The Hill 9.2

The Hill

Chapel Hill Political Review November 2009 October 2009

http://studentorgs.unc.edu/thehill

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Volume IX, Issue II

Volume IX, Issue I

The Great Recession

Hidden costs of the economic downturn

Battle in NJ Physical appearance and electoral politics

Soccer Diplomacy Using sports to end international conflicts

From the Editor To our readers: You might not have heard, but the economy hasn’t been doing very well for the past year or so. Hardly a day goes by without news of a precipitous plunge in the stock market, major companies going bankrupt or government plans to put things back on track with bailouts or a stimulus.

In this issue, we thought we’d look at the recession from a different angle, exploring some of its less obvious repercussions, ones that perhaps have greater consequences for our daily lives than what’s in newspaper headlines.

First, we look at education, and the precarious state it is in largely because of economic pressures. Next, we examine the viability of the U.S. Postal Service, long a mainstay of American life but now in deep financial trouble. Finally, we look at the emerging conflicts over water that divides states and local communities; access to water is more important than ever in economic times

The Hill Staff like these, and these ‘water wars’ are really heating up.

On the international front, we have two stories on Afghanistan this month, seeking to make sense of both the political and military aspects of the challenge the U.S. faces. First, it’s clear now that Karzai will serve another term as president, but how did this happen?

Will the circumstances of his reelection affect his capacity to govern? And secondly, we explore the state of al-Qaida eight years after the war began. Also, we revisit the crisis in Honduras as the interim government becomes more heavy-handed.

Finally, be sure to check out our pieces on the New Jersey gubernatorial race (and how physical appearance plays into electoral politics) and our Roosevelt columnist’s take on the IMF. Keep an eye out for our issues on campus next semester, and thanks for reading.

Clayton Thomas is a junior majoring in history and political science.

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The Hill

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Chapel Hill Political Review Our Mission: The Hill is a medium for analysis of state, national and international politics. This publication is meant to serve as the middle ground (and a battleground) for political thought on campus where people can present their beliefs and test their ideas. A high premium is placed on having a publication that is not affiliated with any party or organization, but rather is openly nonpartisan on the whole. Hence, the purpose of The Hill is to provide the university community with a presentation of both neutral and balanced analysis of political ideas, events and trends. This means that, on the one hand, the publication will feature articles that are politically moderate in-depth analyses of politics and political ideas. These articles might be analytical, descriptive claims that draw conclusions about the political landscape. On the other, The Hill will feature various articles that take political stances on issues.

2 The Hill

EDITOR Juliann Neher MANAGING EDITOR Clayton Thomas ASSOCIATE EDITORS Will Schultz Yash Shah WRITERS Carey Averbook Tatiana Brezina Ryan Collins Travis Crayton Lucy Emerson Cortney Evans Amanda Claire Grayson Diane Hearth Krishna Kollu Ismaail Qaiyim Will Schultz Yash Shah Casey Steen COLUMNISTS Zach Chapman Ivanna Gonzalez Alison Grady Wilson Sayre HEAD OF DESIGN Samantha Deal DESIGN Nicole Fries HEAD OF ART Diane Esson ART Megan Shank HEAD OF CIRCULATION Michael Parker TREASURER Kendall Law FACULTY ADVISER Ferrel Guillory

Contents November 2009

Volume IX, Issue II

Features 6

Party in Rio Brazil rejoices as Olympics come to South America

10

‘Change’ comes to Africa?

New political trends in Botswana and Uganda

Cover 12 16

Life in the Recession Less explored aspects of the economic crisis

Major Problems Harry Reid in trouble at home and more...

Left/Right 18

Physician-assisted suicide Essential for a patient’s dignity or a dangerous option?

In Every Issue v Notes from The Hill v The Last Word: The case for public art

November 2009 3

Notes from The Hill

Notes from

The Hill Movie review

Boy meets capitalism...

My eighty-year-old grandmother is a devoted Michael Moore fan. What? Yours isn’t? No, I don’t expect to find myself in a majority on that count. I’ve often puzzled over it myself. What possible appeal could a polarizing, confrontational, ragingly liberal filmmaker hold for my gentle and unassuming grandmother? It was in hopes of solving this conundrum that I agreed to review the professional provocateur’s latest documentary, “Capitalism: A Love Story.”

From the outset, it’s clear that subtlety isn’t Moore’s style. His premise is clear: capitalism is evil. It is, as Moore describes it, “a system of giving and taking … mostly tak-

ing.” Given recent events, the film premieres at an opportune moment.

Moore’s previous movie, “Sicko,” arrived too early to take advantage of the raging debate over health care.

But with the embers of last year’s stock market crash still smoldering, “Capitalism” arrives in an incredibly timely manner.

Moore is a master of his craft.

Two of the three top-grossing documentaries of all time are Moore productions, and watching the director grill hapless business executives about financing and derivatives leaves little doubt as to why. Moore’s sense of humor is unmatched in the world of documentaries. One particular scene, in which Moore wraps crime scene tape around various banks and Wall Street institutions, is incredibly funny, and I’ve no doubt that “Capitaln broade o t r e t d ism” will elicit chuckles re inpu g in or for mo new blo w a o g from even the staunchs ll a a lo h b d ll n ew The Hi al discourse a t our n i s i est free market propoV . y c . ti it ot our poli ommun .blogsp c w e i C v N nent. Humor is bigger e u eU icalr f yo illpolit c.edu i from th n lh u e l. p i a a than politics, as far as ://ch ult@em at http il wjsch a I’m concerned. m e r com/ o . d e t The film does s e r are inte r e t have its share of p cha UNC’s h t i w somber moments forces r to pro s joined ution in orde a though.

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from their home after the big banks collapsed, proceeding to let forth a flurry of populist rage against the economic system that allowed this to happen. These sobering moments lent me my first real insight into why Moore appeals to people like my grandmother. The director gives a voice to the voiceless, always pulling for the underdog. Though Moore occasionally comes off as opportunistic, he nonetheless makes very effective use of emotional appeals.

Yet Moore does attempt some more cerebral arguments, and therein lies the rub. His command of the facts isn’t on par with his directorial acumen. Had the film been called, say, “Corporatism: It’s the Next Big Thing,” or “Greed: How This Little Piggie Went to Wall Street,” one might be more inclined to sympathize with Moore. Indeed, the recent economic crisis bears testament to the excesses of capitalism. Yet Moore offers no concrete alternatives, other than fuzzy talk about “more democracy.” He makes some valid criticisms, to be sure, but fails to refute the notion that capitalism, faults and all, is the system most capable of self-correction. So no, grandma --- I still don’t get it.

Casey Steen is a sophomore majoring in political science.

Notes from The Hill

Git mo’ done?

Update “On my first day in office I said I’d close Guantanamo Bay. Is it closed yet? No.” So says an Obamacized Fred Armisen in a “Saturday Night Live” sketch poking fun at the president’s inaction on the Cuban detention facility. Amidst the health care debate, Obama’s promise to close Guantanamo Bay was practically forgotten. However, recent developments have brought the debate back to Gitmo.

On Oct. 21, the Senate passed a bill that would allow for the transfer of suspected terrorists from Guantanamo to the United States. This led to a surprising turn of events when the town leaders of Amherst, Massachusetts announced they would welcome released detainees into their town.

“Amherst has a long history of engaging in foreign policy, and it’s not out of character for a New England town to believe it has as much a right to weigh in on foreign policy

1

as the federal or state governments,” said Jonathan Tucker, the town’s planning director.

The Supreme Court has also gotten involved. They recently took up the case of 13 Uighur Muslims who were captured in Afghanistan after fleeing from persecution in China. The Court will decide whether judges can order a detainee released if he or she is cleared of “dangerous enemy-combatant” status. However, their ruling may be trumped by the United Nations.

Martin Scheinin, UN Special Rapporteur on human rights and counterterrorism, declared that Gitmo detainees must either be brought to trial or released by the Jan. 22, 2010 deadline previously set by President Obama. Obama has reiterated his resolve to close Guantanamo, but he has dropped any reference to that deadline in his speeches.

Will closing the detention facility improve American relations

with Cuba? Brandon Hunziker, a professor of history at the University of North Carolina Chapel-Hill, doesn’t think so.

“Most of the world thinks that our practices at Guantanamo Bay are an abomination,” Hunziker said in an interview with The Hill, “But closing the detention facility does not mean giving up our base there.

Removing both our naval base and the trade embargo would probably do the most to improve US-Cuban relations.”

These developments make the future very unclear for Guantanamo Bay’s 220 detainees. Some may find themselves in Amherst, others may wind up in China, still others may remain at Guantanamo in legal limbo eight years after September 11.

Amanda Claire Grayson is a first year majoring in political science and public policy.

Hill-O-Meter

By Will Schultz

Lula da Silva

At long last, a South American Olympics! But should we congratulate or console Brazil’s president?

He just inherited the biggest, longest, most expensive migraine in world history.

3 Rush Limbaugh

El Rushbo’s plan to buy the St. Louis Rams fell through. Too bad; the woeful Rams could use an offensive genius like Limbaugh on the sidelines.

Who’s on top of the heap right now? Who has fallen far?

We track the up-and-comers and the down-and-outs.

2

Olympia Snowe

For supporting the president’s healthcare plan, Senator Snowe is either A) a true patriot or B) an anti-American traitor, depending on which red-faced radio ranter you listen to.

4

Richard Daley

Even with Obama, Oprah, and Michael Jordan on his side, Mayor Daley still couldn’t bring the Olympic torch to Chicago. That’s like bringing a gun to a knife fight—and losing.

November 2009 5

International

Olympics boost Brazil Much to the United States’ dismay, Chicago did not win its bid for the 2016 Olympics. In Rio de Janeiro however, Brazilians have gone wild with excitement over being selected to host the summer games. It will be the first Olympics ever held in South America and Brazil is beaming with pride over the selection.

After facing the global recession, Brazil has recovered and is now experiencing economic growth due to its vast oil reserves, as its status as the world’s second largest food exporter.

Brazil’s president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, told CNBC reporters that “Brazil is experiencing a magical moment in terms of growth.” Winning the Olympic bid illustrates how much Brazil has grown, will allow for further development and enhances South America’s international influence.

As the 2008 Olympics in Beijing illustrated China’s vast development and emergence as a world power, Rio de Janeiro’s are planned to have the same message.

The world was left astounded by the organization and spectacle of Beijing’s opening ceremony. The International Olympic Council, the body which selects the city that will host the Olympics every four years, has come to choose countries that will have a global impact. This was the case for China, as it hoped to redefine its image to the rest of the world. This was also the case for the 1988 Olympics in Seoul, which had the goal of stabilizing South Korea’s government, along with showcasing the country’s economic progress.

Brazil is focused on similar aspects as its bid presentation was centered on illustrating its economic development. Brazil’s Finance Minister,

6 The Hill

Guido Mantega, stated that hosting the 2016 Olympics will incite more growth in the coming years. Brazil’s economy is currently the tenth largest in the world and it is predicted to be the fifth largest by 2016. Development of hotels and infrastructure necessitated by the Olympics will create a more stable environment and attract foreign investors. Alvaro Jose de Souto, an International Relations professor at Brazil’s Federal University of Santa Catarina, said in an email to The Hill that “Brazil will

gain a lot with the coming Olympic Games. The country will receive many public and private investments and will be news in the world, which will make people more aware of the potential of this country.”

Although Rio has already built over half of the sporting facilities because the city hosted the 2007 Pan and Parapan American Games, it still has plans to renovate and build more centers that will provide for further long-term development of the city.

For example, there is a plan to build a sports complex that will be used as

an Olympic venue, but will serve as a youth sport center afterwards. The complex is being built in Deodoro, an area that has a high population of young people and a need for more sports facilities.

Even though excitement is in the air about such international recognition, Brazil still faces many internal issues such as poverty, a poor education system, political corruption and problems with drug trafficking. Nicolas Garcia, a foreign exchange student from Brazil to the United States in an interview with The Hill says that he is excited about his country winning the bid, but that there are still big issues remaining. “We are forgetting about the Amazon and the protection it needs, the poor Northeast, the violence and the drugs in Rio de Janeiro and the whole organized crime in the country. We are forgetting how terrible our public education is.”

One of the hopes of the Olympic Games is that it will help solve some of these issues, thereby improving the quality of life in Rio de Janeiro; but there is still much to be done.

The celebrations in Brazil were filled with pride; as Garcia states, “Everyone is proud of being a Brazilian now.” President Lula told the New York Times, “We are going to show the world we can be a great country.

We aren’t the United States, but we are getting there.” Brazil has often been called the country of the future that will never arrive in the future.

We will have to wait until 2016 to see if the Olympics can change this.

Lucy Emerson is a sophomore majoring in economics and political science.

International

Chaos in Honduras

Interim government cracks down on media Ousted in late June, former Presi- cent of the country’s budget. After dent Manuel Zelaya of Honduras revoking the bans, Micheletti asked urged his supporters to converge on for “forgiveness from the Honduran capital city of Tegucigalpa in a ‘final people” and declared that he would offensive’ on Sept. 27. Later that day, ask the Supreme Court to lift the the interim Honduran government decree “as quickly as possible.” suspended civil liberties, banned unauthorized public meetings, and Although Micheletti has promised closed down the two media outlets to lift these measures, his governloyal to Zelaya. These measures were originally intended to last forty-five “The media shutdown is a very clear demonstration of the days.

authoritarian nature of the new

According to these new government, revealing the lie that decrees, “the frequencies the coup was staged to protect of radio or television sta- democracy in Honduras.” tions may be canceled if they transmit messages that incite national hate and the ment has not fulfilled this pledge. destruction of public property.” The In early November, the government day after this ban went forth, the unveiled a new measure giving itself government closed two pro-Zelaya the power to shut down all media outlets, as police officers took over outlets inciting “social anarchy or television station Channel 36 and national hatred.” Micheletti accused soldiers formed a barricade around the pro-Zelaya stations of encouragradio station Radio Globo.These ing vandalism and insurrection and stations were among the few media announced that they would remain outlets that reported on the protests closed until their owners “come to in favor of restoring Zelaya to the the courts to recover their right to presidency. In addition, police and be on the air.” Even though the insoldiers removed equipment from terdicts on broadcasting have been the stations so that they physically lifted, the government has not recould not function. turned the stations’ equipment and has made no progress in re-opening However, after congressional leaders the two media outlets. According warned that they would not support to Professor Evelyne Huber, chair the bans, the de facto government, of the Political Science department led by interim president Robert Mi- at UNC-Chapel Hill and an expert cheletti, abandoned its attempt to on Latin America, “the media shutshut down protests and limit free down is a very clear demonstration speech. Those who confronted Mi- of the authoritarian nature of the cheletti late were concerned that the new government, revealing the lie decree went too far and jeopardized that the coup was staged to protect the reinstatement of foreign aid, democracy in Honduras.” which had accounted for 20 per-

While the US strongly condemned the de facto government and its actions restricting civil liberties, it reserved its strongest condemnation for Zelaya. In early September, Zelaya snuck back into Honduras and received protection from the Brazilian embassy, where he currently resides. The US government claimed that Zelaya was “irresponsible and foolish” for returning to Honduras before a settlement was reached. His return, needless to say, has made immeasurably more difficult an already tense situation.

In addition, presidential elections are currently scheduled to take place Nov. 29. Before Zelaya snuck back into the country, the de facto government was attempting to stamp out the former president’s support in hopes of increasing Micheletti’s chances of re-election. The recent emergency measures make it much less likely that the upcoming elections will be seen as free and fair.

The late June coup in Honduras has triggered Central America’s worst crisis in years and has tested President Barack Obama’s promise of a new era of engagement with Latin America. The de facto government and the Obama administration are currently engaged in talks and are negotiating to find a solution to the standoff, as well as to make certain the upcoming elections will be free and transparent.

Carey Averbook is a first year majoring in international studies and psychology.

November 2009 7

International

Karzai wins election

But does the vote give him enough legitimacy to govern?

It is August 20th, 2009—election day in Afghanistan. The BBC sends an Afghan to do undercover work.

He is offered a thousand voter cards at a price of six dollars each. 1000 votes for 6000 dollars.

In many districts across Afghanistan, voters are told who to vote for.

Bribes are offered. People are threatened; fear depresses turnout in some areas. All the same, many closed voting stations have their ballot boxes stuffed. Strangely, some regions with little historical turnout are bursting with votes.

Originally, President Hamid Karzai won with about 55 percent of the vote against his chief rival Abdullah Abdullah, who had 28 percent.

However, UN auditors working for the Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC) have voided nearly one in every three ballots for suspicion of fraud.

That brings President Karzai’s total percentage under a simple majority of 50%. According to the Afghan constitution, a presidential candidate needs a majority to win. Otherwise, the constitution calls for a runoff.

In August, September, and the first half of October, Karzai resisted calls for a run-off, arguing that even if there was some fraud, the election as a whole was fair. Moreover, he and his supporters argued that a revote would smack of foreign interference.

His chief campaign advisor, Maeen Mirstyal, said that “The ECC is pretty much controlled by foreigners, and its foreign commissioners intervene in the process.”

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The fraud-marred vote has not just affected Afghanistan; it has thrown a big wrench into US foreign policy regarding that country. Prior to the vote, there seemed to be outward consensus among the actors of the Obama administration regarding the military and political relationship between Afghanistan and the US. After all, in his first one hundred days in office, Obama approved a 17,000 troop increase in Afghanistan. While there were dissenters, they seemed far from the chain of command.

After August, however, Vice-President Joe Biden became much more skeptical of increasing troop levels. In internal discussions, Biden fretted that the U.S. would be seen not only as an occupying power but also protectors of an illegitimate regime. Certainly, Karzai’s early opposition to a revote scared American politicians, who worried that adding troops to the 100,000-strong NATO contingent would be meaningless if Afghanistan was led by a politically impotent president.

Ultimately, the United States is interested in stability in Afghanistan.

UNC International Relations professor Stephen Gent said in an interview to the Hill that American policy makers must “choose whatever policy best obtains that goal.”

Gent said that having a legitimate partner overseas in Afghanistan allows policymakers to keep their op-

tions open and better handle domestic dissention over the war.

After intense US pressure, Karzai reversed his hard-line position on the revote and consented to the first

round of voting. Abdullah initially agreed to a revote on November 7th, but changed his mind, shocking the world on Nov. 1 by announcing his withdrawal from the race. This move, the motives and consequences of which are not fully understood, effectively gives Karzai another term as president and further dampens Western hopes for a government that is seen as legitimate in the eyes of Afghanistan and the international community Before Abdullah’s shock announcement, the question was whether or not the revote could restore legitimacy to the Afghan political system. Now that the political process has come to an abrupt end, Karzai alone must prove himself a legitimate leader.

Krishna Kollu is a sophomore.

International

Al-Qaida eight years later

A look at the state of the terrorist organization in Afghanistan The War on Terror was declared against the backdrop of Sept. 11, and since that day U.S. foreign policy has focused on the containment and eventual eradication of networks devoted to wreaking terrible destruction upon American soil. Many at home and abroad disagree about the tactics necessary to ‘win’ this war, but virtually everyone agrees that a major threat to peace and stability everywhere can be summed up in two words: al-Qaida. Though outside assessments of current al-Qaida strength and tactics are hotly debated, one thing certainly remains true: the war in Afghanistan has become the primary front on which the campaign against al-Qaida is fought, as their operational capacity is irreversibly linked to elements of the Taliban and other local entities within Afghanistan.

The use of these tactics has become increasingly commonplace in Afghanistan. As a result of the collaboration between al-Qaida networks in Pakistan’s Northwest Frontier Province and in Afghanistan, this violent stratagem has also spread to Pakistan, where it has become a serious destabilizing factor. The expanded use of classic terrorist tactics by alQaida means that the brunt of the attacks is borne by Muslim civilians.

This runs counter to al-Qaida’s supposedly pro-Muslim goals and ideology. The possible consequences of al-Qaida tactics imply two differing and somewhat contradictory conclusions regarding the threat it poses.

The use of terror and propaganda to marginalize a perceived oppressor in the eyes of a civilian population is a classic insurgent tactic. Another is inciting fear through calculated attacks against civilians, which has been a cornerstone of organizations that combine terror with ideology to achieve political ends. Both of these tactics are routine strategies of al-Qaida, and many civilians, policy experts, and military experts have come to expect their attacks to embody these strategies. al-Qaida has recently expanded this strategy, launching attacks indiscriminately against civilian populations, including many of the “disaffected” populations they intend to reach through a steady stream of rhetoric and ideology.

Realistically, both of these conclusions carry weight because they both define al-Qaida. alQaida is a marginalized Although al-Qaida’s operational organization with strong capacity has diminished, its ties to volatile elements ideology has spread to radical in very unstable areas. elements within Afghanistan and Regardless of al-Qaida’s Pakistan. strength or weakness, the only true countermeasure lies in political result al-Qaida’s influence has tre- development and the cultivation of mendously increased. Army Lieu- popular sentiment against al-Qaida tenant General Michael D. Maples, throughout the Muslim world. director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, testified to the Senate Ismaail Qaiyim is a sophomore majorArmed Services Committee that al- ing in history and peace, war and deQaida’s presence, though still on a fense. minor scale, is more significant now than it was many years ago. While many analysts agree that al-Qaida’s strength is nowhere near the level it

The first is that, although al-Qaida’s operational capacity has diminished, its ideology has spread to radical elements within Afghanistan and Pakistan. Elements of the Taliban and other groups in this region have been primed by al-Qaida, and as a

was before Sept. 11, many local news outlets maintain that al-Qaida’s influence in Afghanistan remains very strong.

The second conclusion is that al-Qaida’s strength has been diminished by its own actions, as its tactics have led to a backlash among Muslim civilians. Peter Bergen’s testimony before the U.S. Foreign Relations Committee holistically analyzed the depth of al-Qaida’s strength and influence, but is also noted the ineffectiveness of some of al-Qaida’s tactics.

The killing of Muslim civilians has prevented al-Qaida from creating a genuine mass political movement, and has in fact disaffected many who initially supported the terrorist group. These tactics imply that alQaida lacks a positive vision that has the approval of the Muslim masses.

November 2009 9

International

‘Change’ in Botswana “Time for change” is a slogan close to the hearts of supporters of the Botswana National Front, BNF, the main opposition party in this year’s national election. The BNF is known for its platform of social democracy, with an emphasis on alleviating poverty.

tremors indicating what lies beneath the surface. Reporters in the Bostwanan Mmegi News noted that district elections were unexpectedly tight this year, with a margin of less than a hundred votes in some areas.

When taken into consideration with increased intra-party strife in the BDP, many are beginning to wonder if this is the start of major political change for Botswana.

Politics in Botswana is currently dominated by the Botswana Democratic Party, the BDP. Founded by Seretse Kharma in 1961, it was with the BDP’s While the nascent shift in African conservative platform politics has been attributed to that he led the country to many sources, perhaps one of the more interesting ideas on independence in 1966.

the matter comes down to a generational divide.

The BDP may win for the longest enduring party, but it seems to be showing the ailments that come with old age. Recent disagreements between major voices in the party have brought to question the strength of the ideological foundations of the party and if all the grumbling will crack open a few fault lines.

While not a brand new political entity, the BNF, unlike the BDP, has grown in popularity in the last decades. It burst onto the scene in 1994, winning 13 of 57 house seats and becoming the second largest seat holder in the National Assembly, a spot that it has consistently maintained in each national election since.

Every earthquake has its epicenter, deep below ground, rumbling its way to the surface until we see and feel it. For Botswana, the epicenter of all this political contention seems to be on a less national, more local level.

Even if we can’t see it on a national level just yet, there are definitely

10 The Hill

Botswana isn’t the only country to that’s causing jumps on the seismograph. Perhaps most notable of these is Uganda, where the competition between the current president Yoweri Museveni’s National Resistance Movement and the opposition Forum for Democratic Change, FDC, is becoming increasingly heated.

Elections are still two years away, but like Botswana, local districts are more and more loudly decrying the end of the current ruling party.

While the nascent shift in African politics has been attributed to many sources, perhaps one of the more interesting ideas on the matter comes down to a generational divide. The BNP started taking hold in the midnineties, and Uganda’s FDC was founded in 2003 when Museveni lifted the ban on the multi-party system. Since that time, these parties have been increasingly gaining strength, and often their largest support base is among youth.

Economic, social, and political changes happen in an instant in many of these developing countries, and the world of the youth today is very much not the world that their parents knew. They have different perspectives, different priorities, and thus different political agendas. For example, a generation ago, Uganda was ruled by Idi Amin, whose brutal rule was characterized by war, ethnic persecution, and rampant human rights abuses. Under Museveni, middle aged Ugandans have at least known peace, if not prosperity. Their children, however, look to the future and want more. The BNP and FDC have one crucial thing in common: they call for a change that requires replacing the current system with one that guarantees not only physical security but economic stability. Now that many of the youth are coming of age and old enough to vote, this seismic shift may be revealing itself electorally.

The future is uncertain. It is far too early to judge the strength of these trends in Botswana and Uganda, let alone to assess whether they characterize African politics as a whole, as some perhaps overeager observers claim. At the very least the political future is looking less and less certain by the election. Who knows how long it will be before the earthquake surfaces, but needless to say, when it does, it’ll set new heights on the political Richter scale.

Cortney Evans is a junior majoring in international studies and economics.

International

Make soccer, not war Conflict resolution through sports Democratic peace theory suggests that democracies which have a civilian controlled military rarely go to war with each other. This is in part because the people of both nations are deterred by the reality of violent conflict. Essentially, people, rather than politicians or diplomats, are

the driving force for peace.

Yet, bottom-up models of peace building have largely been neglected in regions of the world plagued by prolonged conflict. Even so, the recent use of “soccer diplomacy” between Armenia and Turkey as a platform for renewed peace talks may serve as a prototype for reversing this trend.

On Oct. 14, 2009, the Turkish and Armenian national soccer teams played a World Cup qualifier match in the Turkish city of Bursa. Turkish leaders President Abdullah Gul and Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan, as well as Armenian President Serzh Sarkisian, attended. This match occurred in the backdrop of an agreement that was signed on Oct. 10, in which both sides agreed to reopen their border. Turkey cut diplomatic ties with Armenia in 1993 in sup-

port of its ally Azerbaijan, which was internally battling ethnic Armenian separatists. Furthermore, Turkish-Armenian relations have been soured by a historical disagreement over whether mass killings of Armenians by Ottoman Turks during World War One should be considered genocide.

One of the symbolic launching points for the renewal of diplomatic talks between Armenia and Turkey was a soccer match in September 2008 held in Yerevan, Armenia. This was the

first time a Turkish President had visited Armenia since 1993. Momentum for an open foreign policy with Armenia had been building within the Turkish parliament. In particular, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) spearheaded the effort to organize soccer matches between the nations.

In an interview with The Hill, Atek Demir, a professor of political economy from Bosphorus University, suggests that “soccer was used by the AKP to garner public support for the renewed relationship with Armenia.” He noted that while the climate

at the two matches has been sometimes volatile between the Turkish and Armenian fans, this plays into the AKP’s strategic plan for how the diplomatic relations between the two countries were to be framed. In a study in conjunction with Ahmed Yilmaz, a political psychologist, the authors found that Turkish citizens, who have held hostile sentiment towards Armenia, now project that attitude through these soccer matches rather than through political preferences. In fact, they found that in general, Turkish citizens favor renewed relations with Armenia when it is framed as a reopening of markets and trade. Demir concludes that the “AKP has used soccer as a sort of buffer between the public’s dislike about Armenia, rooted in nationalism, and its interest in mutually advantageous economic relations.”

While soccer or any sport for that matter still polarizes the fans of each team, in the case of Turkish-Armenian relations, it has created a bond between the people of both nations.

Although they still compete on the field, they now see each other as economic partners rather than political adversaries. Perhaps this ability to appreciate the ‘other’ has never been more apparent when general support for the Ivory Coast national team in the 2006 World Cup actually put a civil war on halt. Accordingly, soccer diplomacy, as a type of bottomup model to peace building, can be a powerful channel for fostering understanding within conflict regions.

Yash Shah is a junior majoring in economics and political science.

November 2009 11

Cover

The states and

When the bell rings to announce the lative $178 billion budget shortfall. start of class, a Los Angeles public Emergency spending cuts have led high school student takes her seat in to layoffs of thousands of teachers, a classroom crowded with 42 other nurses, janitors and librarians. The students. In Hawaii, students will stimulus package passed in Februnot go to school on most Fridays for ary set aside a third of its funding the rest of the year due to a recently shortened academic calendar. “When you go into a job you expect the basic supplies to be there, and These scenes are replithey’re having to cut back on the cated across the counsmallest things like paper because try, where ballooning things are so bad.” class sizes and fewer school days are but two of many dramatic indicators of the precarious state of for education, a total of almost $100 American public education. billion, of which about $70 billion in aid has been disbursed to states. A The federal government has tried report issued by the White House to buoy education funding as states and Education Department said struggle to close massive budget that federal aid had created or saved deficits produced by the recession. 250,000 jobs in education, but did Education policy and funding is pri- not state how many have been cut or marily the responsibility of states, project further potential losses. whose tax revenues have dropped precipitously. According to the Cen- North Carolina’s education system ter on Budget and Policy Priorities has not been spared the budget cuts.

(CBPP), this has produced a cumu- School systems have been asked to

12 The Hill

return money to the state and teachers’ salaries have been cut. Jennifer Joyce, a UNC Master of Arts in Teaching student, sees the effects on local schools. She observes classes at Hillside High School in Durham, which does not have a soccer team this year because there was no funding for a coach. The school’s teachers also have to pay for their own paper.

“When you go into a job you expect the basic supplies to be there, and they’re having to cut back on the smallest things like paper because things are so bad,” Joyce said in an interview with The Hill.

Joyce also said that because of hiring freezes schools are making do with fewer teachers, many of whom must now teach subjects they have never taught before to fill schools’ needs.

Cautiously optimistic projections issued by the government indicate

Cover

public education: broke and broken that the economy is recovering and some economists have gone as far as to suggest that the recession is over.

Skeptics point to the 9.8 percent unemployment rate and weak housing markets that they say will impede economic recovery. CBPP’s financial projections suggest that states will face budget shortfalls totaling over $100 billion annually through 2013 and that state economies are consistently slower to recover than the national economy. These deficits will necessitate further rounds of spending cuts for programs and services, including education.

states whose innovative programs have raised student achievement. It will also fund research and expansion of new programs with high success rates. Duncan is also pushing states to adopt laws that allow and incentivize charter schools to be established.

It seems a devastating setback for a system with significant achievement gaps across ethnic and economic lines. Black and Hispanic students tend to have proficiency rates in reading and math that are less than half those of white students, according to the Department of Education.

American students are also ranked lower than students of most other highly industrialized nations for academic achievement in math and science. The education system’s failures have resulted in a 69 percent high school graduation rate, according to The National Center for Higher Education Management Systems.

However, the stimulus funding is only the beginning of the administration’s efforts at improving education. It is expected to issue its recommendations for education reform in the next few months and seek more funding for education. Duncan has praised No Child Left Behind, passed in 2002, for requiring states to measure improvements based on outcomes and for highlighting achievement gaps. However, he criticizes the legislation for allowing states to set their own standards for achievem e n t , many of w h i c h have been watered down to produce acceptable proficiency scores.

Duncan insists that revised legislation must reward teachers based on performance, create data systems

U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan is moving aggressively to encourage innovation in education.

He recently issued guidelines for states looking to receive part of the $5 billion Race to the Top Fund.

The fund will issue grants rewarding

that allow states to monitor school performance and encourage innovative approaches through initiatives like charter schools. He also believes that the education bill should focus less on standardized testing and change its standards for labeling schools as “failures.”

The recession triggered a budget crunch for states that is unlikely to subside for several years. The administration’s success in pushing reform and securing additional funding for education will affect the severity of future cuts and of their impacts.

The administration’s success in pushing reform and securing additional funding for education will affect the severity of future cuts and of their impacts.

Tatiana Brezina is a junior majoring in political science and international studies.

November 2009 13

Cover

Going postal: UPS in trouble “Neither snow nor rain nor heat nor gloom of night stays these couriers from the swift completion of their appointed rounds.”

What about bankruptcy?

The economic crisis dealt a heavy blow to some of America’s fundamental institutions, from the financial system to automakers. Despite the fervent discussion surrounding these industries, one of great significance has been overlooked: the United States Postal Service.

The Post Office is one of the oldest public institutions in America, predating the formation of the United States itself. Today, it employs over 600,000 workers, making USPS the second largest non-governmental employer behind Wal-Mart. It functions much like any other corporation, generating its own revenue and incurring its own costs. And like private corporations, it has suffered from a depressed economy. According to USPS data, the volume of regular mail delivered fell 5 percent last year and is expected to drop an additional 15 percent by the end of 2009. Financially, this translates to a loss of $2.8 billion last fiscal year and $4.7 billion in the first three quarters of 2009. Add that to its $3.3 billion dollar debt owed as of March of this year, and the picture is deeply unsettling.

So what has led to this unprecedented decline in mail volume, which shrank by 20 billion pieces in 2009?

The first and obvious culprit is the recession, on which USPS has levied most of the blame. A slump in commerce means households and firms are making fewer purchases, leav-

14 The Hill

ing the mailman with less to deliver.

But the Post Office has not earned a profit since 2006, before the signs of the financial crisis started looming.

More likely, its long term financial woes can be attributed to growing competition from private couriers such as FedEx and the United Parcel Service (UPS).

Yet for all the obstacles, USPS maintains a considerable advantage over its competitors, that of a government-sanctioned postal monopoly.

The Post Office retains exclusive access to all letterboxes marked ‘U.S. Mail.’ Moreover, USPS alone is allowed to deliver first-class mail and most forms of mail used by businesses.

Justifications for a postal monopoly date back to George Washington and the American Revolution. Congress recognized the necessity of managing the post for purposes of national security and to ensure effective communication. By the mid-19th century the rationale became economic, with Congress arguing that private carriers would never deliver mail to rural areas; the cost of doing so would be too high to be considered worthwhile. Thus, continued government subsidies were required to preserve “universal service.”

Like many economists, Professor Rick Geddes of Cornell University believes these arguments are outdated. In an email interview with The Hill, Geddes pointed out that “nothing in economic theory says that private delivery firms would not service high-cost routes. They would simply serve them at a higher price (equal to marginal cost).” He went on to say that if the government remained

concerned over these costs, it would be more efficient to award contracts to private firms with the stipulation that businesses serve all locations.

Furthermore, Geddes emphasized how monopolistic power, like USPS, offers little incentive for innovation or cost-minimization, the forces that drive competitive firms to operate efficiently.

All this is not to say USPS isn’t trying. With revenue on a persistent decline, the service has taken numerous steps towards cutting costs: proposing the closure of 681 post offices, reducing operating hours and curtailing its workforce. The agency recently proposed ending Saturday delivery, which can only occur by act of Congress. “We will continue to provide the dependable service our customers need,” said Postmaster General John Potter in August.

“We also will keep a balance with our critical focus on reducing costs so that service is not diminished.”

Nevertheless, a tough road lies ahead for the U.S. Postal Service. Geddes predicted “it will continue to see a long, slow decline in revenues” while labor costs remain high. With its ability to take on debt restricted by statute, government intervention may be short in coming. “There is no question in my mind there will be a [taxpayer] bailout at some point,” Geddes said. It remains to be seen whether Americans will accept another such rescue, or if the Post Office may indeed be on the verge of collapse.

Ryan Collins is a junior majoring in political science and economics.

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Water wars

Recession increases competition for water resources As the economy continues to languish, with high unemployment and reduced consumer spending, local lawmakers across the country are scrambling to find relief. In western and southern states especially, access to water is a crucial, yet increasingly scarce lifeline in pulling states’ economies out of the recession. However, as drought and ‘water wars’ between the states linger, the economically dire circumstances serve to exacerbate an already tense situation.

Georgia vs. Alabama vs. Florida Although the drought in the South is notably declining, a recent ruling gave Atlanta three years to end the water wars with Florida and Alabama. Also, it restricts Atlanta’s use of the Lanier River to the same consumption level as in the 1970s, creating the potential for an economic setback. “It would perhaps have a Katrina-sized effect on the metro economy,” said Sam Williams, president of the Metro Atlanta Chamber.

“We’ve got to make sure this gets solved before the ultimate deadline hits us.” There are concerns that construction will gradually halt, attracting companies to Atlanta will become almost impossible and water rates will sharply increase. On the other hand, the ruling is an unadulterated victory for Florida and Alabama because it ensures a more equitable share of water access.

After 18 years, the water wars between these states over the Apalachicola, Chattahoochee and Flint River Basin have racked up million in legal fees. Much is at stake, including environmental risks which

caused Florida and Alabama to accuse Georgia of violating the Endangered Species Act. Alabama relies on Lake Lanier for energy, both to maintain a nuclear plant and for hydropower. Florida’s governor is frustrated by what he perceives as the unlimited use Lanier River by Georgia for drinking water. Meanwhile, Florida and Alabama fisheries, farms and municipalities lose millions in revenue from lack of quality water. As Florida accuses Georgia of ignoring demands and Georgia accuses Florida of deception, tensions are running high.

California and Colorado With a mountain of debt, bankrupt cities and high unemployment, California officials feel the pressure of the drought now more than ever. There is a clash of ideologies as lawmakers confront different sets of values, priorities and ideas. Republican members of Congress proposed suspending the Endangered Species Act in order to lift restrictions on pumping water; however the legislation was blocked. A proposal that potentially diverted water from California’s rural San Joaquin valley to San Francisco found an unlikely opponent in Iowa representative Steve King, who said that the measure throws “dust in the face of the hardworking people in the valley,” illustrating the complex relationship between ideology,

national politics and local needs.

Just as in the Southern water wars, there is also conflict between corporations and citizens, as Nestle eyes the water springs near Salida, Colorado. In the past, courts have more often than not ruled in favor of companies and tempers flare as citizens cite the overuse of water for unnecessary commercial purposes.

A Step towards Working Together In the war for limited resources, it remains to be seen whether states will be able to cooperate and solve the legal issues before the industries dependent on water crumple and go bankrupt. The Lower Yuba River Accord, an agreement reached in California that more equitably distributes water resources, proves that with hard work and the understanding of each other’s needs, compromise is achievable. The accord has determined a method for rotating water according the needs of the fish and the crops after studying their reproductive cycle and general behavior. Perhaps the Lower Yuba River Accord can set the precedent for the water wars between Alabama, Georgia and Florida as well as California and Colorado.

Diane Hearth is a junior majoring in political science.

November 2009 15

Domestic

Reid 2010 = Daschle 2004?

In October, more than a year before the 2010 elections, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) launched his first campaign ads of the election season.

Reid’s decision came in reaction to numbers from polling firm MasonDixon which showed Reid trailing two of his potential challengers. Former Nevada Republican Party Chairman Sue Lowden led Reid 49-39 while real estate owner Danny Tarkanian polled 48 percent to Reid’s 43. These numbers also prompted analysts at the nonpartisan Rothenberg Political Report to reclassify Reid’s race as a “toss-up.”

Mason-Dixon’s numbers were not the first to paint Reid as a vulnerable incumbent in 2010. In May, a Las Vegas Review-Journal poll found that only a third of Nevadans would vote to re-elect Reid while 45 percent would vote for someone else.

Even in December of last year, polling did not favor Reid. A Research 2000 poll reported Reid’s approval rating at 38 percent compared to a 54 percent disapproval rating.

The last time a sitting party leader was defeated in an election was in 2004. Then Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle of South Dakota lost to Sen. John Thune 51-49. Before Daschle, no party leader had lost a race since 1952.

Reid’s polling has prompted pundits to compare the Majority Leader’s reelection campaign to Daschle’s 2004 election, but in an email interview with The Hill Professor Eric Herzik, chair of the political science department at the University of Nevada at Reno, believes the comparison to be

16 The Hill

“superficial” and reflective of “a stereotyping of Nevada politics.”

“Daschle ran against a very strong opponent, John Thune, who had statewide appeal as the state’s only US House member,” said Herzik.

“None of Reid’s potential opponents have the name recognition or existing base of support as did Thune.”

Herzik also noted the Republican primary field is crowded, meaning there will be a costly primary, leaving the Republican candidate at a disadvantage to Reid, who will have a considerable amount of campaign cash and strong political organization.

Reid’s dual roles as Democratic leader and Nevada Senator have drawn the most attention thus far in the campaign season. As leader, Reid has become closely associated with President Obama’s agenda, an association that has caused unease with Nevadans who view the president’s agenda as too liberal. Reid, however, has distanced himself from the president, stating at one press conference, “I do not work for Barack Obama. I work with him.”

Regardless, by virtue of his title, Reid, along with Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA), has become the standard bearer of Obama’s key issue of health care reform at the legislative level. He also remains associated with Obama’s economic stimulus packages that he helped guide through the Senate.

Reid has already employed tactics to cast his influential role in the Senate in a positive light. After Senator Max Baucus’ health care reform plan

passed the Senate Finance Committee, Reid negotiated an exemption from increases in matching Medicaid funds for his economically distraught state, a fact likely to be reiterated frequently throughout the 2010 campaign along with other economic triumphs for the senator.

With Nevada’s unemployment rate approaching 13 percent, Reid needs to be perceived as working to stimulate the national economy as well as improving the economic circumstances of ordinary Nevadans.

However, economic improvement alone will not save Reid. A deciding factor this campaign season will likely be whether Reid can successfully use his status as a national political leader as an asset rather than a liability.

“Republicans will try to link Reid with Nancy Pelosi—and that will hurt Reid,” said Herzik. “But Reid can still use Obama—and Obama remains wildly popular with Democrats in Nevada and isn’t so unpopular with folks outside of the Republican base.”

Reid may be vulnerable in 2010, but it is still too early in the season to assess just how vulnerable the Majority Leader actually is. Without a definitive opponent and with many national issues still being debated, Reid’s fate may hinge on outcomes yet to be determined.

Regardless, even if Reid is defeated, it will not be for the same reasons that Tom Daschle was five years ago.

Travis Crayton is a first year majoring in political science and public policy.

Domestic

Weighty race in New Jersey It doesn’t seem like much, just a runof-the-mill attack ad. Over shots of screaming police sirens, the narrator intones “If you were caught speeding in an unregistered car, would you get away without points? Chris Christie did.” Christie, the narrator alleges, has “[thrown] his weight around” to get off easy. Then things get interesting. The ad closes with a shot of New Jersey gubernatorial candidate Chris Christie (R) stepping out of his SUV. The scene abruptly lurches into slow motion and the camera zooms in to linger on every jiggle and wobble of Christie’s hefty frame.

Some called it an ordinary campaign attack, but others saw it as a juvenile crack about Christie’s weight—if not something more serious altogether.

But whatever it was, this literally weighty issue might have decided New Jersey’s recent gubernatorial election.

The ad appeared just as the race began to tighten. A few weeks before the election Christie’s opponent, incumbent New Jersey Governor Jon Corzine (D), looked like a goner.

A Monmouth poll released in early August showed Corzine trailing Christie 50%-36%. Corzine, formerly a US senator and an ex-CEO of Goldman Sachs, was struggling to cope with a sluggish economy and was fending off allegations of corruption. But New Jersey’s Democratic tilt had started to re-assert itself. The entrance of third-party candidate Chris Daggett also had the potential to leach anti-Corzine votes away from Christie. Polls showed an increasingly close race. A Fairleigh Dickinson survey released the day before the race gave Corzine a 2% lead.

A close race means an ugly race, but Christie’s supporters claimed that Corzine’s ad went too far. Republican State Senator Bill Baroni fumed “There’s no subtlety there… It’s purposeful. And it’s offensive.” Corzine’s campaign disagrees. When asked about the ad, Corzine waved the whole thing off as inconsequential.

But Lee Sigelman, a professor of political science at George Washington University who has studied the role of candidate attractiveness in elections, agrees with Christie. “It looks to me like the Christie people are NOT just seeing things that aren’t there,” Sigelman wrote in an e-mail to The Hill. “The Corzine people are being pretty ‘heavy-handed’ about it.”

Can a candidate’s looks really swing an election? Could famously homely Abe Lincoln, who once quipped, “If I were two-faced, would I be wearing this one?” win with today’s imageobsessed electorate? No candidate ever campaigns on looks alone, but attractiveness can subtly play into pre-existing narratives. In 2008, Barack Obama emphasized his vigor and his zeal for change. That theme was hammered home by images of the youthful Obama bowling and playing basketball.

The phenomenon is hardly new. In the 1980s, Sigelman observed, Ronald Reagan’s aides arranged photo ops to highlight the 70-year-old president’s vitality. Reagan was often photographed at his ranch, riding on horseback or chopping brush.

voters were more inclined to support a candidate with whom they share a physical resemblance. This seemed to indicate trouble for Christie; according to Calorie Lab, New Jersey has one of the lowest obesity rates in the nation.

Yet Corzine lost. In the end, his ad seems to have backfired. In an e-mail to The Hill, Joshua Margolin, a reporter for the Newark Star-Ledger, noted that “By making the blunt reference, people who don’t like fat stereotypes were turned off and, even those who like fat jokes…were saying Corzine looked and sounded mean.” Margolin believes that the attack might have given Christie a much-needed boost in the campaign’s closing weeks. In a contested election like this one, that might have made the difference.

Will Schultz is a senior majoring in history.

Research has shown that looks really can make a difference. A 2005 study by Stanford University researchers found that in some cases,

November 2009 17

Opinion

from the Left

Preserving dignity

By Ivanna Gonzalez Early last week, a patient in an American hospital suffering from a terminal illness told his doctor that he would like a referral to a hospice care center and a prescription for medication to ease the pain. Later that week, that patient passed away. This week, there was no story in the news about the incident. No doctor was sought out by a criminal court and charged for murder. The family members did not seek retaliation or accuse the doctor of malpractice. A patient’s refusal of treatment is not at all uncommon in our society, nor is the practice of referring a dying patient to a hospice facility one frowned upon or very much debated. In fact, according to a report by the National Hospice and Palliative Care Organization, the number of U.S. hospice programs has more than tripled since 1985.

In the debate surrounding the ethics and legality of physician-assisted suicide, it seems that opponents of the practice have neglected the precedent set forth by the advent of hospice care in this country. It is a practice that for all intents and purposes results in death by a physician’s conscious and active decision to provide a referral. Thus in discussing the matter of physician-assisted suicide (not to be confused with euthanasia, where the doctors themselves administer the drug rather than prescribe the lethal dosage and allow only the patient to administer it) it seems illogical to dwell on a distinction between the passive and the active to justify its illegality and blatantly reject a well defined precedent.

Opponents of this practice are also quick to say that legalizing assisted suicide is a slippery slope that would undoubtedly lead to hasty requests and the unrestricted killing of the weak simply due to financial burden, lack of choices or interest in monetary gain by inheritance.

Because these are legitimate concerns, legislation in Oregon and Washington, after which most legalizations of assisted suicide would be modeled, takes special care against such abuses. Under both pieces of legislation, an eligible patient is stringently defined as a legal adult who

18 The Hill

is mentally and psychologically capable to make health care decisions as determined by a psychiatric specialist, and has a confirmed diagnosis of death within 6 months.

They must also follow through with a number of requirements before receiving a lethal prescription: “the patient must (1) make two oral requests separated by at least 15 days, (2) provide a written request to their physician, signed in the presence of witnesses who may not be relatives, anyone entitled to the patient’s estate upon death, or an employee of the facility where the patient is being treated or is a resident, (3) have a confirmed prognosis and (4) be subject to a psychological evaluation.”

The Oregon Death with Dignity Act was enacted over 11 years ago and extensive reporting of actions taken under this act throughout that time allow for an in depth look at trends that indicate no abuses of the kind that opponents warn against. According to the 2008 Summary as provided by the state of Oregon, less than 1 percent (0.194 percent) of deaths could be attributed to the Death with Dignity Act. In fact, since its inception in 1997, only 401 patients have made use of this law. Of those, 60 percent had at least a baccalaureate degree and 97 percent had some form of health insurance thus ruling out the argument that people of lesser means would disproportionately use such legislation. Liliana Eljuri, a case manager for United Home Care Services, a non-profit “dedicated to improving the quality of life” for late-stage or disabled adults, told The Hill that there is a very elaborate system in this country that revolves around providing seniors and disabled adults with options to avoid overuse of hospice facilities. She “cannot foresee that very system that thrives on options allowing a slip into the exploitation of physician-assisted suicide if it came to pass on a wider scale.”

Recently, the debate over physician-assisted suicide took center stage in Montana, as residents and the rest of continued on page 21

Opinion

from the right

A dangerous option

By Zach Chapman Robert Baxter, 76, was a retired truck driver from Billings, Montana. Baxter was a very tough man, a trait that characterized his fight against lymphocytic leukemia. Despite his toughness, the terminal cancer was too unbearable for Baxter and he asked for death instead.

He argued to the Montana State Supreme Court that it was his constitutional right to receive aid in dying if he wished. The court’s decision basically stated that Baxter would be able to receive a prescription from doctors to hasten his death but the drugs would have to be self-administered. On Dec. 5, 2008, Judge Dorothy McCarter handed down the decision. Baxter died the same day the decision was handed down without ever hearing the decision.

Some would argue that Baxter should have had the right to die with physician assistance. However, physician-assisted suicide conflicts with many ideologies and beliefs and comes with many problems, as well. To begin with, there is the religious argument that doctors and our government are playing the role of God. If the federal government were to allow physician-assisted suicide, even for only certain situations, the government would have control over decisions of life and death related to people who pursue physician-assisted suicide. Secondly, physician-assisted suicide would have more negative effects on racial minorities and the poor. These two groups tend to have less access to medical facilities and resources than whites and individuals of a higher income level. While unequal access to healthcare plays a role in our society, physician-assisted suicide should not be considered as an option for our nation. Racial minorities and the poor would be negatively affected by physician-assisted suicide because they might not be able to pay their medical bills, leading them to be more inclined to take advantage of the system. Dr. Bobby England, M.D., states that a final issue related to physician-assisted suicide is that the system could be abused due to poor regulation. Dr. England, a representative in the North Carolina General Assembly, asserts that physician-assisted suicide would

have to be very carefully regulated if the system were put in place due to the numerous ways it could be manipulated.

In 1994, Oregon became the first state to pass any form of physician-assisted suicide legislation, when voters approved Measure 16, which came into law as the Death with Dignity Act. While challenged by the Bush administration, the Supreme Court upheld the law, and it remains in effect to this day.

It also served as the model for the state of Washington’s similar legislation. To some, the Oregon Death with Dignity Act would act as a predecessor to a national ruling on physician-assisted suicide due to the positive effects elicited from the act. However, this piece of legislation should be looked at more closely before it is taken into consideration.

To begin with, the positive statistics often cited to support physician-assisted suicide were released by the Public Health Division of Oregon’s Department of Human Services. However, the reporters from the Public Health Division, ironically enough, helped design the assisted-suicide legislation, leading them to be incapable of acquiring in-depth data due to bias. The reports published are based on statistics provided by doctors who practice physician-assisted suicide.

These doctors are not likely to release information which makes them look unaccountable or reckless.

Contrary to the reports from the Public Health Division, the Journal of Internal Medicine in 2008 reports that the Oregon Death with Dignity Act comes with serious abuses. One such report states that doctors routinely write lethal prescriptions to patients who are not suffering from intolerable symptoms. The report also states that people do not request these lethal drugs due to pain but to fears such as losing their dignity. This suggests that physician-assisted suicide in Oregon has little to do with alleviating pain and more to do with possible pressures. continued on page 21

November 2009 19

Opinion

The Roosevelt Institution

The Nation’s First Student Think Tank

The Price of Globalization The Need for IMF Reform I was raised in a world centered on money. My family is neither rich nor poor, yet they have always emphasized the need to save, get a high-paying job and only make donations when they’re tax-deductible. Quite a reasonable and normal family, I believe. After realizing my somewhat liberal tendencies, they stressed instead the need to become financially self-sufficient and not have to rely on a man for a comfortable lifestyle—appealing to my inner feminist.

This way of thinking has continued throughout my education. My several economics courses have all hammered into me the notion that “greed is good,” that happiness and utility are achieved first through earning and saving money.

During this time in the history of globalization, the superpowers controlling and monitoring the global market hold this same capitalistic idea: that all countries must maximize their profits first, regardless of both the short-term and long-term. More often than not, the International Monetary Fund pressures developing nations to open their borders to global trade, often disregarding the implications of this decision. Thus the IMF is in dire need of reform.

Certain restructurings are under consideration, but many more are needed in order to guarantee that

20 The Hill

the developing countries have a say in the economic decisions they are to implement.

The IMF’s official mission is “to help ensure stability in the international system.” It works to accomplish this mission by “keeping track of the global economy and the economies of member countries; lending to countries with balance of payments difficulties; and giving practical help to members.”

Since 2005, the IMF has been seeking certain reforms instigated by managing director Rodrigo de Rato. It is working towards reforming surveillance, as its methods have become so expansive that sufficient supervision is currently impossible.

It now only tracks unstable countries and will focus only on issues of vital concern, such as financial and balance sheet vulnerabilities. It also plans to make surveillance multilateral, allowing the industrialized and emerging-market countries to work together to develop adjustments for these countries’ policies.

The IMF has essentially been segregated into two separate spheres— the industrialized world and the developing world, many of whom are IMF clients. Every member of the executive board, each of which is an industrialized nation (the United States, Japan, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Saudi Arabia,

China and Russia), receives one vote when making decisions. The world’s remaining 177 countries are divided into sixteen groups, each division receiving one vote. In order to make any major change or decision, 85 percent of the voting

By Alison Grady constituency must support the measure and the U.S. on its own holds 17 percent of the voting power. For any important decision to pass, the U.S. must support it.

The IMF is attempting to determine how to redistribute the percentage of votes allocated to different countries.

There are several countries, specifically China, Korea, Mexico and Turkey, whose votes do not reflect accurately their size—they are given too few votes. Possible solutions include allocating votes based on solely on gross domestic product (supported by the U.S.) or disproportionately weighing developing countries to give them greater representation.

The imbalance between developed and developing countries, as well as the disconnect between IMF rhetoric and economic realities, manifested itself in the 1990s. After decades of prosperity, the economies of Thailand and other East Asian countries

Opinion began to lose steam. They had just liberalized their markets out of pressure from the West, resulting in an unsustainable real estate boom.

Just before Thailand’s crisis, an economic disaster had occurred in Latin America—huge deficits and lax monetary policies led to unmanageable inflation. The IMF imposed balanced budgets and tighter monetary policies, policies that immensely helped Latin American nations. The IMF then inflicted these same policies on Thailand, despite the different political and economic climates.

In Latin America, there was a huge budget deficit while in Thailand, there was an unsustainable budget surplus to the point of waste—that excess money could have been spent on education, infrastructure or other forms of potential growth. Despite outside pressure to alter their policies, and even after seeing the crisis spread throughout East Asia, the IMF continued to pursue this idealistic view of free market capitalism.

In this case, as well as in many others, especially many African countries, the IMF disregards particular economic and even cultural distinctions between nations. Often those determining the policies for these countries have never visited them and feel no need to do so; macroeconomic policy to them applies to all nations.

Believing that free market capitalism and globalization are the solutions to all crises in all countries, they often coerce governments to take actions contrary to their well being, such as forcing countries to privatize education, infrastructure or health, causing these sectors to lose money in both the short and long term. Even when economists from these countries are called upon, they are often unaware of the social and financial situations in which many of their citizens have found themselves; they are the rich in a country stricken with poverty.

All of these circumstances arise from a very Western mindset on money.

All of our goals must consist of maximizing our wealth and happiness is directly correlated with affluence.

I’m not trying to argue for the end of capitalism and its intrinsic failures; I’ll leave that to Michael Moore. I do believe, though, that too often, we as members of a Western society determine how to live our lives based not on how merely to achieve economic stability and comfort but on how to make as much money as possible.

We then impose this belief on other societies through organizations like the IMF. Instead of helping impoverished nations become self-reliant and sustainable, this forces these countries to open up their borders and join the global market. It believes that because Western nations have benefited from globalization, all other societies will as well, regardless of differences in the organization of their local economies or their culture as a whole. Individual citizens consequently suffer, as cheap products from around the world are brought into the country, eliminating jobs for the lower classes and making them vulnerable to global economic instability and drastic price changes in products.

It is vital that the leaders of the IMF no longer blindly support idealistic macroeconomic theories but instead begin to take into account the differences in the countries with which they are dealing. Money is not the ruling factor for everyone and the IMF must recognize the drive by many for happiness, not simply wealth.

Alison Grady is a sophomore majoring in peace, war and defense.

continued from page 18 the nation awaited the conclusion to a more than year-long court battle prompted by Robert Baxter in 2008, a 76-year-old diagnosed with terminal lymphocytic leukemia. Mr. Baxter posthumously achieved a legal victory in his fight to defend his right to die with dignity. Though the decision is likely to be appealed, this landmark case makes Montana the third state to legalize physician-assisted suicide.

When it comes to such delicate matters, it is important that we look beyond the numbers to the real human element beneath them and, in doing so, recognize that this is a case of preserving an ailing person’s right to dignity when everything else they value is being slowly ripped away.

Ivanna Gonzalez is a freshman majoring in journalism and political science. continued from page 19 Physician-assisted suicide comes with many negative effects and ultimately should not be considered as an option in our nation’s healthcare system. However, if the federal government did adopt any form of physician-assisted suicide, it would need to meet many criteria.

To begin with, it would need to be monitored extremely well to prevent abuse. Also, the federal government would need to create a universal plan of implementation to assure no one suffered while the drugs were administered. Finally, only certain people should qualify for physicianassisted suicide. If these criteria were met, physician-assisted suicide could possibly play a role in the American healthcare system but until that time, it should be off the table.

Zach Chapman is a sophomore majoring in political science and history.

November 2009 21

The Last Word

The case for public art Enriching life in Chapel Hill We have all played the Game of Life. You pick a career card, a salary, a home, and then you “live life” moving different numbers of life spaces on which certain life events happen to you. You can land on good life events—you get married, have a child, win the lottery—or you can land on ones you would rather not have—you get sick, have a car accident or have to get a new degree.

The game doesn’t favor one profession; any amount of salary is obtainable by any career choice. If only the game were reflective of true life.

We have all landed on the ‘Economic Crisis’ square, but unfortunately the person who picked ‘Artist’ as their profession has to either trade salaries with the person making the least, or just go without. This is the new rule that critics of allocating money to the arts were proposing in January.

We are removed enough now from the initial passage of the Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 that we can begin to measure and evaluate the impact of its funds on various programs throughout the country.

This act represented so much more than that though: it was an establishment of priorities by the Obama administration as well as our representatives in Congress. Listed as a “Related Agency” to Title VII’s Interior and Environment, The National Endowment for the Arts was allocated $50 million dollars, a mere 0.006 percent of the total $787 billion dollars in the final form signed

by Obama.

The goal of the stimulus package was to create jobs and prevent further job

22 The Hill

loss. What they seemed to forget was that art is a profession too. Art is as essential now in these times of economic hardship as it is at any time. It is not simply a thing of leisure or excess, as some would suggest. I could argue the value of art until I was blue in the face, but that lies in the philosophic realm, not the political.

Art, regardless of your belief in its value, is an occupation many Americans hold. These are taxpayers and consumers who have just as much a right to be protected as the next person. The stimulus money can be used to keep these people employed, just like any others who require the support of the state in these times. In a telephone interview with The Hill, Brendan Greaves, director of public art on the North Carolina Arts Council, said that stimulus money through the National Endowment for the Arts did not fund new arts programs. Instead, its main purpose was to maintain extant positions in arts organizations.

Governmental support of these professions would not solely help the artist beyond maintaining him or her as a consumer. Artists create a product that has the potential to stimulate the economies of the community itself, unlike the products of a doctoral or legal profession.

The Chapel Hill-Carrboro area is a prime example.

Art can help create a town. This was seen not too many weeks ago, at the Carrboro Music Festival, an explosion of art and culture, which benefited the Carrboro area immensely by stimulating economic activity.

Through the festival, the town was

also able to establish itself as a destination for the practice and consumption of the arts. The arts and the whole community surrounding them can become just as much an economic lifeline as any industry.

There seems to be no downside to expanding the support of art beyond the money from the stimulus package, which, though well intentioned, has an incredible amount of limi- By Wilson Sayre tations as to how it is to be used. For non-recession times, Percent for Art programs work to do just this. Chapel Hill’s Percent for Art programs stipulates that 1 percent of money allocated to a town building project must be reallocated to fund public art for the space. This tiny 1 percent has people up in arms. Jeffrey York, Chapel Hill’s public arts administrator, who is directly involved in overseeing this program, defended it in an interview with the Hill, saying that art programs “are part of a broader cultural arts strategy that paint Chapel Hill as a place where people want to be.”

“Culture is a draw for people,” he said.

However, there has been incredible controversy over this and other attempts to use money to fund what have come to be broadly defined as “the arts” despite the relatively meager dollar value.

The Last Word

The art bench at the Chapel Hill Town Operation Center was one such project that received enormous negative publicity. Critics cited the remoteness of the art as one of their main objections. They also complained that the bench wasted tax dollars. What people don’t seem to factor in is that the employees that work there, though they may be of lower socio-economic status, deserve a little art in their lives just like those who can afford more cultural experiences. Also, right or wrong, Percent for Art programs require the money to be used for art of certain building projects on their site; the money cannot be used for something else.

These initial works show a shift in acknowledging the importance of art in the public realm.

The Last Word on

The Hill

Fortunately, despite controversy, the Percent for Art programs are relatively resilient. Raleigh, following Chapel Hill’s lead, passed a Percent for Art program several months ago, at the height of the economic crisis.

If Chapel Hill, which has a large and lively arts community, is the center of innovative development and culture that it claims to be, squabbling over the need for art is counterproductive. Art is the definition of cultural expression and without this and its continuation, even through the financial uncertainties of now, the future of Chapel Hill and the state as a whole will inevitably be stunted.

Seattle, which boasts one of the first Percent for Arts programs, begun in the 1960s, used to be hostile to new arts projects that would pop up in the city. Now, when art is not factored into a new building project, people are up in arms over its absence. He stresses, and I agree, that it takes slugging through the initial negative opinions of some to achieve a transition, a paradigm shift in attitudes towards the necessity of public art; maybe next economic crisis, the arts will be honored by being allocated a whole percent.

Wilson Sayre is a first year majoring in philosophy.

York shared a great story with me during our interview. He said that

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