DO-IT-OURSELVES: A Proactive Guidebook to Construct Loose Infrastructures by chaalchaalagency

DO IT OURSELVES તે જાતે કરો

A project iniciated by:

CHAAL. CHAAL. AGENCY.

A PROACTIVE GUIDEBOOK TO CONSTRUCT LOOSE INFRASTRUCTURES પુર્વ જરૂરિયાત બનાવવાની

૧

માર્ગદર્શિકા

DO IT OURSELVES A PROACTIVE GUIDEBOOK TO CONSTRUCT LOOSE INFRASTRUCTURES

CONTENTS

*NOTE TO READER

TO CONSTRUCT LOOSE INFRASTRUCTURES

_10

A PROACTIVE GUIDEBOOK

_11

CHAAL.CHAAL. AGENCY

_12

NEW FAISALNAGAR, AHMEDABAD

_15

MAPPING URBAN DYNAMICS

_34

THE ‘MAIDAN’

_36

MAIN MARKET STREET

_44

INNER STREET T YPE

_48

CHILDREN CIRCUL ATION

_52

EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTES

_54

THE KITAAB LARI

Printed in Ahmedabad, INDIA. July 2019.

_63

THE EDUCATION NETWORK_

_68

TIMELINE_AND DETERMINING FACTORS

_70

USAGES

_72

COSTS AND ESTIMATIONS

_76

THE PAANI LARI

_79

THE WATER SYSTEM

_84

TIMELINE_AND DETERMINING FACTORS

_86

USAGES

_88

COSTS AND ESTIMATIONS

_92

COMMUNITY CONSULTATION

_94

INNER RESIDENTIAL STREET

*NOTE TO THE READER: When we first heard about New Faisalnagar, we were -of courseoutraged. Displaced community, poorly planned urbanism, privatized water supply, no healthcare or educational facilities, institutional negligence, muddy roads. You name it. We found a particularly distinct environment bursting with injustice and discontent, which nevertheless mirrored a common situation in countless settings of the global south. However, is always a matter of approaching apparent conditions of oppression in order to understand underlying signs of defiance

What we have found in New Faisalnagar is not only a fertile ground for emerging humanitarian organizations, but -mostly- a community that has actively engaged with the improvement and development of their own environment through small everyday actions. We have found many people that have proactively come forward to say “let’s fix our neighbourhood, let’s build it together… let’s do it ourselves!” We want to be part of this initiative. As architects and urban designers, we propose a series of mobile architectures that can address two of the most pressing problematics in the neighbourhood: WATER AND EDUCATION.

As of now, even though the municipality has recently begun to supply basic rations of water, most of the families in the community do not filter it. Either because they cannot afford it, or they lack the knowledge of how or why to do so. This is evidently reflected in a PUBLIC HEALTH ISSUE, which we believe can be initially addressed through a mobile filter we call the ‘PANI L ARI’ (water cart) which would immediately improve the situation.

meant to incentivize the habit of reading -in relation to a larger network of education institutions- while improving the quality of standard education and the access to literary and cultural resources.

On the other side, given that the access to education (as well as the availability of pedagogic resources) is similarly insufficient, we propose to construct a MOBILE LIBRARY we call the ‘KITA AB L ARI’ (book cart). This project is

Our idea is to ignite small actions, which can produce larger -positivetransformations: for that we urge you to join us, to support us in order to materialize these initiatives.

Both urban projects are designed in such a manner that they can be easily constructed, with local skill, available materials, and in a time frame that can have reveal immediate outcomes.

Let’s do it ourselves.

TO CONSTRUCT LOOSE INFRASTRUCTURES In a city, infrastructure is fundamental in your everyday life. Let’s say you enter your bathroom, turn on the light, take a shower. After getting dressed, you go out to the street and meet a friend with whom you traverse the city in a public bus. Simple, mundane, yet several infrastructural conditions invisibly facilitated all those experiences from the intimate, to your outmost public ordeal. Now, you know these inconspicuous systems are not ever-present in all livelihoods. Infrastructure dictates your socio-economic status, your relation with the state and even your physical integrity; especially in its absence. So, imagine your life without it. Imagine if you had to device these means by yourself because no one ever gave them to you. This is where you start designing, this is where we work together. You could imagine systems of provision that are not dependant on larger institutions; you are free to determine your own environment. To construct loose infrastructures. Untied from bureaucracies and institutional rigidity –loose from power– you are free to experiment and, in many ways, obliged to invent. It could be an opportunity to generate developmental operations capable of cheating the system that probably failed you, cheating the structural violence that undermines your existence and perhaps makes the everyday slightly more difficult. Speaking from John Holloway’s words, it can be a way to “change the world without taking power”. And this guidebook, a path to support and construct experimental urban systems; a trigger for unexpected developments. Now, let’s rewind. Let’s go back a bit and reexamine what we mean by infrastructure. What do we mean when we say infrastructure? You could say that infrastructure is a set of systems that sustain the functioning city.

A PROACTIVE GUIDEBOOK A set of inter-related networks that provide different amenities -in varying degrees- and that are manifest as these more-than-human constructions defined by “objective” specialists. You wouldn’t be entirely wrong, yet, let’s take that a bit further. Stephen Graham and Colin McFarlane edited a set of essays entitled “Structural Lives” which explore the condition of infrastructure through the lens of everyday politics and experience. More than a straightforward system, network or structure, they propose a vision of infrastructure as a complex set of social, material, and technological processes that are in constant transformation by being a podium for the political power struggles and economic uncertainties that shape and polarize our cities. They examine these processes from the “supply side”, exhibiting the social role of infrastructure as a mediator between instances of citizenship, as a mechanism of control, and even an increasingly relevant focus for experimentation within climate change initiatives. Infrastructure in that way, is framed as a context-sensitive mechanism that is closely conditioned by the involvement and standpoint of its users. By us. Hence, this is where we come into the picture; this is where we think our role lies. As designers and researchers of the built environment well into the 21st century, where rapid urbanization is alarmingly manifested through high rates of informality, inequality and structural violence in many parts of the global south, we venture into assuming a proactive responsibility to optimize disenfranchised infrastructural lives. We propose to focus in the underlying networks that make up the city in an invisible manner, and surface them into shared discourses; democratize a seemingly specialized narrative.

This book -in that manner- is a set of guidelines envisioned to facilitate the construction and implementation of our proposed loose infrastructures. It is a guidebook for you to understand the project but, ultimately, to be part of it. A proactive tool to materialize transformations in New Faisalnagar that -we feel- are overdue, and many of us can be partakers. Therefore, this document has two parts. The first one, explains the overall condition of the place: a brief history, its local leaders, the urban layout and several mapping exercises we did in order to understand the issues of education, water, and social dynamics in the public realm. Similarly, the second part delineates our two proposals: the ‘Kitab Lari’ and the ‘Paani Lari’. This section gives a good idea of the objectives and impacts of each device, its stakeholders, ownership and maintenance principles, its functions and elements as well as the projected costs and estimations of their respective construction. Yet before all this, is important to present ourselves. Who are we?

CHAAL.CHAAL.AGENCY

Is a design-research collaborative specialized in experimental infrastructures and transformable architectures. We explore the intersection between politics and public space through different scales and exercises: from the proposition of productive public furniture, architectural inserts and exhibitions, to an emerging pedagogical practice interlocked with context-specific academic investigations. We work between Ahmedabad (India) and Bogotรก (Colombia) in the prospect of triggering larger transformations through evolving microoperations and play methodologies.

ANJALI RATHOD

ANUSHKA PRIYEDARSHI

Student Bachelors in Urban Design CEPT Univeristy - Ahmedabad

KRUTI SHAH

HARSHITA HEMNANI

PRACHI VYAS

Co-founder CCA B.Arch Academy of Architecture - Mumbai (2014) M.Arch CEPT University - Ahmedabad (2016)

Student Bachelors in Urban Design CEPT Univeristy - Ahmedabad

SEBASTIAN TRUJILLO TORRES

SAKSHI SHARMA

VISHESH MAHNOT

Co-founder CCA B.Arch Universidad Nacional de Colombia - Bogota (2012) M.Arch CEPT University - Ahmedabad (2017)

Student Bachelors in Urban Design CEPT Univeristy - Ahmedabad

NEW FAISAL NAGAR, AHMEDABAD

MARKET STREET

BACKGROUND

The 1980’s saw a major development of informal settlements along the peripheries of Ahmedabad: New Faisalnagar is one of them. Located south of the walled city of old Ahmedabad and between the Pirana dumping ground -on the west- the textile and chemical industries -in the South- and Chandola Lake -on the East- New Faisalnagar is set in a somewhat marginal condition that has isolated the community inhabiting it for quite some time. Evidently, this is a consequence of a series of disenfranchising town planning and political events, which have led to the emergence of what we think is a clear example of structural violence. Originally a farming field, New Faisalnagar -as part of what is called the ‘Bombay Hotel’ area- began to urbanize quite rapidly due to the Urban Land Ceiling Act of 1976. This policy indirectly incentivized an accelerated informal acquisition of farmland from diverse developers, who acquired these terrains at low values to subsequently divide them and re-sell them through a series informal agreements to low-income families, without ensuring basic infrastructural amenities. These settlers of New Faisalnagar were majorly Muslim families, which were either directly displaced by the communal riots of 1969, 1980, 1990 and 2002, or indirectly affected by them; migrating in order to seek safety and housing affordability. Up until very recently the AMC (Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation) did not recognized most of the propriety rights of the residents as official, and hence did not provided basic amenities and infrastructure. This clearly encouraged the emergence of informal service providers who monopolized water, electricity and drainage systems: an illegal capitalization which systematically disadvantaged the community. Currently, although water connection has been provided to most of the neighbourhood and the endowment of infrastructure has slowly become more apparent, the neighbourhood still faces a great number of challenges and difficulties, for which they have devised different ways to

manufacture alternatives. In that manner, we are interested in such services that function as political networks, they define the overall interaction of agents within strict structures of power and unofficial governance. We seek for the understanding of these infrastructural systems as invisible boundaries of control and support: water supply and drainage, electricity tapping, aanganwadis/gyaan shaalas, street vendors, religious institutes and so on. For this, we have been collaborating with key residents of the neighbourhood which have helped us understand the complexity of the site, and manage possible interventions.

GULAAM BHAI Local Leader

NAJMA BEN Volunteer Teacher Center for Development

SHARIF BHAI Resident

NEW MARKET FAISALNAGAR STREET

LOCATION_ INDIA >

AHMEDABAD >

NEW FAISALNAGAR >

CHOTI GANGA LAKE

THE MAIDAN

GARBAGE

TEA STALL TOWARDS BRTS WOKSHOP

MARKET STREET

POLICE STATION

SMALL MAIDAN

THE MAIDAN

POLICE STATION

TEA STALL

INNER RESIDENTIAL STREET

CHOTI GANGA LAKE

MAPPING URBAN DYNAMICS In order to understand (and thoroughly communicate) the manner by which space is lived and produced in the area, we underwent a series of mapping exercises of what we considered the most relevant sites of the area. The selection criteria of these sites were based -on one side- on the pursuit for circumstances where public activities and dynamics were made more apparent and visible (as well as more referential for the community) and -on the other- on the understanding of potential locations for our own design interventions. By public activities, we mean any form of interaction and movement that work in dependence to infrastructure or architectural elements. In that manner, we have explored these places by paying close attention to the nuances of time variation, as well as the typological identity of the agents that inhabit them. Being a woman, a man, or a child, contrives different experiences, possibilities and restrictions to occupy and transit through the city. We believe these two conditions (time and identity) are fundamental in order to successfully participate in the construction of public space in this particular context, in addition

to the possibility of engaging in processes of community participation capable of eventually bring forward positive transformations on the environment. It is important to clarify that mapping for us is a conscious effort of selection, arrangement, conceptualization and analysis that overlaps with the course of design itself. That being, because mapping is not simply a process of “objective” measurement and scientific depiction, but rather a keen re-interpretation of circumstances, subjects and material entities, which are illustrated in an unexpected manner in order to communicate underlying patterns, messages and processes. Henceforward, from this visualization of the patterns found in these places, we have now a better idea of the manner by which our ‘laris’ could move, what audiences will these tap to, and at what moments of the day. It has also been a tool to synthesize and contrive the information we have collected from the field work explorations, which we hope can be of use for future designers and researchers.

NEW MARKET FAISALNAGAR STREET

THE MAIDAN

MORNING TIME The ‘maidan’ is the largest open space in the area and it accommodates different usages throughout the day. In the morning is usually utilized mostly as a space of transition, through which children will cross through to go to school and the men will traverse to go to work outside the Bombay Hotel area, while usually women remain at home. The junction around the tea stall at this time is quite busy, given that most rickshaw drivers (‘Autowallas’) park around it and people used them quite often. It is important to highlight that this is the most common time for garbage to be burnt here.

TEA STALL

TOWARDS BRTS WOKSHOP

TOWARDS MARKET STREET

POLICE STATION

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Play

Performing Chores

Gathering

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Parking

Vechile

Shopkeeper PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Man

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Autowalla

Children

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VE

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Woman

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

ED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

THE MAIDAN

AFTERNOON TIME By this timeframe, most children are usually out of school and they are either returning back home or they are using the open space of the ‘maidan’ to play cricket. Many women pick up their kids from school (so they are seen accompanying them) and this is usually a time when they are a bit more free from their house chores or their work from home, and hence have more time to go to other places to visit friends/ family, or do their own work outside.

TEA STALL

TOWARDS BRTS WOKSHOP

TOWARDS MARKET STREET

POLICE STATION

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Play

Performing Chores

Gathering

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Parking

Vechile

Shopkeeper PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Man

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Autowalla

Children

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VE

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Woman

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

ED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

THE MAIDAN

EVENING TIME Mostly children by evening will dominate the ‘maidan’, playing cricket and occasionally other sports. Is important to highlight the fact that while boys tend to have more liberty in the engagement of this outdoor activities, girls tend to be usually indoors. This evidently is related to a cultural precondition based on gender, which is reinforced by the belief girls are more vulnerable in a space where there are specially a lot of man transiting (by this time, coming back from work). The tea stall is specially busy, being a place where many residents -specially men- gather to chat or rest from the day’s work: when women are seen around this area, they are usually accompanied by a man.

TEA STALL

TOWARDS BRTS WOKSHOP

TOWARDS MARKET STREET

POLICE STATION

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Play

Performing Chores

Gathering

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Parking

Vechile

Shopkeeper PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Man

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Autowalla

Children

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VE

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Woman

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

ED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

MARKET STREET

MAIN MARKET STREET

POLICE STATION

TEA STALL

MORNING TIME Being right adjacent to the ‘maidan’, this is a common circulation route for children to go to school in the mornings. By then, both the shop owners and the street vendors are setting up their shops and ‘laris’(carts), therefore this creates a lot of encounters and interaction between residents; specially between women, given that they usually buy their groceries and so on by this time.

POLICE STATION

TEA STALL

AFTERNOON TIME Afternoons are usually quite quiet, given that many shop owners go for lunch to their homes (which are generally in the area) and usually take a nap afterwards. This is the hottest time of the day, hence making it difficult to be on the street or even work indoors. Evidently, this is the time frame when less interactions take place.

POLICE STATION PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Play

Performing Chores

Gathering

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Parking

Vechile

Shopkeeper PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Man

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Autowalla

Children

Woman

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Once the weather becomes more manageable, a lot of people (specially women) start going back to the market to buy meat, vegetables, clothes, etc. This is the time frame with the strongest transaction rate and when most interactions take place.

TEA STALL

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VE

EVENING TIME

ED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

WATER ELATED CHORES PERFORMED IN THE STREET

INNER STREET TYPE

MORNING TIME Water is supplied very early in the mornings, therefore many of the household chores related to water happen then. On the one side, the storage drums in front of each house are filled up for the dayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s use and, on the other, most of the cleaning starts then: floors, utensils, clothes, etc. Women are usually in charge of this.

AFTERNOON TIME In the afternoon, women are usually seen sitting and interacting between them in the otlas (sitting platform in front of every house), while men are either circulating on the streets or inside their homes. This is the time when children begin to arrive from school.

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

EVENING TIME

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Play

Performing Chores

Gathering

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Parking

Vechile

Shopkeeper PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Man

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

Autowalla

Children

Woman

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VE

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

After children arrive home, many of them spend their time playing on the street at a close range from their parents, family or neighbours. By then, adults (both men and women) are also outdoors interacting and exchanging. This is the busiest time in the lanes and where all demographic groups are similarly present.

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

ED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

CHILDREN WALKING TO SCHOOL THROUGH THE MAIDAN

CHILDREN CIRCULATION

Given that there are many issues of security for children in the neighbourhood -ranging from contact with alcohol and gambling, to kidnappings and so on- parents usually urge their kids to use the roads that have more visibility and vigilance. The community believes that girls are especially vulnerable to the different risks of the street, which eventually reflects in a higher index of drop out as a mode of precaution and protection. Younger girls have less chance to finish primary education that boys, as well as a smaller chance to be unaccompanied on public spaces.

Paved Roads Primary route Secondary route Tertiary route Education insitutes

EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTES_

STUDENT DEMOGRAPHICS

3 The neighbourhood is an amalgamation of different kinds of educational facilities, ranging from informal to formal, from public to private and in varied sizes and extensions. While informal institutions cater to children of adjacent streets (parents donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t allow them to go far from their home) the more formal or private cater to children of bigger-income families. As you might see from this map, there is a huge diversity of schedules (either morning, entire day, just the evening, etc.) and of educational appointments (skilled-based, religious, academic, etc.), catering to very diverse audiences. However, most of these institutions are mostly classroom-based and hence do not have complementary facilities (libraries, playgrounds, etc.).

1_CHILDREN RESOURCE CENTRE CENTRE FOR DEVELOPMENT

2_GYAN SHALLA

UDENT VERSION

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUD

NANVIMAL TRUST

PRODUCED BY AN AUTODESK STUDENT VERSION

3_AGAANWADI 60

PRODUCED BY AN AUTOD

THE KITAAB LARI

CHILDREN RESOURCE CENTRE

This, is a library on the move. Given that such equipment does not exist in the area despite the pressing demand, we propose a project that can be implemented promptly and can reach as many children as possible. Our strategy is to coordinate with the local schools, gyan shaalas and aanganwadis, in such way that the library can circulate through them in specific schedules. In that manner, the different groups of students can have equivalent access to this resource despite the geographical distance between them. The object as such is composed of three basic parts: a threshold (as place for gathering and displaying general information, time tables and procedures), a book rack (where book would be organized by genre, language and so on) and the reading space (where about six children could be sitting at once).

THE EDUCATION NETWORK

TIMELINE_ AND DETERMINING FACTORS

15 Jul. START -

Crowdfunding and coordination with institutions. Re-design of devices based on preliminary evaluation.

30 Aug. Crowdfunding completed. Technical drawings ready for external assesment. Material procurement begins.

15 Sept.

15 Nov.

All materials and required equipments ready:

END - Completion

construction begins.

of device construction and implementation on site.

RESOURCES

USERS

1) Financial - Direct funding (institutional ) and crowd funding.

The target users of the Kitaab Laari are women and children, although it is open for all.

2) Pedealogical - Book donations and awareness campaigns.

MAINTENENCE

FUNCTIONS

The maintenence of the Laari will be done by Gyaanshala. They will overlook transportation, cordination and the schedule.

The Kitaab Laari functions as a reading space and it also stores reading material like books and newspapers for borrowing.

USAGES

READING SPACE

MOTORISED BIKE

BENCH

GATHERING SPACE

COSTS AND ESTIMATIONS

CONSTRUCTION /MANAGEMENT /DESIGN

Rs. 60,000.00

Rs. 15,000.00

1.50 x 15 m

FABRIC/NET /MESH /TARPAULIN

166 m

MILD STEEL (BOX /L SECTION)

5 PC

MARINE PLYWOOD (2.40x1.20m)

10 L

ENAMEL /APCOLITE PAINT

Rs. 47,000.00

Rs. 12,000.00

Rs. 8,000.00

Rs. 40,000.00

Rs. 1,82,000.00

ELECTRIC CYCLE LAARI TOTAL* *Subject to change based on further design developments, market fluctuations and construction contingencies.

THE PAANI LARI

DAILY CHORES IN THE INNER STREETS

This, is a public water filtering system. Is a primary necessity shared within the community and coordinated within specific timetables. Our strategy in this case, is to concede ownership to someone in the community willing to drive it and make a small profit out of providing this service. However, given that this is also a space of gathering, we foresee a series of panels that share certain healthcare principles and advises in regards to the use of water. In that way, the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;lariâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; not only has a pragmatic use but -in a parallel manner- offers a strong urban pedagogical function.

THE WATER SYSTEM

AMC

Underground pipelines

USES

Tap conection

PAANI LARI: Masjid

Private Suppliers

Used for drinking water and creating a gathering space

Borewell digging

Valves

Using hosepipes

Storage of water

TIMELINE_ AND DETERMINING FACTORS

RESOURCES 1) financial : through crowd funding 2) water filter : which could be either a sand filer or an R.O. and will be provided by institutional doners.

15 Jul. START -

Crowdfunding and coordination with institutions. Re-design of devices based on preliminary evaluation.

30 Aug. Crowdfunding completed. Technical drawings ready for external assesment. Material procurement begins.

15 Sept.

15 Nov.

All materials and required equipments ready:

END - Completion

construction begins.

of device construction and implementation on site.

USERS The target users of the Paani Laari are the residents and shop owners that would be using it on a daily basis.

MAINTENENCE

FUNCTIONS

The maintenence of the Laari will be done by a local who can also make a small monetary profits out of the filtering process.

The main functions of this cart are as a public water filter, a gathering space, and a pedagogical device.

USAGES

FILTER

MOTORISED BIKE

GATHERING SPACE

COSTS AND ESTIMATIONS

CONSTRUCTION /MANAGEMENT /DESIGN

Rs. 40,000.00

Rs. 7,000.00

1.50 x 12 m

Rs.30,000.00

Rs. 8,000.00

Rs. 6,000.00

FABRIC /NET /MESH /TARPAULIN

100 m

MILD STEEL (BOX /L SECTION)

3 PC

MARINE PLYWOOD (2.40 x .20m)

10 L

ENAMEL /APCOLITE PAINT

Rs. 12,000.00

FILTERING SYSTEM

Rs. 10,000.00

CYCLE LAARI

Rs. 1,13,000.00

TOTAL* *Subject to change based on further design developments, market fluctuations and construction contingencies.

COMMUNITY CONSULTATION

DISCUSSING DESIGN WITH THE COMMUNITY

This is a pegagogic tool meant to probe and encourage support for an ongoing set of urban inserts in the informal settlement of New Faisalnagar (Ahmedabad, India). Hence, this project explores the viability of movable architectural objects that address infrastructural challenges in a context of scarcity, as a way of pursuing larger transformations through small actions. A HM E DA BA D, I ND I A . Co pyr i g h t ÂŠ 2 0 1 9

C HA A L .C HA A L . AG E NCY all r ight s reser ved