SYSTEMIC REVITALIZATION. BOGOTA exploring strategies for the revitalization of the consolidated city by CARLOS NUÑEZ

SYSTEMIC REVITALIZATION BOGOTA, exploring strategies for intensification and revitalization of the consolidated city

By CARLOS ANDRÉS NÚÑEZ DÁVILA

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Housing & Urbanism) in the Architectural Association School of Architecture. September 2012

CARLOS ANDRES NUĂ&#x2018;EZ DAVILA Final Dissertation - MA Housing and Urbanism 2012 Architectural Association School of Architecture Tutor: HUGO HINSLEY

CONTENTS I INTRODUCTION

II. BOGOTA: A CITY ENGAGED IN A PROCESS OF TRANSFORMATION The Context of Bogotá Bogota Towards Its Urban Transformation Housing Context - Situation And Policies From Urban Renewal To Discussions Of Revitalization Urban renewal in Peñalosa’s era

III. CONCEPTS AND DISCUSSIONS; SEARCHING SUSTAINABLE AND INCLUSIVE URBAN MODELS Discussions Of The Compact City Regeneration And Revitalization, Searching For Alternative Planning Strategies Density And Intensity, Design And Planning Tools Social Dimension, Searching For Inclusion And Social Mix.

IV. BRINGING KEY POINTS INTO THE DEBATE ABOUT THE CONSTRUCTION 57 OF FUTURE MODELS OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT FOR BOGOTA . Testing grounds for urban revitalization – the Peri-Centre 1. Framing the political debate and the general strategy towards the construction of a new agenda for urban development in Bogota. 2. Redefining planning tools and strategies to face new challenges of development. 3. How to generate socio-economic synergies to trigger process of revitalization and encouraging social inclusion? 4. Exploring alternative models of spatial development to revitalize urban areas. Conclusion Bibliography

Satellital image Bogota source: NASA

I INTRODUCTION

How To Frame The Political Debate And The General Strategy Towards The Construction Of A New Agenda For Urban Development In Bogota? How To Redefine Planning Tools And Strategies To Face New Challenges Of Development? How To Generate Socio-Economic Synergies To Trigger Process Of Revitalization And Encouraging Social Inclusion? How To Explore Alternative Models Of Spatial Development To Revitalize Urban Areas, Achieving Mixes And Integration With Existing Conditions?

Latin America is the most urbanized region in the world with about 80%of people living in cities.1 However, although, Latin American cities remain as the most unequal in the planet, it is one of the regions where most innovative solutions to address urban challenges have been developed. Nowadays, across the world, politic and economic models have been challenged. As part of the global agenda; urban discussions need to reposition towards enriching social and economic debates. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;It is necessary to shift from current urbanization models and set up the new challenge to achieve more inclusive and sustainable urban areasâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. (UNHABITAT, 2012)

In Bogota, Processes of urbanization have been shaped within profound conditions of inequity, accelerated rural migrations and socio-political conflicts; generating a city socially and spatially segregated. Nevertheless, since last two decades, Bogota has been engaged in a process of transition towards the construction of more equalitarian and sustainable city. In this context, how to set up the agenda for further development strategies in the city? It is possible to think in the exploration of alternative strategies for intensification and revitalization of the consolidated city? The aim of this thesis is to bring some ideas and questions into the debate about the construction of future models of urban development for Bogota. From the discussions and research presented we can derive some key points to have in account in terms of policies, planning and spatial strategies, and socioeconomic dimensions; which can help to frame proposals about how Bogota can implement innovative and inclusive strategies of urban revitalization. Hence, it is not aimed to provide certain answers, but to raise some ideas which may enrich current urban debates going in the city. Starting from acknowledging the fact that the built city is the result of multiple spatial, social and economic conditions; the argument is framed in how to introduce new uses, users and spaces, able to synergize with the existing forces and thus be able to trigger the revitalization of urban areas. The proposed strategy is defined by the combination of bottom-up and top down initiatives. It frames possible drivers of development based on potential vocations of the area, and establish a flexible planning framework able to be adapted to the changing conditions. Contrary to master-planning, this model of development encourages time-based processes and multiple initiatives, done progressively whether by typological transformation or by insertion of new typologies and uses within the existing fabric. 1

UN-HABITAT, 2012

Right - Frei Otto, Occupation With Simultaneous Distancing And Atracting Forces. (ILEK), Stuttgart, Germany, 1992 Source: Frei Otto, Occupying and Connecting – Thoughts on Territories and Spheres of Influence with Particular Reference to Human Settlement, Edition Axel Menges, Stuttgart/London 2009 Left - Diagram: Systemic Revitalization by Carlos Andres nuñez D.

The spatial strategy is based on a system of interventions which together perform the comprehensive revitalization of an urban area. First, the “starters”, which are the spatial operations playing the role of activating process of development; Second, progressive operations of intensification – by insertion or transformation – spread throughout the territory; and Third, requalification of public space and public services infrastructure. The strategy is called “systemic revitalization”, by being based on the result that multiple operations can perform over a built territory, instead of leading the urban regeneration through large scale projects. In order to develop the argument, we have identified some key questions to be addressed. How to frame the political debate and the general strategy towards the construction of a new agenda for urban development in Bogota? How to redefine planning tools and strategies to face new challenges of development? How to explore alternative models of spatial development to revitalize urban areas, achieving mixes and integration with existing conditions? How to generate socio-economic synergies to trigger process of revitalization and encouraging social inclusion? The structure of the thesis starts first framing the main argument and research questions. The second chapter explores the context of Bogota, starting by the previous urban strategies which initiated its urban transformation; it continues with the initiatives and challenges of current housing policies; following with the development and discussions about urban renewal in the city; and concluding with current political debate for finding more compact models of development. The third chapter comprises some relevant theoretical discussions and design projects that have been done in the context of compaction, alternative planning instruments, urban regeneration, densification and intensification. In the fourth and last chapter; from the discussions and research presented in the first 3 chapters, we derive some key points to have in account in terms of policies, planning and spatial strategies, and socio-economic dimensions; aiming to enrich the discussion about how Bogota can set up the agenda for its further model of development.

Bogota source: www.eru.gov.co

II. BOGOTA: A CITY ENGAGED IN A PROCESS OF TRANSFORMATION

The context of bogotá Bogota towards its urban transformation Housing context - situation and policies From urban renewal to discussions of revitalization Urban renewal in peñalosa’s era The urban renewal programme Current discussions about revitalization and low income housing

The Context of Bogotá Bogotá has previously delivered responsible and progressive urban strategies aiming for an inclusive city, ‘Around the world, urban leadership is acquiring a growing momentum, from metropolitan coalitions for smart growth and growth with equity to less segregated urban settlements and more integrated labour markets. Some of the most innovative urban interventions of the past twenty years have in fact come from Latin America, a region otherwise mired in macroeconomic problems and widening social inequalities. Following the exemplary case of Curitiba in Brazil, Bogotá today stands out as a perhaps unexpected best practice case of egalitarian urban transformation’. (Burdett, 2006). Fifteen years after initiated its urban transformation, although Bogotá still needs to address most of its substantial problems, now the city finds itself in different conditions allowing the possibility in searching for new urban challenges. In the context of urban development, Bogota has urbanized most of its available land, almost reached its physical and political boundaries, defined on one side by the eastern hills and on the other by the Bogota River. Therefore it is imperative for the city to clarify the strategy to frame its future urban development. On one hand, in terms of expansion, although in the practice Bogota has strong relations with its city-region; in politic and planning levels, the panorama of creating a metropolitan region is still unclear. There has not been the political will to establish this administrative figure, allowing the formulation of coherent regional strategies for Bogota’s influence area: Thus, the capital and the adjacent towns still remain developing different individual agendas. On the other hand, Current discussions and policies aim to lead Bogota’s urban development towards the compaction. The model of city framed in the 2010 POT revision (SDP, 2011), seeks the consolidation of a “dense, compact and regionally integrated city” outlined under three roots, “Equity, sustainability and productivity”. After accelerated processes of urbanization throughout the 20th century, since the 2000’s, Bogota’s population growth is decreasing. From a peak of 6.7% in the 50’s, in 2005 the growth rate was 1.9%1 , and therefore, the trend is expected to continue down to 1.3 % in 2020. In 2010, the population of Bogota was 7.363.782 2 inhabitants contrary to 1993’s projection of 8.089.560. Due to factors as the deceleration of rural migrations and the evolution of socio-economic urban conditions; is evident a demographic transition in Bogota’s way towards a post-industrial society. It is possible to think, how in a short-medium term Bogota may shift its agenda, from facing urban challenges associated with fast urbanization processes to address issues aiming to consolidate a more quality and inclusive city. 1 2

Source: DANE. Series de población. Source: SDP. Population Projections 2006 – 2020. DANE – SDP.

Hong Kong, China 25,933 pp/km²

Lima, Peru 12,900 pp/km²

London, UK 5,559 pp/km²

Bogota, Colombia 19,915 pp/km²

Tokyo, Japon 5,752 pp/km²

Atlanta 1,090 pp/km²

Shows the worldÂ´s largest urban aglomerations in terms of population and density. World Density Map Source: http://lsecities.net/

Bogota is a dense city, density and scale comparison with other cities in the world. Cities, health and well-being: Methodology for an international analysis LSE Cities, London 18-10-11 Source: http://lsecities.net/ files/2011/11/LSE-CitiesMetropolitan-HDI-andDensity-18-10-11.pdf

Satellite image of South America showing urban concentrations, specially in Colombia/Venezuela located on the North West corner and and Brazil/Argentina areas on the South East. Image Source: NASA

1-150 151-205 206-238 239-294

6-high 5-medium high 4-medium 3-medium low 2-low 1-lower no-classified

Top Left - Origins Source http://metrodebogota.gov.co

Bogota is a dense city, with an average of 199 pp/ha3 . However, contrary to

Top Middle - Destination Source http://metrodebogota.gov.co

the trend in developed cities, Bogota presents higher densities in the periphery

Top Right - Work Concentration Source http://metrodebogota.gov.co

city has grown. Processes of urbanization in Bogota have derived in strong

Bottom Left - Density, people per hectare Source: ÂŠ Catastro distrital, 2008 Right - Social stratification Source: SDP, 2010

than in the inner city. It is directly related with the unequal way in which the social and spatial fragmentation, generating the subsequent concentration of low income population in the fringes of the city. In contrast, central areas in the eastern fringe, with lower densities of population concentrate the major work and productive areas. Origin and destination diagrams added to density indicators and socio-economic location, show how the city works densely populated in poor peripheral areas and lower-dense occupied in central and

The city works densely populated in poor peripheral areas and lower-dense occupied in central and productive areas. conditions of social and spacial fragmentation

productive areas; generating a fragmented and non-balance use of the territory. It frames a challenge for the city to explore how to address responsibly the potential re-densification of central areas.

Bottom - BOGOTA Source: Flicker Wolfgang Sterneck

Source: LSE Cities metropolitan HDI and Density 18-10-11

Bogota Towards Its Urban Transformation In the last two decades, Bogota was driven through processes of urban Left -Strategies for culture development Source: National Newspaper Periodico El Tiempo Right Antanas Mockus Bogota Mayor (1995-1997) (2001-2003) Source: Courrier International]

transformation, raising discussions about achieving more inclusive and quality urban environments. This renascence was possible by coordinated political will and innovative strategies, which on one hand aimed to recompose the civil society creating a sense of citizenship; and on the other, stressed the main role of the city’s spatial dimension in the creation of an equalitarian environment. Bogota saw implemented progressive and innovative urban strategies, which led the city to a process of a physical and social urban renaissance. Those transformations were driven by two politicians with complementary approaches4 : first, Antanas Mockus’s aim for constructing a sense of citizenship through social experiments and participative pedagogical strategies. The city saw the inclusion of philosophical discussions and the civil society in urban issues; calling the attention of citizens to be active part of their own citizenship’s construction. It marked the direction in which Bogota will be transformed in the subsequence years, ‘paving the way to reigniting civil society in the city, and improved its citizens’ perception of their city’ (Castro,

Left - San Victorino Square Before Source: Magazine Semana Right San Victorino Square After Source: Magazine Semana

2011, p. 98). On the other hand, in Enrique Peñalosa’s (2011) vision, ‘the construction of equality’ should be achieved through the transformation of the physical structure of the city. Bogota passed through ambitious strategies of public realm restructuring, transport, social and cultural infrastructure, and sanitation programmes. ‘…. the big story here involved a pair of pioneering mayors, Antanas Mockus and Enrique Peñalosa, and the transformations they brought about in a capital notorious for drugs and terrorism. Mr. Mockus focused on cultivating a culture of civil society, on seemingly little things like obedience to traffic signals, which were really about big things like promoting civic self-esteem, a sense of shared responsibility for the welfare of the city and a climate of workable streets and sidewalks. Then Mr. Peñalosa, his successor, promoted public space and tackled infrastructural improvements, installing

Left- Right Architectural Design Magazine, A city talks, 2011 Photos by. © Carolina Hernández

bike lanes and a rapid bus system called TransMilenio that extended to the expanding population of poor people occupying remote districts.’ (KIMMELMAN, 2012)

Nowadays, the city hasn’t achieved the success of its previous experiences and in contrast is suffering problems caused by inefficient policies and administrations of later years. However, the city is trying to find its new agenda; and we can see the emergence of new and different discussions which can represent important opportunities for further Bogota’s development. Jan Gehl (gehlblog, 2011) in a Left - From Architectural Design Magazine, A city talks, 2011 Photos by. © Carolina Hernández.

recent research in Bogota denotes. ‘Now it seems like a new, more dispersed and open city agenda is surfacing. One in which bottom up processes of small change that inspire participation, social connection

Right - From Architectural Design Magazine, Bogota and Medellin, 2011 Photos by. © Carlos Naranjo.

and trust are developing, needing an understanding of the inter-play between the hard, and the soft infrastructures of the city.’ 4

Antanas Mockus 1995-1997, Enrique Peñalosa 1998-2000, Antanas Mockus 2001-2003

Housing context - situation and policies Housing policies in Colombia, have headed public and private efforts towards the production of houses, rather than in the creation and consolidation of quality cities. Since the 80’s, Colombia similarly to countries like Chile, Mexico and Brazil, adopted market-oriented social housing policies using an instrument called “on demand-subside”. Through this mechanism, the state directly provides funds to low income households in order to complement their economic capacity, and thus allowing them to access market-produced social housing. These policies aim to increase the housing stock through market production, using the construction industry as a fundamental tool for triggering economic growth. (UN-HABITAT, 2012) Market-led subsidize-housing policies have been object of numerous debates, recognizing the problems of subediting housing to market forces; ‘without public orientation, the market follows its economic logic, and reproduces spatially the social segregation patron predominant in the region’ (UN-HABITAT, 2012). Within this context, in Colombia, with some exceptions, the substantial discussions about housing have been narrowed to quantitative matters, letting aside concerns about social and economic development. Around the world, this approach has been widely discussed. Since the 70’s, Turner (1976, p. 12) claimed, ‘No one denies the universal need for homes any more than the importance of learning or keeping in good health. But many have come to identify these ends with the ways and means that turns them into products. Housing has commonly come to mean the current stock of dwelling units and the capability of large building and management organizations to provide more.’ However, today the debate remains in the same stage. ‘The logic of production may drive the agenda of urban development, rather than the logic of particular needs. Making space then follows the logic of making, rather than what a society needs’. (Madanipour, 2011, p. 45) In Colombia, from 2007, the official definition of social housing has been divided in two categories according to the prices of the unit: VIP (priority interest housing) less than 70 minimum monthly legal salary (US$ 22.400), and VIS (social interest housing) 70 to 135 minimum monthly legal salary (US$ 22.400 to US$ 43.200). (Maldonado, 2009) In 2011, according to the Life Quality Survey for Bogota 5, housing deficit reached by 258.046 units; of which 116.529 have quantitative deficit and 141.517 are in qualitative deficit; with an expected annual growth of 45.000 new households. 5 Source: Mayor of Bogota, ECV 2011 (Life Quality Survey) DANE, SDP, www.bogota.gov.co/portel/libreria/php/x_ frame_detalle.php?id=47365 Quantitative deficit: two or more households cohabiting in the same unit or living in immitigable overcrowded conditions. Qualitative deficit: dwellings presenting deficiencies in the structure, lack of public services, or require the improvement or extension of the unit.

Metrovivienda, social housing developments: empty public spaces, gated communities, monofunctional urban areas Top Right Image: Juan Luis Rodriguez, www.elmalpensante.com

Between 2000 and 2009, 310.000 6 dwellings were built in Bogota, from which by 53% correspond to social interest housing (VIS) and just 6% to priority interest housing (VIP). Following this panorama with a mean of 31.000 units per year, the production is not fulfilling the creation of new households; neither is diminishing its accumulative deficit. Due to lack of formal housing provision for the lower layers of income, the informal housing market remains growing as the option for the poorest to settle down. In 2005 by 54% of Bogota’s dwellings had been built in the informal market 7, representing enormous risks and further largest public investment for regularization. This context recalls the necessity of thinking in new comprehensive strategies and policies addressing housing provision but also involving concerns about socio-economic development and urban quality. We see in Metrovivienda an example of a public-initiative housing strategy

Production of social housing which sets the importance of urban design and role of the public realm; has remained relatively stable, compared with market housing although, due to existing housing policies and planning restrictions, it does which has increased steadily. not go further in the exploration of comprehensive housing solutions. Bottom participation of social and market housing in the construction industry. Source: elaborated based on information from General Building census, DANE 19972012

40000 35000 30000 25000

year

20000

total social housin

15000

total market hous

10000 year total social housing units produced total market housing units produced

5000 0

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

6 Source: ‘CRISIS EN LA VIVIENDA SOCIAL: RETOS Y ALTERNATIVAS’ forum, 19-08-2009, María Mercedes Maldonado, Urban Studies institute, National University Colombia 2011

2012

7 Source: ‘CRISIS EN LA VIVIENDA SOCIAL: RETOS Y ALTERNATIVAS’ forum, 19-08-2009, María Mercedes Maldonado, Urban Studies institute, National University Colombia

Top: Metrovivienda El Porvenir Developments over expansion land. Before Source: www.metrovivienda.gov.co Top Left: Metrovivienda El Porvenir. After. Predominance of mono-functional massive housing solutions; although it provides quality public spaces, the typological and morphological configurations do not encourage its appropiation Source: www.metrovivienda.gov.co Midlle Left Metrovivienda el Porvenir aerial view Source: Image Google Earth Bottom Left Areas offered by Social Housing Market in Bogota Source: Image from Newspaper El Tiempo, 2008 Bottom Right View of an average social housing room. The spaces of the housing units has been reduced to its minimun conditions Source: Image Ramon Bermudez 2007

Metrovivienda As a response of Bogota’s government for the necessity to generate quality urbanized land for social housing provision; Metrovivienda was created in 2000 as a public land-bank in charged to plan, manage and promote large scale social housing projects. The company is involved in the process of land acquisition, master planning and land urbanization, providing quality infrastructure and public realm. The urbanized land-plots are sold to the market to be developed by private companies, NGO’s, or housing associations. These initiatives have represented a shift in Bogota’s housing policies, by including in the projects considerations of urban quality, public realm and social facilities, presenting an evolution in comparison with the standard market-led projects. However, when we look at dwelling scale, Metrovivienda remains addressing houses in the traditional market approach, producing serialized and mono-functional housing blocks, without involving all the dimensions and complexities that housing implies. In terms of facts, the programme has not achieved its main aims. When it was created, the goals were to acquire 2.160 ha, to produce 440.000 dwelling by 2010 (alcaldia mayor de bogota, 1998). Though, by 2010, the programme had developed 3 master plans, producing about 25,400 units in 280 ha, representing a participation of about 13% of the formal social housing built in Bogota in the last 10 years 8. After 12 years, we can argue that Metrovivienda has represented one step further in Bogota’s social housing projects stressing the importance of urban quality and the role of the public realm; nonetheless, it needs to evolve into more complex arrangements of design and planning tools. Is an opportunity for the city to rethink the regulations about how the new expansion developments should be, aiming to generate more complex and balanced urban developments.

8 Source: ‘CRISIS EN LA VIVIENDA SOCIAL: RETOS Y ALTERNATIVAS’ forum, 19-08-2009, María Mercedes Maldonado, Urban Studies institute, National University Colombia

Current housing policies are not reaching the lowest income population, in Bogota about 30% of households have an income below two minimum monthly legal salaries (aprox. USD 500); as they do not always have regular incomes, they seldom can fulfill the payments of programmed saving plans that the financial enterprises demand. Nor are they able to get the subsidies destined to helping people buy Social Housing (Rueda, 2003). According to the BID

, just by 15% of Colombian households, have enough economic capacity to afford a housing mortgage; the cost of house ownership through bank credits, is affecting the basic consume in 25% of the granted households. In which cases the housing is acting as poverty inductor. (UN-HABITAT, 2012) In order to reach the lower layers of income, it is important to develop new financial strategies including different ways of tenure besides the property. For the Colombian government, it is clear that ‘with the current model, for a poor family is impossible to earn the savings and obtain the credits to get a house’. Based on Brazilian and Mexican experiences, the national government Left - Multi-dimenstionality of housing in informal settlements. The house involves issues of productivity and its developes as a timebased process in response to the changing condition of its dwelers Source: Flicker Camilo Garcia

is implementing new policies to allow housing access to the poorest population. As part of a long term national policy, the first phase aim to provide 100.00010 free housing units in two years throughout the country. The projects are expected to be developed by private constructors, with national government funding.

Bottom My House, My Life programme the solution focused in production of units. Source: www.caixa.gov.br

Brazil housing programme “My house, my life”11 In 2009, Brazilian government initiated the programme “My house, my life” aiming to create 2 million dwellings in two years. The programme developed different instruments depending on household’s incomes. For the lower income groups, it works with public-private partnerships and base organizations. For other income groups, the model works based on traditional private market arrangements. The programme combines on-demand subsides and affordable housing finance through reimbursable loans. In the first two years 338.000 units has been built and more than a million are in process. For the scale, it has been considered as a shift in the Brazilian housing policy. However, the programme is now focused in housing solutions, setting for further phases, and the challenge of creating more integrated, compact and sustainable urban environments. (UN-HABITAT, 2012)

9 Interamerican development Bank BID-OVE (2011). 10 http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/politica/articulo-340912-formula-de-100-mil-viviendas 11 http://www1.caixa.gov.br/gov/gov_social/municipal/programas_ppitacao/pmcmv/

Nowadays, the city is experimenting a substantial diminishing on its expansionland stock, the city government has identified about 1630 has 12, (by 4% of total city area) as the potential land for new development within Bogota’s administrative territory. The decrease in the stock, have been reflected in the increase of land price speculation. Speculation affects the commercial profitability of the projects and indeed generates a decrease in the production of social housing in the city. As a response, the market has sought alternatives of development in neighbor towns of Bogota, where land is cheaper and regulations more flexible. It is creating the spread of isolated housing projects in previous agriculture Greenfield throughout the city region, which as described, lacks of a coherent strategy and vision in terms, of infrastructure, transport, services, and urban development. ‘In the urban development of our cities, collective interests should prevail over market concerns. When issues of location, design and quality are determinate by the market, the aim to reduce costs led to peripheral developments with insufficient habitat conditions’. (UN-HABITAT, 2012).

Market Social housing has usually been developed on peripheral expansionland, where the availability of large plots and lower prices of land, allow the possibility of massive projects within the normative and financial restrictions. It has generated standardized and mono-functional urban areas generally disconnected from employment activities; which indeed, has contributed in widening the existing conditions of social and spatial fragmentation in the city. Housing policies, added to inflexible planning regulations and lack of financial instruments do not allow the exploration of spatial strategies to address socioeconomic concerns in social housing developments. Issues of mixed-use, productivity, live-work, time-adaptability are not in the agenda. Furthermore, there is not recognition and retrofitting of the actual logics of development and dimensions implied in process and typologies of informal developments. ‘It is certainly true that the ownership of the land and the progressive development of the house constitute the most valuable assets for the families in the informal sector, as they provide security, generate income, and permit the owners to produce productive spaces’ (Rueda, 2003, p. 21).

In order to make possible the generation of new strategies it is necessary first to revisit the current housing policies, with the institutional and financial instruments, as well as to rethink the existing planning and zoning instruments which difficult the generation of more complex and sustainable housing developments. It requires the generation of adequate social infrastructure, employment and productive areas to trigger the socio-economic development of its inhabitants. 12

SDP, Bogota 2010, www.sdp.gov.co_portal_page_portal_PortalSDP_POT_QueEs_Seminario_Futuro_Capital

Top Left Map of Bogota showing in gray available land for expansion, about 1630 has. Source: SDP 2010

From Urban Renewal To Discussions Of Revitalization The Main Discussions and programmes about urban renewal in Bogota have been focused towards the physical recuperation of deteriorated areas, rather to aim integral transformations of the consolidated city. Whether by publicled hygienist interventions; speculative market initiatives or lately, publicprivate alliance projects, the city has not reached substantial achievements from its renewal policies. In order to develop comprehensive strategies for the revitalization of the city, the discussion needs to migrate towards more complex approaches. Urban regeneration, as suggested by Imrie et al (2008, p. 7) ‘implies an integrated perspective on the problems and potentials of cities. There is a growing recognition, at least in policy discourses, that regeneration is not reducible solely to a physical product or process. In 2000 the World Bank, suggested that ‘the facilitation of city competitiveness requires the regeneration of dated social and political organizations, and a policy emphasis on developing the skills and competences of urban populations.’ Bogota’s renewal strategies have been framed mainly under the following regulatory frameworks: First, the national act 9 of 1989, and act 388 of 1997 , which states: “urban renewal plans are those towards to introduce substantial

modifications to the use of land and buildings, in order to stop processes of physical and environmental deterioration in urban centres”. Second, Bogota’s POT urban renewal objectives: “to propitiate the rearrangement of the urban structure in areas strategically located, which have lost functionality, habitat quality, have presented activities deterioration or degradation in its open or built space. Urban areas which due to physical and social deterioration processes, are abandoned and underused in relation with its potential of location and infrastructure availability.” (Chamber of Commerce Bogota, 2010, p. 21) It shows how in the public vision, urban renewal is narrowly defined as a tool to upgrade deteriorated areas of the city.

Source: Chamber of Commerce of Bogota 2010.

The Third Millenium Park, renovation project, Bogota

Urban renewal in Peñalosa’s era Even though, in previous years there were some specific initiatives for urban renewal following aims of public sanitation and slum eradication; it was not until Peñalosa’s administration when Urban renewal was adopted as a generalized public policy. It was used as a substantial instrument to develop Peñalosa’s public space recuperation programme; particularly focusing on upgrading derelict areas in the city centre. Among massive interventions for public space recuperation; such as San Victorino square, Spain square, or the pedestrianisation of the Jimenez avenue; the Third Millennium Park is probably the most ambitious and one of the most polemic renewal projects developed in this period. Aiming to be symbol of the urban renascence of Bogota’s centre, the project comprised the demolition of more than 600 buildings in area known as ”El cartucho”, located right in the heart of the city. The sector, with extreme conditions of physical and social deterioration ‘was totally in the grip of drug dealers and their clients amid unimaginable conditions of degeneration. It was a no-go area as far as the police were concerned and murder rates were among the highest in the world’ Top Left Third Millennium Park site, El cartucho, Before Source: google Top Right Third Millennium Park, after. Image: from book: La operacion tercer milenio en Bogota, Universidad del Valle.

(Peñalosa, 2011). After a long process, in 2005 a 24-hectare park was opened expecting to generate the synergies to repopulate the area and to become a space for social integration and pride of the citizens. Nonetheless, up to date, the project has not achieved its main aims. It has not became the trigger of centre’s development; its social problems has moved out to surrounding places; the park is not part of citizen’s urban imaginary, lacking of activity and life; and physical, economic and social structure of the surrounding areas remain deteriorated. ‘After an investment of more than us $75 million, the “cartucho” was gone. But almost immediately it sprouted in more than thousand places scattered in different neighbourhoods. The social investment in the rehabilitation of the homeless and improvement of life opportunities for of 12.000 inhabitants of

Bottom Left Third Millennium Park site, El cartucho, Before photo: Stanislas Bottom Right Third Millennium Park, after. Image: google Third Millennium Park 2010

cartucho were not priority for Peñalosa, as it was the physical revolution of the area’. (La Silla Vacia, 2011)

On the other hand, this apparently failure has opened up a broader discussion about how future renewal strategies should be approached in Bogota.

The urban renewal programme The POT defined this programmed “to promote improvement and re-qualification of the consolidated city through the implementation of urban and architectural comprehensive interventions. Coordinating, promoting and guiding public and private actions taking over the public realm” (act 190 of 2004) 14.

In this direction, the programme has two

focuses: One, to define renewal treatment areas through operations and projects; second is directed in the public administration in the management of these projects. The role of the public should be oriented to creating incentives to attract private investment, provision of services’ infrastructure and public space, support of private initiatives, and assuring the attention of people affected by urban renewal works. (Chamber of Commerce Bogota, 2010) From 2000 to 2010, the city has defined 1933 hectares with treatment of “urban renewal area”15 , concentrated mainly in central sectors. It enables these areas to be object of public or private initiatives for urban renewal. However, According to the SDP (2010), the definition of urban renewal areas correspond the desire to modify the physical structure of the city, rather than analyzing the capacity to face these processes, in terms of urban dynamic, market dynamics, infrastructure capacity and public management. Under those regulatory frameworks, from 2004, 29 urban renewal initiatives comprising 237 hectares have gone under planning process; from which, 26 promoted by private developers and 3 by the public sector 16. However, in 2010 just one project had gotten planning permission and still today, any renewal project has been developed in the city. It shows how current renewal strategies have not been successful in generating real alternatives for Bogota’s development; particularly in a situation with positive growth rates in the construction industry and a rapid decrease in the land-stock available for expansion. ‘The City has lost the opportunity to capitalize on private investment for developing urban renewal projects’ (Chamber of Commerce Bogota, 2010). It has generated among others, speculation in land-values, affecting market conditions whether for speculative projects and for social housing developments. Although, renewal initiatives have been leaded mainly by the private market, it has not become an effective instrument to generate new land-stock in the city. According to a recent research done by Bogota’s Chamber of Commerce (2010), it shows that private developers do not see renewal projects as a real and effective tool for the market. Most of them relate renewal with public sanitation interventions; and therefore the excessive bureaucracy, inefficient planning processes and unclear definition of conditions for these projects, make the instrument still unattractive to the speculative market.

14 15 16

Urban Renewal Programme, defined in the POT Bogota (act 619 of 2000 and 190 of 2004). SDP, (Distrital Planning Secretary) 2010, Bogota Chamber of Commerce Bogotá 2010, based on SDP data, Oct- Nov 2010.

Total of 29 urban renewal initiatives comprising 237 hectares have gone under planning process; from which, 26 promoted by private developers and 3 by the public sector (gray).

Areas defined for Urban Renewal Source: SDP, 2010

Top: Urban Renewal Projects in Planning Permission Process. Source: CCB 2010 Middle: Map indicating areas defined as “Urban Renewal areas” Source: SDP, 2010 Bottom: Evolution of the Construction industry in Bogota, 1997-2011 Source: elaborated based on information from General Building census, DANE 19972012

8000000 7000000 6000000

4000000 3000000 2000000 1000000 0

1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011

5000000

CURRENT URBAN RENEWAL INITIATIVES IN BOGOTA

In 2010 just one project had gotten planning permission (PROSCENIO) and still today, any renewal project has been developed in the city

source: SDP. 2011, “Proscenio renovation plan”

Top Right: Proscenio renovation plan source: SDP. 2011,

Top Left : Estacion Central renovation plan source: Habitat, Empresa renovacion urbana, 2009

Renewal initiatives have been leaded mainly by the private market

source: SDP. 2011, â&#x20AC;&#x153;Proscenio renovation planâ&#x20AC;?

Top Right: San Bernardo renovation plan source: Habitat, Empresa renovacion urbana, 2009 Top Left: Triangulo de Fenicia renovation plan source: Habitat, Empresa renovacion urbana, 2009

Starting from the primary vision of renewal in the city, we can argue from the projects which currently are in planning process, that the concept of renewal implies a concept of cleaning. The approach of most interventions is to open large areas of land, and thus generating a new morphology, increasing densities, and mainly attracting new people. Several questions rise from this vision which could be suitable for certain areas in the city, but should not be a generalized answer. Normally those areas have a wide range of physical, social and economic conditions that needs to be involved in order to allow sustainable processes of regeneration, As Bishop (2012, p. 29) argues ‘An important element of successful regeneration process is that the planning vision should make use of the existing social and physical characteristics of an area, rather than eliminate them’. By involving this multiple conditions we may think in a shift of the concept from renewal to revitalization. The Bogota Chamber of Commerce (2010), in its research acknowledges the failure in this sense. ‘We can say that the urban renewal policies require a deep review. During the last decade, despite studies and projects formulated by the city government, it has not been able to define clear planning tools to make viable urban renewal projects in the short and medium term’. This research, has also identified some factors, which have not allowed the success of urban renewal programmes in Bogota: there are no clear regulations about benefits and incentives for attracting private investment; there is a lack of institutional capability to articulate the different public institutions in order to set comprehensive regulatory frameworks about urban renewal; and finally, the identification of urban renewal areas has not been accompanied by feasibility studies analyzing density capacities and the investments needed for services and mobility infrastructure upgrades.

Current discussions about revitalization and low income housing Current political discussions are heading towards models of a compact and dense city. The City government has raised some debates about the revitalization and re-densification of central areas and the aim to develop programmes for low income housing within these strategies. In terms of the government, (Habitat Bogota, 2012) ‘Bogotá will challenge the way we have been doing urban renewal in the city, to promote more inclusive and committed to social integration politics’. It has opened an interesting discussion about rethinking the way in which the city has been developed; however, at present, there are not still clear strategies to achieve those aims, moreover, as expected those premises have generated such polemics and discussions among the developers and construction industry in general.

The re-densification of the extended centre ‘ Current Discussions Redensification And Housing

About Social

In the area called the expanded centre, comprised from the eastern hills, to the ALO; and from the 1st street to the 80th Street, the city government will run an ambitious urban renewal project which will contribute to diminish Bogota’s quantitative housing deficit as well as propitiating social inclusion. This extension of 11.500 has (by the third of the consolidated city area) will host part of the 70.000 VIP (priority housing) which will be constructed by the government in the next four years. This projects, denominated revitalization of the expanded centre, aims for a model of vertical growth in central areas instead of expansion in peripheral land. In addition, it seeks to generate inclusive spaces, where the coexistence of different social classes could be done.

Top: Map showing Areas able to be intervened for re-densification, according to Bogota’s Government source: www.elespectador.com

The city government aims to execute comprehensive interventions in infrastructure, facilities, and public spaces, parallel with the promotion of economic activities in the areas. This sector, currently inhabited by 2 million people, is strategically situated close to work areas, with a wide offer of cultural, educative, social and financial services located in the first ring outside the urban centre.. Therefore, identifying potential empty or underused land to redevelop, there are 596 has of public and private empty plots and about 4 million sq. metres of buildings and sheds which could be used for housing construction. The challenge is how to involve the private land-owners in the processes. “One option could be to involve them receiving an apartment or a commercial space as a part of the land payment”. (Habitat Bogota, 2012) 17 The first instrument developed to achieve this strategy is called “Declaration of Priority development” 18; this instrument seeks to increase the city’s land stock for different uses, avoiding the retention of undeveloped plots of land. During the first year the owners will be free to develop their land in accordance with the standards of the zoning plan and allocate at least 20% of priority interest housing. Upon expiry of this period the city government will auction the land, so that interested developers can build up on them. The resolution identifies 1185 properties, which together comprise 111.31 hectares. 17 18

Find information in: www.habitatbogota.gov.co/sdht/ Source: http://www.habitatbogota.gov.co/sdht/

From those concepts and ideas we find interesting questions to be addressed, how the vision about urban renewal need to be reframed in order to be more sustainable and inclusive? Nevertheless, in order to achieve those aims, the city needs to develop appropriate planning and design tools, encouraging developers, architects and planners to explore alternative paths to the urban revitalization. In that context, how to address issues of housing within the context of urban revitalization and re-densification strategies The city intends to set the debate about building social housing in central areas. Though, it needs to be framed in a wider strategy, involving the provision of housing as an element of a larger aim; set up the definitive transition towards a post-industrial and competitive city, addressing issues of socio-economic development, inclusion and sustainability. It is necessary to rearrange the existing institutional frameworks in order to achieve deep transformations; it cannot be about repeating in the centre the mono-functional social housing developments previously done. In each city, debates about urban development evolve in function of its own conditions; in Bogota, we have seen a fruitful process of transition towards its urban model. Those evolutions commonly leaded by public strategies need to involve the civil society and the market in order to be effective and sustainable. Normally the frame of new discussions takes long process to be apprehended and matured by the population. In their implementation, Mockus’ pedagogical concepts, and Peñalosa’s ideas about in public space and transport were controversial and widely unpopular. However, years after, the market and the society have taken most of those concepts into their agendas, acknowledging its benefits and problems. Nowadays, for instance, developers recognize the importance of the public space and it can improve the quality and profitability of the projects. Urban transformations are timebased processes which although can be leaded by the public, needs to have the participation of the private sector and civil society in order to be successful. Fifteen years after initiated its urban transformation, although Bogotá still needs to address enormous substantial problems; now the city founds better conditions to setting the agenda for facing new urban challenges.

Bogota, Carrera Septima Photos: RoryO’Bryen from: http://www.flickr.com

Barcelona from: Cities full of space, Uytenhaak , 2008

III. CONCEPTS AND DISCUSSIONS; SEARCHING SUSTAINABLE AND INCLUSIVE URBAN MODELS

Discussions Of The Compact City Regeneration And Revitalization, Searching For Alternative Planning Strategies Density And Intensity, Design And Planning Tools Social Dimension, Searching For Inclusion And Social Mix.

CONCEPTS AND DISCUSSIONS; SEARCHING SUSTAINABLE AND INCLUSIVE URBAN MODELS

‘There is a growing awareness that the urban agenda is a global agenda’ (Burdett, 2006). Many Cities around the world have undertaken processes of transformation responding in different ways to particular conditions and challenges. Therefore, the general debate about urban development - from international agencies to political leaders, architects and planners, is heading towards the exploration of models to achieve socio-economic development and environmental sustainability. In a recent UN-HABITAT (2012) publication, Joan Clos 1 states: ‘Is necessary to shift from current urbanization models and set up the new challenge to achieve more inclusive and sustainable urban areas’. Throughout the developed and developing world we see political leaders, implementing new generation of innovative urban strategies. Moreover, it is possible to evidence a shift in the role of design in the urban debate, by the emergence of alternative planning approaches and design explorations. Referencing John Friedmann’s (1998, p. 30) ideas about the “new post-Euclidean planning”; ‘Planners no longer pretend to have a comprehensive, single-eyed view of the city, though master plans continue to be produced. Their work is geared to the short and medium term, with an emphasis on real-time transactions’. In similar direction, Kees Christiaanse (2005, p. 10) argues: ‘We assume that an urban planning concept should be so flexible that all interested parties can react to it and change it. This is the only way to create spatial, economic and social coherence’. In this direction, it is possible to find different concepts and tools sharing the general aim of achieving sustainable, mixed and inclusive urban forms.

Joan Clos, executive director of the United Nations Programme for Human settlements UN-PPITAT

Discussions Of The Compact City

Discussions Of The Compact City The Concept of the compact city may become a commonplace in the search for a response to the question, ‘how generate a sustainable urban form’? (Jenks, et al., 1996). In order to frame the discussion, is important to look how the concept has been defined by some authors; ‘It has been suggested that a sustainable city must be of a form and scale appropriate to walking, cycling and efficient public transport, and with a compactness that encourages social interaction. (Elkin et al. 1991, p12)…In existing cities, the concept of compaction arises through processes that intensify development and bring in more people to revitalize them’. (Jenks, et al., 1996, p. 5) However, the concept of compact and sustainable cities is not new; these ideas have been presented in earlier debates set by many authors in response to the 20th century urban decentralist urban policies. Among them: Jane Jacobs 2, debating the modernist vision of the moment, by pointing the primary role of diversity and mix in the sustainability of New York’s Neighbourhoods. Richard Sennet 3, setting the role of the public domain in the development of cities and citizens. Nevertheless, ‘The vision of the compact city has been dominated by the model of the densely developed core of many historic European cities. The Dispersed cities Diagram Source:Images from the book: Towards an urban Renaissance, Urban tarsk Force, 1999

danger is that it is a romantic vision, one which assumes a golden age that can be recaptured through urban form, leading to a sustainable and benign civility. The theory is to an extent premises on urban containment, to provide a concentration of socially sustainable mixed uses’. (Jenks, et al., 1996, p. 5) It is important to recognize the benefits and problems that the compaction raises; in one hand it can be supported by environmental concerns, like controlling the urban expansions over agriculture Greenfield; or reducing car emissions by encouraging public transport. Moreover, ‘higher densities may help to make a provision of amenities and facilities economically viable, enhancing social sustainability (Haughton, 1994) in (Jenks, et al., 1996), but on the other hand, the compact city may become overcrowded and suffer a loss of urban quality, with less open space, more congestion and pollution’. (Breheny, 1992) in (Jenks, et al., 1996, p. 5) The report “Towards an Urban Renaissance” done by the Urban Task Force in 1999, stressed many of those concepts to frame the urban vision that London would take in the subsequent years. ‘It establishes the importance of developing high quality urban product by creating compact urban development based upon a commitment to excellence urban design and the creation of integrated urban transport systems that prioritize the needs of pedestrians, cyclist and public transport passengers’. (Urban Task Force, 1999, p. 11)

Compact cities Diagram Source:Images from the book: Towards an urban Renaissance, Urban tarsk Force, 1999

2 3

Jane Jacobs, The life and death of the great American cities, 1961 Richard Sennet, The fall of Public Man, 1977

Concepts expressed in the compact city, may provide a valuable framework for sustainable urban strategies. However, most ideas still remain in theory, and are necessary the exploration of new design and planning tools to allow the application and validation in the practice. There is no consensus about how effective the compaction can be in achieving more sustainable and inclusive cities; although, the important is that the debate is open; and it raises essential challenges for planners and architects about repositioning design ideas and instruments to achieve spatial quality encouraging social and economic development.

Regeneration And Revitalization, Searching For Alternative Planning Strategies In the last years, we have seen the emergence of a new generation of pla nning strategies, migrating from totalitarian visions - defining and controlling all the processes of development through fixed zoning and master-planning instruments; to more strategy-based approaches – exploring adaptable, and time based development processes, based on the multiple dimensions of the urban areas. This argument is present by Authors like John Friedmann. (1998, p. 29) ‘While the old planning, which I have called Euclidean, was linked directly to the actions of the state, the new post-Euclidean planning is no longer confined but can be found within any of the four spheres of action and valued social practice, and specially at their points of intersection and overlap’. Therefore, we have seen explorations in urban design practices as the case of KCAP, according to Kees Christiaanse’s (2009, p. 20) vision; ‘First and foremost, there is a clear shift away from traditional planning tools such as the zoning plan, with its circumscribed functions and regulations, towards rather more strategic master plans that serve as flexible frameworks and political covenants. Secondly, the grand projet is increasingly being used, like a surgical intervention for a specific porpoise, to enforce changes in complex urban conditions or to exert a catalytic effect by means of a clearly defined, compact project’.‘We assume that an urban planning concept should be so flexible that all interested parties can react to it and change it. This is the only way to create spatial, economic and social coherence’. (Christiaanse, 2005, p. 10) In recent years, most cities of the developed world, presenting conditions of relative population stability and advanced process of de-industrialization have focused their urban development strategies on the regeneration and revitalization of urban areas; whether by redevelopment post-industrial of transport-infrastructure Brownfield or revitalization of cities centres.

Images From Architectural Design Magazzine,Vol 81,Peter Bishop. 2012

Regeneration And Revitalization, Searching For Alternative Planning Strategies Village Underground, Shoreditch, London, 2007 ‘Shoreditch has emerged in the last 10 years as one of London’s most dynamic creative hubs. Village Underground combines studio, gallery and workspace within recycled tube trains on a previously unused viaduct site’. (Bishop. 2012)

Image from muf.co.uk

Muf, Regenerating Dalston, London, 2008 ‘Research, strategical design and engagement for an improved public space. muf’s work in Dalston for Design for London is based on a sophisticated understanding of the area’s complexity. Their work articulated the wishes of the local community and translated these into a detailed regeneration programme’. (Bishop. 2012)

What is URBAN REGENERATION? We can find various definitions with a common agreement in the multidimensionality that the concept involve. ‘Urban regeneration implies an integrated perspective on the problems and potentials of cities. Roberts (2000: 17) defines it as a comprehensive and integrated vision and action which leads to the resolution of urban problems and which seeks to bring about a lasting improvement in the economic, physical, social and environmental condition of an area that has been subject of change. Couch et al. (2003:2) state that urban regeneration is concern with the re-growth of economic activity where it has been lost; the restoration of social function where has been dysfunction, or social inclusion where there has been exclusion; and the restoration of environmental quality or ecological balance where it has been lost. (Imrie, et al., 2008, p. 4) However, it is evidenced by the practice; Regeneration has been mainly used by the state as an instrument to impulse the improvement of physically deteriorated areas through marketdriven development. As regeneration is driven by physical and market concerns, is difficult to achieve comprehensive and sustainable revitalization of urban areas. In this sense, we can see how regeneration interventions often lead into displacement of existing population and economic activities; and therefore, encouraging processes of gentrification 4. ‘Regeneration’ as a word, however, is becoming devalued to the point that it is losing any significant meaning. It used to justify action, whether civic, corporate or community. Like ‘sustainability’, it is used to imply something that is assumed by its very nature to be a good thing – after all, who would want to degenerate an area? It is used without thinking. To be meaningful, regeneration needs to be a process to change a place, for the better, which is then capable of self sustainment. It is a dynamic concept rather than an end state. It should therefore go beyond the physical and embrace the social and economic’. (Bishop, 2012, p. 29)

Achieving sustainable regeneration and revitalization, requires reframing its political and financial instruments, as well as developing innovative planning and design tools, apart from the traditional master-planning approaches, which has been used for several years. In that context, we can see in different cities around the world, exploration of alternative instruments and approaches for urban regeneration, trying to acknowledge and involve the physical and social realities present in the built city. For instance, in a global city like London, regeneration forces are found in between of ‘growing tensions between a globally focused growth agenda and the broader pressures associated with the city’s social reproduction, such as housing affordability, sustainability and the provision of public services.’ (Imrie, et al., 2008) In terms of policies there is a concern to achieve an appropriate balance between all the dimensions involved in process of regeneration. Issues of community participation, mixed-communities and social-mixing have been present in the debate and explored successfully in different regeneration strategies. 4 Gentrification is commonly referred to processes of replacement of one social group with a higher income group. MADANIPOUR, ALI, 2011

Images Source: barcelona 22@ el distrito de la innovacion, Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2010 Images from the book: barcelona 1992-2004, Guim Costa, 2004

BARCELONA 22@ DISTRICT â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The morphology that has resulted from this long and complex process is characterized by the coexistence of industrial, residential and service sector buildings, of greatly varying size, importance and styles, in very close proximity, and whit what is, at times, brutal discontinuities and breaks. The 22@ plan establishes the criteria and terms for the conversion of the old industrial area into a sector suited to the new forms of productive activity, based on information and knowledge technology, and on a new balance of urban, residential, productive and service functions, in which all are integrated into a hybrid fabric, constructed around the historical morphology of the sector. The 22@ plan is a regulatory document which covers an area of 115 city blocks of the Barcelona eixample. It seeks to transform the existing structure to permit the development of new floor space for production facilities, based on the progressive increase in the accepted levels of use and density permitted. These special plans acknowledge existing social, economic and spatial values and, to a large extent, conserve and enhance the existing fabric, establishing conditions of coexistence that permit the definition of the new urban forms and images. It is an operation of internal urban refurbishment, based on isolated, heterogeneous, fragmentary areas of action, and featuring the coexistence of the new and the old which to a large extent, is conserved. New typologies are established on the basis of extremely simple relationships of contiguity and juxtaposition, coexisting alongside the existing fabric which is either to be preserved or is awaiting transformation. The complexity of the transformation requires the definition of a flexible planning system: operations initiated by the city council, which create new structuring elements or the introduction of activities which may play a strategic role in the creation of new sector dynamics. Other transformation activities in areas not yet defined which share the same aims and content and which may be develop by private initiativeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. (Clos, 2009) From: The transformation of Poblenou: the new 22@ district in Transforming Barcelona

Density And Intensity, Design And Planning Tools In the context of urban regeneration, concepts of Density and Intensity can be used as valuable design and planning tools. The efficient use of the potential of urban areas in terms of infrastructure, location, and open spaces, added to the insertion of new inhabitants and activities juxtaposed and mixed with the existing social and spatial fabrics; contribute to generate sustainable and integrated strategies of urban revitalization. ‘DENSITY in urbanism is frequently used to describe the relationship between a given area and the number of certain entities in that area. It is important to make a distinction between urban de nsity used to describe a built environment; and urban density used as a norm in the process of planning and design’. (Berghauser Pont & Haupt, 2010, p. 11) In terms of normative, results difficult and uncertain trying to find the adequate density for a particular urban area. In contrast, it is possible to think in how to use density as a valuable urban design tool. As Berghauser Pont states in the book Spacematrix (2010), ‘our fascination with density is about the wish to understand the relational logic between density and different spatial and non-spatial properties’. They also provide some arguments about why density needs to be revaluated in the framework of urban discussions: ’first, recent changes in how city building is organized have created a greater need to relate development programmes to spatial qualities. Second, the trend in the increase of space consumption and the environmental, economic and social effects associated with this trend point to the need for research into the relationship between the quality and capacity of space’. The Urban Task Force (1999) in its report for London, points out the importance of rethink density as a tool for urban design. ‘To achieve more sustainable level of development and meet the government’s target for housing on recycled urban land, we must change the way in which we respond to the concept of urban density. Density per se is not an indicator of urban quality. The most compact and vibrant European city, Barcelona, has an average density of about 400 dwellings per hectare. The density of the most lively inner city areas in London can rise as high as 100-200 dwellings per hectare’. On the other hand, Density is independent to the urban form and the performance of the urban environment. ‘Different forms of architecture can be built to the same density, with surprisingly different results in terms of the type of private and public space they deliver’ (Urban Task Force, 1999). We can see in different projects how through typological explorations, it is possible to achieve high densities in low-rise, medium-rise or high-rise arrangements. Different tools and scales of intervention can be derived by those concepts; from small scale through infill developments, typological adaptation, parcel subdivision, spatial additions; to larger scale interventions involving redefinition of one or multiple blocks.

block building

Point building

Strip building Urban building types, increasingly dense. Image from: Cities full of space, Uytenhaak , 2008

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Different forms of architecture can be built to the same density, with surprisingly different results in terms of the type of private and public space they deliverâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Urban Task Force, 1999) Images from the book: Towards an urban Renaissance, Urban tarsk Force, 1999

Coverage, expressing the relationship between build and non-built land Figure ground analysis From: Collage city, Rowe and Koetter, 1978

In the context of urban regeneration, the concept faces additional challenges: How to densify urban areas without denying the existing fabric? As a term involved within broader concepts of regeneration and revitalization, INTENSIFICATION has been defined by (Lock, 1995, p173) as: â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;a process which ensures that we make the fullest use of land that is already urbanized, before taking green fields. Moreover, Oxford Brookes University and Entec, ongoing research defines intensification in both built form and activity. Built form intensification comprises: redevelopment of existing buildings or previously developed sites, at higher densities; subdivision or conversion of buildings; building of addition or extensions to existing structures; and development on previously undeveloped urban land. Activity intensification is defined as: the increased use of existing buildings or sites; changes of use, which lead to an increase in activity; and increases in the number of people living in working in, or traveling through the area.â&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Jenks, et al., 1996, p. 84) However, it is necessary to be aware of the positive-negative effects that urban

Intensity Images from the book Metricity, 2008

intensification may derive in terms of spatial quality, traffic and transport systems. (Jenks, et al., 1996) In order to deliver responsible processes of intensification, it is necessary to maintain an adequate balance considering issues of public space provision, relation with transport facilities, social infrastructure and availability of public-services provision. Hence, as densification defines a broader idea which can be used in many different contexts; in the context of urban regeneration strategies, the

Amenity Images from the book Metricity, 2008

concept of intensification results more precise to describe the process of spatial interventions derived over the built city, to trigger and support its integral revitalization. The development of spatial operations to increase the occupation of an urban area, as well as to increase the density of mixed uses, results in the generation of the critical mass of people and activities to support the productive and social activities required for activating integral processes of urban development. Intensification cannot be seen just as a simple tool to increase number of people and activities inhabiting an area, it is about generating the adequate spatial relations and densities to encourage socio-economic relations which support the processes of urban revitalization.

Autonomy Images from the book Metricity, 2008

Intensification of urban activities on the ground floor, flexibility and adaptability of programmes Images from http://www.rex-ny. com/work/low2no/# Images from http://www.rex-ny. com/work/low2no/#

REX LOW2NO, COMPETITION, HELSINKI 2009 ‘Evolving from Helsinki’s traditional perimeter block fabric, a new building typology reinjects population into the urban core, optimizing the city centre’s underused infrastructure and amenities. Although contrary to Finland’s current self-image, widely distributed slender towers outperform all typological alternatives in nearly every imaginable, sustainable way. Combining the best of suburbia (sun, air, views, and even soil) with the best of urbanism (population density and programmatic diversity), slender towers is the next evolutionary step in Helsinki’s perimeter block typology, creating a new option for downtown living. Components: 1. Residential Towers; 2. Office spaces, 3. Urban Infill: a hybrid between a building and a development strategy—retains conceptual coherence, while fostering evolution and multiple authorship. Capable of being “tuned” to meet the specific and changing needs of its neighbourhood, the Urban Infill’s variable scale and construction methods can absorb a diverse mix of uses—some temporary, some permanent—such as restaurants, galleries, gyms, theaters, supermarkets, even indoor play fields. Drawing from the unmet needs of its surroundings, the Urban Infill is a laboratory for testing social, cultural, and market viability for future mixed-use buildings within Helsinki and its new development areas.’ From REX 2012, http://www.rex-ny.com/work/low2no/#

SOCIAL DIMENSION, SEARCHING FOR INCLUSION AND SOCIAL MIX. Ideas and discussions about urban development necessarily derive in social concerns. The arguments above presented, have been driven by clear aims of setting the role of design in achieving more egalitarian and inclusive urban environments. Our cities, particularly in developing countries, have been marked by profound conditions of social and spatial fragmentation and inequality. Nowadays, there is a growing conscience towards strategies for narrowing the social gap and stitching the fragmented fabrics. The intrinsic relations between space and social dimensions have been argued theoretically by authors like Lefebvre (1991) and Sennet (1977), among others. For Lefebvre, (1991, pp. 77, 83) ‘Social space contains a great diversity of objects, both natural and social, including the networks and pathways which facilitate the exchange of material things and information. Such objects are thus not only things but also relations… Any space implies, contains and dissimulates social relationships – and this despite the fact that a space is not a thing rather a set of relations between things (objects and products)’. In addition, Lefebvre, (1991, p. 90) sets how urban debates have made a distinction between social and spatial dimensions and have threatened them separately, opening also a reflection to market-solutions to production of space. ‘The ideologically dominant tendency divides space up into parts and parcels in accordance with the social division of labour…thus, instead of uncovering the social relationships (including class relationships) that are latent in spaces, instead of concentrating our attention on the production of space and the social relationships inherent to it – relationships which introduce specific contradictions into production, so echoing the contradiction between the private ownership of the means of production and the social character of the productive forces – we fall into the trap of threatening space as space in itself, as space as such.’ John Friedmann, (1998, pp. 34,35) sets how the urban agenda needs to encourage processes of social inclusion, providing equal opportunities for citizens’ self-development. ‘Inclusion addresses the shocking fact of the very large and growing numbers of people. Who have little hope beyond a working life that remains stalled at the minimum wage without any form of security. This is a population at risk for whom social citizenship is meaningless. And when their social rights as citizens are not acknowledge, we should not be surprised that corresponding duties are also not fulfilled. You cannot expect the moral bond to hold when there is not expectation of reciprocity. Creating opportunities for self-development forms a politics that aims at the removal of artificial obstacles that limit each person’s chances to develop her or his innate abilities to the fullest possible extent. I see urban planners being passionately engaged in a transformative politics for inclusion, opportunity for self-development and social justice’

Meanwhile, discussion about the results of current market-led urban development models and the challenges for forthcoming debates has been set out by different authors. Madanipour (2011, p. 191) argues: ‘The ascendancy of market-based solutions to economic and social problems is leading to a growth in social inequality… Inequality is often studied in its economic dimension, measured through income inequality and how it has been rising… Inequality, therefore, is multidimensional, including economic, social, political and cultural dimensions. Social inequality generates social and spatial fragmentation…. spatial manifestation in the concentration of multiple disadvantages in deprived urban neighbourhoods’. In similar direction, Schuller, (2009, pp. 72,73) sets: ’there is a lack of new urban-planning and architectural visions for ways in which different social groups and classes can be enabled to coexist. It should be made clear to investors that in the long run, social integration and social peace are among the most important prerequisites for future prosperity. Architectural and urban projects are not capable of solving social problems, but they do have the potential to add significant qualities to urban agglomerations…the new attractiveness of dense and mixed-use areas should be used as a starting point to create new urban locations and to develop simulating visions for the future transformations of our cities’. Claiming similar aims, The Urban task Force (1999, p. 45) frames future London’s social housing strategies towards the exploration of balanced and integrated communities. ‘In responding to social problems we must avoid repeating the mistakes of the past. Developing large amounts of social housing in one location does not work. In future, we must develop on the basis of a mix of tenures and income groups. The way that affordable housing is developed and allocated needs to reflect the desire for mixed communities’. Despite of the global competition in which current urban development may be involved; there are an increasing awareness among planners and architects, about the social role of the practice. For Kees Christiaanse, (2005, p. 14) ‘Design contains a substantial amount of social engineering, by virtue of its sheer power to organize programmes and activities into mutual relationships, thereby influencing the components of social networks. Instead of believing in future utopias, we interpret the state of society in precise visions and accordingly propose concepts for transformation.’ In relation with the role of planning and design in the search for inclusive developments, the discussion has arisen from different scenarios, from theory and academia, to international agencies and planning policies and design practices. The discussion evidence in one hand the increase awareness about social issues, and on the other hand; recognizes the failures that on these concerns, current models of urban development have led. Ultimately, it frames a common agreement about the necessity of exploring how through design we can help to trigger social development and how the spaces we intervene must to response to social logics and people necessities. Our role goes beyond just creating beautiful and functional spaces; to give more attention in the reactions and synergies that spaces may produce in its inhabitants.

EXPLORING SOCIAL MIX AND BALANCED COMMUNITIES

MASSENA ZAC, by BECKMANN N’THÉPÉ, Paris, 2007

Rented Social housing, mix-use development, inlcuding living, work and commerce, 64% public housing, 36% private

Top left image www.architizer.com: Top Right image www.bing.com Bottom image: Courtesy of Mecanoo www.archdaily.com

THE NETHERLANDS

‘In the Netherlands, ideas for urban development and housing have long since been strongly interrelated, with public housing not a marginal issue but one strongly related to wider social issues, and architects have always played an important role in the process. Housing corporations, governmental subsidy policies, good urban plans, the involvement of high-quality architects in social housing, a wide variety of prototypes and a balance between public and private interests, combined to create a market effect.’ (Bullivant, 2003, pp. 11,15)

Osdorp Multi-Functional School, Mecanoo architecten, 2007

As a example of Dutch social housing, we can see in this projects, exploration of mix used project, combinig social housing, apartments, single houses, with school, sports, nursery and community centre. This projects worked as a forerunner for the regeneration of a peripheral area of Osdorp in the Netherlands.

Caracas Torre David From ARCHITECT Magazine, posted on 29 august 2012 Photos: Iwan Baan

SELF-ADAPTING BUILDINGS TO SOCIAL NECESITIES Caracas Torre David Research, Urban Think Tank, Caracas This particular case, set up relevant questions about, how is possible to rethink the way in which people can live in the city, moreover shows the capacity of how people can transform and adapt buildings to their changing conditions. “Why should the majority of the poor in countries like Venezuela be forced to live in the slums around the edge of cities if there are empty office towers in the city centres?,” Justin McGuirk, Curator the Venice Architecture Biennale, referring to the Golden Lion-winning installation about a community living in a vertical slum in Caracas. ‘Gran Horizonte Torre David, a 45-story building in the middle of Caracas, Venezuela, that was abandoned before it was finished, the structure has been invaded and taken over by people who display more inventiveness than most architects. Alfredo Brillembourg, Hubert Klumpner, and their team of Urban Think Thank, have spent more than a year researching the Torre David phenomenon with the help of photographer Iwan Baan. The images and research are astonishing. To make use of this building, the new inhabitants are willing to walk up and down 30 stories every day—the reward being a free apartment with a great view. They have built structures out of plywood, cardboard, and scrap that demarcates public and private spaces. They have cut holes into the concrete to create better access and connect spaces. Some of the apartments exude a cozy banality, while others seem ramshackle. Most exhilarating to architects are the images of spatial daring-do, whether it is the use of the parking ramps, the buildings-within-buildings, or the weight lifter who trains his muscle with car rims at the very edge of a 20-story drop. What is most astonishing, though, is that the tower seems to work as a community. It would be easy to idealize what is still an instant slum that has emerged in an ugly building that is not very safe in any dimension, and will probably disappear sooner or later. It is also obvious, as urban-Think Tank has done, to theorize it and make proposals to make it work or be more permanent. What is more interesting is to present the Torre David as a phenomenon, as the architects did here.’ (Betsky, 2012)

Aerial view: Middle: Los Alcazares - area for revitalization, Right: Financial centre Left: Simon Bolivar Park Bogota. Source: Sinupot, SDP 2010

IV. BRINGING KEY POINTS INTO THE DEBATE ABOUT THE CONSTRUCTION OF FUTURE MODELS OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT FOR BOGOTA .

Testing grounds for urban revitalization â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the Peri-Centre 1. Framing the political debate and the general strategy towards the construction of a new agenda for urban development in Bogota. 2. Redefining planning tools and strategies to face new challenges of development 3. Generating socio-economic synergies to trigger process of revitalization and encouraging social inclusion 4. Exploring alternative models of spatial development to revitalize urban areas Conclusion

Bringing key points into the debate about the construction of future models of urban development for Bogota From the discussions and research presented, we are deriving some key points politics, planning, spatial, and socio-economic dimensions - to have in account In order to propose how could be the next steps for Bogotaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s development. It can help to frame proposals about how the city can implement comprehensive strategies of revitalization, enriching the debate about further urban models for the city. Framing the political debate and the general strategy towards the construction of a new agenda for urban development in Bogota. Redefining planning tools and strategies to face new challenges of development. Generating socio-economic synergies to trigger process of revitalization and 1930

encouraging social inclusion? Exploring alternative models of spatial development to revitalize urban areas.

In order to test some of the mentioned points in the actual field of Bogota, we have identified some areas in the city that can be used as potential areas for 1950

explorations on urban revitalization.

Testing grounds for urban revitalization â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the Peri-Centre In its historic development, Bogota remained as a small town concentrated around its colonial core, with slow processes of expansion from its foundation 1970

in the 16th century to the early 20th century. In this moment, Bogota begins its expansion longitudinally north-south along the eastern hills by leap-frog development; characterized by the appearance of urban areas separated from the original core. In the 50â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, the city started to shape its current semi-circular form with the appearance of modern infrastructure interventions towards the west, also in the way of leap-frog developments. Later on, the city acquires its current urban form consolidating its development, by peripheral expansion and by filling its urban voids. In the present, the central city, composed by

1990 Historical urban development of Bogota

the historical and financial centre, is located longitudinally north-south in the eastern fringe of the city, closely corresponding with the urbanized areas in the early 20th century.

The central city, (in red) composed by the historical and financial centre, is located longitudinally northsouth in the eastern fringe of the city. The areas of interest are located in the periphery of the centre or, in what is called the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;peri-centreâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (in gray) Diagram: Centre and Peri-Centre in the context of the city. Bogota. By Carlos NuĂąez

Basically, the areas of interest are located in the periphery of the centre or, Top: Aerial view: Middle: Los Alcazares - area for revitalization, Right: Financial centre Left: Simon Bolivar Park Bogota. Source: Sinupot, SDP 2010

in what is called the ‘peri-centre’. These sectors were urbanized in different moments between the 1930’s and 1950’s, as result of piece-meal filling of empty land around the consolidated city and previous leap-frog developments. within the new urban spatial strategy defined by the Mayor of Bogota and the SDP in the 20111, the area of about 1.900 hectares, corresponding to the Peri-centre, is willing to be defined as “Urban renewal area treatment type 1” establishing priority areas to be regenerated. The Peri-centre areas, in general present interesting particular conditions and potential to be analysed: strategic location close to productive areas and accessibility to transport systems (Transmilenio – bike paths); adequate provision of services infrastructure and public spaces or possibilities to upgrade them; active economic and productive activities; high levels of physical or social deterioration; land not under high market pressures. Furthermore, these areas, has the potential for uses-conversion, responsible densification, generation of new public realm and facilitation of new land for social-housing developments. Hence, some of these areas can be define as possible testing grounds for exploring new models of urban development by “systemic revitalization”. 1 http://camara.ccb.org.co/documentos/9173_renovacion_urbana2011_secretariadeplaneacion.pdf

URBAN FORM The Peri-Centre, urban form

Right - Peri-Centre; Alcazares. Density 198 pp/ha Images: Middle, Sinupot, 2010 Bottom: Carlos Rodriguez 2011

The urban forms of Peri-central areas are characterized by regular grids, generating square or rectangular blocks which generally are densely occupied in low rise typologies between 1 and 4 stories. Physical deterioration and small scale productive activities characterize these areas.

Left- Peri-Centre; Voto Nacional. Density 116 pp/ha Images: Middle, Sinupot, 2010 Bottom: google

Peripheral developments, urban form

Right - Periphery informal housing; Patiobonito. Density 559 pp/ha Images: Middle, Sinupot, 2010 Bottom: google Left - Periphery formal social housing; Metrovivienda Porvenir. Density 165 pp/ha Images: Middle, Sinupot, 2010 Bottom: Metrovivienda

The urban forms of Peripheral areas of Bogota are characterized generally whether by high-dense small grain informal settlements or by large grain social housing blocks

Aiming to test some discussions, a particular study area was selected. Los Alcazares is located within the peri-centre, in the locality of Barrios Unidos2, about 1 kilometre from the financial centre of Bogota and predominantly inhabited by lower-Middle class population. One of the common characteristics of the areas in the peri-centre is to be important service providers for the city, usually related to small scale activities associated with commerce and manufacture. The urban forms of the area are characterized by regular grids, generating square or rectangular blocks which generally are densely occupied in low rise typologies between 1 and 4 stories. The urban grain is defined by irregular small parcels, evidencing processes of subdivision and aggregation, as well as one by one development. The morphology generates deep parcels and narrow frontages which generate intense use of the street; we can evidence how those parcels have been almost totally occupied letting small proportion of open spaces. The morphology and typologies of the sector has been adapted and transformed to support the changing urban conditions. The area originally developed for housing uses, has been transformed throughout the time to host different uses and activities; original typologies of 2-3 stories individual attached houses have been in cases adapted by vertical and horizontal aggregation; or in other cases replaced by industrial sheds, 4 stories offices or housing buildings. The use Top: Los Alcazares - 7 de agosto, Photos: Carlos F. Rodriguez, 2011

of the ground floor for work-spaces combined with complementary activities of storage and in some cases living is recurrent in the typologies of the area. These mixes are product of the spontaneous response of people to their specific necessities; evidencing the real conditions in which an urban form is adapted to perform according to people situations. The particular condition of service provider has generated the mix of numerous uses and users which sometimes could seem incompatible and are generally based on low-skilled activities. The area hosts among others, the largest cluster of car-parts and reparation services in the city; small furniture, clothes and food supplies industries, family houses and offices3 . This area supports a complex

The morphology and typologies of the sector has been adapted and transformed to support economic activities. Use of the land is not efficient. presence of underuse or empty buildings, predominance of low rise typologies,

system of social and economic forces which can be potentially used as a base to trigger the generation of new synergies and developments. However, all these activities –have occurred spontaneously and informally without any aim for urban quality or further development; generating a profound deterioration in the physical structure of the sectors – deteriorated and underused buildings, invaded public realm; which turn in the declining of the environmental and socio-economic conditions.

Bottom: Los Alcazares 3d model by Carlos Nuñez

2 3

Bogotá is divided in 21 administrative localities Source: Chamber of Commerce Bogotá, 2007

Although, these areas support multiple activities, the use of the land is not efficient. presence of underuse or empty buildings, underuse of deep parcels, predominance of low rise typologies, make possible to think in strategies for intensification; whether by vertical or horizontal aggregation, infill operations or transformation of existing typologies.

1. Framing the political debate and the general strategy towards the construction of a new agenda for urban development in Bogota. A major advantage for Bogota in the search for its future model of development is rooted on its previous urban experiences. The city can use in positive way the inertia generated by its former leaders to frame - now in a better position – the agenda towards more sustainable and inclusive models of development. It is possible to affirm that the city is now in a further stage of “urban mature”, gained through its long processes of transformation. In this context, at least in terms of Policies, Bogota’s current agenda is open towards models of compaction, including concerns about social inclusion, and sustainability. The model of city framed in the 2010 POT revision (SDP, 2011), seeks the consolidation of a “dense, compact and regionally integrated city. Even so, there is a direct aim to build social housing in central areas of the city. Citing Jan Gehl (2011) ‘after associated ‘hardware’ restructuring projects by Peñalosa, and socially experimental ‘software’ approach by Mockus; now it seems like a new, more dispersed and open city agenda is surfacing. One in which bottom up processes of small change that inspire participation, social connection and trust are developing needing an understanding of the inter-play between the hard, and the soft infrastructures of the city’. The first step towards the construction of a new agenda for Bogota’s urban development is the rearrangement of the regulatory frameworks. The city general visions, its institutional arrangements, normative and financial instruments, require working integrates in the search for common aims. In this direction, the role of the state becomes primary in the development of the model. Citing Carmona (2012, p. 42) reference to London situation; after evident crisis of modernist and neo-liberal policies, ‘there is an attempt to find a new more balanced accommodation between market and state – a ‘third way’. In that sense, the state becomes a mediator between the market conditions and the aim for inclusive and quality urban environments. The public needs to take a leading position in urban revitalization initiatives, revaluating its role from only policy makers and facilitators to become active promoters of urban processes. Hence, public efforts should go beyond public space and infrastructure works, to frame strategies and interventions to trigger catalytic effects over urban areas.

Despite of aiming for a major role of the state, private initiative remains as the key maker in the materialization of urban revitalization process. Therefore, it is responsibility of the public to develop an appropriate regulatory framework and strategies which in one hand attract private investors and on the other, define specific rules and design tools to achieve the development of an inclusive and quality city. It is essential to revise some conditions to attract private investors to processes of urban revitalization. First, creating alternative financial and managerial models adaptable to processes of revitalization. Current models make really unattractive and complicated involve figures of mix-use or mixed-tenures in the projects; by defining particular financial schemes for each type of use, tenure and social level. Second, the state needs to define clear economic and normative benefits and special conditions to encourage urban revitalization. It can be done by floor area ratio increase, or granting financial or tax benefits. Third, strengthening of institutional arrangements to allow the simplification and expediting of planning permission processes. Public institutions require to be prepared to support all the complex dimensions implied in regeneration interventions; coordination of public services providers, cadastral information, legal issues and all the public institutions involved require to be coordinated towards the consolidation of the model of city As stated previously, Housing policies in Colombia, have headed public and private efforts towards the production of houses, rather than in the creation and consolidation of quality cities. In this context, Bogota needs to review the general vision of its housing policies; by adding to the actual challenge of production, concerns about urban quality, and socio-economic development. This question cannot be expected to be answered by the market itself; to do so, the state need to generate appropriate balance between normative and strategies which on one side control and regulate and on the other attract the investment to boost developments. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;It should be made clear to investors that in the long run, social integration and social peace are among the most important Market-social housing in Bogota Image Ramon Bermudez 2007

prerequisites for future prosperity. These topics should therefore be taken into account when developing an area and financial commitments should be made to allow new solutions aimed at social integrationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. (Schuller, 2009, p. 73)

Odham's Walk Estate, 1981

Council Social housing in central London, built under welfare state housing politics. In the practice, it is possible to explore design tools to allow the sustainability of the socialmix. As an example, like the typology of Odhams Walk in central London; it is possible to have schemes using commercial spaces on the ground floor helping to subsidize social housing on the upper floors.

SEARCHING FOR MIX OF TENURES AND INCOME GROUPS, LONDON

in 2 cases, the first showing a stron presence of the state, before Thatcher reforms; and the second, a recent case of market-led project,, with the wide application of current regulations aiming to generate balnce communities in the city

Crabtree place, fitzrovia; london

Current regulations in London, requires the inclusion of affordable housing within each development. As one example of an average market-led projects. It shows how in central London it is possible to combine, affordable with market housing.

Current housing policies are not reaching the lowest income population, In order to reach the poorest, it is important to develop new financial strategies including different ways of tenure besides the ownership. It is possible to combine different tenure and financial schemes defining particular instruments to address the poorest population. Brazilian housing programme “My house, my life”, developed different instruments also based on ownership and depending on household’s incomes. For the lower income groups, it works with public-private partnerships and base organizations. It combines onImage from http://joepawlina. blogspot.co.uk Photo: David Baugh

demand subsides and affordable housing finance through reimbursable loans. Another instrument which was widely used in European countries – though lately diminished by neo-liberal politics - is the schemes of rented-housing. In these cases, the landlords are whether non-profit housing association as in the Netherlands or the Local council as happens in London. However, although, European and Colombia socio-politic and cultural context are far to be similar; it is possible for Bogota to explore own initiatives of rentedhousing promoted and managed by community associations and non-profit organizations, under subsidization and regulation of the state. Furthermore, different tenure instruments are not exclusive to particular type of projects or users; moreover, their combination encourages processes of social mix and coexistence of different income levels. Discussions about housing, needs to be framed in a more integral way, nowadays, Bogota is struggling trying to accommodate 70.000 units of social housing in central areas of the city; however, policies for urban regeneration and housing are in separate agendas. In order to achieve a coherent model of city, the debate needs to be unified and reframed in terms of achieving comprehensive models of intensification and revitalization, which include the question of inclusive and balanced social housing within its main aims.

Image from http://www.artesian.co.uk

2. Redefining planning tools and strategies to face new challenges of development As discussed before, even though there is a politic aim towards the compaction, current regulations and politics have not been successful in fostering urban regeneration process in Bogota. For shaping the agenda towards a comprehensive urban development model, the city needs to explore alternative visions and planning tools to allow the model to happen. We have seen the emergence of a new generation of planning strategies, migrating from totalitarian visions - defining and controlling all the processes of development through fixed zoning and master-planning instruments; to more strategy-based approaches – exploring adaptable, and time based development processes. ‘Urban planning concept should be so flexible that all interested parties can react to it and change it. This is the only way to create spatial, economic and social coherence’. (Christiaanse, 2005, p. 10) The challenge is to explore planning tools to allow processes of intensification on the basis of the recognition of existent spatial and socio-economic fabrics in urban area; shifting the discussion from urban renewal vision to more complex processes of urban revitalization. The proposed strategy is defined by combination of bottom-up and top down initiatives. It frames possible drivers of development based on potential vocations of the area; and establish a flexible planning framework able to be adapted to the changing conditions. Contrary to master-planning, this model of development encourages time-based development and multiple initiatives, done progressively whether by typological transformation or by insertion of new typologies and uses within the existing fabric The debate is about shifting towards models based on Strategy-based plans. Acknowledging that processes of revitalization are framed under complex pre-existing conditions, these strategies needs to be driven by flexible and adaptable planning tools able to perform under changing contextual circumstances. In that sense, we propose the definition of flexible planning areas, establishing “Urban Testing Grounds” to develop alternative strategies of revitalization and intensification. This vision sets the possibility of explore different ways to develop the city, trying to follow the logics in which the cities has been developed; product of multiple process and actors of change and adaptation along the time, rather than pretending the definition of a final image of the renewed city. Revitalization strategies need to be under the leadership and control of the state, setting the vision and general strategy for area in terms of potential drivers of development; defining strategies to attract investors; and framing clear design and planning tools to achieve the main social-economic and spatial objectives through the process of development. Flexible planning areas allow more efficient permission process dynamising the development; by avoiding the complicated normative system of Bogota framed by multiple norms juxtaposed and in cases contradicting among them. Encourage initiatives of different stakeholders as local organisations, small developers, or non-profit institutions for which in other condition could not be involved in regeneration projects.

Bottom up planning initiatives, Urban Laboratories to rearrange regulatory frameworks Images: Teddy Cruz studio, in http:// www.california-architects.com/en/ estudio/en/

CASA FAMILIAR, STUDIO TEDDY CRUZ, ‘Our projects primarily engage the micro scale of the neighborhood, transforming it into the urban laboratory of the 21st century. What is interesting here is not the ‘image’ of the informal but the instrumentality of its operational socio-economic and political procedures. The counter economic and social organizational practices produced by non-profit social service organizations (turned micro-developers of alternative housing prototypes and public infrastructure at the scale of the parcel) within these neighborhoods are creating alternative sites of negotiation and collaboration. Working with the premise that no advances in housing design in the US can occur without advances in its housing policy and subsidy structures, our collaboration with Casa Familiar has been grounded on the shaping of counter political and economic frameworks that can, in turn, yield tactical housing projects inclusive of these neighborhoods’ informal patterns of mixeduse and density. In San Ysidro housing will be not only “units” spread indifferently across the territory. Here, housing is dwelling in relationship to social and cultural program managed by Casa Familiar. In this context, density is not just an amount of “units per acre,” it is an amount of “social exchanges per acre.”’ ‘In the last five years, we have designed a micro-policy with Casa Familiar that can act as an informal process of urban and economic development for the neighborhood and empower the community of San Ysidro to become developer of alternative dwelling prototypes for its own housing stock. This Affordable Housing Overlay Zone (AHOZ) micro-policy proposes that community-based non-profit organizations such as Casa Familiar can become mediating agencies between the municipality and the neighborhood, facilitating knowledge, policy, and micro-credits. ‘(Studio Teddy Cruz) Source: http://www.california-architects.com/en/estudio/en/

3. Generating socio-economic synergies to trigger process of revitalization and encouraging social inclusion. The arguments before presented have been driven by clear aims of achieving more egalitarian and inclusive urban environments through strategies of revitalization. One of the fundamental objectives of revitalization is the consolidation of economic and social relations to improve conditions of existing residents and encourage further processes of development by attracting new population. Other essential aim is the discussion about issues of social mix and coexistence of different classes. It derives in some main questions to be addressed. What synergies and drivers can be used to trigger processes of urban revitalization? How to encourage social-mix, and more important make it sustainable? Beginning from the identification of the existing activities in the territory, it is possible to frame the strategy for defining new drivers of development. The introduction of new drivers aims to generate synergies with the existing activities triggering processes of urban revitalization. Within the spatial strategy, that role is played by the called “starter” interventions. In terms of design, the challenge would be how through spatial interventions, it is possible to encourage expected new synergies and relations to happen. Framing real drivers of development requires the support and involvement of multiple actors. It leads us to further debates about relations of mutual cross-collaboration between different activities, which can be related or complementary. Those inter-institutional relations of collaboration, fewexplored in Colombia, have been developed in the world in different field. For example: relations between high-technology industry and education institutions; biomedical industry with health institutions. Strategies proposed need to develop an argument clear enough to involve different actors, calling the attention of the potential economic and social benefits that schemes of cross-collaborations may represent in the future. Another type of relations to be explored, are those possibly done among existing productive and economic activities. In that direction, it is possible to find specific activities in each productive chain, which can be related, improving them and generating new synergies. What is evident, according to Bogota’s Chamber of commerce (2007), economic activities present in the studied territory; usually perform independently of each other.

Diagram: Independent Productive synergies of the territorry - Alcazares, Bogota. by Carlos Nuñez

Los Alcazares is an important serviceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s provider for the city, generally in small-scale and low skilled services and manufacture activities. specifically, for years, car-related activities as carparts selling and car-reparation, has gone colonizing the area on informal and spontaneous way Photos: CCB, 2006 Textiles chain Source: CCB, 2006

Furniture micro-industries Alcazares, Bogota Photo:CCB, 2006

Food Products chain Source: CCB, 2006

productive

Maintainance and reparation of motor-vehicles Source: CCB, 2006

Car-repair, public space invasion. 7 agosto, Bogota Photo:CCB, 2006

Construction and engineering chain Source: CCB, 2006

Retail commerce of products for domestic consumption Source: CCB, 2006

In the case of Los Alcazares, we have seen its condition of being important serviceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s provider for the city, generally in small-scale and low skilled services and manufacture activities. From that, it is possible to identify the vocation of the area, and explore alternatives about how to potentiate them. It is possible to develop programmes of mutual collaboration between universities or even private companies and the activities which have been present in the areas for decades. For instance, a very interesting case is the area called 7 de Agosto, considered the largest car-service cluster in Bogota. For years, car-related activities as car-parts selling and car-reparation, has gone colonizing the area on informal and spontaneous way, generating an important economic activity for the city within a context of insecurity, illegality and high levels physical deterioration of public spaces and edifications. In this case, can we think in relations of mutual collaboration between car-related activities and formal automotive industry? In those relations, In Bogota, there are small scale initiatives as the â&#x20AC;?Pacto Motorâ&#x20AC;? , leaded by Chevrolet foundation, which in collaboration with public institutions is developing technical-training programmes for low income people to have work opportunities in automotiveindustry4. How to encourage social-mix, and more important make it sustainable? As the debate about achieving social-mix is an objective in urban revitalization agenda; it is clear, that in contexts with profound tradition of segregation as the case of Bogota is, it requires to be addressed through strategic and gradual processes in order to be sustainable and avoid reverse effects over urban development. Hence, the strategy might start with initiatives towards mixing low-income population with specific types of communities, which in theory would be more compatible and open to coexistence of social classes or also might be attracted to revitalized areas by conditions of central location, urban quality and availability of affordable quality spaces for living and working. In that case, potential population for exploring social mix in Bogota could be composed by students, young professionals, middle class workers, creative class, existing residents. However, in that context, achieving social-mix are sets a difficult challenge to be faced by the state. The important, is how through carefully and strategically planned and designed initiatives, the city can enrich the public discussion about achieving inclusive developments.

4 http://www.portafolio.co/negocios/diez-empresas-le-apuestan-empleo-jovenes-pobres

Bike repair workshop, 7 de agosto, Bogota Photo:Tomas Castrillon http://www.flickr.com

4. Exploring alternative models of spatial development to revitalize urban areas The concept “systemic revitalization” aims to set a discussion about developing strategies of urban revitalization, and intensification, within the framework of creating an inclusive and sustainable urban model. In that context, to address the question of inclusive and balanced social housing, the state needs to frame very clear strategies and design tools to be developed by the market. What will be the design challenges to stimulate this kind of development? The proposed approach, in contrast to master-planning, is based on gradual and multi-scalar process of development, aiming to generate a “systemic” effect on the process of revitalization. ‘Systemic: relating to or affecting the whole of a system, organization, etc. rather than just some parts of it’. (Cambridge University Press, 2011) Hence, the concept is called “systemic revitalization”, by being based on the result that multiple operations can perform over a built territory, instead of leading urban regeneration through large scale projects. A difference with tabula rasa approaches, the concept of systemic revitalization, aims for the regeneration of an urban area, with the starting point of the existing urban forms and typologies. Hence, the process of development is done by progressive insertion and juxtaposition of different typologies and uses within the existing fabric. The spatial strategy is based on a system of interventions which together perform the comprehensive revitalization of an urban area. First, the “starters”, which are the spatial operations playing the role of activating process of development; Second, progressive operations of intensification – by insertion or transformation – spread throughout the territory; and Third, re-qualification of public space and public services infrastructure. First, the consolidation of a system of “starters” or “catalytic” interventions has the objective to trigger development processes in the areas to be intervened. It can be done by the combination of high-impact urban or architectural projects. In order to achieve the impact required these projects need to develop spatial strategies to perform as interfaces among the new activities attracted and the existing forces and population present in the area. As the state as the main actor in the frame of these initiatives, it is possible to develop different tools to involve other players in the process as in the case of institutions or industries which whether by economic of educational will, can be part of it.

Spatial strategy

Progressive operations of intensification

Starter interventions

Re-qualification of public space

Concept of “Systemic Revitalization” The concept “systemic revitalization”, by being based on the result that multiple operations can perform over a built territory. It aims for the regeneration of an urban area, with the starting point of the existing urban forms and typologies. Hence, the process of development is done by progressive insertion and juxtaposition of different typologies and uses within the existing fabric.

Center: Diagram Spatial strategy Systemic revitalization, Los Alcazares, Bogota By Carlos Nuñez

Right: Diagram Systemic revitalization, Los Alcazares, Bogota By Carlos Nuñez

As a second component, the proposed process of intensification and revitalization is made based on multi-scalar and time-based developments. Scales of intervention varies from small to medium, opened to diverse initiatives. As the scale and the range of projects can be really broad, it is necessary to define some specific tools to be used. In that sense, we can see two directions: On one direction, related with intensification of existing structures; it can be done by typological transformations, adapting structures to additional uses with implosive growth –as in the case of sheds or big industrial structures- or also by aggregation or stacking, adding additional built area and activities to consolidated buildings. On the other direction, processes of densificationintensification through re-development or new constructions; done whether by infill developments or by larger operations intervening the existing urban form. In the last case, is possible to think in the reconfiguration of existing blocks to generate new public spaces, avoid deep parcels or increase street frontality. In both cases, as Barcelona 22@ developed, ‘It seeks to transform the existing structure to permit the development of new floor space, based on the progressive increase in the accepted levels of use and density permitted’ (Clos, 2004) Supporting the urban processes, the third component comprises the requalification of public space, and provision of public-services infrastructure. Usually, most of the physical deterioration in regeneration areas is presented in the dereliction of its public spaces and the lack of them. The provision of a high quality public space, allowing a walkable city, establishing adequate connections with public transport and generating spaces for the expression of citizenship and equal enjoy of the city, frame the basic support for further processes of revitalization. As Bogota has been demonstrated previously, the construction of an equalitarian city begins in a quality public space, in words of Peñalosa,(2011, p. 95)‘The very least a democracy can do for its citizens is to provide quality sidewalks, parks, plazas and other spaces so that even the poorest can enjoy their city’. On the other hand, the availability or necessity of upgrading public services infrastructure in areas of re-densification is a decisive technical issue which needs to be clearly addressed by the government in the moment of framing the strategy. It lead us to the discussion of the ground floor, in a street-based, compact urban model, an intensely used ground floor is a condition for a vital street life, resulting in increasing of productivity and personal interaction. In the context of perimeter blocks, disposition of narrow parcels, encourages the intensification and variety of uses and typologies and the relations with the street. In cases of larger typologies of collective housing or mix used developments, projects need to respond in more complex ways to the necessity of activating the ground floor.

Vertical Intensification from: Cities full of space, Uytenhaak , 2008

Intensification by implosive growth

Intensification by aggregation infill, with interventions within the block to generate open space

Explorations of intensification over perimetre blocks Intensification and revitalization is made based on multi-scalar and time-based developments. Scales of intervention varies from small to medium, opened to diverse initiatives. Done by typological transformations, or re-development or new constructions. Disposition of narrow parcels, encourages the street activity. Diagrams in this page: explorations of Intensification over perimetre blocks Alcazares, Bogota By Carlos Nu単ez, 2012

Intensification by aggregation or stacking

Intensification by infill development

Intensification by reconfiguration of existing blocks

We can see examples exploring different mixes of typologies and uses, addressing the issue of the ground floor but also staking various activities complementary to housing; from flexible adaptable urban spaces, to social facilities, work-spaces and commercial activities. For instance, In that sense is possible to design a project having a community centre on the ground floor, rented workspaces over, student and social housing on the upper floors; using the stack as a tool for generate social mix, create work opportunities, provide social services, and generate additional source of incomes. It has been also widely experimented in the academia, in which case we can refer researches leaded by (Herreros, 2010) aiming to rethink project techniques to address housing developments within the built city. In the practice, it is possible to explore design tools to allow the sustainability of the social-mix. As an example, like the typology of Odhams Walk in central London; it is possible to have schemes using commercial spaces on the ground floor helping to subsidize social housing on the upper floors. In that cases, the subsidize can be done whether by selling the spaces – in which case those resources would balance the higher land-prices product of location; or by renting the spaces in which those incomes would subsidize the long term maintenance of the building. ‘Intensity is a descriptive measure of a settlement’s socio-economic requirements. The focus is on encouraging adaptable spaces that will serve to improve the density of mixed use and the capacity to create economic hubs within more sustainable communities. Thus it equates to the stacking, layering and the flexibility of programmatic spaces. Effectively increasing levels of occupancy and improve degrees of efficiency.’ (Clarke, 2008, p. 12)

Interventions in blocks of the central city ‘Is a research project which aims to review the projects techniques –models and methodsused to think about and plan collective housing in the city centre covering all the scales involved from regulations up to their capacity to transform urban environments of sensitive importance for the city as a whole’. (Herreros, 2010)

Images from Studio Juan Herreros + Soo-in Yang. Columbia School of Architecture, Planning + Preservation, 2009 (Herreros, 2010) Source: Next, Collective housing in progress, 2010

Conclusion For the development of the arguments presented in this thesis; we looked carefully the context of BogotĂĄ, its process of transformation and current challenges; also, we reviewed general concepts and discussions about searching sustainable, and inclusive urban models; moreover we explored some questions about politics, economics, social, and spatial conditions; and finally, from the research and discussions we brought some key points into the debate about the construction of future models of urban development for Bogota. Where these researches now lead us? Coming back to the main points of debate: - There is a chance for exploring new relationships between government and private market. - There is an evident shift in the scales and actors involved in urban initiatives, finding more balance combination between top down and bottom up strategies. - There is a growing concern about involving social and economic dimensions in urban processes. - As it has been explored around the world, there is a possibility for exploring spatial relations and tools to trigger comprehensive urban development. Furthermore, there is the possibility to think in developing these debates in Bogota, as a city that has been engaged in processes of urban transformation by delivering innovative urban strategies and discussions. Hence, searching for the consolidation of Bogotaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s future models of urban development, the city government, - apart of being responsible for setting policies and regulatory frameworks; requires acknowledging the importance of developing spatial design as a tool to improve economic and social development. It leads us to the consideration that, in the current situation, across the world, politic and economic models have been challenged. Hence, design ideas about cities needs to be repositioned towards enriching social and economic debates, redefining decision-making processes and challenging spatial relations. In the context of the developing world, as designers, the challenge is how to play our new roles, both as spatial innovators and social engineers towards the construction of a greater equality.

Bibliography Alcaldia Mayor de Bogota, 1998. Plan de Desarrollo, por la bogota que queremos 1998-2001, bogota: s.n. Berghauser Pont, M. & Haupt, P., 2010. Spacematrix, Space, Density and urban form. First ed. Rotterdam: NAi Publishers. Bermudez, R. & Ospina, F., 2008. Vivienda social una mirada desde el hábitat y la arquitectura, Bogota: Secretaria de Habitat. Betsky, A., 2012. Architect, the magazine of the american institute of architects. [En línea] Available at: http://www.architectmagazine.com/architecture/caracass-torre-david-at-the-venice-biennale. aspx [Último acceso: 2 september 2012]. Bishop, P., 2012. APPROACHES TO REGENERATION. Architectural Design, Jan-Feb, 81(1), pp. 28-31. Bullivant, L., 2003. WORKING THE PROGRAMME: DESIGNING SOCIAL AND AFFORDABLE HOUSING IN THE NETHERLANDS. ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN, 73(4), pp. 11-22. Burdett, R., 2006. Cities, Architecture and Society. Architectural Review, Volumen 9, pp. 35-67. Cambridge University Press, 2011. Cambridge Dictionaries online. [En línea] Available at: http://dictionary.cambridge.org/ [Último acceso: 5 sept 2012]. Carmona, M., 2012. THE LONDON WAY. Architectural design, Jan-Feb.81(1). Castro, L., 2011. Bogota and medellin, Architecture and Politics. Latin America at the Crossroads (Architectural Design), Issue 211, pp. 96-103. Chamber of Commerce Bogota, 2007. Perfil Economico y Empresarial, Localidad Barrios Unidos, Bogota: Legis. Chamber of Commerce Bogota, 2010. Observatorio de gestion urbana, Bogota: s.n. Christiaanse, K., 2005. SITUATION KCAP. s.l.:NAi. Christiaanse, K., 2009. New generation of tools for urban development.. En: K. Christiaanse, N. Schuller & W. Petra, edits. Urban Reports. s.l.:gta Verlag. Clarke, P., 2008. Metricity,Exploring new measures of utban density. London: s.n. Clos, O., 2009. The transformation of poblenou: the new 22@ district. En: M. Tim, ed. Transforming Barcelona. s.l.:s.n. Costa, G., 2004. Barcelona 1992-2004. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili. DANE, 2012. General Building census 1997-2012. [En línea] Available at: http://www.dane.gov.co/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=85&Itemid=57 [Último acceso: 12 september 2012]. Friedmann, J. & Douglass, D., 1998. Cities for Citizens. First ed. s.l.:J.Wiley. Gehlblog, 2011. Gehl cities for people. [En línea] Available at: http://gehlcitiesforpeople.dk/2012/05/09/bogota-for-bogotanos/ [Último acceso: 02 august 2012]. Habitat Bogota, 2012. Secretaria del Habitat Bogota. [En línea] Available at: www.habitatbogota.gov .co/sdht/index.php?v iew=article&catid=76%3A noticias-

secundarias&id=48…[Último acceso: 06 august 2012]. Habitat Bogota, 2012. Secretaria del Habitat Bogota. [En línea] Available at: www.habitatbogota.gov.co/sdht/index.php?view=article&catid=35%3Anoticiasprincipales&id=455 [Último acceso: 6 july 2012]. Herreros, J., 2010. Interventions in blocks of the central city. En: A. Fernandez Per & J. Arpa, edits. Next, Collective Housing in progress. Victoria: a+t architecture publishers, pp. 312-333. Imrie, R., Lees, L. & Raco, M., 2008. Regenerating London: Governance, Sustainability and Community in a Global City. First ed. London: Routledge. Jenks, M., Elizabeth, B. & Katie, W., 1996. THE COMPACT CITY. A SUSTAINABLE URBAN FORM?. First ed. London: E & FN SPON. KIMMELMAN, M., 2012. Past Its Golden Moment, Bogotá Clings. The New York Times, 5 JULY. La Silla Vacia, 2011. la Silla vacia. [En línea] Available at: http://www.lasillavacia.com/ [Último acceso: 10 april 2012]. Lefebvre, H., 1991. THE PRODUCTION OF SPACE. illustrated, reprint ed. London: Wiley-Blackwell. LSE Cities, London School of Economics and Political Science, 2011. LSE Cities Metropolitan HDI and density , London: s.n. Madanipour, A., 2011. KNOWLEDGE ECONOMY AND THE CITY, SPACES OF KINOWLEDGE. First ed. London: Routledge. Maldonado, M. M., 2009. CRISIS EN LA VIVIENDA SOCIAL: RETOS Y ALTERNATIVAS. Bogota, s.n. Peñalosa, E., 2011. A City Talks. latin america at the crossroads (Architectural Design), Issue 211, pp. 90-95. Rueda, N., 2003. UNDERSTANDING SLUMS: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements 2003, Urban Slums Reports: The case of Bogotá, Colombia, Bogota: s.n. Schuller, N., 2009. SOCIAL ASPECTS OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT. En: K. Christiaanse, N. Schuller & W. Petra, edits. URBAN REPORTS. s.l.:gta verlag. SDP, 2010. Diagnostico de ciudad, Revisión al Plan de Ordenamiento Territorial, Bogota: s.n. SDP, 2011. Expediente Distrital, Instrumento de seguimiento y evaluación del POT , Bogota: s.n. Secretaria Distrital de Planeacion, 2012. Secretaria Distrital de PLaneacion Bogota. [En línea] Available at: www.sdp.gov.co Semana, 2012. Revista Semana. [En línea] Available at: http://www.semana.com/edicion-30-anos/enriquepenalosa/183338-3.aspx [Último acceso: 27 august 2012]. Sennett, R., 1977. The fall of public man. s.l.:Faber. Turner, J. F., 1976. Housing by People. s.l.:marion Boyards. UN-HABITAT, 2012. ESTADO DE LAS CIUDADES DE AMÉRICA LATINA Y EL CARIBE 2012, Rio de Janeiro: habitat publications. Urban Task Force, 1999. Towards an Urban Renaissance. First ed. London: s.n. Uytenhaak, R., 2008. Cities full of space; qualities of density. english edition ed. Rotterdam: 010 Publishers.