was particularly well received in poorer areas, such as northern mining towns, where the opportunity to relieve financial pressure and the possibility of a better future was an extremely tempting stimulus to enlistment. While patriotism, duty and what was seen as obligation were naturally important factors, men also enlisted to escape the drab routine of the mines, for the promise of adventure and, in a society where most expected to live and die living in the same village, the lure of France, with its 'saucy' image, was too much to resist.

In addition to these external factors and the obvious consensus that Kitchener's army was the only force which could win the war , the Tyneside Scottish Committee undertook a vigorous campaign involving parades, recruiting meetings, posters, leaflets and newspaper advertisements. While using Newcastle as the centre of all recruitment, the Committee also organised campaigns in Durham and in Northumberland. On Friday November 13th 1914, The Evening Chronicle reported on a typical recruiting meeting, held at Consett (County Durham); "A meeting in furtherance of recruiting for the Tyneside Scottish Battalion was held last night in the Consett New Town Hall. The hall was packed...Sir Thomas Oliver said he hoped the Germans would soon be driven from the soil of Belgium and France, and they would have a taste of the horrors of war in their own country. To do this, men are wanted..."

The Committee was also clearly aware of the attraction of being a 'Scottish' unit and held frequent parades, with evident success, using each the Battalions' Pipes and Drums ; "The registration of men for the Tyneside Scottish Battalion is proceeding with a rapidity entirely gratifying for those responsible for raising the unit. The pipe and drum parade on Saturday followed by the recruiting meeting at the town hall, was very successful and resulted in some 170 names being secured."

During the recruitment of the Tyneside Scottish (and beyond), not only did training need to start in

earnest, but also the Committee began to tackle the problems of feeding, billeting and equipping each of the battalions. This required a huge level of organisation and as with the success of the recruiting campaign, the Committee once again proved that it was up to the challenge. With the aim of having the entire brigade fully equipped by Christmas 1914, the Committee set about contracting local manufacturers, hiring any available room for billets and enlisting the services of caterers. As BrigadierGeneral Trevor Ternan explained; "The whole of the work of supplying the large amount of military clothing and equipment required, as well as the rationing and billeting of the battalions was, at the request of the War Office, carried out by the Lord Mayor, who entrusted the duty to a responsible and representative committee, and well they did it."

Training in Alnwick, Salisbury Plain and France

It was not until January 10th 1915 that the Tyneside Scottish, having received their marching orders for Alnwick, were officially blessed in a service at St. Nicholas' Cathedral; "I have no doubt that this service made a vivid impression on the minds of those who attended; it was in effect a 'blessing' of the Brigade by the Church, and was felt by many to be an encouragement and incentive to their efforts." In addition to this, the parade gave each of the four battalions the occasion to march through the streets of Newcastle for the first time, and was also an opportunity for each of the Commanding Officers, who had been appointed in December 1914, to be officially recognised.

The background of the senior officers of the Tyneside Scottish was typical to the New Army battalions and clearly demonstrates the dependence on retired and former colonial officers, which carried on throughout the war. The Brigade Commander, Brigadier-General Trevor Ternan was 56 years old in 1916, and had been retired for seven years on the outbreak of war. Three of the four Battalion Commanders were retired regular soldiers, the other coming from the militia and only one officer in the entire brigade, the Brigade Major, Captain T Soutry, who had been wounded during the retreat from Mons, had been a serving officer on the outbreak of war.

This shortage was not confined merely to senior officers; in August 1914 there had been 28,060 officers available, including 12,738 regulars and 9,563 Territorials. However, with the massive expansion of the army in 1914, Kitchener realised that in order to cater for the New Army battalions and for the Territorial Infantry battalions he would require at least 30,000 more junior subalterns. A temporary solution to the problem of providing regular officer casualty replacements was achieved by shortening the Commissioning courses at Sandhurst and Woolwich, while for the Territorial and New Army battalions, wounded regular officers convalescing in England were held back as instructors. Extensive use of the University Officer Training Corps was also made when it was decided to grant temporary, rather than permanent Commissions in September 1914.

For the New Army battalions, the responsibility of granting commissions was given to the Brigade Commanders, with a minimum age of nineteen being the only official guideline; "After the brigade was formed and until the War Office took it over, the appointments were left to me subject to War Office approval, and I made it a rule to consider no application unless the applicant could show either previous military experience or had served in the OTC or in the ranks. The number of candidates for Commissions was large, the majority being entirely ignorant of the duties they would have to perform, and were obviously unsuited to act as instructors and platoon commanders."

With the majority of the Tyneside Scottish officers having little or no previous military experience, it is clear that the training at Alnwick and Salisbury Plain would be an opportunity for them, as much as it was for the other ranks, to learn the basic skills of soldiering and to develop technical proficiency in specialised areas such as signalling, transportation and machine gunnery. "There were so many subjects to be taught and, as we then thought, so little time at our disposal that every hour was of value...Instruction in all sorts of subjects, such as musketry, signalling, machine gunnery, telephones, camp sanitation, transport, had all feverishly been put on. It was a time indeed of intensive training."

Alnwick was clearly a time for the attainment of basic military skills, while it was not until the Brigade moved to the tents of Salisbury Plain in September 1915, that training at a tactical level began; "Divisional

and Brigade exercises took place weekly, wet or fine, and many a sham engagement was fought on the well-known hills round about." The time of the Tyneside Scottish camp at Longbridge Deverill was apparently also a time of some modest advancement in the army's appreciation of the necessities of modern warfare - the supply of Lewis Guns was increased from just two per battalion to one per company and a separate unit, the Brigade Machine Gun Company was established, armed with sixteen Vicker's Heavy Machine Guns.

While minimal improvements in the equipment of the British Army were being introduced, the general training which the Tyneside Scots and the New Armies as a whole received appears to have had little relevance to the actual fighting in France. In the case of the Tyneside Scottish, little time appears to have been spent on drill; "it was announced on one occasion that the Division was to be reviewed on a certain date by His Majesty the King. Though all ranks by this time were sufficiently trained so far as field work was concerned, little time had been given to ceremonial drill, so that some polishing up was necessary..."

However, it was not uncommon for some units to spend one-third of their basic training on the parade ground.

The training doctrine, dating from the Boer War, was based around the standard tactic of the infantry approaching the enemy in "leapfrog" fashion, until within 200 yards, when a bayonet charge would conclude the battle; "All ranks must be taught that the aim and object is to come to close quarters with the enemy as quickly as possible, cost what it may, so as to be able to use the bayonet. This must become second nature." Emphasis on the bayonet was so great that one training pamphlet even commented that grenades were better suited to the "bovine and passive enemy."

The formation of the New Army battalions did, however, cause some altering of standard tactics, as it was assumed they did not possess the military skill, knowledge or experience to use initiative in a battle situation. As a result, by 1916, when the first New Army battalions began to arrive in France, lack of training was compensated by rigid planning. "It must be remembered that officers and troops generally do not now possess that military knowledge arising from a long and high state of training, which enables them to act promptly on sound lines in unexpected situations. They have become accustomed to deliberate action based on precise and detailed orders..."

Such rigidity, however, was not easily imposed on a purely volunteer army. They were willing to fight, after all that was what they had enlisted for, but had an obvious disrespect for the intricacies of army routine and obedience was never instinctive; "Things which may appear trivial matters to those who have only lately joined the army are really of great importance, such as saluting, cleanliness, tidiness of dress, manner when speaking to their superiors, strict observance of orders. The strictest attention must continue to be paid to the cultivation of the power of command of young officers, also to discipline, dress, saluting, cleanliness and care of billets...men must learn to obey by instinct without thinking."

Undoubtedly, the New Army battalions had a very different and clearly defined attitude to discipline and the receipt of orders compared to their regular army colleagues. The existence of such an attitude amongst the Tyneside Scottish is demonstrated in an observation by Private Tom Easton, during trench digging at the Tara-Usna Redoubt on the Somme. When one of the Tyneside Scots refused to dig the trench six inches deeper; the officer in charge conceded,"'...it'll take the whole British Army to make them dig another six inches !'"

With this attitude recognised by senior officers and the belief that severe discipline was necessary to keep a man facing the enemy, the main emphasis of training became the harsh imposition of punitive authority. The teaching and prominence placed upon the bayonet, for example, which inflicted only 0.03% of battle wounds in the First World War , was probably seen as a means to an end of making men obey orders instinctively - if a soldier could be relied on to obey orders, then he could be considered trained. One German intelligence officer commented; "...even after they were captured, the English retained their strict discipline. Maintained by a severe code of punishment, it was in their blood."

The British army on the Western front was the only force to impose the death penalty on its troops, and the widespread acceptance that severe discipline was 'essential' to the British Army was demonstrated in a light-hearted, although accurate, cartoon in Punch, November 4th 1914; PUNCH CATOON NO.8

The harsh discipline also found its way into popular soldier songs, with the following song, entitled 'The Hipe' expressing the severe punishment which could be given for failing to clean a personal weapon; " 'What do you do with your rifle, son ?' I clean it every day, And rub it with an oily rag to keep the dust away; I slope, present and port the thing when sweating on parade, I strop my razor on the sling; the bayonet stand is made For me to hang my mirror on. I often use it, too, As a handle for the dixie, sir, and lug around the stew. 'But did you ever fire it, son ?' Just once, but never more. I fired it at a German trench, and when my work was o'er The sergeant down the barrel glanced, and then said to me, 'Your Hipe is dirty ! Penalty seven days !' " The army defended its code of severe punishment in two ways. Firstly, they claimed that discipline instilled in such punitive ways, was necessary to keep a man facing the enemy. Secondly, the process of drill was meant to make a soldier feel that he was a part of a homogenous machine, whose success depended on absolute uniformity. There is major evidence, however, against the validity of these arguments. Second World War studies suggest that the fear of death and the fear of punishment are not main driving forces in battle. The most important factor, they suggest, is a loyalty to comrades, and it was this, perhaps more than their punitive training, which motivated men to go over the top on the first day of the Battle of the Somme.

Perhaps most importantly, punitive drill seems to have alienated a most important military function initiative. Initiative was potentially the one area which the poorly trained New Army had an abundance of compared to the regular army. The Tyneside Scottish apparently demonstrated a high level of initiative during training; "The GOC-in-C...was good enough to make some very flattering remarks about the work of the Brigade. One point on which he laid particular stress was the quick grasp displayed by the company and platoon commanders of the continually changing requirements of the situation, and the resource which they showed in seizing opportunities as they occurred." Such levels of initiative by mid1916, however, were not common throughout the New Army battalions, causing Major J Fuller, in his book Memoirs of an Unconventional Soldier, to compare the British soldier unfavourably with his French comrade; "I found it unnecessary to teach the French soldiers, for they taught themselves, explained things to each other and were wonderfully intelligent compared with British soldiers."

Throughout their training, the Tyneside Scottish became increasingly impatient to be posted abroad, being of the opinion that they had been ready since September 1915; "After we had been a very short time at Longbridge Deverill the Infantry of the Division were fully convinced that the unreadiness of the Artillery was the reason for the prolonged detention in England, and it is possible that this was the case, as the training of Artillery takes a long time." In addition, the troops already in France and Belgium, by now war-hardened veterans, were also eagerly awaiting the arrival of Kitchener's Army, and sung the following verse up and down the trenches; "Who are the boys that fighting's for? Who are the lads to win the war ? It's good old Kitchener's Army.

And every man of them's trĂŠs bon, They never lost a trench since Mons, Because they never saw one."

Behind the front lines, however, there was division amongst Senior Officers over how, and where the New Army formations should best be deployed; "We all think these new formations, with rather elderly commanders and inexperienced Staff Officers, a great mistake...It is folly, Sir John thinks, to send the 'New Army' now by Divns. and armies. Much better to send it out by Battalions or even brigades, for incorporation in our existing divisions and corps...Sir John French also read a letter from K. in which the latter hinted that the new Army might be used better elsewhere than on the French frontier. A suggestion has been made of co-operating with Italy and Greece."

It was this 'suggestion' perhaps, which led to the Tyneside Scottish receiving a warning order to proceed at short notice to Egypt, in December 1915. However, after "sun helmets were issued to the brigade, officers provided themselves with thin clothing suitable to a hotter climate, and we were ready to move..." , the order was cancelled, without explanation. Finally, in early January 1916, definite orders were received to move at once to France, with the fourth battalion going via Folkestone, and the remaining battalions and the Brigade HQ travelling via Southampton. The leading elements of the Tyneside Scottish crossed to Havre on the night of January 6th 1916.

After arriving in France, it was some three weeks before the Tyneside Scottish finally entered the trenches around Streenbecque, in the area of Ypres. In continuation of their training, they were initially attached to other units, in order to gain experience in all aspects of holding a portion of the line - on January 26th, the First Tyneside Scottish were distributed as follows; 'C' Company was attached to the 2nd West Yorkshire Regiment, 'D' Company was attached to the 2nd Middlesex Regiment, 'A' Company was attached to the 2nd Scottish Rifles and 'B' Company was attached to the 2nd Devonshire Regiment, in brigade reserve - it was not until January 30th, that the Battalion suffered their first fatality; "In the early morning of the 30/1/16 No.20/1215, Pte. R. ARMSTRONG, B Company, was killed, by gun shot through head, while on sentry duty and was buried at WHYE FARM." On Thursday 10th February, after an apparent loss of interest in the Tyneside Scottish while they continued training in England, the following article appeared in The Evening Chronicle; "Private H Trainor, who is serving with the 13th Battalion Durham Light Infantry in France, in a letter to Mr P Casely says:...'We have had the Tyneside Irish and Scottish in the trenches for a bit of instruction. They were on the right of us. They were not under as heavy fire as we were, but all the same they have had their baptism of fire, and will soon get used to it'." As training alongside other units continued, the boredom of trench life began to set in and appeals from soldiers for the donation of articles to pass the time began to appear in The Evening Chronicle; "The life out here, as you may know is pretty strenuous, and any little relaxation or diversion is more than welcome to the boys...the melodeons and mouthorgans would be most acceptable, and as the nights are getting a bit lighter, a football or two wouldn't come amiss either."

In April 1916, the 34th Division received orders to leave the Ypres area of the line and move down into the Somme region for further training. This move was apparently hailed with some satisfaction by the Tyneside Scottish, as "officers and men would once again be able to sleep under a roof and the miseries of trench life would cease for a while". After an eight-day march the brigade finally arrived in Picardy and was billeted some seven miles from the village of Albert, which in itself was only four miles from the front line at La Boiselle. The change of scenery was apparently particularly welcome; "We thought it was lovely country when we got up there, because we'd been up north before, where it was very flat and uninteresting. Here it was hillier and there were little cottages with gardens and spring flowers coming out. What I liked especially was the delight of lying in the grass among the apple trees bursting into blossom and listening to the birds singing, instead of the whistling of shells." What the Tyneside Scottish did not realise in the Spring of 1916, was that the move to Picardy had secured their destiny and from that time on, their name and the Battle of the Somme would become inseparable.

THE PLAN AND PREPARATION

Haig's motivation for the British offensive on the Somme was dictated by circumstance from its selection as a main theatre in December 1915. Originally the Somme was chosen solely because the British and the French could fight there side by side. By March 1916 however, with the desperate struggle which was occupying virtually the entire French force at Verdun, there were few French divisions to spare - for the first time, the British were promoted to senior partner in an attack and the motivation for the Somme offensive shifted to the relief of the French.

By mid-June, however, Falkenhayn had stopped further reinforcements of German troops to the Verdun front, and thereafter the fighting rapidly diminished. By the time that the first British soldiers clambered over the parapet at 7:30am on July 1st, the attacks at Verdun had already come to an end. By this time, any motivation for the original selection of the Somme had been made irrelevant by the events of the first half of 1916. By June 1916, the only apparent justification for the execution of the offensive was that Haig had come to believe that here was the spot where the war could be won.

The Somme Offensive was planned along an 18 mile front, with over 150,000 men attacking on the first day. The attack would be preceded with the longest and heaviest Artillery barrage in history and immediately before zero hour, a series of massive mines would be exploded under the German front line.

Never in the history of warfare was a battle planned as meticulously as the Somme Offensive. It was clear that the New Armies, for whom the Somme would be a testing ground, were rich in morale and in the will to win, but were hugely lacking in skill, knowledge and in experience. As a result, British tacticians

attempted to compensate for lack of training by rigid planning; every possible occurrence was examined in meticulous detail, and 'solutions' appeared in plans which were written for each individual unit. A rigid framework was imposed in a such a way that even that the most junior subaltern could not fail to understand, and flexibility was eradicated.

The III Corps, to which the Tyneside Scottish belonged was to be positioned on the forward slopes of a long low ridge, between BĂŠcourt and Authville, in the centre of the Somme front (see Map 'A' opposite).

The 34th Division was to be situated to the right of the III Corps frontage, with the 102nd (Tyneside Scottish) Brigade astride the Albert-Bapaume Road. The distance between the opposing trenches along the line of the 34th Division varied from 800 to 50 yards and was narrowest opposite La Boisselle, in the area known as the 'Glory Hole', immediately in front of the Tyneside Scottish's line of advance (see Map 'B' opposite). The axis of the planned attack to be undertaken by the Tyneside Scottish is shown in a photograph taken from the British front-line trenches in 1916, and clearly shows the Albert-Bapaume Road, the village of La Boisselle, the 'Glory Hole', the German front-line and the future positions of both the 'Lochnagar' and the 'Y Sap' mine craters. photo of La Boiselle The task which the 34th Division had been assigned to execute on July 1st 1916, is explained in The Official History; "The 34th Division, was to attack and capture the German defences on the Fricourt Spur and astride Sausage Valley as far as La Boisselle (inclusive). It was then to advance to the line Contalmaison - PoziĂŠres (exclusive), halting some 800 yards in front of the German second position."

The Corps artillery, which would begin its barrage on the German lines on June 24th was to be deployed in brigades, one behind the other, dug in on bare open ground, approximately 2 miles to the west of Albert. The artillery which would be assigned to the III Corps consisted of some 98 heavy guns and howitzers, in addition to the divisional batteries, and were to be supplemented with a 'groupe' of French 75mm guns, which were to be allocated the task of firing gas shell. In total, the support which the Tyneside Scottish could theoretically call upon both before and during their attack consisted of a heavy gun to every 40 yards and a field gun to every 23 yards. In addition to artillery support, two enormous mines were being dug by the 179th Tunnelling Company, Royal Engineers. 'Lochnagar', which was planted immediately underneath the Schwaben Redoubt would contain 60,000 lbs of ammonal (in 2 charges of 36,000 lbs and 24,000 lbs, 60 feet apart and 52 feet below the surface). The other mine, 'Y Sap', which was being planted immediately to the left of the Albert-Bapaume Road would contain 40,600 lbs of ammonal.

Despite the massive bombardment which would precede the attack, and the two mines which were being planted beneath the German lines, the task which the Tyneside Scottish, as part of the Thirty-Fourth Division, would be facing on the first day of the Battle of the Somme was enormous; "This meant an advance of about three thousand five hundred yards, on a front of about two thousand, capturing two fortified villages and six lines of trenches, which it was known were well provided with deep dug-outs, and made as strong as our industrious enemy could make them after two years of constant labour."

The magnitude of the task which the Tyneside Scottish were to fulfil was clear. Beyond setting the limit of advance, General Rawlinson, the commander the Fourth army, allowed his divisions freedom to decide how they would cross No-Man's Land. However, he doubted the reliability of the New Army Divisions and suggested that "the attack must be made in waves with men at fairly close interval in order to give them confidence."

The method which Major-General Ingouville-Williams chose is explained in The Official History, and made the assumption that the fortified village of La Boisselle, which stood out on a 'spur' into the British lines, was the strongest point of the line (see map 'B'); "...it was to attack in four 'columns', each column three battalions deep on a frontage of four hundred yards. Between the third and the fourth columns, opposite La Boisselle there was to be a gap...La Boisselle, the key of the front system owing to its salient position, was not to be attacked directly; the two left columns, passing either side of it, were as they advanced to send into it special bombing parties (amounting in all to one platoon), supported by Lewis and Stokes guns, to clear it from both flanks." This was effectively the plan which the Thirty-Fourth Division was to execute on Zero hour.

Within this plan, the Tyneside Scottish had a very specific role. Immediately to the south of La Boisselle, the 2nd Tyneside Scottish were to attack in the first wave, with the 1st Tyneside Scottish to their left, just north of the village. Their task was "...to seize and hold the Boche defences, up to and including the first reserve line. This constituted the first objective." La Boisselle itself, was to be dealt with by a special force of bombers form the Tyneside Scottish, consisting of two parties of four bombing squads, each with eight men. They would follow up behind the 1st and 2nd Tyneside Scottish and attack designated weak spots of the fortified village.

In the third phase of the operation, the 4th Tyneside Scottish were to pass through the 1st Battalion, who would be consolidating their gains, and move on the German intermediate line. Likewise, the 3rd Battalion would pass through the trenches gained by the 2nd battalion, to the south of the village. Finally, the 103rd (Tyneside Irish) Brigade would move through the Tyneside Scottish and capture the final objective, the Contalmaison-PoziĂŠres line. The formation throughout was to be in successive waves, approximately 150 paces apart.

With the plan formulated, Trevor Ternan considered the training which would be necessary, in order to 'guarantee' the success of the Tyneside Scottish. Clearly he had no misconceptions towards the extent of the challenge; "Strong barbed wire entanglements several yards wide formed a formidable barrier in front of the trenches, and other obstacles were plentiful, such as knife rests and ditches planted with sharp spikes. The parapets of the trenches gave a splendid field of Infantry fire, the trenches bristled with hundreds of machine guns cunningly hidden from view...and batteries of guns of all calibres were so posted as to do the utmost execution in case of an attack on our part."

Following their march from Flanders, and two days spent at rest, the Tyneside Scottish Brigade commenced training for the 'Big Push'. Initially basic infantry skills were focused upon, namely the improvement of musketry skills and classes were introduced to heighten proficiency in bomb-throwing, bayonet-fighting, signalling, machine gunnery and the use of trench mortars. Training was then stepped up to incorporate moving in the open by platoons and companies and subsequently was extended to moving in waves, by battalion.

The next stage of preparation was a week spent training as a brigade, where all four battalions were able to practise the complicated procedures of consolidating ground taken, reinforcement, and 'leapfrogging' a second wave of troops through the first, in order to continue an assault onto the second and third lines of enemy trenches.

Finally, training at a Divisional level was undertaken; "For our division a piece of country in the neighbourhood of Franvillers was marked out with lines of different coloured flags to represent NoMan's Land and the successive lines of enemy trenches, and also his communication trenches...great benefit was gained by these rehearsals in many ways; the distances between the various objectives were correctly shown, the officers and men could form a good idea of the general requirements, and the numerous minor points which from time to time were found to require attention could be legislated for."

Private Tom Easton, a signaller in the 2nd Tyneside Scottish explained the training which he received during the Divisional stage; "All the time we were doing these movements over open countryside, the aeroplanes were going up and down the line all the time and we had to practice communicating with them with flare lamps and ground sheet signals. We signallers had to carry out a giant shutter, six foot square, lay it on the ground, peg it down, go to one end, grasp the ropes and it pulled open like a Venetian blind. The surface was all brown when it was closed but it was pure white surface when we pulled it open and we had to make coded letters in Morse Code...later on in battle, our reception was so hot that there was no possibility of using it. In fact we never even carried it into the battle."

Finally, on June 23rd, 1916, the Tyneside Scottish moved forward to occupy the line at La Boisselle for the first time. Plans were concluded at battalion level , and the Tyneside Scottish were at last prepared to go into action. La Boisselle was to be their true baptism of fire and along the trenches astride the AlbertBapaume Road, they waited nervously for zero hour; 7:30am, June 29th 1916.

The British Order of Battle (Orbat) 1st July 1916

This is a list of the Divisions, Brigades and individual battalions that took part in the first day of the battle.

Years in the making, many were destroyed in minutes.

(REG = Regular / TF = Territorial Force / NA = New Army)

8th DIVISION (REG)

23rd Brigade 2nd DEVONS

2ND MIDDLESEX

2ND WEST YORKS

2ND SCOTTISH RIFLES

25th Brigade 2ND LINCOLNS

1ST ROYAL IRISH RIFLES

2ND ROYAL BERKS

2ND RIFLE BRIGADE

70th Brigade 11TH SHERWOOD FORESTERS

8TH YORKS AND LANCS

8TH KING’S OWN YORKSHIRE

9TH YORKS AND LANCS

LIGHT INFANTRY Pioneers 22ND DURHAM LIGHT INFANTRY

34TH DIVISION (NA)

101st Brigade 15TH ROYAL SCOTS (1ST

10TH LINCLONS (GRIMSBY CHUMS)

EDINBURGH CITY) 16TH ROYAL SCOTS (2ND

11TH SUFFOLKS (CAMBRIDBGE)

EDINBURGH CITY 102nd (Tyneside Scottish) Brigade 1ST TYNESIDE SCOTTISH 2ND TYNESIDE SCOTTISH

3RD TYNESIDE SCOTTISH 4TH TYNESIDE SCOTTISH

103rd (Tyneside Irish) Brigade 1ST TYNESIDE IRISH

3RD TYNESIDE IRISH

2ND TYNESIDE IRISH

4TH TYNESIDE IRISH

Pioneers 18TH NORTHUMBERLAND FUSILIERS

19TH (WESTERN) DIVISION (NA) 56th Brigade 7TH KINGS OWN 7TH EAST LANCS

7TH SOUTH LANCS 7TH LOYAL NORTH LANCS

57th Brigade 10TH ROYAL WARWICKS 8TH GLOUCESTERS

10TH WORCESTERS 8TH NORTH STAFFS

58th Brigade 9TH CHESHIRES

9TH WELCH

9TH ROYAL WELCH FUSILIERS

6TH WILTS

Pioneers 5TH SOUTH WALES BORDERERS

PHOTO

4TH DIVISION (REG) 10th Brigade 1ST ROYAL IRISH FUSILIERS

2ND SEAFORTH HIGHLANDERS

2ND ROYAL DUBLIN FUSILIERS

1ST ROYAL WARWICKS

11th Brigade 1ST SOMERSET LIGHT

1ST HAMPSHIRES

INFANTRY 1ST EAST LANCS 12th Brigade

1ST RIFLE BRIGADE

1ST KING’S OWN 2ND LANCS FUSILIERS

2ND DUKE OF WELLINGTONS 2ND ESSEX

Pioneers 21ST WEST YORKS

29TH DIVISION (REG / NA) 86th Brigade 2ND ROYAL FUSILIERS

16TH MIDDLESEX (PUBLIC SCHOOLS

1ST LANCS FUSILIERS

1ST ROYAL DUBLIN FUSILIERS

87th Brigade 2ND SOUTH WALES

1ST ROYAL INNISKILLING FUSILIERS

BORDERERS 1ST KINGS OWNS SCOTTISH

1ST BORDER

BORDERERS 88th Brigade 1ST ESSEX 1ST NEWFOUNDLAND

4TH WORCESTERS 2ND HAMPSHIRES

Pioneers 1/2ND MONMOUTHS

31ST DIVISION (NA) 92nd Brigade 10TH EAST YORKS (HULL

18TH EAST YORKS (HULL SPORTSMEN)

COMMERCIALS) 11TH EAST YORKS (HULL

13TH EAST YORKS (T’OTHERS)

TRADESMEN) 93rd Brigade 15TH WEST YORKS(LEEDS

18TH WEST YORKS (2ND BRADFORD PALS)

PALS) 16TH WEST YORKS (1ST BRADFORD PALS)

18TH DURHAM LIGHT INFANTRY (DURHAM PALS)

BATTALION)

94th Brigade 11TH EAST LANCS

13TH YORKS AND LANCS (1ST

(ACCRINGTON PALS)

BARNSLEY PALS)

12TH YORKS AND LANCS

14TH YORKS AND LANCS

(SHEFFIELD CITY)

(2ND BARNSLEY PALS)

Pioneers 12TH KINGS OWN YORKSHIRE LIGHT INFANTRY (HALIFAX PALS)

48TH (SOUTH MIDLAND) DIVISION (TF) 143rd Brigade 1/5TH ROYAL WARWICKS

1/7TH ROYAL WARWICKS

1/6TH ROYAL WARWICKS

1/8TH ROYAL WARWICKS

144th Brigade 1/4TH GLOUCESTERS

1/7TH WORCESTERS

1/6TH GLOUCESTERS

1/8TH WORCESTERS

145th Brigade 1/5TH GLOUCESTERS 1/4TH OX AND BUCKS LIGHT

1ST BUCKS 1/4TH ROYAL BERKS

INFANTRY Pioneers 1/5TH ROYAL SUSSEX

32ND DIVISION (NA) 14th Brigade 19TH LANCASHIRE FUSILIERS

2ND MANCHESTERS

(3RD SALFORD PALS) 1ST DORSETS

15TH HIGHLAND LIGHT INFANTRY (GLASGOW TRAMWAYS)

96th Brigade 16TH NORTHUMBERLAND

15TH LANCS FUSILIERS (1ST SALFORD

FUSILIERS (NEWCASTLE

PALS)

COMMERCIALS) 2ND ROYAL INNISKILLING

16TH LANCS FUSILIERS (2ND SALFORD

FUSILIERS

PALS)

97th Brigade 11TH BORDER (THE LONSDALES) 2ND KING’S OWN YORKSHIRE LIGHT INFANTRY

16TH HIGHLAND LIGHT INFANTRY (GLASGOW BOYS’ BRIGADE) 17TH HIGHLAND LIGHT INFANTRY (GLASGOW COMMERCIALS)

Pioneers 17TH NORTHUMBERLAND FUSILIERS (NEWCASTLE RAILWAY PALS)

36TH ULSTER DIVISION (NA) 107th Brigade 8TH ROYAL IRISH RIFLES (EAST BELFAST) 9TH ROYAL IRISH RIFLES (WEST BELFAST)

10TH ROYAL IRISH RIFLES (SOUTH BELFAST) 15TH ROYAL IRISH RIFLES (NORTH BELFAST)

108th Brigade 8TH ROYAL IRISH RIFLES

10TH ROYAL IRISH RIFLES

(SOUTH ANTRIM)

(CO. DOWN)

9TH ROYAL IRISH RIFLES

15TH ROYAL IRISH RIFLES

(CENTRAL ANTRIM)

(CO ARMAGH)

109th Brigade 9TH ROYAL INNISKILLING FUSILIERS(CO TYRONE) 10TH ROYAL INNISKILLING FUSILIERS (CO DERRY)

11TH ROYAL INNISKILLING FUSILIERS (DONEGAL AND FERMANAGH) 14TH ROYAL IRISH RIFLES (BELFAST YOUNG CITIZENS)

Pioneers 16TH ROYAL IRISH RIFLES (2ND CO DOWN)

PHOTO

49TH (WEST RIDING)DIVISION (TF) 146th Brigade 1/5TH WEST YORKS

1/7TH WEST YORKS

1/6TH WEST YORKS

1/8TH WEST YORKS

147th Brigade 1/4TH DUKE OF WELLINGTONS

1/6TH DUKE OF WELLINGTONS

1/5TH DUKE OF WELLINGTONS

1/7TH DUKE OF WELLINGTONS

148th Brigade 1/4TH YORKS AND LANCS

1/4TH KINGS OWN YORKSHIRE LIGHT INFANTRY

1/5TH YORKS AND LANCS

1/5TH KINGS OWN YORKSHIRE LIGHT INFANTRY

Pioneers 1/3RD MONMOUTHS

18TH (EASTERN) DIVISION(NA) 53rd Brigade 8th NORFOLKS

10TH ESSEX

6TH ROYAL BERKS

8TH SUFFOLKS

54th Brigade 11TH ROYAL FUSILIERS

6TH NORTHAMPTONS

7TH BEDFORDS

12TH MIDDLESEX

55th Brigade 7TH QUEENS

8TH EAST SURREYS

7TH BUFFS

7TH ROYAL WEST KENTS

Pioneers 8TH ROYAL SUSSEX

30TH DIVISION (NA) 21st Brigade 18TH KINGS (2ND LIVERPOOL

2ND WILTS

PALS) 19TH MANCHESTERS (4TH PALS)

2ND GREEN HOWARDS

89th Brigade 17TH KINGS (1ST LIVERPOOL

20TH KINGS (LIVERPOOL PALS)

PALS) 19TH KINGS (3RD LIVERPOOL

2ND BEDFORDS

PALS) 90th Brigade 2ND ROYAL SCOTS FUSILIERS

17TH MANCHESTERS (2ND PALS)

16TH MANCHESTERS (1ST PALS)

18TH MANCHESTERS (3RD PALS)

Pioneers 11TH SOUTH LANCS

7TH DIVISION (REG/NA) 20th Brigade 8TH DEVONS

2ND BORDER

9TH DEVONS

2ND GORDON HIGHLANDERS

22nd Brigade 2ND ROYAL WARWICKS

1ST ROYAL WELCH FUSILIERS

20TH MANCHESTER (5TH PALS)

2ND ROYAL IRISH

91st Brigade 2ND QUEENS 1ST SOUTH STAFFS Pioneers 24TH MANCHESTERS (OLDHAM PALS)

17TH (NORTHERN) DIVISION (NA) 50th Brigade

21ST MANCHESTERS (6TH PALS) 22ND MANCHESTERS (7TH PALS)

10TH WEST YORKS

7TH GREEN HOWARDS

7TH EAST YORKS

6TH DORSETS

51st Brigade 7TH LINCOLNS

8TH SOUTH STAFFS

7TH BORDER

10TH SHERWOOD FORESTERS

52nd Brigade 9TH NORTHUMBERLAND

9TH DUKE OF WELLINGTONS

FUSILIERS 10TH LANCS FUSILIERS

12TH MANCHESTERS

Pioneers 7TH YORKS AND LANCS

21ST DIVISION (NA) 62nd Brigade 12TH NORTHUMBERLAND

1ST LINCOLNS

FUSILIERS 13TH NORTHUMBERLAND

10TH GREEN HOWARDS

FUSILIERS 63rd Brigade 8TH LINCOLNS

4TH MIDDLESEX

8TH SOMERSET LIGHT

10TH YORK AND LANCS

INFANTRY 64th Brigade 8TH KINGS OWN YORKSHIRE

1ST EAST YORKS

LIGHT INFANTRY 10TH KINGS OWN YORKSHIRE LIGHT INFANTRY Pioneers 14TH NORTHUMBERLAND FUSILIERS

15TH DURHAM LIGHT INFANTRY

46TH (NORTH MIDLAND) DIVISION (TF) 137th Brigade 1/5TH SOUTH STAFFS

1/5TH NORTH STAFFS

1/6TH SOUTH STAFFS

1/6TH NORTH STAFFS

138th Brigade 1/4TH LINCOLNS

1/4TH LEICESTERS

1/5TH LINCOLNS

1/5TH LEICESTERS

139th Brigade 1/5TH SHERWOOD FORESTERS

1/7TH SHERWOOD FORESTERS

1/6TH SHERWOOD FORESTERS

1/8TH SHERWOOD FORESTERS

Pioneers 1/1ST MONMOUTHS

56TH (LONDON) DIVISION (TF) 167th Brigade 1/1ST LONDON

1/7TH MIDDLESEX

1/3RD LONDON

1/8TH MIDDLESEX

168th Brigade 1/4TH LONDON

1/13TH LONDON (KENSINGTON)

1/12TH LONDON (RANGERS)

1/14TH LONDON (1ST LONDON SCOTTISH)

169th Brigade 1/2ND LONDON

1/9TH LONDON (QUEEN VICTORIA’S RIFLES)

1/5TH LONDON (1ST LONDON RIFLE BRIGADE)

1/16TH LONDON (QUEENS WESTMINSTER RIFLES)

Pioneers 1/5TH CHESHIRES

JULY 1ST 1916 - THE BATTLE OF THE SOMME

At 11am on June 28th, just 21 hours before zero hour, the attack was postponed for forty-eight hours, after a series of heavy summer storms had flooded the battlefield. The assault would now commence at 7:30am, July 1st.

At 7:28am, the two enormous mines on the shoulders of the Albert-Bapaume Road were exploded. As the noise died away, an eerie silence befell the battlefield as the artillery lengthened their range. Finally, a strange whining noise broke the silence and encompassed the reserve trenches, where the Tyneside Scottish had been evacuated in order to avoid the fall out from the mines. The pipers were tuning up as they prepared to play the Tyneside Scottish over the top.

At 7:30am, the leading elements of the Tyneside Scottish attacked; "Keeping in line, in extended order, men began to fall one by one. Our officer said we were all right; all the machine guns were firing over our heads. This was so until we passed our own front line and started to cross No-Man's Land. Then the machine guns began the slaughter. Men fell on every side screaming - those who weren't wounded dare not attend to them; we must press on regardless. Hundreds lay on the German barbed-wire, which was not all destroyed. Their bodies formed a bridge for others to pass over and into the German front line."

The battle degenerated to slaughter as the morning progressed and minimal gains were made at the expense of massive casualties. On the right of La Boisselle, the 2nd and 3rd battalions had gained a foothold in the German front line and had managed to occupy the near edge of the Lochnagar Crater.

To the left of the village, by mid afternoon, it had become clear that the 1st and 4th Tyneside Scottish had been annihilated and ceased to exist in all but name. In spite of the successful firing of the 'Y Sap' mine, as soon as they had left the British trenches, they encountered heavy cross machine-gun fire, not only from the village of Ovillers, to their left, but also from La Boisselle itself and from the trenches to its right.

Private L Dodd, of the 4th Tyneside Scottish explained the situation which he encountered; "I found the German wire well cut and their front line trench flattened. There were one or two dead there, that's all.

But only three of our company got past there. There was my Lieutenant, a sergeant and myself. The rest seemed to have been hit in No-Man's Land. I had the wind up and the officer said, 'God, God, where's the rest of my boys ?' We could see a long way either side of us, but we couldn't see a soul."

The Official History estimates that within the first 10 minutes of the attack, 80% of the Tyneside Scottish had become casualties. As night fell, the only gain which had been held was a tiny portion of the German third line, which Major Acklom (3rd Tyneside Scottish), dangerously low on men, bombs and water, had managed to establish. To the left of La Boisselle, "...the bulk of the 1st and 4th Battalions were lying dead in No-Man's Land, and the remnants of these battalions held a short length of our front trench north of La Boisselle. Of the 1st Battalion no officer at all, or even sergeant, could be found."

Sickened by what he had seen, by mid-afternoon Trevor Ternan had returned from the front line to his Brigade Headquarters and awaited any further news. Already he knew that each of the Commanding Officers had been killed at the head of their battalions; "Thinner and ever thinner the trail extended onto the German lines, and among those who had penetrated farthest, General Ingouville-Williams found the bodies of Lieutenant-Colonels Lyle and Sillery, where they always wished to be, at the head of their battalions." The bodies of Lieutenant-Colonels Elphinstone (3rd Tyneside Scottish) and Heneker (2nd Tyneside Scottish) were never found, and they are now commemorated on the Thiepval Memorial to the Lost of the Somme.

It was only gradually, that the true extent of the Tyneside Scot casualties became apparent. "...we found that out of the whole of the eighty officers of the Brigade who had gone over the top less than ten remained, the bulk of the remainder were killed and the rest wounded. Of the NCOs and men about 80% were casualties. Nine-hundred and forty all ranks were killed and 1,500 odd were wounded. In addition

to the four commanding officers...the list of officers killed included two of the seconds-in-command and two of the adjutants, and the remaining seconds-in-command and adjutants were wounded. No officers and men were taken prisoner."

As a whole, the Thirty-Fourth Division outnumbered the next highest Divisional casualties (the 29th Division), by over 1000. The 102nd (Tyneside Scottish) Brigade suffered the highest brigade casualties in the entire British Army, and to this day still holds the dubious 'honour' of incurring the greatest casualties ever in a single day of conflict, with each battalion having an average of 562 killed or wounded. The Tyneside Scottish were finally relieved on July 4th and upon returning to Millencourt the shattering effect of La Boisselle began to be realised. Drawn up in open square formation, the Brigade barely occupied the space of a single battalion. The Tyneside Scottish, two years in the making, had been destroyed in a matter of 10 minutes and back home in Newcastle entire streets were swathed in black as the long and painful time for mourning began.

Private Tom Easton

"We spread out as we were trained to do, there was few Germans in that trench, except dead or wounded. We had many wounded of our own, but bombers were instructed to proceed up the communication trench towards the village of La Boiselle, which they did, and established a block at the top. We spread out and prepared to defend that trench, on the other side, for any attacks that may come.

We found a German dug-out in the front line and it was immediately decided to make that the headquarters for this battalion. At that time we only had one officer left, who became adjutant. I remember going into this dug-out, and it was just about 12 steps down and was, why, at least it must have been 12 feet long and about 6 feet wide...which I think would be safe from the ordinary 18-pounders, which was more the calibre shell which was used on front-line trenches, and I think the Germans would be fairly safe in these dug-outs, especially in the front line, because it gave great cover, even from trench mortars, even from machine-gun fire and even from the light calibre artillery. It wasn't elaborate, it was only a shelter...wooden encased, but much more elaborate than we found in the British trenches.

The roll call was taken next morning outside brigade headquarters at Tara-Usna redoubt, and out of 890odd men we could only marshal a Company, which was less than 200, and we only had one officer left standing. We were collected by a Captain who had not been in the battle and after feeding that morning, we were marched off into the village of Millencourt and went into billets. Captain McCluskey was the only surviving officer that came back with our battalion and he was made the adjutant of the battalion.

The effect that it had on the battalion was one rather of that, 'well, after all, I had survived', I mean the man himself felt he had survived. We had great sorrow at losing so many men, but in days of war, well, we havn't got to contemplate to much upon who does not make the grade. I was pleased to know that my brother, who was my brother-in-arms with me in that battle, and not with me individually in that battle, was also present at the roll-call.

We dug the trenches from the approaches of BĂŠcourt wood, right across country to Tara-Usna Redoubt.

Now these trenches had to be seven feet deep, a yard at the top - wide, two foot six wide at the bottom. So we used to go up there from Albert and do this digging after dusk, you know, then each man had one yard in which to walk, but he had to dig that one yard down to three foot six - and that was your nights work. So, you know, being pit-layers and all that sort of thing, we've got funny ways and queer ideas.

The man overall was a Royal Engineer and he had a yard stick, and he would drop it down, you see, and say 'You're not far enough down there yet !', and Geordie says, 'I'll not,' he says, 'I'm three foot six and I'm going no further !' 'Ah', he says, 'You've got to go four feet.'

He says, 'I'm not going four feet, I've dug half, and that's what I'm expected to do.' This chap went and saw the officer that was in charge of us, you see, and he come along and he says 'What's wrong ?' and he says, 'Why, I want that down another six inches, but he's not going another six inches !'

'No', he says, 'mind, it'll take the whole British army to make them dig another six inches !'

'Well they're going to dig six inches for the men that's coming in the morning', you see. And this man explained, he says, 'Well the man who digs the next three feet has to throw it up four feet. Well you havn't had to throw it up four feet !'

And he says, 'Well that's his bargain, not mine !'

Discipline to us meant sometimes different than you would find in regular army units. Obedience was always observed, but there was a great liaison and laxity, you could even say laxity between officers and men. These men would face death on an order, but they would not trip over the trivialities of ordinary life.

On June the 5th, after the carrying party was shelled, they were carrying poisoned gas, preparatory to July the first - they were caught in shellfire and one of the gas cylinders was fractured, and in those days we only had the pullover, not the respirator - we only had the gas mask and before they could do anything, well, 17 of these men were gassed and eventually died.

My battalion had to go out in to Albert Communal Cemetery, extension now, and dig the graves for the internment of these men. I well remember we had sat there from the turn of dusk and dug these graves and it was a very heavy job, because it's a chalk subsoil and when you get about three foot of soil off, the rest is all solid chalk. So we got them down to the depth required and then the bodies were brought and then, after that, they were laid in, the priest did his work and I looked across, and here's one of my Geordies sitting crying.

I went across and said, 'What's the matter Geordie ?, What's the matter ?', and he says, 'I cannot throw that stuff on his face there, lying looking up at me." And I said, 'Right, turn around, and I'll cover his head up and then you can get on with the rest of the job,' Well, he says, 'Thankyou very much, because it should have broken my heart that.'

And I often go back to the line of graves where these men are today. Even on visits, I go to see that front line trench and often look at the ages of these men who were old enough to be my father, and treated me as a son, even in those horrible circumstances.

I have a great respect for Douglas Haig, reading all the history and everything that is attached to Douglas Haig, and I believe now that his idea was correct, because when you get around the bend, facing up towards the Baupame Road and across there, if he had achieved that object quickly that morning, the sacrifices would not have been as they were that day.

A Death at the Battle of the Somme, 1916 The Battle of the Somme was one of the costliest engagements of the First World War. In the summer of 1916 the line of trenches demarcating the Western Front stretched from the English Channel across the length of France to the Swiss border. At Verdun, near the middle of this line, French and German troops were bogged down in a battle of attrition. The objective of the Somme offensive was to relieve the pressure on Verdun and to push the British line forward.

The attack began July 1, 1916 with a predominately British force clambering out of its trenches and crossing No Man's Land under withering German machinegun and artillery fire. The attack soon stalled and deteriorated into disaster. On that day the British suffered almost 60,000 casualties Over the Top British troops leave their trenches Battle of the Somme, July 1, 1916

making it the bloodiest day in British military history. Undeterred, the British command ordered the assault to continue the next day with the hope of breaking through the German lines. This attempt and the others that followed through the summer and fall months produced no break through. Finally, with the approach of winter in November, the battle was abandoned.

The final tally included 420,000 British casualties, 200,000 French and the Germans 500,000.

The reward for this effort was the six-mile movement of the British front line into German territory.

Among the French troops waiting to assault the German trenches on July 1 was an American named Alan Seeger. He had graduated from Harvard in 1910 and had spent two years in Greenwich Village before moving to Paris. Alan Seeger was a poet and he thrived in the bohemian atmosphere of Paris's Left Bank. When war broke, Seeger joined the French Foreign Legion in order to defend the country he loved so much. He did not abandon his poetry. One of his compositions during this period was an eerily prophetic poem entitled "Rendezvous with Death:" I have a rendezvous with Death At some disputed barricade, When Spring comes back with rustling shade And apple-blossoms fill the air-I have a rendezvous with Death When Spring brings back blue days and fair.

Seeger kept his appointment with death on July 1, 1916 - the first day of the Battle of the Somme. He was 28 years old.

"The Supreme Experience" Seeger kept a diary of his experiences in the French Foreign Legion. This, along with his letters, was published in 1917. His final letter was written to a friend as he waited along with his company to be called up to join the opening attack of the Battle of the Somme: ADVERTISMENT

"June 28, 1916.

We go up to the attack tomorrow. This will probably be the biggest thing yet. We are to have the honor of marching in the first wave.

I will write you soon if I get through all right. If not, my only earthly care is for my poems. I am glad to be going in first wave. If you are in this thing at all it is best to be in to the limit. And this is the supreme experience." "..that was the last time I saw my friend" The rest of Alan Seeger's story is told through the words of a friend: "At 8 o'clock on the morning of July 1st there was roll call for the day's orders and we were told that the general offensive would begin at 9 without us, as we were in reserve, and that we should be notified of the day and hour that we were to go into action. When this report was finished we were ordered to shell fatigue, unloading 8 inch shells from automobile trucks which brought them up to our position.

All was hustle and bustle. The Colonial regiments had carried the first German lines and thousands and thousands of prisoners kept arriving and leaving. Ambulances filed along the roads continuously. As news began to arrive we left our work to seek more details; picking up

souvenirs, postcards, letters, soldiers' notebooks, and chatting all the time, when suddenly a voice called out: 'The company will fall in to go to the first line.'

About 4 o'clock the order came to get ready for the attack. None could help thinking of what the next few hours would bring. One minute's anguish and then, once in the ranks, faces became calm and serene, a kind of gravity falling upon them, while on each could be read the determination and expectation of victory. Two battalions were to attack Belloy-en-Santerre, our company being the reserve of battalion. The companies forming the first wave were deployed on the plain. Bayonets glittered in the air above the corn, already quite tall.

Alan Seeger

The first section (Alan's section) formed the right and vanguard of the company and mine formed the left wing. After the first bound forward, we lay flat on the ground, and I saw the first section advancing beyond us and making toward the extreme right of the village of Belloy-en-Santerre. I caught sight of Seeger and called to him, making a sign with my hand.

He answered with a smile. How pale he was! His tall silhouette stood out on the green of the cornfield. He was the tallest man in his section. His head erect, and pride in his eye, I saw him running forward, with bayonet fixed. Soon he disappeared and that was the last time I saw my friend. . . ."

References: Keegan, John, The Face of War (2001); Seeger, Alan, Letters and Diary (posthumously published 1917).

How To Cite This Article: "A Death at the Battle of the Somme, 1916," EyeWitness to History, www.eyewitnesstohistory.com (2004).

The German Account The Bombardment had great effect The section of the 110th Reserve Regiment opposite the 34th Division suffered greatly during the bombardment: "Trenches and obstacles, the slighter dugouts and all the best observing posts were nearly completely battered in... The original position of the trenches was scarcely recognisable and only by the greatest exertions were they kept passable. The entrances of the few deep dug outs not smashed up could only be kept open by constant attention."

The attack was not a surprise "At 2.45 AM the 56th Reserve Brigade, from its battle head-quarters at Contalmaison, reported to the 28th Reserve Division a fragment of an order of the 34th Division, picked up by the 'Moritz' overhearing post at the southern point of La Boiselle. It ran: 'The infantry must hold on obstinately to every yard of ground that is gained. Behind it is an excellent artillery.' "

German account of the British attack.

"At 7.30 AM the hurricane of shells ceased as suddenly as it had begun. Our men at once clambered up the steep shafts leading from the dug-out entrances to daylight and ran singly or in groups to the nearest shell craters. The machine guns were pulled out of the dug outs and hurriedly placed in position, their

crews dragging the heavy ammunition boxes up the steps and out to the guns."

"They came on at a steady easy pace as if expecting to find nothing alive in our front trenches. Some appeared to be carrying Kodaks to perpetuate the memory of their triumphal march across the German defences...A few moments later...the rattle of machine-gun and rifle fire broke out along the whole line of shell holes. Some fired kneeling down, whilst others, in the excitement of the moment, stood up regardless of their own safety, to fire into the crowd of men in front of them. Red rockets sped up into the blue sky as a signal to the artillery, and immediately afterwards a mass of shell from the German batteries in rear tore through the air and burst among the advancing lines...The advance rapidly crumbled under this hail of shell and bullets."

Newspaper articles The Tyneside Scottish take part in the attack on La Boiselle, and gain the first German line with "virtually no opposition "(!?!).

TUESDAY 4TH JULY 1916 "Mr John D Irving, The 'Daily Express' correspondent, in the course of a long dispatch says:- 'The troops, mostly men from the North country, who took part in the assault on LA Boiselle, ascended the ridge in front of their trenches with fixed bayonets, and gained the German first line with barely any opposition, the Tyneside Scots being played up by their pipers. In the wood westward of La Boiselle there was heavy fighting and the Germans had to be driven back with hand-grenades. Then, at a given moment, the Boches delivered a counter attack pouring on our men big "Jack Johnstons", shells of lesser weight and shrapnel. ' They seemed to chuck everything at us,' said a canny Tynesider, 'except half crowns; and us chaps who were wounded had to lie for a long time in the open, because the stretcher-bearers could not get near us...

Up to the present we have captured very few guns. This is one of the signs that the Germans expected us."

37. Interview with Tyneside Scottish officer.

MONDAY 10TH JULY 1916 "News has trickled through of the way in which the men of the Tyneside Scottish distinguished themselves in the 'big push'...

A representative of the Newcastle Chronicle met an officer who led the Tyneside Scottish into action on Saturday, and, although he was wounded in the early sages of the fight, and had, consequently, not a long experience of their work in action, he was able to supply one or two impressions of how things went before that occurred. ';You may take it from me,' he said with a glow of pride, 'that the men of my regiment are splendid, and that they do not know the meaning of fear. You will be able to appreciate the rest.'

The battle of the Somme, he went on to say, was a keen test of a soldier's coolness and courage, and it was just such an experience as to try the mettle of this fine regiment. They had been in the trenches day and night for four days prior to the advance, but they showed no signs of wear. The Tyneside Scottish live up to their regimental nickname 'Hard as Hammers', and were full of enthusiasm to measure their strength with Fritz, as the enemy is known in the language of the trenches. They took their orders for the advance in the cheeriest manner possible, and the way they moved out was really inspiring. Most of the men were singing songs and now and then the chorus would be taken up by all lines.

They began the advance at 7.30 in the morning, a bright summer morning, with the countryside smiling under a bright sun. A short time previous a British mine was exploded under the German front line trench, fully 200 yards away. It turned out later that it made a crater 100 feet in breadth. After the debris had fallen the men advanced as part of the long lines of allied troops.

INTO THE GERMAN TRENCHES The explosion had thrown up a great quantity of chalk, and the ground across which the Tyneside Scottish advanced across this part of the line was powdered white, as if snow had fallen. The line moved forward unfalteringly, although from the first it was to the accompaniment of a hail of bullets and the splitting of shells, a continuous roar that completely silenced the pipes, to the music of which Scottish soldiers go into action. Men began to drop quickly, but their places were quickly taken, and so, with a precision that resembled almost the movements on parade, the men reached the first line of German trenches.

Here the deadly effect of the mine explosion was seen on all hands. The first line trench for a considerable distance had been completely wrecked, as well as part of the second line trench, and the ground was strewn with the bodies of dead and wounded Germans. Passing on to the second line trench the Scottish were engaged hotly by the enemy that were left.

There is no denying it, he remarked, the Germans contested every available inch of the ground, and where two or three of the enemy had got a machine gun they played with deadly effect onto the British, until they were shot down.

Others who had been missed in the dug-out poured volleys into the British who had got ahead of them. They are desperate fellows, said the officer, and he added that he never saw a German run away. They fought our men with

bayonets until they were wiped out, and there were in consequence very few prisoners taken in the part of the line referred to.

WHAT THE WOUNDED OFFICER SAW The Officer got his wound early and was an eye-witness to a number of things that happened after wards. He told our representative that 'No Man's Land', was strewn with the British soldiers, the majority of whom appeared to have been wounded, and it was his belief that the percentage of deaths, considering the nature of the advance, was small.

The Germans, he said, kept firing on the wounded, and the body of one wounded man, when brought in was found to be riddled with bullets. Three wounded men, lying huddled together, were wiped clean off the earth by a bomb, and he was an eye-witness of a direct hit by a shell, a wounded man being blown to pieces, part of his clothing falling from the air a few seconds later.

Though the Tyneside Scottish suffered severely, it will interest Tynesiders to know that the enthusiasm of the men was unbounded, and the wounded were cheerful and content, they knew the day had gone well with them."

CASUALTIES

The first returns, made up from the roll calls taken by Battalions coming out of action; Killed or died of wounds

Wounded

Missing

Total

Officers

721

1,531

339

2,591

Other Ranks

7,449

34,357

17,419

59,225

Total

8,170

35,888

17,758

61,816

During the following days, the stragglers eventually returned to the unit, and as time passed more of the wounded were able to be recovered from No-man's land. The Germans issued lists of prisoners. The final casualty list shows that of the 17,758 listed as missing, just over a quarter returned to their units unharmed or were taken prisoner, while 10,705 were found to be dead.

The official return for the 1st July -

Killed or died of wounds

Wounded

Missing

Prisoners

Total

Officers

993

1,337

96

12

2,438

Other Ranks

18,247

34,156

2,056

573

55,032

Total

19,240

35,493

2,152

585

57,470

(These figures and the previous table are taken from the official history. To compile the official return, a researcher on the official history's staff took six months examining the Part II orders of every infantry unit which took part on 1st July)

The most dangerous rank to have held on 1st July was Captain. the least dangerous was almost certainly Private.

These casualties are equivalent to 75 battalions or more than 6 full divisions of infantry. (The army currently has 36 infantry battalions).

The British loss on the first day of the Somme easily exceeds the combined casualties of the Crimean War, the Boer War and the Korean War.

The 34th Division suffered the highest casualties of the day, with 6,380. The next highest was the 29th Division with 5,240 (Reg). The next highest New Army casualties was the 36th(Ulster) Division with 5,104.

Senior Officer Casualties, 1st July

Lieut-Col CCA Sillery, 1st Tyneside Scottish KILLED Lieut-Col FC Heneker, 2nd Tyneside Scottish KILLED Lieut-Col APA Elphinstone, 3rd Tyneside Scottish KILLED Lieut-Col W Lyle, 4th Tyneside Scottish KILLED

Officers Men Total 1st Tyneside Scottish(11th highest) 27 557 584 3rd Tyneside Scottish(22nd highest) 20 517 537 4th Tyneside Scottish(3rd highest) 19 610 629

FIGURES

In the week that the bombardment lasted before the attack, 1,437 British guns had fired 1,508,652 shells into the German lines, at a cost of approximately ÂŁ6 million

QUOTATIONS

Private T. Easton, 2nd Tyneside Scottish

The 1st of July was not, infact the first time that the Tyneside Scottish entered the trenches, they had been there for some months;

"The bombers made a grenade launcher with a plank of wood, 6-in. nails and some strong elastic. As soon as this started firing, naturally the Jerries took cover. One day our bombing sergeant decided to have some fun. Instead of grenades, he sent the Germans a succession of tinned stuff: jam, pork and beans, bully beef. After a bit he said, 'Now I'll make the Germans blow their bugle for the stretcher-bearers', and he sent over a live grenade. Sure enough, we could hear the German bugle blowing."

Private L. Dodd, 4th Tyneside Scottish

"I found the German wire well-cut and their front line trench flattened. there were one or two dead there, that's all. But only three of our company got past there. there was my lieutenant, a sergeant and myself. the rest seemed to have been hit in No-man's land. I had the wind up and the officer said, ' God, God, where's the rest of my boys ?'

We could see a long way on either side of us, but we couldn't see a soul. We went on still further and nearly reached the village; then I felt a sharp stab in my arm and blood spurted out. The other helped me to take my equiptment off and then they set off again. I though to myself 'They'll never get back' - and they didn't."