Final dissertation issuu by c.marshall

(Fig. 1. Karin, A. 2014)

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Social Mobility is increasingly determined by an appreciation of Art, Design & Cultureâ&#x20AC;? ** Charlotte Marshall N0441573 FASH30001 Negotiated Project Stage 1 2014/2015

** Fashion Communication & Promotion

(Fig. 2. Marble, J. Kunstans Zurich, 2014)

Contents 1)

Historical Context 12 All in The Best Possible Taste 14 Cultural Capital 17 Post Recession Consumer 18 Achieving Great Art for Everyone 21 Culturalism 22 Primary Research 24 Popular Culture 26 Modern Class 30 â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;I am a good personâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; 32

Insights and intentions 36 Consumer Classification 39 Curve of Innovation 39 Primary Research Imagery 40 The Vanity of Small Differences 47

Martin Parr 50 Todd Selby 52 Collage Artists 54 Grayson Perry 56

Implementation inspiration 60 Visual Represenation of class 64 Final outcome 78

References 91 Picture References 95 Bibliography 98

Social Mobility is increasingly determined by an appreciation of Art, Design & Culture.

Through my Report I aim to demonstrate that art & culture are the catalysts for social progression within the Middle Classes; social precedents within the undefined class denominations and a tangible gauge of middle class hierarchy.

‘The British care about taste because it is inextricably woven into our system of social class.’ Writes Grayson Perry, on discoveries he made whilst creating his series of Tapestries; ‘A Vanity of small differences’; so titled as it alludes to ‘the narcissism of small differences’ used by Sigmund Freud in ‘Civilisation and its Discontents’. He insinuates that it is with the up most passion that we defend our uniqueness when differentiating ourselves from those with whom we are deemed to be most similar. Yet with the self-proclaimed middle classes making up 70% (Atherton, S., et al. 2013) of the population, similarity seems evitable.

Through my extensive secondary research I hope to gauge an understanding of the political, economic and social implications of the modern day middle class consumer. From a ‘native perspective’, an ethnographic methodology developed by anthropologist Kate Fox, I hope to quash any ‘unconscious ethnocentric prejudices’ by participating and observing this demographic. I aim to look beyond the ‘ethnographic dazzle’ of juxtaposed social groups, looking beyond superficial and often aesthetically stereotyped sub-cultures and identify a series of class tribes founded upon cultural awareness and understanding (Fox, K. 2014)

(Fig. 3. Marble, J., Root Studios, 2014)

‘Class is embedded in culture and culture is ever evolving’ (Moore, S. 2012). It is this evolution I seek to track through thorough investigative research. Identified by Raymond Williams, most commonly recognised for his thesis on cultural materialism, culture is deemed to be identified by its residual, dominant and emergent elements. Williams placed key importance on the historical origins of culture and the implications it had on ‘materialism, commercialism, democracy and socialism’ (Williams, R. 1977) as the term ‘culture’ evolved. Through primary research I hope to develop an understanding of the depth of culture varying middle class tribes seek, and develop an informed foundation from which to build a class hierarchy. ‘All in The Best Possible Taste.’ the recent Channel 4 documentary series, ‘alive to the customs and curiosities of tribal membership’ (Antony, A. 2014) seeks to identify and embody individuals in a way that cuts deeper than the ‘external crust’ (Perry, G. 2013) Through creative primary research I aim to develop my understanding of middle class tastes as defined by their ‘dislikes [and] desire to define themselves’ (Perry, G. 2013) as well as the anxiety and potential ‘social catastrophe’

(Not Actual Size, 2012) associated with these defining decisions. ‘We live in a nation and culture riddled with class snobbery. But the focus has shifted from background, education, accent & profession to question of taste [and our] anxiety about stuff’(Not Actual Size, 2012), an idea previously explored by satirical publication, ‘The Art of Being Middle Class’, and one I hope to develop further.

(Fig. 4.)

(Fig 4 & 5. Selby, T. Holly Wales and Stephen Smith â&#x20AC;&#x201C;Artists and Illustrators. London)

‘Class had changed, as Britain has changed,’ historically determined by wealth or land ownership and predominantly a Marxist (Florida, R. 2012) Theorist’s understanding (see appendix a).

Today class classification is increasingly demined by ‘Lifestyle’; a term that was popularised in the 1950’s when disposable income began to grow and vast numbers of ‘Baby Boomers’ were able to fashion ‘lifestyles’ rather than existences, and therefore progress socially. According to the standard socio-economic classification system of the early 1960’s more than 80% of British people were designated working class’ (Greenslade, R. 2014). The ‘National Statistics Socio-economic Classification’ (see appendix b) system has seventeen main categories and can be condensed into three subdivisions; higher occupation, intermediate occupation and lower occupation. Greenslade in his writings for The Guardian, talks of the expanding economy and the improvement in state education system enabled social mobility in the late 1960’s, widely rendering the NSS-EC classification system redundant. Social structure post 1960, referred to as Post-Fordism, and is accredited to the transformation of modern society and revolutionary new production methods, originally pioneered by Henry Ford. As society saw a decline in these methods, consequently workers were given greater autonomy, with more choice and individuality.

This individualism lead to identity politics and the marginalisation of groups and stereotypes, with culture as a decisive factor (see appendix c) Suzanne Moore, in writing ‘No Better Than They Ought To Be’ recalls the acceleration in which her ‘Western World’ was transformed into a ‘lifestyle’. ‘We could blame it on Thatcherism,’ she writes, ‘the massive political and cultural shift towards appealing to an aspirational working class; the realisation that this could be achieved through selling off council houses; the idea that greed would trickle down; that consumerism was the chief means of expression; that shopping was not a means to an end but an end in itself.’

In 2013, the BBC worked in partnership with sociologist Fiona Devine, in creating the Great British Class Survey, where traditional fundamentals such as occupation, wealth and education, were deemed outdated and economic, social and cultural capital introduced in their place. Household income was not overlooked but moreover the ‘extent and nature of cultural interests and activities’ (Atherton, S., et al. 2013) were given due consideration. Seven social classes were identified as a result of the 161,000 people surveyed. Three of the seven classes identified were tribes within the middle class; ‘Established Middle Class’, ‘Technical Middle Class’ & ‘New Affluent Workers’, with ‘Emergent Service Workers’ identified as having high social and cultural capital and therefore the ability to progress socially. The established middle class was found to be the most heavily saturated, making up 25% of the population (see appendix d) The inclusion of culture capital as a class indicator was a theory pioneered by sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002). Whilst he argued that economic capital, which consists of material goods such as property, income and wealth were important, he stated that it only provided partial understanding of class and it is cultural capital that sets people a part from one another, including; appreciation of arts, education and leisure pursuits.

(Fig. 6. Loughridge, C. n/a. 2014)

(Fig. 7. Loughridge, C. A Whole Room to Contemplate. 2014)

(Fig. 8 & 9. Louridge, C. Plants + Cameras & n/a, 2014)

This ‘safari through the taste tribes of Britain’ (Perry, G. 2012) saw Perry submerge himself into foreign tribes in order to understand the social barriers, material culture and the ‘gulf of taste’ (Perry, G. 2012) that prevents extensive social mobility and caps the upwardly mobile. Perry identified his British middle class in Tunbridge Wells. Kate Fox contextualised the middle class for Perry saying they are the ‘self made people’; the middle class by definition, is the class that doesn’t know its place.’ (Fox, K. 2012) Through explorative research and ‘essentially participating in the life and culture of the people [he was] studying, in order to gain true insider perspective on customs and behaviour’ (Fox, K. 2014) Perry was able to formulate a series of denominations within this middle class bracket.

Key insights he drew from this research included the symbolism objectified by ‘stuff’, typically associated with the lower groupings. ‘The Cupcake’, for the residents of Kills Hill, Kent, a new development where residents are expected to dress with ‘subtle hints’ of the ‘smell of money’, is symbolic of ‘in control, on trend, middle class domesticity’ (All in the best possible taste, 2012). When questioned about their social positioning, the residents agreed that middle class was about aspiration, ‘to live a better life than you did when you were growing up.’ ‘Moving towards upper middle class is purely dependent upon income, cars, holidays and houses’ the residents went on to say, it’s about being able to afford to choose, not need. This attitude Perry concluded was born out of a reaction against working class taste; a tug of war between aspiration and modesty.

‘Ostentation was still a difficult drug to resist’ for this freshly middle class group, with ‘subtle branding’ offering reassurance of an easily read code. Closely associated with this environment was the anxiety of choice and the social pressure to make ‘good taste’ decisions. It was the unwritten rules of this new social group that created this fear or regression to a realm where ‘crude bling gained respect.’ (Perry, G. 2012) Ultimately Perry concluded that there was an intangible exclusion barrier preventing this middle class bracket progressing socially – that barrier was culture. In Tonbridge Wells, Perry began to cumulate a native perspective on a more established crowd. Upon meeting Sue and Norman, the idiosyncrasies of the couple were adverse to the regulated artificial rigidity of the former social brackets. The difference lies between two class components; confidence and culture capital. The sum of all knowledge, education and culture is a commodity that can not be purchased or forged. Culture capital, whilst displayed through the accumulation of objects, is simultaneously the projection of understanding and knowledge. ‘We feel confident in what we choose to do, and how we choose to do it’ said Norman, a Tonbridge Wells resident. The fear of demonstrating one juxtaposed object against another and generally regarded ‘taste rules’ are dismissed and replaced with self-assured decisions.

Margaret Boden in her writings on The Creative Mind states that, ‘breaking generally accepted rules, or even stretching them, takes confidence. Continuing to do so in the face of scepticism and scorn, takes even more’ (Boden, M. 2004). Creativity is associated with a mind that exhibits a variety of interests and knowledge, enriched with ‘diverse experiences and perspectives’, according to Simonton, Origin of Genius, referenced within Boden’s works. Creativity and culture are ‘defining features of economic life’, through new technologies, more readily accessible arts and a shift in importance in financial capital, ‘our commitment to creativity in its varied dimensions’ has become fundamental to the character of culture (Florida, R. 2012)

(Fig. 11)

(Fig. 10 & 11. Rodenkirchen, R. Marie Marot – Designer. Paris. 2015)

Cultural Capital: The Rise and Fall of Creative Britain by Robert Hewison Author of recently published book ‘Cultural Capital: The Rise and Fall of Creative Britain’, Hewison outlines the implications for Creative Britain under a coalition government. Touching upon Thatcherism and the 1997 New Labour Government, Hewison discusses the strategies implicated by the New Labour Government that contributed to an artist industry pressurised to ‘submit to a regime of targets, ‘indictors, monitoring and inspection’ in a bid to combat social exclusion, a target set by Art Council England. In 2007 James Purcell, Culture Secretary, proclaimed an end to ‘targetology’. Since this, under post recessional pressure, arts spending suffered a 30% cut, a budget that will be half of what was available in 2010. Today, under a Coalition Government, Hewison writes that ‘widening social access to the arts’ has not been a success. The ‘Taking Part Survey’, conducted by the government found that ‘between 2005 and 2013, the arts audience increased by 2%, to 78.4% of the population’. However the level of audience engagement within the percentage was noted as attending as little as one event a year, whilst regular audiences made up as little as 4% of the population, and were predominantly white, older and well educated. Hewison goes on to stress the importance social progression through the arts, encouraging schools, prisons and hospitals to partake in cultural engagement. He states that the arts ‘increase mutual tolerances, encourages cooperation and engenders trust.’

Post-recession, new emphasis on alternative capital is evident. ‘Class membership follows from people’s economic functions’ writes Richard Florida on, The Rise of The Creative Class, ‘their social identities as well as their cultural preferences, values, lifestyles. .. all flow from this’ (Florida, R. 2012) Boudieu identified four forms of capital that characterize class positioning; cultural, economic, social and symbolic. She argues that individuals distinguish themselves from others not according to economic capital but on the basis of culture capital, and as the latter capital becomes more unobtainable in current economic climates, post recessional trends reflect a more culturally aware consumer. Cultural awareness is “more equitable, more sustainable and more prosperous” within society today (Florida, R. 2012 )

(Fig. 12. Willmott, M. Trends and Trajectories, 2009)

‘Understanding The Post Recession Consumer’ an article published by The Harvard Business Review, identifies trends such as discretionary thrift and a demand for simplicity (see fig. 12 & appendix e), trends echoed by the WGSN trend report, ‘Everyday Utopia A/W 2015/16 (see appendix f). Everyday Utopia looks to ‘find pleasure and adventure in small things,’ transforming ordinary objects and ‘elements of modern life, adjusting [and] elevating them to suit our creative ... demands.’ (WGSN, Marco Trend Report A/W 15/16)

In 2013, a group of Torafu Architects, collaborated with The Museum of Contemporary Art, Tokoyo, and in an act of ‘very deliberate subversion’ created an interactive exhibition, encouraging young visitors to touch, communicate and play with the art displayed, ‘allow[ing] people to literally enter the world of art’ (Banks, T. 2013). This accessible form of culture, was at the core of a report published by the Arts Council England, ‘Achieving Great Art of Everyone.’ ‘At a time when the dizzying potential of digital technology is transforming the way we make, distribute, receive and exchange art it would be absurd to define excellence in the language of the conventional art forms.’ (Forgan, L. 2010)

(Fig. 13. Banke, J.D., Seattle Goes Hard in the Paint, 2013)

Achieving Great Art for Everyone Achieving Great Art for Everyone, a document produced by Arts Council England in 2010 outlines a ten year plan to implement and distribute art to a broader range of communities. Dame Liz Forgan, Chair of Arts Council England, in her writings on ‘Excellence In The Arts’, talks of the significant role art plays in the cultural life of the country. ‘Our social cohesion, a successful economy, our sense of identity, our happiness and our well-being’ are all directly affected by the importance placed upon art within the community. ‘Great art helps to develop thinking, imagination and understanding’ (Gergiev, V. 2010) and it is the development of these creative and intrinsically valuable processes that Forgan hopes to access through the availability of art for all. Within the document the ‘manifesto for ambition and a framework for getting there’ (Davey, A. 2010) are outlined and a 10 year plan implemented. Through advocacy, research, the media, and broadcasting to demonstrate broader impact, Arts council England how to penetrate communalities where art is a less accessible commodity. The government as well as national and regional museums, the BBC and Channel4 are working in partnership to implement this plan. Yet for the Arts Council England the disparity lies in the levels of engagement between different sections of the population as currently those who are ‘most active, tend to be from the most privileged parts of society.’ A development for the understanding of how communities are evolving, is key to the success levels of engagement across all demographics. Yet five years on since this document was published Jonathan Jones, a writer for The Guardian has detected the fundamental flaw in creating more accessible cultural experiences. ‘ The middle class has thoroughly caught up with avant gardism’ Jones writes. 2014 is the year British art became irrelevant, the year it lost the ability to shock. Today the infiltration of art in everyday life means that art had been augmented and turned into a ‘genteel cult’. ‘At the Yorkshire Sculpture Park, you can sip tea among the conceptual sculptures. At home you can watch Grayson Perry on the telly and smile wryly at his wit.’ The dilution of art has meant a dilution in the impact they create and so for Jones, achieving great art for all, is doing art a disservice.

Huntington, a political thinker, raised the notion of Culturalism; the belief that human beings are culturally-defined creatures, culture being the universal basis for personal and social identity. He goes on the clarify culture as the embodiment of language, religion, social norms and moral principles. A distinction is drawn between high culture, represented by the arts and literature, which is supposedly the source of intellectual and personal development, and low culture which is orientated around mass consumption and popularist instincts. The thesis of culturalism (see appendix g) is one I applied during two focus groups

(Fig. 15.)

(Fig. 14.)

I conducted, the first within an 18-27 year old age bracket, the second, involving ages ranging from 46 upwards. The two age demographics are representations of the most upwardly socially mobile and an older generation of a more established class placement.

(Fig 14, 15, 16 & 17 Rodenkirchen, R. Glenn O’Brien – Writer, etc. New York)

(Fig. 16)

Firstly I initiated a class debate with a series of deliberately stereotypically middle class imagery ( see appendix h); this visual stimulation ranged from AGAs to Ugg Boots. The respective groups were asked what images they felt represented the middle class and to create a pin board collage of this representation (see appendix i). I silently observed as conflicting opinions were deliberated and contested. Within both focus groups the distinction between high culture and low culture quickly became apparent. Images such as the Range Rover, receiving an â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;association with middle classâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; vote of 47% from my survey participants (see appendix j), was a popular choice amongst focus group members who also deemed expensive clothes, watches and iPads symbolic of the middle class. Juxtaposed to this opinion was the attitude of high culture, favouring the greenhouse, the theatre and a Laura Ashley style interior as accurate representations.

(Fig. 18. Marshall, C. Book Club 1, 2014)

(Fig. 19. Marshall, C. Book Club 2, 2014)

Helen Serrano, a participant of my more established class focus group is a member of a women’s book club in Worcester. Contrary to the women I met, the ‘Worcester Woman’ is a political term used to represent the ‘median voter’. Often associated with derogatory connotations, the ‘Worcester Woman’ is deemed to have consumerist attitudes and shallow political views, but representative of the mean, therefore an appropriate geographical location for investigative middle class research. Serrano demonstrated a balance of both high and low culture, speaking fondly of both her love for artist Fabien Perez but also for BBC’s Strictly Come Dancing. She enjoys skiing holidays, literature and shopping (see appendix k). ‘If you value money, you are limited; intelligence is more important.’(Montique, O. 2014 ) (see appendix l), a focus group participant within the younger demographic stated. This reignited the debate surrounding class transition for generation Y, and how placed significance on technology as an enabler of class mobility. ‘We are the first generation to access social media’, implying his understanding of class was less about material wealth, appearance or possessions but more an intangible attitude reflected in one form, on social media, through broadcasting political opinions, television and food preferences and event attendance. Several other members of this focus group, conducted in Nottingham further agreed with Montique about a lack of emphasis and importance on appearance as a class indicator. Consequently, the depletion of sub-cultures with allegiances displayed through their manner of dress is a topic widely documented across popular media. Sociologist Kevin Whites, of the University of Sussex, believes Britain’s changing class system to be liable for this lethargic attitude towards cult dressing, and believes ‘that people are too worried about their futures in the current financial climate to be creative.’ “It’s not neccesarily happening on street corners any more, but it’s certainly happening online,” says Dr Ruth Adams of King’s College London. “It’s a lot easier to adopt personas online that cost you absolutely nothing apart from demonstrating certain types of arcane knowledge.’ (Adams, R. 2014)

Media and technology although revolutionising our cultural experiences are simultaneously a platform for projecting Middle Class angst and idiocy. #MiddleClassProblems, by Benjamin Lee, is a book documenting the inconsequential trials of the middle classes. ‘I think I’ve given myself a croissant headache’ and ‘The sodding badgers have started on the celeriac’ are tweets Lee, administrator of Twitter account @ middleclassprob, has collated as a satirical yet entertaining perspective of middle class life. Yet in November 2014, Labour MP Emily Thornberry was required to resign as shadow attorney over ‘one sneering tweet... that exposed the ugly.. prejudice of the party’s ruling elite against the working class’ (Greenslade, R. 2014). The tweet posted during the byelections in Rochester and Strood, showed the house of Dan Ware ‘bedecked with England flags’ with a white van parked outside. (see Fig. 20)

(Fig. 20. Thornberry, E. #Rochester, 2014)

This incident, highlighted by Roy Greenslade in writing for the Guardian, ‘Snobs who expose the classlessness myth’ identifies the ‘differences from, and superiority to, the working class’. ‘Ask people about taste and they are very happy to list what they regard as bad taste... taste choices they regard as vulgar or working class,’ writes Grayson Perry, on insights he discovered whilst observing the middle classes for Channel 4 documentary, ‘In The Best Possible Taste’ this is further proven through Thornberry’s poor social media conduct.

(Fig. 21. Parr, M. Black Country Stories. 2010)

Reflections of economic macro trends as highlighted by WGSN, such as Simplicity and Focus, are reflected within popular culture; a lower form of culture as deemed by political thinker Huntington (see appendix g). Jay Hunt, chief creative officer at Channel 4 in an interview with Sam Wollaston for the Guardian, explained how during the recession we saw audiences drawn to shows such as Amazing Spaces and Kevin’s Man Made Home. These programmes reminded them of the positives of diminished lifestyle. ‘As the economy feels more buoyant, we are seeing viewers drawn to more aspirational programming. Seeing someone pawn a submarine or book a butler for a dinner with royalty, offers an entertaining glimpse into a life most of us will never have’ (Hunt, J. 2014). Wollaston explores programmes such as BBC’s Life is Toff and Posh People: Inside Tatler, and insightfully assesses the ‘colour’ such societies offer to the ‘grey masses watching in the middle.’ Francis Fulford, aristocrat and member of England’s Landed Gentry, contextualised his analysis of the middle class’s yearn for colour stating that ‘the lords and earls of medieval or

(Fig. 22. Tatler, Tatler Matrix, 2014)

Tudor England lived in enormous style, and gave enormous colour to people’s lives.’ Published in the June issue of Tatler was the Town Vs Country Matrix (see fig. 22), a graphic representation of the different ‘Tatler camps’. This sardonic infographic, categorised its readers based on the tipple of their choice, the colour of their Labrador and whether they preferred hot tubs or hot baths.

(Fig . 23. Selby , T. Gary Foy & Joel Kay – Artists and Collectors. New York)

The Labrador, a unquestionable class indicator, as demonstrated by anthropologist Kate Fox, in her book ‘Watching The English’, talks of the ‘petiquette’ of the ‘upper echelons’ favouring Labradors, Golden Retrievers and Springer Spaniels, whereas, she observed the lower class denominations favour Rottweilers, Alsatians and Poodles. In the 2014 revisited edition of ‘Watching The English’, Fox concludes with a list, formulated to demonstrate ‘the workings-out’ of what it means to be English, with class-consciousness a prevalent feature. ‘All human societies have a social hierarchy and methods of indicating social status’ (Fox, K. 2014) but what Fox goes on to state, is how distinctive the English class system is in its ‘polite egalitarianism’ and the sheer minutia of our class anxieties. She outlines key findings based upon her ethnographic field-work. a)Class is not judged on wealth, but purely on ‘non-economic’ indicators such as; ‘manner, taste and lifestyle choices’ b)The extent to which our class determines our behaviour and prejudges. Following the results of my online survey (see appendix j), when asked whether participants believed ‘money and status’ or ‘cultural awareness and intellect’ to be the determinate class indictors, both answers received an equal vote, with 49% of participants voting for each option and 3% voting ‘other’.

(Fig. 24)

This considered I developed my research further, using two participants from each focus group, one who deemed money and status as the distinction between the classes and the other cultural awareness and intellect. All participants deemed themselves middle class. For one month they were asked to carry a disposable camera and document their lives; everything from their surroundings and their meals to their leisure pursuits and their downtime. Grayson Perry established that class is more than â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Farrow and Ball paint and Cath Kidston bagsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;;with the Cath Kidston brand receiving 31% of my class association survey vote (see appendix j), these are only the outwardly visible symbols. Through being able to capture lifestyle over a prolonged period of time I have been able to develop a thorough understanding of the role culture capital plays in distinguishing the unseen heterogeneity between members of the same class. Through approaching my research participants after having established their class perception through focus group debate, and without aesthetic prejudges I have avoided bias results. An online survey also avoided any aesthetic prejudices, without screening or filtering the participants, the results will be broad and fair.

(Fig. 24 & 25 . Khan, N. Bamberg. 2014)

I have selected to conducted research within an 80 mile radius of Nottingham. Worcester and Cleethorpes fall within this radius, and I have travelled to these locations to conduct focus groups and interviews. I have made a conscious decision not to conduct any research further south than the west midlands, avoiding the North-South Divide, a largely socio-economic and political divide.

Further Research into middle class affiliation deemed John Lewis the preferable brand amongst available survey choices, Sainsbury’s, Calvin Klein and TKMaxx (see appendix j). TKMaxx, a brand newly associated with middle class confidence as identified by Channel 4 documentary, ‘All In The Best Possible Taste’. Brands independently named as objectifying the middles classes included Waitrose and Laura Ashley. The M&S Test Fox writes that ‘if you need to make a quick assessment of an English shopper’s social class, don’t ask about family background, income, occupation or the values of her house: ask her what she does and does not buy at Marks and Spencer.’ ‘In this very English high-street chain, you trip over invisible class barriers in every aisle,’ Fox has insightfully and successfully identified the M&S habits of the tiers within the middles class. •The Upper-Middle class buy food in the very expensive but high quality M&S food halls, and will also happily buy M&S underwear and perhaps the occasional basic item, but will not often buy any other clothes there, except perhaps for children – and certainly not anything with a pattern, as this would identify it as being from M&S. They would never buy a party dress from M&S, and are squeamish about wearing M&S shoes, however comfortable or well made they may be. •The Middle-Middles also buy M&S food, although those on a lower budget will not do their entire weekly shop there. They complain a bit (to each other, not to M&S) about the high prices of M&S food, but tell themselves it is worth it for the quality, and buy their cornflakes and loo paper at Sainsbury’s and Tesco. Most will buy a much wider range of clothes from M&S than the Upper-Middles, including some things with prints and patterns, although the class semiotics of M&S have shifted and the more educated upwardly mobile Middle-Middles have now also rejected M&S’s patterned clothing. – and reserve particular scorn for the heavily embellished Per Una range. They will still buy the occasional plain item from the Limited Edititon or Autograph ranges. •Lower-Middles and some upwardly mobile upper-workings buy M&S food, but usually only as a special treat: for some, an M&S ‘ready meal’ is an alternative to eating out at a restaurant, something they might have as an indulgence. M&S clothes are considered ‘good value’ by the thrifty and respectable; ‘not cheap, mind you, but good quality.’

Perry elaborates his point of outward middle class symbolism, believing middle class objects to be a reflection of the subliminal message ‘I am a respectable member of society and I contribute; ’ Ultimately objectifying different ways of saying ‘I am a good person’, and through culture capitalism I hope to further amplifying this. 38% of my survey participants (see appendix j) believed involvement in the local community to be a defining feature of cultural awareness. Coincidently the options available within my survey, when asked to select a definition of cultural awareness, all reflect a facade of an outwardly ‘good person’. Unsurprisingly, reading the newspaper was deemed the highest reflection of cultural capital, a custom 80% of the British public adopt (Fox, K. 2014) Although contrary to this, Fox’s research also suggests that only 16% of people read

the paper on a daily basis. ‘Those unfamiliar with English culture may mistakenly imagine a nation of super-literate highbrows’ yet it is important to distinguish, Fox elaborates, between the ‘popular and [the] quality’ newspapers. Fox’s research suggests that The Daily Mail appeals to those whom are ‘self-identified’ as middle class; those whom have high social aspirations yet are ‘anxious to proclaim and maintain this status.’; whereas the broadsheets are favoured by higher social circles, often more educated and more confident in their political afflictions. Confidence and identify are two themes Grayson Perry recently gave prominence too, in Channel 4 documentary series, ‘Who Are You?’ ‘Empathetic, astute and sometimes incisive investigations’ (Buck, L. 2014) presented Perry with the foundations to create

fourteen modern day portraits, representative of ‘contemporary British identity’ (Brown, M. 2014). Portraits included that of Chris Huhne’s depicted as a broken vase ‘with repeated motif’s of the politicians face, his personalised number plate and a penis’ (Brown, M. 2014) He represents what Perry has identified as ‘The Default Man’. Visiting the National Portrait Gallery, I was able to observe these portraits displayed sympathetically amongst the ‘overwhelmingly white, male moustached generals [and] nobles’ (Buck, L. 2014)

This artistic representation was hugely inspirational in developing my big idea to visually represent the hierarchy of the middle class through a distinction between high culture and low culture, essentially forming a systematic distinction of cultural awareness within this oversaturated class. The question ‘what one object/activity best represents you?’ posed to all 71 of my survey participants (see appendix j), reflected a wealth of both low and high culture, as well as consumerist attitudes, ‘stuff’ anxiety and values. High Culture representations included classical music, appreciation of arts and the theatre; theatre receiving 28% of participant responses and the largest poll majority. Gillets, Agas, expensive cars and designer brands all amplified and confirmed the ‘stuff’ anxiety of popular culture as identified by the satirical collective of writers behind, ‘The Art of Being Middle Class.’ Key insights into class representation include; manners, strong family structure and consumerism (see appendix j). Grayson Perry stated, ‘In the Victorian era, if a middle class person wanted to prove they were a good citizen they went to church. In the 20th century they had the WI and the Rotary Club; now in the 21st century, now the upstanding modern, middle class person does the ritual of the farmers market. They come here to prove their organic credentials,’ a statement only further enforced by my primary research, where 4.2% deemed farmer’s markets are a representing of middle class and one individual choosing ‘organic food’ to visually represent themselves as a member of the middle class (see appendix j).

(Fig. 28.)

(Fig. 29.)

To conclude my research, I have successful established an over saturated consumer group, with a diluted visual identity. Through my Big Idea I have sought to prove culture capital is the pinnacle of the middle class hierarchy, and create denominations within the 88% (see appendix j) of people who are selfproclaimed middle class. Without aesthetic bias, and stereotypical prejudice I aim to identify and create middle class tribes based on cultural capital and lifestyle, visually represented through both tangible and intangible symbolism, as suggested through my primary research.

My research has proven that class is still hugely reliant on outward symbols of status and taste, and that these are often inherited and adopted within each class strand. Social mobility can be proven to be reliant of cultural awareness but taste is as fundamental. My research suggests that if you choose to visually represent yourself through an ostentatious tangible object, you are much more likely to attend a Michael Buble concert, than visit an art gallery, a form of culture but a lower, ‘popularist’ form of culture. Similarly people who chose intangible symbolism such as ‘strong family values’ and ‘good table manners’ as representations of self, deemed cultural awareness and intellect as the determining factor of class status.

(Fig. 28, 29 & 30. Selby, T. Yuriko Takagi-Photographer. Tokyo)

I have identified a distant lack of visual identify surrounding middle class cultural engagement and the representation of these intangible values. I aim to create a series of visual depictions through conceptual interpretation of each middle class classification segment I have identified. Through artistic representation, art preferences, abstract symbolism and relevant cultural tastes I will create six visual portrayals, using primary and secondary imagery I have gathered. By applying Culture capital as a progressively adopted trend, I will successfully be able to represent the presence and abundance of culture using existing trend models (see appendix n) Using these models I will be able to assess the importance of financial capital, as a contributory factor of cultural awareness as a form of social progression.

Consumer classification systems already exist as consumer engagement tools for companies and brands, yet lifestyle information is limited and presented with, basic stereotypical and generic imagery. Acorn, a consumer classification system, is a ‘segmentation tool which categorises the UK’s population into demographic types’ (CACI, 2014). A tool designed to enable public and private sector organisations to understand the behaviour of their customers; Acorn offers ‘opportunities to define and deliver appropriate strategies’. Similarly to Acorn, who build ‘specialist segments’ rather than ‘renaming [or] rebranding’ existing ones, I will create new, tribes, lacking visual identify that clarification. Acorn segments ‘households, postcodes and neighbourhoods into 62 types’, providing insight into lifestyle assets such as median house prices and the probability of a senior or managerial profession. The corporation also specifies segmentation internet dependency, monetary preferences and social media connectivity yet lacks visual coherence. The document, outlining the 18 groupings, features one image of the prospective house of these tribe members, with little to no inclusion of cultural engagement. From ‘Wealthy Countryside Commuters’ to ‘Struggling Younger People in Mixed Tenure’, the segments are symbolised by a typical property belonging to the consumer group. The groupings closely associated with the middle classes are the Affluent Achievers, Rising Prosperity and Comfortable Communities. Limited, suggested activities for group members include walking, photography, reading The Times and shopping at John Lewis. Therefore I can deduce from this that there is a lack of visual representation of cultural awareness. Acorn successfully clarifies a lifestyle with simplified emphasise on finance, health and education but fails to contextualise the culture surrounding this lifestyle.

By applying cultural capital as a progressive trend throughout the middle class group, I am able to indentify a hierarchy of tribes dependent upon their cultural awareness. (Fig. 31.)

The ‘Diffusion of Innovation’, pioneered by Everett M. Rogers, accurately tracks the transmission of an idea, innovation or trend, through a ‘particular group, community or social group.’ (Raymond, M. 2010) Initial research in collaboration with sociologists, Bryce Ryan and Neal Gross, was conducted to indentify how applicable the theory was to broad social and innovation trends. (see appendix n). In conclusion this multifaceted, adaptable theory identified the progression of trend adopters, from Innovators to Laggards, and established the rate at which the trend was accepted dependant on the gradient of the curve (see fig. 31.). With this theory as the foundations of my tribe denominations, I will demonstrate how prevalent culture is within the lives of my middle class consumers, creating a trend hierarchy and systematically a curve of cultural awareness. I have been able to visualise culture as a tangible lifestyle element, and when applied and critically assessed, I have been able to distinguish six middle class tribes void of aesthetic dress stereotype. Mike Savage, a current political thinker identified three social sectors based on cultural tastes and assets that have resonated with my findings and provided key insights into mobility and taste within this class. 1) Professionals in public service; high in culture capital, low in economic capital. Pursue active lifestyle, low alcohol consumption and participation in cultural and community activities 2) Managers and Bureaucrats; instinctive patterns of consumerism, average to low levels of exercise and little engagement with cultural activities. Prefer traditional home furnishings and fashion. 3) Postmoderns; a lifestyle lacking in any definite principles, containing elements not commonly associated with each other e.g. horse riding and classical literature as well as extreme sports, drugs and raves. (Giddens, A. 2012)

The Tribes I have discovered are as follows and are in order of cultural capital.

(Fig. 32. Marshall, C. 2015)

The Daily Bystander Commonly associated with the lowest forms of culture, The Daily Bystander, aptly named to demonstrate their affiliation with tabloid newspapers, regularly reading the Daily Mail Online. Lacking in both financial and cultural capital, this social group regularly watches television and follows ‘popualrist’ television shows, often discussing ‘What happened on Strictly last night?’ they are unconcerned with how culturally aware they portray themselves, instead favouring to objectify their wealth through material goods rather than knowledge and cultural engagement. Pandora Jewellery is an extravagant indulgence for this social group. Eating at chain restaurants is common place, preferring to eat out rather than spend their money on cultural activities. DVD’s and films are a favourite pastime, with DVD’s often on display in favour of books; therefore the cinema is an obvious choice for a night out. This tribe is well connected through social media, with Facebook their preferred platform. They engage socially on the network, messaging friends and posting photos, often of nights out. Socialising offline is also important, with drinking often coming hand in hand with this important tribe activity. Consumerism is rife, and often a tool to project newly obtained class status. Home decoration is often identityless and mass produced. This is a culture built upon a working class foundation, new to the middle class they are more concerned about projecting outward symbols of class association than investing in cultural substance.

(Fig. 33. Marshall, C. 2015)

The Drug of Ostentation A social group most commonly associated with ‘bling culture’. Designer labels, expensive cars and shiny homes can all be found within the lives of these tribe members. Finically stable this group, can afford to be ostentatious, and be opulent with their spending, but it is their purchase which are true reflection of their cultural capital. More likely to be able to name a famous brand than a famous artist, this class project the outward symbols of a lifestyle of comfort. Expensive drink, expensive watches, all outwardly project tangible wealth. For culture capital it is less the tangible, and more the intangible attainment of culture. Similarly to ‘The Daily Bystander’, Strictly Come Dancing, and X Factor, are a typical Saturday night, accompanied by a bottle of wine, from the rack. Engaged with ‘popularist’ culture, this ostentatious group can be found at a Micheal Buble concert, disillusioned to the level of culture they are enjoying. Their homes are immaculate, with fridges stocked with Waitrose food; keeping up appearances is key. They enjoy eating out at high end chain restaurants such as Jamie’s Italian, his cook books adorning their kitchen shelves at home. The Bullring, a twenty first century consumerism temple, is a popular Saturday destination, favouring shopping over cultural activity. Fabien Perez replicas are a popular choice for art amongst members. Social activity often happens at home or at gym classes, with ‘Ladies that lunch’ tending to assemble to discuss gossip and family, with men tending to discuss politics and current affairs on the golf course.

(Fig. 34. Marshall, C. 2015)

The Renunciation of New A tribe one is born into and a culture that is inherited. This social group typically resides in the countryside, and embodies what I found to be typically associated with the middle classes. Hunting, shooting, fishing are all outward symbols of this class’s heritage. Sport and recreational activities, are a large part of cultural engagement, offer a wide social interaction. Socialising is interregnal to members, who can be found hosting dinner parties and conversing about current affairs and politics in the local pub. Minimal technological engagement is reflected in how they interact with culture, seeking traditional forms such as, on occasion, the theatre. Hunter wellies, Barbour jackets and coloured trousers are rife, and aesthetically project middle class wealth. Traditional home decor and furnishings are common place with William Morris wallpaper adorning at least one wall in the house. Homes are less likely to be immaculately presented, with dogs often regarded with the upmost importance. The original AGA advocators, before they became ‘trendy’, with traditional food and home cooked meals exceeding any restaurant dish. Typically Telegraph readers, the weekend papers are a ritual. The supplement magazines are often the source of their cultural engagement, offering insight into ‘what’s on’ although little interest is given to attending these cultural events, money would preferably be spent on horse tack and pints.

(Fig. 35. Marshall, C. 2015)

The Cultural Capitalist The aspiring Cultural Capitalist is undefeated by financial obstacles and seeks out culture to enrich their lives. Often choosing to live in the city, to take advantage of the culture available, this social group seeks inexpensive experiences in favour of tangible symbols of class. Free museums such as The National Portrait Gallery and the V&A are not only galleries but meeting places for these, often, professionals. Private viewings and late night gallery openings are all social hot spots for tribe members. Sociability, food and drink go hand in hand and are integral to a community who often spend long hours on the computer at work. Online, this community activity seeks online sources of cultural inspiration, using sights such as Instagram and Tumblr to keep informed. Travel is a huge cultural resource for this demographic, exploring new cities, new night lives and new cultures. Travel is an expensive luxury but one that the Cultural Capitalist saves up for. Although typically less interested in non experiential forms of culture, the cultural capitalist enjoys reading intellectual magazines, favouring magazines over books, as often their busy lives limit time available to them. They receive current affairs updates via their phone which they are constantly using to stay connected with friends and social media. Their social media accounts offer a highly edited online presence, their virtual self is one that projects contemporary culture and good aesthetic taste.

(Fig. 36. Marshall, C. 2015)

M & S (Manners and Structure) Less easily identifiable, this tribe is one that seeks multiple sources of culture, reflective of an awareness and understanding of current creative Britain. Typically associated with Cornish second homes, this tribe seeks cultural stimulation in everything they do. Their homes are a projection of their cultural capital, bookshelves adorned with their passions and interests, paintings on the walls carefully selected for what they signify, objecting to mass produced ornaments in favour of projecting individuality. Visiting National Trust houses, The Yorkshire Sculpture Park and British landmarks and coastline are favourite pastimes for this social group. Book club is the pinnacle of both cultural and sociable activity, often also discussing gardening and holidays. Craft is also a favoured pastime, replicating popular Cath Kidston patterns. Television is not a recurring evening activity, instead only watching when favourite programmes such as Downton Abbey are on, board games and round the dinner tables discussions are more likely to occur. On occasion this tribe frequent the theatre, and often go to watch National Theatre Live at the cinema. Cars are less important to members of M & S and are often older models. Money is instead spent on culturallyengaging days out, where time is spent together as a family.

(Fig. 35. Marshall, C. 2015)

A State of Opulence This is the pinnacle of cultural abundance. Often city dweller, this upper middle class grouping is one that is both financially and culturally wealthy, able to fund a lifestyle of opulence. Attending the Opera and Ballet at the Royal Opera House is a luxurious pastime enjoyed by class members. Music and arts appreciation is accompanied by a wealth of knowledge and understanding about the subject context. Weekend city breaks offer a variety of global culture and art. Expensive organic produce, stack the shelves of modern kitchens, with home interior tending to replicate Danish and contemporary design. Reading is a favourite pastime, with first edition books often collected for display. Skiing is a sport enjoyed by all, most have typically been skiing since they were children. In the summer months, champagne is enjoyed courtside at Wimbledon or watching the sun descend over London from their Thames side apartments.

(Fig. 38. Perry, G. The Annunciation of the Virgin Deal. 2012)

Through the identification of these tribes I have systematically broken down the middle class blur and created distinction based on profound understanding of the ‘hydaheaded form’ (Perry, G. 2013) culture assumes today. ‘Class is something bred into us like a religious faith,’ Perry goes on to say, ‘We drink in our aesthetic heritage with our mother’s milk, with our mates in the pub or on the playing fields of Eton.’ I find Perry’s immensely perceptive conclusion to be right and true. There is social progression to be found within the middle class but cultural awareness is an attainment often granted by environmental influence. The primary research candidates that documented their lives, choosing to indulge in both high culture and low culture activities; demonstrated that ‘a childhood spent marinating in the material culture of one’s class means taste is soaked right through you’ (Perry, G. 2013). Ultimately I have concluded that there was an intangible exclusion barrier preventing the lower middle classes from progressing socially, and that that barrier is high culture.

Overlooked in previous studies, culture is often not considered and is overshadowed by money and status as class projectiles, with 49% of my survey participants agreeing (see appendix j). Through visual representation of cultural activity, lifestyle and taste, I have created and defined six tribes within the middle classes that accurately depict status through the projection and manifestation of cultural awareness. Disregarding outdated theories such as Marxist theory of property ownership as a symbol of wealth, I have looked to changing forms of capital within the current economic climate and assed how they can be visually expressed.

Fig. 39. Perry, G. Expulsion from Number 8 Eden Close, 2012)

Perry successfully uses the medium of Tapestry to visually express the Middle Class ‘through the social strata of modern British Society’ (Perry, G. 2013). Within the progressive social journey of the life of Tim Rakewell, the ‘Expulsion of Number 8 Eden Close’ (see fig. 39 & appendix o) and ‘The Annunciation of the Virgin Deal’ (see fig. 38 & appendix 0) depict the mobility between the classes. Range Rovers, cupcakes, William Morris wallpaper and cafetieres are staple iconography within the tapestries. Perry’s inspiration, A Rakes Progress (1733), sees the depiction of Tom Rakewell in a series of eight paintings, exploring the acquisition of fortune and wealth, in a journey through the classes. Perry uses William Hogarth as a constant source of inspiration, favoured for his Englishness and ‘modern moral subjects’ (Paulson, R. 1992) ‘Flatter[ing] the education and cultural capital of the audience’ Perry makes reference to older traditional forms of art, through the medium of tapestry, which in itself is a very ‘middle-class thing to do’ (Perry, G. 2013).

(Fig. 40. Parr, M. Shrewsbury School, Shropshire. From ‘Suited & Booted’ 2010)

Martin Parr ‘Suited and Booted’ a photo journal by photographer Martin Parr, published in the New Statesment, October 2014, portrayed ‘dying working-class communities and scabrous portrayals of Tharcherite consumers’ (Perry, G. 2014). His ‘visual voice’ is evident and distinctly recognisable as an archetypal photographic genre; Parr-esque, Perry describes. This photographic collection is a ‘celebration of the nuances of tribal behaviour’ (Parr, M. 2014). The ability of being able to capture essences of photographic subjects from a ‘native perspective’ (Fox, K. 2014) is fundamental to well-founded and compelling photographic research. Through disposable cameras my middle class subjects have been able to document their middle class perspective (see appendix p)

but as Margret Mead, cultural anthropologist once said, ‘What people say, what people do and what they say they do are entirely different things.’ In order to overcome this problem, the period of time over which they documented their lives didn’t offer enough time to allow them to edit out less cultural activities. Simply asking them about their cultural engagement would have been met with the primary research weakness identified by Meads, asking them to photo document their lives over comes this; capturing elements of both high and low culture sympathetically within the environment and lives of my photographic subjects. I have consciously chosen not to photograph the subjects themselves, in order to avoid stereotypical personas.

Parr benevolently captures the ‘Default Man’ as identified by Perry (see case studies), in their natural environments, often unawares to his lens and therefore an accurate representation. Parr captures a diverse assortment of people, including George Osborne, Chancellor of the Exchequer.

(Fig. 41. Parr, M. Christmas dinner. From ‘Common Sense’. 1998)

I went to view a collection by Martin Parr, in collaboration with Tony Ray-Jones exhibited at the Science Museum, London (2014). ‘Only in England’ a photographic exhibition captured the ‘eccentricities of English social customs’ (Science Museum, 2014) and were typically photographs from the 60’s. This enabled me to develop an understanding of English historical socio-economic background as photographically documented. I was simultaneously able to develop my understanding of this photographic genre. Adopting anthropologist Kate Fox’s sympathetic approach to submersive research, I became a silent observer of my middle class subjects, often photographing key traits without disturbing or interrupting the ritual I was observing. I found that without alerting subjects to my documentation process, in a similar fashion to Parr my research was far more profound and real and therefore the quality of picture natural and intriguing.

Todd Selby Todd Selby and his recent book ‘The Selby Is In Your Place’ has been hugely influential in the development of my creative concept. This distinct style has influenced my creative research, enabling me to engage with questionnaire participants in an artistic and insightful way. His watercolour sketches of his subjects and his consistent handwriting throughout, creates a cohesive and organic final outcome (see appendix q) Capturing his friends in their home environments, allows for a relaxed, fun rapport between Selby and the subject, resulting in honest and humorous answers, where time has dually been spend conversing and learning.

Lesley Arfin, beautifully articulates what is it that unites not only the people in Selby’s book, but everyone; ‘It runs through us like thread through a needle. Everything we do is stitched in its colour; envy is the thread.’ It is clear throughout Arfin’s narration of Selby’s lasts collection that our desire for ‘stuff’ is very really, yet our desire for someone else’s ‘cooler stuff’ is even more real. ‘I hate everyone in this book because I’m jealous’, Lesley goes on to say, ‘but I also kind of love them. There is hope in these pages. And that means there’s hope in envy. If there’s hope in envy, then it’s safe to say there’s hope in everything.’ Through my Selby inspired questionnaire, when asked ‘What inspires you? one answered I received was;

‘The triumph of hope over adversity’; fortifying the identification of hope through our ‘stuff’. Through studying his images, the key insight I have identified is symbolism; what objects and actions symbolise and how to interpret that artistically and accurately. ‘People seem to be curating their possessions to communicate consciously, or more often unconsciously, where they want to fit into society.’ (Perry. G. 2013) Through my research I have learnt the importance of ‘stuff’ and taste, and the impact that has on one’s class and tribe.

(Fig. 43)

(Fig. 42)

(Fig. 42, 43 & 44. Selby, T. Olatz Schnabel â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Designer. New York)

Collage, as considered by Pablo Picasso and George Braque was an ‘audacious intermingling of high and low culture’ and therefore a highly appropriate medium for the portrail of my class tribes as defined by their involvement and engagement in both high and low culture (Wallach, L. 2012). The development of this popular medium and the ‘twentieth century’s greatest innovation’ according to Robert Motherwell, sees composite images created using techniques such as photomontage, pioneered by artists such as Hannah Höch. Images are collated from both mass media and pre existing sources to create, especially in Höch’s work, a reflection of society and culture. ‘Höch established collage as a key medium for satire... creat[ing] a humorous and moving commentary on society during a time of tremendous social change’ (White Chapel Gallery) An Artist sensitive to people and culture, as demonstrated by her collection, ‘From an Ethnographic Museum.’ In 2014 the White Chapel Gallery and Tate Modern hosted exhibitions that accentuated the contemporary nature of collage and its relevance within society today. Tate Modern hosted collage artist Richard Hamilton, dubbed the ‘Father of Pop Art’ (Lynton, N. 2011) who was famed for his convergence of lowbrow culture and high art context.

Eugenia Loli Eugenia Loli, a collage artist widely publicised by her digital presence creates beautiful abstract collages using both black and white photography and 50’s colour illustration. Loli believes that ‘art loses its true value when it becomes fully commercial’ (Loli, E., 2012) and believes in distributing her collages for free to those how admire and appreciate her work. ‘How am I supposed to describe you who am I, when that has a price? It’s an oxymoron. Art should be shared freely.’ (Loli, E., 2012) She uses solely offline techniques to layer her compositions, beautifully juxtaposing imagery to create and say something important.

(Fig. 45. Loli, E. Croon, 2013)

(Fig. 46. Loli, E. Icelandic Life, 2015)

Currently exhibiting at the National Portrait Gallery, London is Grayson Perry’s, Who are you? Collection. In collaboration with Channel 4, Perry had created a series of sympathetic portraits of figures at crucial ‘indentify fault lines’ (Perry, G. 2014) within their lives and uses mediums that are representative and reflective of character traits. Perry, ‘assured and insightful’ (Singh, A. 2014), asks ‘what lies behind the mask we wear’ (Perry, G. 2014) and delivers; with portraiture the cohesive connection between the fourteen pieces. I was greatly inspired by the execution of the portrait of Jack and John, a gay couple who had adopted a mixed-race child and also the portrayal of Christopher and Veronica, a couple battling the onset of Alzheimer’s disease. ‘Modern Family’ and ‘Memory Jar’ are portraiture in the form of vases, a ‘fragile [form] with the possibility of immortality’ (Ash, J. 2014), much like the identities we project, but simultaneously a solid embodiment. Class association is a form of projected identity, and therefore I felt that using this medium as my creative concept was wholly applicable.

(Fig. 47. Marshall, C. 2014)

(Fig. 48. Marshall, C. 2014)

For the execution of my exploratory project, I have created a means by which to visually interpret the middle class denominations I have identified. I have created a representation of the adoption of culture capital as trend and have used primary and secondary imagery to further enhance the lifestyle that contextualises the middle class. I have chosen to use a series of suspended plants, and use collage to decorate the plant containers. According to my primary research focus groups (see appendix r), the middle classes are largely associated with gardening, regardless of their cultural awareness, with its popularity ever increasing as, economically, people struggle to fund expensive pastimes.

(Fig. 49. Karin, A., Palmhuset. 2014)

(Fig. 50. Karin, A., Palmhuset. 2014)

According to Government Census’s records and the Lifestyle and Social Participation documents produced in 2007-2008 compared to that of 2009-2010, see the gardening participation rates significantly increase within this economically unstable period (see appendix s). Within the 25-34 year old demographic, participation rates rose from 32% to 36%, a growth of 12.5%, and within the 16-24 year old demographic, participation rates rose by 30%. In the most recent edition of Another Escape, The Gravity of Greenery, a piece written by Georgina Reid, speaks of ‘rebranding and redefining [of] gardening [in a way that] could excite and engage younger gardeners, giving them a way to understand the natural world in a way that they can relate to’ (Reid, G. 2014). Many of my primary research photographs, regardless of class orientation, displayed an element of fauna within their lives, from greenhouses and vegetable patches to house plants and cacti. I will use the plant as a representation of cultural awareness; the abundance of the plant will be in direct coloration with the abundance of culture. Further to this idea, Baggini writes; ‘fundamental was the rise of post-materialist values’ in the increase in popularity of allotments in Britain. Traditionally associated with the ‘ageing working class’ (Baggini, J, 2014), The Allotments Act of 1832 was constructed for the ‘welfare and happiness of the poor’ (Gulielmi IV. Regis, Cap, XLI. 1832) yet, Baggini goes on to state that in the 1980s, ‘people increasingly sought satisfaction beyond mere things and looked to experiences instead.’ Juxtaposed to this is the Marco trend ‘Focus’ for S/S15. It states that neo-materialism, a ‘dominant philosophical movement [of] today... recognises our desire to recapture “thingness” (the origins and materiality of an object) in the products we create.’ (WGSN, Macro Trends S/S15) ‘Thingness’ is a continuous theme throughout this explorative project, and a theme within the classes. To emulate and embody this trend and philosophy a physical representation of class seemed only fitting.

The suspension of the plants is a trend popularised in the 70’s by the textile technique, macramé. Gurdy Herder, an interiors trend consultant, documented the 2014 trend ‘vertical plants’ in her report, ‘Salone del Mobile’, a Milan based furniture fair. International retailers referenced within the report include Roda, MatteoGrassi and Moroso, with particular praise granted to Stockholm based design firm Swedish Tenn for their collaboration with designer Michael Anastassiades. Anastassiades is famed for his exploration ‘of contemporary notions of culture and aesthetics through a combination of product, furniture and environmental design’ (Anastassiades. M. 2014) an exploration process I aim to implement in a similar way.

(Fig. 51)

(Fig. 52)

(Fig. 51, 52 & 53. 51. Galler, A & Tilley M. The Garden Edit. 2014)

1) The Daily Bystander At the lowest end of the cultural scale, The Daily Bystander is limited to an appreciation of popularist and low culture. Within my photomontage I used element s of Eugenia Loli’s work, renowned for her collaboration of era’s within her abstract collage pieces. The deliberate use of her dated three piece suite image is a representation of the stronger working class roots of this progressive tribe. The ‘New Affluent Worker’ was a consumer group identified by the BBC in partnership with sociologist Fiona Devine, which has strong economic and cultural connections with ‘The Daily Bystander’, aptly named for their engagement with tabloid newspapers. They gain the majority if their cultural awareness from the television and social media platforms such as Facebook. The pixelated screen and no transmission display are both representative of a lack of depth to their cultural sources, with an element of superficiality. Activates they choose in engage with include eating out at chain restaurants and going to the cinema, again worshipping at the altar of another screen. They are well connected socially, and engage constantly online, the text exerts representative of idol chat that lacks cultural depth. The colours are bright and deliberately clash to create a sense of fewer taste values.

2)The Drug of Ostentation A form of culture reflected in the curration of mass produced ornaments. What this class group lacks in culture is makes up for in its affiliation with designer homeware. Jamie Oliver ‘God of class mobility’ is hailed as the epitome of good taste, with labels regarded as a reflection of status. In ‘The Expulsion from Number Eight Eden Close’ Oliver is depicted looking down upon the scene below, in a powerful, omnipotent state. Their culture is inescapably consumerism. The importance of being seen to be doing is far more important than the ‘doing’ itself. Ostentation is a words negatively regarded as flashy, with working class origins, where wealth is displayed in a tasteless way. As the class evolves, this idea and the drug of ostentation is still prevalent within this tribe which is still vaguely associated, although they would never admit it, associated with the working class. Perry states that this generic form of identity is born out of a reaction to working class taste, wanting to distance themselves

from it by displaying their class positioning through their accumulation ‘tastetful’ objects. The Bullring image, sourced from my primary research is at the heart of the image, a temple for consumerism. Surrounding that are outward symbols of middle class taste including labels such as, Le Cresent, Waitrose and Starbucks. This group would preferably spend money on holidays and ‘stuff’ rather than cultural activites. The Micheal Buble ticket idea was also sourced from my primary research. Mentioned in my 46+ focus group was the idea that this form of entertainment was a reflection of their cultural awareness, yet is does little to represent an awareness of high culture. The consistent blue was a colour brought to my attention by my Todd Selby inspired questionnaire as a common colour within middle class households, and popular amongst home design companies such as Next Home and Homebase. Yet what I felt was key, was to ensure that the cohesive aesthetic and colour was reflective of the polished lifestyles of this middle class group.

3)Cultural Capitalist This emergent tribe is ever evolving and exciting, suitably named to reflect their wealth of capital in the adversity of financial hardship. This middle class tribe is typically younger , and embrace cultural wealth as a commodity. Free exhibitions, National Theatre Live are all strategies Cultural Capitalists deploy to gain understanding and awareness regardless of financial restrictions. Favourite Museums include The National Portrait Galley and the V& A, according to my primary research. This Tribe enjoy culture across all mediums, television and observational culture as well as interacting and engaging in activities such as gallery visits. The internet is an invaluable resource for this tribe, using social media and picture sharing sites to stimulate and inspire, filling their lives with colour and substance, hence the digitised fill icon. Similarly they are vocal and opinionated and use these platforms to form an online presence as important as their physical identity. Travel is a cultural stimulus, with Cultural Capitalists preferring to spend money on experiences rather than â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;stuffâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.

4) The Renunciation of New

‘We drink in our aesthetic heritage with our mother’s milk’ (Perry, G. 2013) a statement which perfectly resonates within this tribe. Members of this denomination become so through an inheritance both of social positioning and aesthetic tastes. Middle Class associations immediately conjured up images of hunting, shooting and fishing within both my focus groups. Tweed, red corduroys and gilets are all heavily associated with this grouping, and create an unavoidable dress stereotype. These tribe members are born into an already established culture of heritage and tradition, unconcerned with modern concepts of culture or art. Active and social, they partake in outdoor sports and pursuits, often equestrian. Artistically they favour traditional paintings of countryside pursuits, animals and flowers. Floral decoration is extremely prevalent within home decoration and taste, with William Morris wallpaper commonplace amongst households. I’ve used a William Morris, ‘Strawberry Thief’ pattern to depict this traditional style and the wildlife this group revere.

My own primary images have been used to show the connections with gardening, hunting, formal dining and traditional home furnishings. Willow pattern china is visible, as well as antique furniture. Cultural awareness is gained from broadsheet newspaper and supplement magazines as well as reading; technology is not part of cultural engagement for this faction. The dog breeds, mounted in the ornate frames are typical of this ‘type’ of persons, again an unavoidable stereotype, but an important one, as Fox makes reference to the ‘upper echelons’ favouring breeds such as Labradors and Springer Spaniels. This ‘stuff’; though more tangible and aesthetically identifiable, are inherent to ‘The Renunication of New’s’ culture. This culture is one of tradition and legacy.

5) M&S (Manners & Structure)

A tribe that follows the ‘good taste’ rules of what it means to be middle class. Aesthetically defined by their purchases, John Lewis receiving 60% , Cath Kidston, receiving 31% of my online survey results for class representation. Therefore distinctive Cath Kidston print and the John Lewis stripes make up a proportion of this photomontage. I have used a large majority of my primary research photos to create and accurate presentation of a lifestyle of taste and culture. The Cornish sea front, National Trust costal walks and The Yorkshire Sculpture Park all feature within the image and are pictures taken by my primary research subjects. The AGA images originally taken from a 1950’s AGA advertisement, was again inspired by the collaboration of eras demonstrated by Eugenia Loli. The Aga, originally associated with ‘The Renunciation of New’ tribe, has been adopted by this tribe as a trendy kitchen essential, one that inescapably states ones class positioning. The garden and greenhouse are representations of outward symbols that say ‘I am a good person’, an important projection for these class members. The pale blue colour is one that can be commonly found adorning the walls of bathrooms and kitchens, the thick pinstripe a popular pattern for fabric and window seat cushions.

6) A State of Opulence

This is the pinnacle of cultural awareness. This group indulges in high culture on a regular basis and this is reflected in their tastes and lifestyle. Financial and cultural wealth are evidenced in every aspect of their lives. The Royal Opera House and its grandeur are central to the visual presentation and are taken from my primary research. The theatre and luxury dining are favourite pastimes and reflected in the primary imagery selected. The Matisse painting was a recent feature at the exhibition hosted by the Tate Modern, and would potentially replicate similar paintings hung amongst the decadent decor of this tribe members home. Reading is commonplace, full books a reflection of interests and knowledge. Recreationally this tribe enjoys skiing, featured within the montage, but similarly socialising and travel. The night sky and subtitle reference to the sea demonstrate this affliction. Rich, darker colours reflect luxury and exude wealth, both culturally and financially.

(Fig. 60. Marshall, C. 2015)

I have created a display frame by which to suspend the plants and used a decal paper technique to appliquĂŠ the collage to the container.

I have created this conceptual piece, to be enjoyed and observed by the middles classes themselves. Through art, the expression of self is one that can be interpreted subjectively. I hope through each collage my ‘obligation to reflect the truth’ (Perry, G. 2014) is clear, and the tribes are relatable and justified. Through this conceptual display, a heightened sense of awareness and definition is achieved within a social group that lacked visual identify. ‘The middle class remains unknown to itself’ writes Suzanne Moore, its growth and saturation lessening it’s identify. I have sought to prove this and redefine social mobility and class definition through an adoption of contemporary gauges, favouring these over outdated categorisations such as financial wealth and property ownership. I hope to prove that cultural engagement and taste are the progressive tools needed to mobilize oneself within the middle class.

(Fig. 61. Marshall, C. 2015)

(Fig. 62. Marshall, C. 2015)

(Fig. 63. Marshall, C. 2015)

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Class is embedded in culture and culture is ever evolving.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;

(Fig. 64. Marshall, C. 2015)

In answer to my proposed dissertation title, social mobility is not solely determined by cultural wealth. People are able to progress through the accumulation and curration of ‘stuff’, acquired through financial wealth yet, there is an intangible exclusion barrier that prevents social progression beyond a certain point. That barrier is high culture. An appreciation of art, design and culture is to key to passing the class barrier that excludes those culturally less aware. Cultural Capital is riddled with a multitude of aesthetic environments; a demonstration of the hydra-headed form class takes today. With due consideration granted to ‘taste’ I believe each collage aptly reflects a branch of middle class Britain. An expression of self cannot be without visual reference, ‘taste belongs to all of us’ and is a reflection of ‘hope and morality and life itself’ (Moore, S. 2013).

References

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