Modifications

ernment in Oslo published a set of guidelines in 2001 emphasising that all naturbarnehager also need premises similar to ordinary kindergartens. Parents and employees, on the other hand, do not seem worried. They are motivated by a Norwegian value system that emphasises children spending time outdoors. It is assumed that it is good for children to go for walks in the woods. Parents give several reasons why this is desirable: 1) children learn to respect and enjoy nature, 2) they learn about plants and animals, and 3) they learn to enjoy going for walks in the country. Many seem to think that a happy childhood is closely connected to spending a lot of time outdoors. 6

Who, then, are the parents that send children to naturbarnehager? As a general rule, they are well educated with high incomes, and they themselves like to spend time on outdoor activities. This corresponds with research showing that it is the urban upper and middle classes who are the proponents of walks in the country in general.

How will Norwegians reading this chapter react? In my opinion, a majority will nod approvingly. But I also realise that some modifications are necessary.

An obvious question is: Are values like equality, moderation and nearness to nature distinctly Norwegian? The answer is of course no. The Scandinavian countries all share an egalitarian value system. The feeling of anxiety when a person is challenged to stand out from the crowd, the social pressure towards consensus, the ideology of equality – all this has been described by sociologists as typical of most rural societies. The Norwegian cheese slicer, a symbol of moderation, has never been a success in France, but has been introduced with a certain success in countries with a Protestant Calvinist value system, like Holland. Consequently, equality, moderation and nearness to nature are not exclusively Norwegian values. The hypothesis underpinning this chapter is that these are values that permeate Norwegian society to a larger extent than elsewhere. But they are in no way unique to Norway.

6 Lysklett, O.B., Emilsen, K. & Hansen, T.L. (2003). Hva kjennetegner natur- og friluftsbarnehager. Barnehagefolk, (4), 79–85.

24

Moreover, we have to remind ourselves that Norway consists of many social systems, some connected to geography and some to class: we have families, counties, relatively poor and wealthy suburbs, small fishing communities and so on. As a citizen of Norway, a person is a member of several social systems, and hence has been taught different values and in some cases contradicting ones. Therefore, not all Norwegians will recognise equality, moderation and nearness to nature as their values. An increasing number of people look upon themselves as mainly urban, they think liberty is a more important value than equality, and they have no moral qualms about spending money in restaurants and cafés.

Another point to be made is: people do not always live according to prescribed values. Many sociological surveys ask people about their attitudes. And there is no doubt that equality, moderation (when it comes to eating) and nearness to nature are considered important values by many Norwegians. But some critics will argue that it is not what people say that matters, but how they live. There is no doubt that more Norwegians think equality, moderation and nearness to nature are important values than those that actually live accordingly. The relationship between theory and practice, ethics and morality is complicated. But in my opinion, it would be a mistake to conclude that because people do not live up to their ideals, the ideals are meaningless and irrelevant in trying to understand a social system. Over time, they have exerted a powerful, if often indirect, influence on how everyday affairs are conducted, and they still do.

Lastly, values are taught by parents, teachers, politicians and clergy to the younger generation. Normally, however, each member of a social system chooses to live their life according to their own will. They are critical and selective. As a result, values change. Does this mean that the values described in this chapter are the values of the older generation? Teenagers living today will think differently about equality, a matpakke and walks in the forests when in the future they teach their children how to live a virtuous life. Cultural change has always been, and will always be, an integral part of every society. The purpose of this article has not been to specify a distinctly Norwegian value system. My aim has been to select three values Norwegians have emphasised in the past which, I hope, make it easier to

25

understand Norwegian society today. What the next generation of Norwegians will choose as their priorities is a different matter.

Most of you who read this book are not Norwegians. You are probably visitors to Norway as students or tourists. You might be working here for a year or two. Please do not use this chapter (or this book) as a key to unlock the truth about Norway. Use it as a set of hypotheses or ideas to think about if you like. Hopefully, you will be able to visit Norway long enough to find your own answers to these questions. What are the characteristics of Norwegian society? Does a Norwegian value system in fact exist?

And finally, when the German magazine Der Spiegel tried to find out what characterised German culture, their conclusion was: Germans like to discuss what it means to be a German. So maybe it is a myth that Norwegians are more self-centred than other people. Most people are!

26