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How is life in a camp, and what matters to people there?
research Part 1: CAMP COMPOSITION 4 01. Responsibilities 6 02. Services 8 03. Built Components 10 04. The Aid Paradox 16
Liv Grete Strømme Framgard Student no. 2008229 Master Thesis Autumn 2013 Aarhus School of Architecture
Part 2: CAMP REALITIES 01. Humanitarians 02. Social Fabric 03. Informal Development 04. Shared Functions 05. Shared Space 06. Environment Analysis 01. Refugee City? 02. The Clash 03. Chains of Loss 04. Summary
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Studio Regenerative Architecture Tutor: Kasper Guldager Jørgensen
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part 1
camp composition How do you make and run a refugee camp?
research trip 1: camp management training As preparation for field studies in Zaatari, I wanted to gain an understanding of camp organization. I was lucky enough to be granted a place at a 5 day training given by the Norwegian Refugee Council at the Finnish Red Cross movement in Turku, Finland.
contents:
01 responsibilities 02 services 03 built components
The training was aimed at professionals working in Camp Management, and based on the publications Camp Management Toolkit and the Sphere Project: Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards in Humanitarian Response. Participants were representatives of UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), IFRC (International Federation of the Red Cross), NRC (Norwegian Refugee Council), Shelter Box and Swedish, Kenyan, Ugandan and Finnish Red Cross. Here follows a small excerpt of what we learnt and discussed.
04 the aid paradox
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01.
responsibilities Who is responsible for a refugee camp? camp
States are primarily responsible for providing protection and humanitarian assistance to internally displaced nationals and refugees within their territories – including those living in camps or camp-like settings. In situations where the authorities are unwilling or unable to provide protection and/or assistance to the displaced population, UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), has an international mandate and responsibility for their protection. Working closely with UNHCR and other UN and/or international organisations, who take responsibility as Sector Leads, the camp management role is usually undertaken by an international or national non-government organisation – (I)NGO.
ca: Camp administration: national authorities
country
cc: camp coordination camp camp
cm: camp management
camp administration Camp Administration is the role of Governments and National Authorities and refers to those functions of national authorities that relate to overseeing of activities in camp-like situations.
camp coordination Camp Coordination entails the coordination of roles and responsibilities directly relating to the development and support of national/regional plans relating to the establishment and management of communal settlements (incorporating solutions and exit strategies).
camp management Camp Management Is the role of a Camp Management Agency, normally a national or international NGO. Camp Management encompasses those activities in one single camp that focus on co-ordination of services, establishing governance and community mobilization mechanisms, maintenance of camp infrastructure, data collection and sharing, provision of defined services and monitoring the service delivery of other providers.
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02.
services wash (water, sanitation and hygiene)
What is provided in a refugee camp?
Sufficient water needs to be safe for drinking, cooking and personal hygiene. Good sanitation facilities are among the most vital and very first services provided in a camp. A continuous lack of water, insufficient latrines or uncontrolled open defecation, poorly set up waste disposal or drainage systems are all risks that may lead to illnesses and epidemics such as diarrhoea and cholera.
main camp service sectors: - food distribution and non-food items - wash (water, sanitation and hygiene) - shelter - health care - education - livelihoods
shelter Shelter is more than a roof: it is a means of ensuring the health, security, privacy and dignity of camp residents. To ensure an integrated approach, shelter programmes in camps and camplike settings must be closely linked to other interventions. These include WASH, health, livelihoods, protection and basic camp infrastructure. “In the immediate aftermath of a disaster, particularly in extreme climatic conditions where shelter materials are not readily available, a covered area of less than 3.5m2 per person may be appropriate to save life and to provide adequate short-term shelter.”
livelihoods “Livelihoods comprise the capabilities, assets (including both material and social resources) and activities required for a means of living linked to survival and future well-being. Livelihood strategies are the practical means or activities through which people access food or income to buy food, while coping strategies are temporary responses to food insecurity.”
3,5 m2 covered space
40 m2 total camp space per person
Emergency and transitional shelter
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Positive livelihood programmes and strategies that enhance food security and are commonly facilitated in a camp setting include Garden cultivation or small-scale agriculture, fishing, poultry or small livestock breeding, markets and trade, small-scale businesses, income generating activities, wage labour or Cash-for-work (CFW) or food-for-work (FFW).
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03.
built components
2 3
What does a refugee camp consist of?
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army, police
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distribution centre
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religious space
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child friendly spaces
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shelter neighbourhoods
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access roads
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wash facilities
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aid organizations
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market
10 school 11 agriculture 12 hospital
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13 water distribution points 14 green space 15 clinics
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corinne treherne Senior Officer, Shelter & Settlements, Interntional Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies
international emergency shelter experts say;
Interview 23.09.13
What are the most important considerations in shelter design? As architects we want to provide beautiful solutions, but we should not provide people with pre-designed shelters. It has proved more effective to provide them with the tools to build their own home. Remember, refugees and IDPs are people who have been through traumatic experiences, and it is only the poorest and most desperate who end up in a camp. They do not need to be told to live an imported way of life. They want to get back to the life they had, and we should help them regain it. What are designers’ challenges?
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Creating a good shelter is not about designing a product. It is about designing a system.
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We need to be humble. We must study what residents had before, and listen to what they have to say - in all stages of development - from design through building to maintenance. Involving residents can also provide economic opportunities for them. Systems like “cash for work” can
give a direct income, and by aquiring skills and knowledge, they can teach others and possibly make a living later on. How can architecture help? Of course, in the beginning of a crisis, we must provide immediate relief, but it is essential that we focus on long term processes. The challenge is to work the camp exit strategy into the design, in order to maximize the long-term positive impact. Where are the potentials for architectural intervention in camps? A smart design is context-specific and provides displaced people with tools, materials and assistance in building a new life. It is crucial that the system is endorsed by its users. This will give a feeling of ownership and self-sufficiency, and provide them with skills and tools which can be useful when they are able to return home.
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carmen ferrer Architect and emergency shelter expert
international emergency shelter experts say;
Interview 25.09.13 What are the most important considerations in shelter design? During my work with transitional shelter design, I have seen numerous design proposals from students and architects. Many are nice - architecturally speaking but unusable. If they are not based on the needs of the population they don’t solve a realistic problem. Working with temporary and transitional shelter options, the technical solutions are actually the easiest part. The real challenge is in the “soft” fabric of the social structures, and getting the community involved. What are designers’ challenges? In humanitarian work, the donor situation creates a design problem. Donors are naturally keen to see that their money will be well spent, and therefore design decisions are often hastily made in the beginning of a crisis. This produces topdown design solutions which can be dysfunctional.An agency needs to provide the basic infrastructure, but if we don’t
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know how people want to live, we should not try to provide the solution in advance. How can architecture help? In a situation of immediate crisis, housing is often not the first priority of a displaced population. Ask a refugee “what are your priorities right now?” and you might be surprised by the answer. Usually people are focused on reuniting their family and finding work. They want to regain their livelihoods and their self-sufficiency. This is why we really need to have an open mind, and listen to the population. We might not be able to provide a perfect solution for camp residents, but we can open a “menu” for them to choose from. Where are the potentials for architectural intervention in camps? To me, a good design should be linked to other camp sectors, like capacity building, economy, agriculture or maintenance. We must be open for anything that can improve residents livelihood and accept that what we build is only the means, not the goal.
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Ask a refugee “what are your priorities right now?” and you might be surprised by the answer.
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04.
the aid paradox Despite humanitarian aid being precisely aid, there is a limit to how much you can - or should- help people in a refugee situation. One reason is the living standards of the host country and consideration of the local host population. Since camps are the responsibility of the state, it is hard to defend a provision of services the camps’ neighbours might not have access to. The very existence of the camp might also affect the local resources. Another reason is that the host country’s government rarely wants the camp to stay. And lastly, it has been argumented that raising standards can reduce the pressure on international political work to return them to their home country. This is a big problem, because camps usually end up staying for a lot longer than they were intended, some even become cities - without necessarily gaining recognition as such. Clearly refugees usually have no reason to want to stay, but the scenarios change for people who are born and raised in a camp. Also, in cases of political conflict, many who have been involved are hesitant to return. Therefore the chances of having to deal with a long-term situation are high. In response to aid limits, guidelines for minimum standards are followed. These are mostly related to emergency relief, on issues like how much space should be allocated and how much food should be distributed.
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Give refugees better conditions, and there will be less international pressure to get them home. - David Sanderson, professor of urban planning at Harvard University
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the last resort Planned camps are widely considered to be the option of last resort, for several reasons. They are seen as:
• drawing displaced away from other transitional shelter options;
• promoting dependency; • requiring disproportionate support compared with other options;
• more difficult to withdraw from than other options; • and as posing more of a challenge to efforts to achieve durable solutions for the population.
permanent temporality Size and time can present major challenges to UNHCR in managing camps, French anthropologist Michel Agier suggests. As soon as the camps last beyond the emergency phase, they transform into spaces with which people begin to identify. “In effect, while developing in material terms, and to a degree also economically, the refugee camps form themselves into social and political milieus,” Agier writes. He describes the “permanent paradox”, a life of refugees in camps “between an indefinite temporality and a space that is transformed because its occupants necessarily appropriate it in order to live in it.”
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part 2
camp realities How is life in a camp, and what matters to people there?
research trip 2: zaatari refugee camp, jordan 02.10. - 11.10. 2013
After months of preparations, I was finally to meet the realities of the world’s second largest refugee camp.
unfolding zaatari:
How do you plan and run such a huge camp? It has been dubbed “refugee city”, but does it function as one? And most importantly, how is life in Zaatari?
01 humanitarians 02 social structures 03 informal development 04 shared functions 05 shared space 06 environment
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on research in Zaatari Due to crime and instability, it is unsafe for outsiders to enter the camp unaccompanied. Facing huge numbers of refugees, rapidly changing circumstances and economic donor dependency, UNHCR capacity is pushed to the limit, and research exceeding single trips is rare. However, with the support of the Global CCCM Cluster through the Norwegian Refugee Council, I was allowed to stay for almost two weeks. From within “base camp� I could access camp managers and field workers. Not wanting to distract humanitarians from their work, I joined UNHCR field officers and ACTED/REACH mapping teams on their trips around the camp, which were usually planned and executed on the same day. Observing and often stopping to interview, have coffee with or being shown everything from blocked pipes to art by enthusiastic refugees, I got a brief insight into Zaatari’s organization, realities and ways of life. My days were varied, impulsive and highly rewarding in unexpected ways. The most significant impression Zaatari left on me is how most people are surprisingly positive. Despite the war, traumatic events, social instability and the harsh climate, people are intent on having a meaningful daily life. Many refugees were curious, friendly and keen to help. After having spent some time in Zaatari, I was stricken by the amount of problems which kept presenting themselves. It was hard to discuss abstract matters like planning with refugees, and whatever problems I asked about, nobody seemed to hold any suggestions for alternatives.
sector meetings planning and
On the organizational side, humanitarians are few and planning capacity is stretched. Administrators are open for input, but barely have time to keep up with responding to the development in the camp. It is my opinion that refugee camps (providing other camps face similar issues) need architects desperately for cross-sectoral thinking and effective design solutions. I could think of a hundred projects that would make a difference while walking around the camp. Searching for a meaningful project direction I found that, rather than focusing on a singular problem, zooming out and finding new connections might make an alternative approach highly relevant. Accidental photo by an extatic camera-borrowing child, 10.10.13
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01.
defined sectors
humanitarians
service providers
agriculture
jhco [jordan hashemite charity organization] unhcr
camp management
administration
adra
child protection
Zaatari is under the joint administration of the Jordanian Government and the UNHCR. All partners have offices in the protected Base Camp near the official camp entrance.
[un high commissioner for refugees]
acted avsi awo
community services
care caritas
coordination
cvt fca
core relief items
gsf hi
education
hrf icmc
environment
icsc
food security
ifh/nhf imc
gender-based violence
intersos iocc
health
entering base camp by foot
humanitarian posers
iom ird
hiv/aids
irc irw
livelihood
jen jhas
logistics
jica lwf
mental health
mc mdm
nutrition
medair
protection
moe/moh jordan msf
registration
nhf nrc
reproductive health
[norwegian refugee council]
oxfam sc
shelter
tdh thw
transportation
unesco unfpa
wash
unicef unwomen upp wfp questscope
unhcr headquarters Camp management complexity in Zaatari: the 22 defined sectors and their respective service providers
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field officer overlooking distribution of prefab homes
wash sector meeting
field officers and nrc representative in street leader meeting
data collection
Data collection is conducted by ACTED/REACH teams using smart-phone and GPS-enabled technology to reduce the incidence of inaccuracies and inconsistencies.
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camp manager on sustainability and development; kilian kleinschmidt Zaatari Senior Field Coordinator, UNHCR Interview 03.10.13 What is most pressing in Zaatari now?
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Sustainability is responsibility. How do you make people feel responsible? It has to come from personal interest.
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“Investing in infrastructure and services in a self-sufficient way. We cannot continue pumping 4200 m3 water in every day. Making residents conscious about consumption is important, and I want to remove “the spaghetti”, the wire system where 10 000 households are illegally connected to the electricity network. Controlling usage is about making people feel responsible. We have to make it a personal interest. Now residents are becoming more settled, and most of them are able to pay for services. At the moment, there are no incentives to save energy or take care of facilities. We want to start by giving people cash handouts in stead of vouchers, so they can make their own decisions about where to spend their money. This is about raising consciousness and establishing a social welfare system. To me, waste is another big infrastructural issue. It is such a shame to spend all that money on something which is bad for the environment. There are 2 million liters of grey and black water trucked out every day, overrunning sewage treatment plants. Also a lot of solid waste is taken to landfills - not a very sustainable solution. There is a lot of plastic and organic waste, which could be recycled. The other big issue is preparing people to return to Syria, or integrate into the local comminity. And it’s all about self-sufficiency, making sure people don’t turn into passive aid receivers,
but are able to contribute and manage systems. So we need both Syrian, Jordanese and international capacity.” It seems there is a clash between topdown planning and the bottom-up processes in the camp? “Yes, communal services are being vandalized. There is a gradual ”privatization program” happening now, with people making their own toilets and kitchens, illegally installing private septic tanks and so on. The problem is, humanitarian organizations and residents are going in completely different directions. The organizations are setting up community services, and trying to get people to maintain them. Try to get people to clean public toilets, it’s a nasty business! It is understandable that people want their own, everyone would want this privacy after a while. Things are planned as they happen. How do you adapt to people’s current needs? We must learn from cities, where this development happens all the time. Only here it’s faster. We need innovation and cross-sectoral thinking. Also, we must take the resources of the residents into consideration. People here have different needs and interests, and also money and incentive. They say ”just provide us with a caravan, and we will fix the rest!”. Look at ”the Villa”, a house constructed from 8 reassembled caravans.” What is your vision for Zaatari? “My dream (apart from sending everyone home) is to reach a level of independency where each district could manage their own budget. Then we could have district “competitions” and incentives, for example to save energy and water.”
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6 1
army, police
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distribution centre
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religious space
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child friendly spaces
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shelter neighbourhoods
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access roads
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wash facilities
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aid organizations
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market
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base camp
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10 school 11 agriculture
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xl: camp 102 000 people
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planning
l: district 8 000 - 12 000 people
Since UNHCR got involved in the camp, it has undergone heavy restructuring. The division of the camp into 12 separate districts was one of the steps taken to improve management conditions, defined in the Zaatari Governance Plan. The camp management is intending to decentralise formal governance to the district level, which will result in up to eight sub-Âcommittees with refugee participation and also including UNHCR Wield teams, IPs, SRCD and Jordanian civil servants if Winal approval is provided. The decentralisation of the formal governance structure is likely to improve the important communication to refugees.
m: “street� 300 - 600 people
s: household AVG. 5 people
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02.
the SOCIAL FABRIC
decreasing numbers
a border people
In September 2013 the official number of “persons of concern” was 120 000. By March 2014 this number has sunk to 102 000. However there are still people coming in, and it is estimated that around 400 000 have been through in 2013 alone. The population is decreasing as many are going back to Syria in spite of the conditions, or finding other options within Jordan. Due to the unstable situation, the number might quickly change.
Over 90 % of the population is from Dara’a Governorate, just across the border. This was the area where the crisis started, which is said to affect the people in terms of authority respect. A significant but unknown number of men have been involved with the Free Syrian Army, and many still are. A vast majority comes from rural areas, with elementary or basic education. Due to the border positioning, there are many traders.
demography
60+ 0-4 18-59
men
women
5-11 12-17
age
nance
micro finance
gender micro finance
origin: dara’a The satellite images show the city of Dara’a, in Dara’a Governorate. A city with green parks, varying densities and wide roads surrounded by farmlands.
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women Due to the many men involved in the Free Syrian Army, there are a lot of femaleheaded households in Zaatari. These women are particularly vulnerable as they have to find a way to provide for their children. They are the group most excluded from services, and have to line for food or nonfood items distribution, which are spots for potential violence. Shared kitchens and WASH facilities (at night) are also feared. The population live according to traditional Syrian social norms. Thus range of socially acceptable work for women is narrow. In Syria, farming is largely women’s work, except for marketing and sale, which is deemed unsuitable [IFAD].
power structures In Syria the legal age of marriage is 16 (18 in Jordan) but girls marry as young as 13. The economic vulnerability causes many families to marry off their young daughters, often to wealthy men who come to the camp looking for young wives. In January 2014, a camp sweep confirmed that 125 girls below 15 have been married in the camp. [Camp Sensus Report, March 2014].
Self-appointed “street leaders” quickly came to power in the chaos of setting up the camp, and they have long profited from the disorder. They were authorities in relation to the conflict in Syria, or they achieved authority in being among the first to arrive. Most have an economic control over to one or two streets, absorbing ration cards from people who are moving back to Syria, and controlling trade. Some have been making a profit from smuggling humanitarian or illegal goods [IRIN]. There are some “super-abus”, who control whole districts or parts of job markets. One family is said to manage the entire stab of 300 unofficial electricians in the camp. Lately, traditional leaders referred to as elders or sheikhs, have emerged - who have social control. Solving family based issues and community interests, they are trusted by their own communities and are also being recognized by the UNHCR.
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The new leaders will be traditional Syrian authorities, sheikhs, who bring wisdom with them. They don’t need to scream in order to earn the people’s respect. - Kilian Kleinschmidt
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elders on community interests;
refugee/management relations Many residents have a strong fear of authority because of their treatment in Syria, where some experienced torture. This distrust has influenced the way they interact with the camp management. In the start-up phase there were riots and violent outbreaks. But since the UNHCR took over, the relations have greatly improved, and management strives to establish functional communication, involving refugees in planning. If the complete district governance model is implemented then the role of the street leaders will be gradually rolled back, though they may be incorporated into sub-颅 committees [Zaatari Safety Security Report 2013].
水
We appreciate the interest in planning, and want to collaborate in a more organized way. Our main concerns are the sewage system and electricity supply. We need improved infrastructure in general and more caravans. Aid organizations have to provide these solutions, but residents must help in maintaining them. They should be encouraged to participate, for example by being hired in technical teams to install electricity in each household. - Elders, district 2, development meeting 10.10.13
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children
57% of zaatari’s population are children, 78 % of which are not attending school
In Syria, children have been exposed to gravehuman rights violations including killing and maiming, sexual violence, torture, arbitrary detention, recruitment and use by armed forces and groups, and exposure to explosive remnants of war. [UNICEF 2013]
children: syria’s lost generation? Although several schools are set up, most children do not attend school. Many are expected to help the family financially. Young boys with wheelbarrows fill the streets, transporting goods around the camp. The war has forced many children to grow up fast, and violence is a problem. Street gangs are often throwing stones at aid workers. “We provided them with ammunition for the next 20 years” sighs Kilian Kleinschmidt on the spreading of a gravel cover in the camp.
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She is not a child, she is a small adult. She arguments very well on behalf of her family. - Ahmad Azzam, NRC, on an insistent girl named Miryam
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family on daily life;
KIFEN LEBBAD FAMILY What are your main priorities now? Interview 02.10.13 Having lived in Zaatari for six months, the family aches for a caravan. Three women wanted to be left out of the photograph. Describe your living conditions? “We came from Syria six months ago, and now we are ten people living in this tent. We do everything in the tent, even cooking. Sometimes we use our in-law family’s caravan, who live right next door.” How is life in a tent?
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“The biggest problems with living in a tent are the insects and rats, it’s not hygienic. And we don’t feel safe, as the tent can’t be locked. It is hard to keep the tent clean, and the temperature makes life here very difficult. It gets too hot in the day, and cold in the night. Noise doesn’t really bother us, except from dogs sometimes. We all know each other here, so we don’t mind hearing other people nearby.”
“Getting a caravan! We need kitchens closer by, and clean water. We feel unsafe at night walking to facilities. More schools are also necessary, as the school is too far away, and it is really important that the children to go to school. Most importantly, we want to work so we can earn some money, but there are no possibilities here. Back in Syria we used to work in farms, and there is no farmland here. If we had some land, we would work it.” What will you do with the caravan? “Installing a WC will be first priority! The shared toilets are not nice, and more importantly far away and unsafe, especially for women at night.” What do you miss the most from your house in Syria? “Everything, we had everything there, and now it is all gone. The garden maybe. But what we miss the most are practical things, especially warm clothes and blankets for winter.”
We need kitchens, clean water and schools closer by. Most importantly, we want to work so we can earn some money, but there are no possibilities here.
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03.
informal development emergent economy homes in the making rural + urban = rurban
the emergence of an informal economy Businesses all over Zaatari have proven positive for the economy. But beyond the problems of street leaders and mafia-like structures, the economy has created class divisions. People who arrived early and started businesses can now rent out or sell their shops [IRIN]. Economically, the population can be divided in roughly three sections: one-third with a monthly deficit, one- third breaking even and the last making a profit. This is usually from small businesses or black market trade. The provision of goods in the camp os also source of income. An ACTED Livelihoods Survey from August 2013, stated that ‘selling goods from donations inside the camp’ comprised 27% of income generating activities.
sham- élysées, zaatari In the busy main street named after the Champs-Élysées in Paris and a pun on the popular name for Syria: `al-Sham’, businesses run into the wee hours of the night. It has emerged as a result of an incredible entrepreneurialism among Zaatari’s residents. At least 800 shops and businesses are found all over Zaatari, including restaurants, tea houses, barbers, wedding planning and laundry services. Most are placed along the main streets, and smaller markets spread in the districts. 42
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Opposite: Fruit market, Champs Elysees Clockwise from top: Food shop, District 4 Shawarma restaurant, District 10 Clothes, Champs Elysees Household shop, District 5
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homes in the making
old tent
The other main area where initiative is visible is in the private sphere.
illegal electricity tapping
official housing unit
black market extension
building materials
old fire safety extension for tent
rodent and insect protection heap
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septic tank for private wc
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unhcr standard emergency tents Life expectancy: 6 months - 2 years Cost: around 200 USD Materials: poly-cotton canvas, polyethylene tarpaulin, mosquito nets, aluminium poles and rope
phase 1: tent A standard double canvas tent has an internal living area of 16 m2, plus about 4 m2 at either end for storage, often used for cooking and washing. Relatives often arrange tents in compounds to create internal semi-private areas.
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Life expectancy: unknown, estimated 2 - 10 years 2300
5000 3000
Cost: 1500 - 2000 JD (ca. 2100 - 2800 USD) Black market price: 150 - 200 JD Material: steel and foam sandwich panels, steel bars, wood floor panels
phase 2: caravan The so-called “caravans� are prefabricated containers donated from different arab states. Political issues have caused repeated delays and about half the population has a caravan (September 2013). The goal is that everyone gets one before winter. At the moment vulnerable familes are prioritized. The caravans are not locally produced and transported far by truck. They are made from sandwich panels which are difficult to recycle, and often leak at the joints.
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family Members: 10
Caravans: 2
compound 1
phase 3: compound
compound 2
In the oldest part of Zaatrari there are no tents left, and narrow streets are formed between the growing building volumes. Everyone wants to own several caravans - and can, as they are sold for a tenth of the original price on the black market - and arrange them to create enclosed courtyards and front porches. family Members: 8
family Members: 8
Caravans: 5
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common denominator: courtyard Private space is extremely highly valued in Zaatari, and a covered courtyard above all. The courtyard provides a reception space, a safe space for children to play and a protected comfortable place for women, who have few public roles and usually spend most of their time in the home. Even though usually not locked, the visual protection and degree of privacy is enough to prevent stealing. Clothes are dried and water is stored in the courtyards. Allowing ventilation and diffuse light, they create a comfortable microclimatic zone.
phase 4: villa
Several large houses exist in the camp, built to form large internal open spaces. I was allowed to go inside, but not to take pictures.
Members: 10
Caravans: 7+
This family has two caravans, but managed to make a private courtyard by placing themselves next to another compound.
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private facilities
water storage
In addition to courtyards, private bathrooms are highly prized. Most compounds have one, at least for washing if not a toilet. The simplest way to create a bathroom is by attaching an extension and dig a hole in the ground for the wastewater outside.
In order to save tiresome trips to water towers, many have installed some version of water storage at home. The prescence of water also provides cooling and gives a sense of calm. Wealthier people have started building fountains or ponds to remind them of their gardens in Syria.
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rural + urban = rurban
farming in zaatari Agricultural practice is relatively common in refugee camps, but there is no organized farming in Zaatari. However, there are small agricultural projects on a home based scale. But water is scarce and must be carried from water points, and the soil is dry. In Syria, agriculture is vital to the economy, accounting for roughly a fifth of gross dome stic product before the war.
水
I am growing onions, as those were the seeds I could get. But I want to grow more, I am a farmer after all.
District 2
District 4
District 12
水
We took the soil from a dried out open pit to grow a few types of vegetables and herbs.
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child friendly spaces
04.
shared functions a brief look into decentralized services child friendly spaces
proximity maps
service buildings
service buildings child friendly spaces shops
child friendly spaces WASH kitchens service buildings privatization
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shops
proximity analysis
service buildings
Showing how sevice buildings are centralized, child friendly spaces are decentralized but too few, and shops - the only thing contolled by refugees - are present in nearly every street.
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“youth friendly space” case study The centre has activities until 16.00 every day, but families often come afterwards. It is a safe place and people like to relax in the shade, have a picnic or watch the children play.
Boys and girls have separate activities, girls spending more time indoors. Children in the centre are under the protection of UNICEF and cannot be photographed.
One of the larger “Youth friendly spaces” in the camp are in the outer part of District 12.
“child friendly spaces” - 1: 20 000
Plants are grown for educational purposes, and to protect from onlookers.
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wash
number of residents per cubicle
WASH (Water, Sanitation and Hygiene) in Zaatari consists of water storage tanks, toilet cubicles and “showers” - drains over which people wash with buckets of water. In humanitarian terms, standards are all right as minimum standards are mostly met. The standards vary greatly within the districts as they are set up by different agencies at different times. Standards are lower in the old part, where most shared functions are gone. However, people in the old part have privatized bathrooms (see overleaf). Facilities are usually not worn out by overuse, but by misuse - drainage blocks, disconnected drains, stolen materials and vandalism.
toilet cubicle
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“shower”
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We use the kitchens because we live close by. Many prefer cooking at home, especially if they have a caravan.
kitchens Series of minimal concrete blocks - single rooms with gas cookers along the middle - are set up at continous intervals along with WASH facilities. They often function as social gathering spaces for women, who otherwise mostly stay at home. Especially in the newer parts of the camp where homes are less developed they play an important role in social life.
storage
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the “privatization program� Theft of shared facilities is a major problem for camp management. People do not steal from each other, but a lack of community ownership of common facilities has lead to vandalism and theft, especially of WASH and kitchens. Due to social issues private space is deemed more valuable than shared. Materials or even whole buildings are integrated or converted into homes.
former wash block and septic tanks
former kitchen materials
wash block integrated in home
door from police station
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“old camp”
05.
shared space
Despite the initial strict grid, the camp is slowly disappearing and creating surprisingly distinct neighbourhoods. The distinctions are not clearly visible in photos, as the materials and colours are so repetitive. But standing in the streets, the spatial differences can be felt - mostly to density and small typology variations. Some areas for example have more tents and free standing latrines while others have mostly caravans and more kitcens. Since there is a very limited amount of materials and building types, these small spatial variations are even more significant.
100 m
But in general, public space is completely ignored and considered nothing but a void between homes. Syrian culture is very family - focused, and noone wants to invest in anything that is not theirs or to their direct benefit, as they want to leave as soon as they can. “new camp”
100 m
100 m
urban fabric
Density comparison of nearby town Al Mafraq , the old and new part of Zaatari.
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field officer on arab community;
omar saleh UNHCR Field Officer 08.10.13
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or video games around the main streets. Mainly they want to work. There are no active community centres, nor attempts to make any. People have a feeling they will leave soon, so as they say - they just don’t care about Zaatari. In general, public functions like theaters or sports are not so important, most are rural people who want jobs, farming opportunities and if possible, some nice gardens.
private pockets
Shared space is mostly neglected, except for semi-private areas where the private sphere spills into the street.
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beirut
environment
06.
Prevailing Winds
345°
W ind Fre q ue nc y (H rs )
Location: AMMAN, JORDAN (31.9°, 35.9°)
Date: 1st January - 31st December Time: 00:00 - 24:00
N OR T H
50 km/ h
damascus
hrs
15°
330°
W ind Fre q ue nc y (H rs )
396
Location: AMMAN, JORDAN (31.9°, 35.9°)
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40 km/ h
© W e a th e r T o o l
315°
Prevailing Winds
441+ 30°
308
45°
Prevailing Winds
N OR T H
50 km/ h
345° 330°
30°
© W e a th e r T o o l
84
315°
45°
60°
88
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60°
285°
74 64 53
300°
60°
32 21
20 km/ h
<10 285°
75°
10 km/ h
255°
85 45°
42
al za’atari
21
285°
10 km/ h
EAST
96
<10
75°
W EST
30°
30 km/ h
31
20 km/ h
<44
330°
53
300°
hrs
15°
315°
42
132
50 km/ h
40 km/ h
63
30 km/ h
176 300°
N OR T H
107+
© W e a th e r T o o l
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220
30 km/ h
Date: 1st December - 28th February Time: 00:00 - 24:00
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40 km/ h
345°
Location: AMMAN, JORDAN (31.9°, 35.9°)
106+
Date: 1st June - 31st August Time: 00:00 - 24:00
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hrs
15°
hot semi-arid climate Amman
W EST
105°
75°
W EST
EAST
255°
10 km/ h
EAST
255°
105°
105°
jerusalem 240°
120°
225°
240°
135°
210°
225°
SOU T H
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SOU T H
345°
A v e ra g e W ind T e mp e ra ture s Location: AMMAN, JORDAN (31.9°, 35.9°)
Date: 1st June - 31st August Time: 00:00 - 24:00
N OR T H
50 km/ h
45+ 330°
30°
40 35
40 km/ h
© W e a th e r T o o l
315°
Prevailing Winds
345°
Minimum W ind T e mp e ra ture s Location: AMMAN, JORDAN (31.9°, 35.9°)
Date: 1st December - 28th February Time: 00:00 - 24:00
45+ 40 km/ h
60°
EAST
al za’atari
255°
240°
120°
225°
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210°
150° 195°
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165°
105°
SOU T H
165°
%
15°
95+ 30°
85 75
40 km/ h 315°
65
45°
55 45
30 km/ h
35 300°
5
60°
<0 285°
N OR T H
50 km/ h
330°
© W e a th e r T o o l
10
20 km/ h
25 15
20 km/ h
<5
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10 km/ h
10 km/ h
W EST
345°
Location: AMMAN, JORDAN (31.9°, 35.9°)
Date: 1st January - 31st December Time: 00:00 - 24:00
25
<0 75°
A v e ra g e R e la tiv e H umid ity
20
300°
5
285°
Prevailing Winds
15
10
20 km/ h
30
45°
30 km/ h
15 60°
40 35
315°
20
300°
°C
15° 30°
25
30 km/ h
N OR T H
50 km/ h
330°
© W e a th e r T o o l
30
45°
150° 195°
165°
colours according to the köppen-geiger climate classification system °C
15°
135°
210°
150°
165°
Ecotect wind analysis shows periodic strong south-east winds Prevailing Winds
120°
225°
135°
150° 195°
240°
120°
285°
climate
75°
10 km/ h
W EST
EAST W EST
EAST
Bordering on the Arabian desert, Zaatari is in a small area classified as “Hot semi-arid” climate, characterized by hot, sometimes extremely hot, summers and mild to warm winters. The proximity to the Mediterranean and Red Seas give some rain, on avg. 151 mm falls yearly, mostly between December and March. Due to wind conditions and low height, there is little dew to be collected.
255°
105°
255°
240°
120°
225°
135°
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SOU T H
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water
in: 4,2 million l/day $
4 million $/year
out: 2 million l/day 2-3 million $/year
$
水
Water is crucial. Zaatari camp is positioned on pastureland for becuins and farmers in Zaatari town. The area surrounding Mafraq is considered the best pasture in Jordan. Some traditional grain farming is done after periods of rain, but around the camp tomatoes and olives are grown with irrigation. Grazing pressure from sheep and livestock are far beyond carrying capacity, resulting in desertification.
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water flow
aquifer
well
transport
storage
consumption
infiltration
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* ENVIRONMENTAL LOSS
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* ECONOMIC LOSS
septic tank
transport
pit/surface
evaporation
wastewater plant
waste water
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* HAZARD
current water cycle
Conversation with Thomas Palo, professor at the Swedish University of Agricultural Science
organic flow
4,2 million litres of water is pumped out of local wells and transported around the camp by trucks. This leads to aquifer depletion, which is a huge problem humanitarian transport distribution bins landfill as Jordan is a water-scarce country and groundwater is awastefinite resource. food programmes Treatment has high costs and theconsumption plant is said towaste be overrun. organic refugee trade
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transport
sale
septic tanks
* ECONOMIC LOSS
wastewater plant
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WASTEWATER PITS Not every household has private toilet facilities with septic tanks yet, but almost all have a wastewater disposal pit. Water from washing and cooking flushes out and mixes with other types of waste, creating serious hazards for the many bare-footed children, and are breeding grounds for bacteria, deseases and malaria-carrying mosquitoes. They also limit access for cars and pollute the groundwater. Aquifer infiltration is in fact desirable, but measurements have shown that the surface water of Zaatari is polluting the groundwater.
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-
wASTE
water flow water flow
aquifer
well
transport
aquifer
well
transport
There is no formal recycling, except some plastics being collected for cash. All other waste is unsorted septic tank and sent off to a straining landfill nearby - septic around tank storagem3 every consumption water 1000 day. Waste waste containers are positioned storage consumption water near roads throughout the waste camp and bolted sopit/surface as not to be stolen. Building materials are prized and reused pit/surface in private homes or shops or sold to outsiders. infiltration
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* ENVIRONMENTAL LOSS infiltration * ENVIRONMENTAL LOSS
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* ECONOMIC LOSS * ECONOMIC LOSS
* ECONOMIC LOSS * ECONOMIC LOSS
transport
wastewater plant
transport
wastewater plant
evaporation evaporation
* HAZARD * HAZARD
bolted waste containers
100o m3 pr day trucked to landfill
Landfill
organic flow organic flow humanitarian food programmes humanitarian food programmes
transport
distribution
waste bins
landfill
transport
distribution
waste bins
landfill
refugee trade
transport
sale
septic tanks
wastewater plant
refugee trade
transport
sale
septic tanks
wastewater plant
consumption
organic waste
consumption
organic waste
on site on site
material flow material flow
landfill landfill
steel, foam, canvas, bricks steel, foam, canvas, bricks
production of parts production of parts
assembly
transport
use
assembly
transport
use
refugee homes theft theft
refugee homes
black market
local homes local homes
black market
energy flow energy flow
shared functions
oil and gas import
jordan energy network
oil and gas import
jordan energy network
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Caravans from the black market reused as shops
shared functions
street lighting
household connections
street lighting
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organic flow
energy Electricity is provided unofficially through a network of illegal wiring, with UNHCR covering costs. The initial grid only covered steet lighting in main streets. Thousands of households are now connected, tapping electicity illegaly, leaving a tangle of wires hanging dangerously above the roofs of the camp. The old part of camp is well-connected whereas in the newer areas many are without electrictiy. Although every household has an extremely low energy consumption, the collected energy usage gives the camp a monthly bill of 100 000 dollars, far above the budget. The network is currently being extended, and the goal is to connect every household and charge for the electricity. Camp managers therefore wish to encourage responsible consumption patterns.
humanitarian food programmes
transport
distribution consumption
refugee trade
transport
organic waste
sale
â&#x20AC;&#x153;the spaghettiâ&#x20AC;?
on site
material flow
steel, foam, canvas, bricks
production of parts
assembly
transport
use
theft
energy flow oil and gas import
shared functions jordan energy network street lighting
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household connections
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part 3
analysis What needs to change? Conclusions and evaluations on Zaatari development
contents:
01 refugee city? 02 the clash 03 chains of loss 04 summary
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01.
refugee city?
the long term issue
Currently the fourth largest population group in Jordan, Zaatari is the size of a city, and increasingly considered so. But living in the camp is far from life in a city. Apart from the obvious signs; scarcity of functional public space and services, lacking infrastructure and a shortage of nearly everything, there is in my opinion a larger gap between this camp and a well-functioning city.
In terms of visual expression, Zaatari looks more like a shanty town than a city, with its monotonous, single-floor landscape. A lack of personal identity might seem superficial in a refugee setting, where survival and protection is at the centre, but in a city it is essential to have landmarks, visual points of reference and neighbourhood distinction. As you move through the camp, the repetitious forms of tents and caravans add to the feeling of conformity, reinforcing the difference between Zaatari and the surroinding towns. Most people lost their livelihood, their means to provide for their family and thereby their pride and self-realization. With few visual or mental resting spaces Zaatari offers little distraction. A significant part of the camp’s population is rural. This means that to some extent people do not anticipate urban functions and duties. Also, rural people tend to live a more traditional lifestyle than urban
people in the region, which adds to the social segregation. During research in the camp, I found it difficult to discuss abstract issues like planning with refugees. People often gave answers concerning concrete issues like the delivery of caravans or the improvement of infrastructures when asking about future desires - with the frequent addition that more schools, jobs and farming opportunities would be great.
Humanitarians are experts on emergency relief. In combination with the fact that nobody wants to stay long, and that the permanency of a camp is highly undesired, planning is hard. Yet Zaatari will stay for a while, and needs to be treated like a city in order to become one. In other words: long term planning is necessary although the reasons for it are unwanted and an uncertain future makes it difficult.
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We humanitarians focus on saving lives. And we’ve done that. Now we need to look forwards and make Zaatari function like any other city. No city would provide services the way we do. - Kilian Kleinschmidt
The temporality of the situation is not just a problem because durable solutions are discouraged - it is outlining people’s mentality. In terms of the built environment the temporary mindset is visible in every physical structure, looking haphazard and unstable.
prioritized developments; * * * *
Public space is considered an “ownerless void”, which as shown, shared facilities suffer greatly from. This leaves the space somewhere in between the private and the institutional - but not public.
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resident Self-sufficiency Long-term solutions sanitation and electricity Improved infrastructure
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02.
the clash minimum standards vs. opportunistic individualism The clash of humanitarian organizationsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; standards and sectors and the residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; individual interests is the most fundamental development issue in Zaatari, and it is the root of many problems. In my opinion, neither is sufficient to build a well-functioning city, but both are necessary to account for in development.
humanitarian interests;
resident interests;
Maximum open space/accessibility
Maximum private space
Standardized shelter solutions Maintain shared kitchens and WASH Safety in public space
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Better kitchens and bathrooms Power for every household
Minimize power consumption
Sufficient power supply
Sphere standards for use of space
Higher level of comfort
Maintain water infrastructure
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Dignified shelter solutions
Maintain personal water hygiene
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the planning void aquifer depleation supply trucks: pollution surface infiltration water
planned infrastructures
electricity
overrun wastewater plants unsafe connections
There is a void in between the strongly opposing formal and informal forces, as the current system creates losses for humanitarian organizations, and an anarchistic chaos arises from the accumulated force of refugeesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; building initiatives. In many areas, a â&#x20AC;&#x153;mediatorâ&#x20AC;? would be useful to utilize initiative and generate positive changes on a camp scale.
uncontrolled use waste
unsorted waste landfill lacking job opportunities
work
unequal job distribution uncontrolled building
emerging infrastructures
familiy dangerous pits community
open space safety inhospitable spaces lacking activities
clash problems
The differing interests of refugees and managers cause many problems.
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top- down planning
bottom- up forces
Implementing large scale systems which everyone has to adopt to.
Development according to own interests, ignoring large scale effects.
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03.
chains of loss
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water flow
In addition to the costs involved in providing and running a camp, management also loses money on generating waste, transporting it out of the camp.
aquifer
well
transport
storage
Intentions to improve infrastructures and encourage responsible consumption will not change these flows, only their efficiency.
consumption
septic tank
transport
pit/surface
evaporation
* ECONOMIC LOSS
wastewater plant
waste water
infiltration
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-
* ECONOMIC LOSS
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* ENVIRONMENTAL LOSS
* HAZARD
organic flow
humanitarian food programmes
transport
distribution consumption
refugee trade
transport
waste bins
landfill
septic tanks
wastewater plant
organic waste
sale
on site
material flow landfill
steel, foam, canvas, bricks
production of parts
assembly
transport
use refugee homes
local homes
theft black market
energy flow
environmental flows
The diagram shows how water, organic matter, building materials and energy move through the camp.
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oil and gas import
shared functions jordan energy network street lighting
household connections
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04.
summary urbanizing Both camp managers and residents are showing unusual initiative in making Zaatari as city-like as possible despite the (hopefully) temporary situation. Services are being improved and the camp plans on charging for electricity and water to promote responsible use. The uncontrolled development happening all over the camp is also contributing to urbanization through densification and the growing informal economy.
long-term planning: sort of As the camp is no longer in the emergency phase, managers are struggling to apply long-term thinking. Zaatari will most likely stay for some years at least, but the situation is unpredictable and there is scepticism -both external and internal- about Zaatari’s prolongued extistence. Planning is also based on humanitarian sectors and the provision of separated services.
social self-sufficiency is key Livelihoods is on everyone’s mind, and in everyone’s interest. Residents working relieves camp supplies, increases independency and supports the internal, local and personal economy. Thus improving health and allowing children to attend school. Being busy also creates a sense of normalcy. Supporting development of knowledge and skills is crucial to give people tools to manage when they go back to Syria. Despite the growing trade it is very difficult for most people to make a living, and only people with initial capital are able to start shops.
every man for himself In terms of residents, the incredible initiative described is happening on a personal or family-based scale. There is a huge interest in improved services, and many want to participate. But to most people it doesn’t occur to organize things out of the private sphere, so they wait for the initiative of camp management to arrange services.
private palaces Due to a combination of Syrian social values and the institutionalized camp-setting, creating a comfortable private sphere becomes enormously important. As a result, homes are individual and constantly growing to accommodate courtyards, private bathrooms, water storage and electrical appliances. This development has blown the camp’s budget for running expenses and caused hazardous conditions.
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the empty public sphere The problems of individualism and disregard for authority leave all public spaces and facilities - except for the market street, which is lively and active - disregarded and uninviting. Most people don’t invest in shared space or shared functions at all. This does not mean they don’t appreciate nice spaces or notice the lack thereof - but not being in any one person’s direct interest, public space is not taken care of or utilized for the common good. There is no sense of ownership towards public space (except for the shops and market street), no landmarks and few points of visual identity to differentiate districts or neighbourhoods.
socio-economic inequality Street leaders and mafia-like structures have created complex and partially illegal economic structures. These “bosses” are highly problematic but are being addressed by management and the Jordanian police. The economic development has also created “winners and losers”. Women and female-headed households are particularly vulnerable to exploitation and exclusion. Trusted elders have come forth as social leaders, proving the development of a healthier internal power structure. Camp management is making progress in improving refugee relations by collaboration with elected committees.
privatization All the stealing and “vandalism” is not because stealing is normal in Syria. Partially things are stolen and sold to outsiders, but mostly theft happens because many consider common functions unworthy in comparison to private ones, and use them as home building materials. However, people don’t steal from each others’ houses, shops or courtyards as private property is respected.
water The unsustainable flow of water through the camp affects both economy, environment and society in a negative way. The huge trucks cause accidents, children carry water every day and still-standing water in pits causes diseases.
agriculture There is much knowledge, skill and a desire for agriculture, but no formal actions taken to support it. Farming attempts, as everything else, happens in a private scale. Most people seem to have little hope as the soil is dry and water scarce.
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