The Hill 9.3

The Hill

Chapel Hill Political Review February October 2010 2009

http://studentorgs.unc.edu/thehill http://studentorgs.unc.edu/thehill

Volume Volume IX, IX, Issue Issue III I

What’s next for Haiti?

Rebuilding a devastated nation

Doing our part UNC lends a hand to the disaster relief effort

Right turn Chile elects first conservative since Pinochet

Mind the gap Helping out underperforming schools

From the Editor To our readers: The pictures from Haiti were unbelievable. Buildings reduced to rubble; starving refugees clustered in makeshift camps; rioters shot dead in the streets of Port-au-Prince. The magnitude of the disaster made all our problems seem very, very small—at least for a moment.

How did it all happen? To answer that question, this issue of The Hill explores Haiti’s past, present and future. It’s easy to dismiss the country as a basket case, but in truth, America is more responsible for Haiti’s predicament than we like to admit (p. 14).

Now the United States, including many of our fellow Tar Heels, has stepped up to help its neighbor (p.17). To what extent our country will be involved in rebuilding Haiti in the next few years, however, is highly uncertain (p. 12-13).

We also look at some underexplored aspects of the crisis in Haiti. One of the few bright points is the increasing use of new technology—especially Google Earth—to help survivors (p.

The Hill Staff 16). Another positive note is an offer of aid from an unusual source: the tiny African nation of Senegal (p. 15).

If you’re in the market for news outside of Haiti, be sure to read our international coverage, including our analyses of the current situation in Sudan and the growing presence of Islamic extremism in Somalia (p. 10-11). There is also news out of Chile, which recently elected its first conservative president since the infamous Pinochet (p. 6).

If you like your news closer to home, check out our story on the GOP’s success in the blue heartland of Massachusetts (p. 19) or our lively debate about corporate spending in elections (p. 20-21). For the last word in politics, don’t miss our story on Obama’s leadership deficit (p. 23) Thanks for reading The Hill, and keep an eye out for our upcoming issues.

Caroline Guerra is a junior majoring in political science and international studies.

Will Schultz is a senior majoring in history and political science.

Send us your comments

We’re proud to share our work with you, and we invite you to share your thoughts with us. Send us a letter or e-mail - no more than 250 words, please. Include your name, year and major.

thehillpr@unc.edu 208 Frank Porter Graham Student Union UNC-CH Campus Box 5210 Chapel Hill, NC 27599-5210

The Hill

http://studentorgs.edu/thehill/

Chapel Hill Political Review Our Mission: The Hill is a medium for analysis of state, national and international politics. This publication is meant to serve as the middle ground (and a battleground) for political thought on campus where people can present their beliefs and test their ideas. A high premium is placed on having a publication that is not affiliated with any party or organization, but rather is openly nonpartisan on the whole. Hence, the purpose of The Hill is to provide the university community with a presentation of both neutral and balanced analysis of political ideas, events and trends. This means that, on the one hand, the publication will feature articles that are politically moderate in-depth analyses of politics and political ideas. These articles might be analytical, descriptive claims that draw conclusions about the political landscape. On the other, The Hill will feature various articles that take political stances on issues.

2 The Hill

EDITOR Juliann Neher MANAGING EDITORS Caroline Guerra Will Schultz ASSOCIATE EDITORS Clayton Thomas Yash Shah WRITERS Carey Averbook Ryan Collins Drew Dimmery Lucy Emerson Cortney Evans Amanda Claire Grayson Caroline Guerra Kelly Kessler Krishna Kollu Siddarth Nagaraj Ismaail Qaiyim Wilson Sayre Will Schultz Clayton Thomas Sarah Wentz COLUMNISTS Tatiana Brezina Ford Ramsey David Zoppo HEAD OF DESIGN Samantha Deal DESIGN Nicole Fries HEAD OF ART Megan Shank ART Grainne O’Grady PHOTOGRAPHY Caroline Guerra Mike Mian HEAD OF CIRCULATION Michael Parker TREASURER Kendall Law FACULTY ADVISER Ferrel Guillory

Contents February 2010

Volume IX, Issue III

Features 7

Cleaning up the Dirty War Forced DNA testing to find the children of disappeared dissidents in Argentina

10

The state of Sudan Darfur improves, but violence lingers

Cover 12

Rebuilding Haiti Is nation-building a viable option?

16

The power of Google Earth Satellites shed light on the situation in Haiti

and more...

Left/Right 20

Citizens United v. FEC Does corporate spending in elections threaten our democracy?

In Every Issue

v Notes from The Hill v The Last Word: Obama’s leadership deficit

February 2010 3

Notes from The Hill

Notes from

The Hill Review

The breaks of the game

The stereotypes were right!

That’s the real story of Game Change, the gossipy, behind-thescenes account of Election ’08 as told

by John Heilemann and Mark Halperin. Obama really was cool and cerebral; Hillary really was a policy wonk; McCain really was prone to flying by the seat of his pants; Palin really was a bit of a flake. Everything you already knew…was completely true.

Election 2008 unreels exactly like you remembered. Hillary begins as the prohibitive frontrunner.

Obama comes out of nowhere to challenge her. But he lags, until… well, it’s never quite clear what, but something punctures Hillary’s aura of inevitability. She starts floundering. Obama wins Iowa and seems headed to the nomination until—hold up there!—Hillary wins New Hampshire. The two candidates spend the next five months battling it out, leaving a trail of blood from California t o New York. Meanwhile, John McCain speeds through the snows of New Hampshire aboard the Straight Talk Express, bumping off foes oneby-one. No surprises there. On a narrative level, Game Change is remarkably boring.

The fun comes from reading the dishy anecdotes compiled by Heilemann and Halperin. They seem to have spoken to everyone, learned everything, and they are eager to

4 The Hill

share it all with the reader. It’s hard to pick the book’s most memorable moment. Is it a supremely self-confident Hillary assembling her White House transition team in 2007?

John Edwards sitting by the phone, waiting in vain for the call that will make him Obama’s Attorney General? Vice-presidential nominee Joe Biden openly boasting that he would make a better president than Obama? Or a zonked-out Sarah Palin, driven comatose by a stack of bewildering 3x5 study cards?

No one comes out clean—except Obama. While the other candidates are portrayed as tightly-wound control freaks, Obama is praised for his “supreme self-possession and self-reliance.” Heilman and Halperin marvel at Obama’s ability to rise to the occasion, to play his best in the big game. As the candidate himself put it, “I’m LeBron, baby. I can play on this level.

I got some game.”

Whenever a crisis strikes, No-Drama Obama lays a comforting hand on someone’s arm and assures him, “I got this.”

But as I read Game Change, a question nagged at the back of my mind: how much of this book comes from reality, and how much from the mouth of some disgruntled staffer?

The book has no end notes or footnotes; nearly all the quotes are anonymous. Whenever someone speaks, Heilmann and Halperin neglect to add quotations marks—a sure sign that they are taking a few liberties with the truth. Sometimes they even tell us what the candidate is thinking. This isn’t journalism; it’s fantasy.

Read this book at your own risk. It will entertain you. It will shock you.

Sometimes it will even horrify you.

But will it tell you the truth? That’s for the reader to judge. As for me, it all sounds too crazy not to be true.

Will Schultz is a senior majoring in history and political science.

Notes from The Hill Update

Hurricane Hugo

Not too long ago, price gouging was a hot-button issue, particularly in regards to oil. People were filling up their cars and wondering: Are prices unnecessarily high?

Should the government intervene?

The same questions, this time concerning all types of products, are now being asked and answered in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. According to The Wall Street Journal, President Hugo Chávez has closed over 1,500 stores and is working to nationalize a large, French-owned chain of supermarkets. While such actions would seem tough in any circumstances, they are especially harsh in light of the currency devaluation Chávez implemented earlier this year.

But President Chávez is not known for staying between the lines.

Most world leaders would not try

2

4

Sebastian Piñera

to bar all price changes after cutting their currency’s value in half, nor would they create a new, personalized time zone for their country. If it is 4:00 in Chapel Hill, you had better believe it is 4:30 in Caracas!

Chávez set the bar especially high for himself by changing the name of his country, adding a reference to his own Bolivarian social movement. The president even has his own television talk show, where he sings, lectures about the poisonous nature of the PlayStation and other Western imports, and hugs and gives autographs to his many adoring fans.

Without a doubt, he’s leaving quite a colorful legacy.

However, many are not amused—Chávez’s infamous accusation that former President George W. Bush was “the devil” did not do much to warm his relations with

Hill-O-Meter

By Will Schultz

The “Chilean Obama” became president campaigning under the banner of hope n’ change. Let’s see what the “Chilean Rush Limbaugh” has to say about that.

John Edwards

Love children, divorce rumors, a bizarre trip to Haiti…the National Enquirer could switch to an all-John Edwards all the time format and still never run out of stories.

the United States. Former Mexican President Vicente Fox, answering questions after a speech given on January 25 at UNC’s Kenan-Flagler School of Business, referred to the Venezuelan president as part of a “worrisome trend” indicating that Latin Americans increasingly “seem to enjoy populism, demagoguery and authoritarian leadership.” Fox’s statement is a strong judgment call, to be sure, but one that is shared by many people in the international arena. Whatever one’s personal opinions on the man and his politics, no one can accuse Hugo Chávez of not thinking outside of the box!

Caroline Guerra is a junior majoring in political science and international studies.

1 Scott Brown

In just over twenty years, Brown went from modeling nude in Cosmo all the way to the U.S. Senate. Isn’t that how JFK got started? Or do we misremember?

3

Glenn Beck

Hey, kids! Here’s a fun word game: to find what Glenn Beck is, take the word “classy” and subtract c, l and y.

Who’s on top of the heap right now? Who has fallen far?

We track the up-and-comers and the down-and-outs.

February 2010 5

International

Chile takes a right turn “No” was Chilean President-elect Sebastian Piñera’s vote in the 1998 plebiscite on military dictator Augusto Pinochet’s continued rule of Chile. Ironically, Piñera has now become the first conservative Chilean president since Pinochet and, as such, has seen his policies compared to those of the dictator he once opposed.

President-elect Piñera, a member of the moderately conservative National Renewal Party who rose to prominence as a businessman and entrepreneur, defeated Senator Eduardo Frei of the Concertación coalition in a runoff held January 18. Frei served as President of Chile from 1994 until 2000, when Ricardo Lagos of the Socialist Party won the election; Lagos was later succeeded by current president Michele Bachelet, whose term ends March 11, 2010.

Piñera made his fortune after graduating from the Catholic University of Chile and earning both master’s and doctoral degrees in economics from Harvard University. As a leading economist and investor, Piñera introduced Chile’s first credit card system in the 1970s and subsequently invested in LAN airlines, a football club called Colo-Colo and Chilevisión, a television broadcasting channel. These investments have earned him approximately US $1 billion, making him the 701st richest man in the world according to Forbes magazine.

The conservative businessman then tried his hand at politics, serving as a Chilean senator from 1990 to 1998 and as President of the National Renewal Party from 2001 to 2004.

After losing to Bachelet in the 2006

6 The Hill

runoff, Piñera came back in 2010 to topple the Concertación coalition.

The Concertación formed in 1988 as a response to Pinochet’s call for a plebiscite to legitimize his authoritarian regime. When the plebiscite failed, general elections favored the Concertación, which has been in power in one form or another ever since. Pinochet’s economic policy was handled by the Chicago Boys, a group of 25 economists trained at the University of Chicago under Milton Friedman, who consequently supported a free market approach.

In the 1980s, when the Chilean economy rebounded from Nixon’s economic sanctions and Salvador Allende’s Marxist economic policies, credit was given to Pinochet’s market reforms.

Considering the Chilean people’s mixed feelings about Pinochet— positive due to economic growth, but strongly negative due to his repression of leftist dissent and his egregious human rights violations— Piñera has wisely expressed his support for Pinochet’s economic policies, but has fiercely condemned his oppression.

UNC Professor Cecilia MartínezGallardo, an expert on Latin American politics, said in an interview with The Hill, “The people of Chile have tons of questions. How close will Piñera be to the right? How linked to Pinochet? But Piñera is very much a pragmatist, marking an end to ideology in Chilean politics.” She also asserts that Piñera’s victory represents the dissatisfaction many Chileans feel toward the Concertación, which they regard as having become too institutionalized.

The election of a conservative was not a rejection of Bachelet, who enjoys a 75% approval rating. Bachelet and other politicians, like Congressman Marco Enríquez-Ominami, who ran as an independent in the 2009 election, have distanced themselves from the Concertación. Many experts attribute Piñera’s victory to the fact that his opponent, Senator Frei, represented ideological rigidity versus Piñera’s pragmatism.

Some question the way in which this conservative shift will affect Latin American inter-state politics. Piñera has already received congratulations from Spanish President José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, Colombian President Álvaro Uribe, Bolivian President Evo Morales and Peruvian President Alan García. He did, however, take criticism from Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez and others after he opted in his campaign speeches not to follow the model of “Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Castro in Cuba, and Ortega in Nicaragua” in favor of “democracy, rule of law, freedom of expression, alternation of power without caudillismo (rule by a military strongman).”

Still, Professor Martínez-Gallardo argues that Latin America is becoming less polarized: “Certainly there is undemocratic politics being practiced in some states, but most are rejecting this ideological polarization for more pragmatic policies.”

Amanda Claire Grayson is a first-year majoring in political science and peace, war, and defense.

International

DNA of the disappeared Argentina is grappling with its past as it seeks to overcome human rights abuses committed in the “Dirty War” of the late 1970s and early 1980s. During that dark period of Argentine history, dissidents were rounded up and imprisoned by the military dictatorship. Many of these dissenters were murdered, with the “disappeared” numbering in the tens of thousands. The situation became even more complex with the adoption of the dissidents’ children by families friendly to the brutal regime.

When democracy returned to Argentina, the long and complicated search for justice began. This search, however, was halting and inconsistent. Prosecution of the Dirty War’s perpetrators was preempted by a blanket clemency granted by the military leadership when they surrendered power. Because of this, justice has been grossly delayed. Several years ago, the Argentine courts declared this immunity to be illegal, allowing the prosecution of retired military leaders to begin. In an effort to redress the disappearances of the Dirty War and reunite dissidents’ families with the adopted children, Argentina’s justice system has begun requiring the collection of DNA to aid in the prosecution of individuals complicit in decades-old acts of political violence. The law enabling this collection passed in November of last year.

This DNA collection is part of an effort to prosecute the adoptive

parents of these now-adult children.

Many of these adopted offspring are, unsurprisingly, loyal to the only parents they have ever known. Furthermore, some have complained that these prosecutions are politically motivated, as in the case of the moguls who run the massive media enterprise Clarín. The heirs to the Clarín conglomerate have refused to submit DNA samples for the court, stymieing investigation into the case.

One particularly interesting aspect of the situation is the Mothers of the Plazo de Mayo movement. This group began as an appeal for information about the “disappeared” dissidents, but has since evolved into a robust interest group that seeks restitution for previous wrongs.

They are emblematic of Argentina’s struggle with the past. The Mothers, who had staged a 24-hour protest march every year as part of the search for justice, ended this practice several years ago when they felt that the government had finally become a partner rather than an adversary.

The Grandmothers of the Plazo de Mayo, a similar group, focuses on

Mothers protesting in Buenos Aires, Argentina

the adopted children. They seek to find the approximately 500 children adopted during the Dirty War. The Grandmothers were the strongest backers of the bill requiring individuals suspected of being adopted to present their DNA. Can transgressions against human rights be rectified through similarly repressive actions? This question has haunted countries trying to make the transition from totalitarianism.

Argentina is no exception. Does mandatory DNA collection violate human rights? The International Declaration on Human Genetic Data simply states that “limitations on the principle of consent [of genetic data] should only be prescribed for compelling reasons by domestic law consistent with the international law of human rights.” Whether Argentina’s law is compelling is the subject of some debate. Dr. Judith Blau, a member of the Science & Human Rights Coalition of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, suggests that “the principle is that the people themselves should benefit from the rights to their genetic material.” Which raises the question: who benefits from the collection of genetic material in Argentina? The vanished dissidents? Their adopted children? Until those questions are answered, the legacy of the Dirty War will linger.

Drew Dimmery is a senior majoring in international studies.

Photo by Caroline Guerra

February 2010 7

International

Google vs. China Blocked by the Great Firewall Google has become the world’s most popular search engine, evidenced by its huge profits and worldwide reach.

Following in the footsteps of many other U.S. corporations, Google began operations in China in 2006 to obtain a piece of the world’s largest market. However, the corporation’s informal motto “Don’t be evil” has been tested by its compliance with censorship by the Chinese government. The recent dispute between Google and China over hacking attempts on Gmail users and Google’s threats to leave China over censorship issues has caused larger issues to arise. The fact that a private corporation’s policies have led to a political dispute of freedom between the United States and China illustrates how significant business relationships are between both countries.

Google’s threat to pull out of China has the possibility of affecting this relationship as both countries heavily depend on one another. The U.S. government has been very careful not to blame the Chinese government directly for cyber-attacks, as it is uncertain whether the source of the attacks indeed has been the government. In an email to The Hill, Peter Coclanis, a professor at UNC Chapel Hill and an analyst of integrated world markets, stated that the United States “realizes how much is at stake in upsetting our close, mutually dependent economic relationship with China”. Other companies that also

8 The Hill

have operations in China, such as Microsoft, have not released statements supporting Google, as they continue to profit within the realm of Chinese law. By announcing these threats to leave China, Google has stepped over cultural boundaries and on the toes of the Chinese government. While some believe this to be a tough stance against censorship, others recognize that Google’s actions could be due to its lack of success in China. With only about 14.1 percent of the search market in China, Google significantly trails Baidu, a Chinese-based search engine with closer ties to the Chinese government. This is one of the main reasons why the Chinese government says that Google’s threats are not about freedom, but more so over profitability. The Chinese government has no need to change its policies. In an email to The Hill, UNC Chapel Hill professor of Chinese studies Robin Visser stated, “China has sophisticated Internet technology and has the human resources to innovate and adapt Internet technology to meet its needs, despite Google’s withdrawal.”

With more foreign companies entering China each year, the country’s constant struggle between economic

and political freedom is not disappearing. Western nations believe that there is a need for the freedom to imagine and invent in order for a society to be successful. Nevertheless, China continues to limit the Internet, blocking information on issues sensitive to the Chinese government. However, like in many other countries with Internet restrictions, there are always proxies and other methods around Internet censorship blockades that keep a country wanting more information.

Even so, the Chinese government’s treatment of censorship is unlikely to drastically change. There could be a minor change to save face on business concerns with Google, but the Chinese government’s overall focus is to maintain control of its stateoriented society. It has been successful thus far by not allowing the pressure brought by foreign companies and Western ideology to dominate over Chinese law. Google’s ultimate decision could affect the delicate relationship between China and the United States.

Lucy Emerson is a sophomore majoring in economics and political science.

International

Unhappy ending for Ukraine The demise of the Orange Revolution Most Ukrainians look upon their 2004 “Orange Revolution” with pride, and rightfully so: through mostly peaceful means, they succeeded in ousting a corrupt president and reversing a rigged election.

Granted free elections, they picked a new president, Viktor Yushchenko.

His victory appeared to open a new chapter in Ukrainian politics, which had been dominated by oligarchs, crooked ex-communists and xenophobic nationalists ever since the fall of the Soviet Union. It was also a triumphant moment for the West, a clear expression of the universality of the ideals it holds dear, like liberal democracy and free expression. But as the latest Ukrainian presidential campaign comes to a close, many in Ukraine and in the West are questioning the legacy of the Orange Revolution and asking what, if any, impact it had on Ukrainian politics.

Almost the exact same thing happened in Ukraine, though the means were if anything more spectacular than in Georgia. In the first round of voting, Yushchenko narrowly defeated Yanukovych, incumbent president Leonid Kuchma’s prime minister and presumed successor, but a runoff was required because neither candidate received 50 percent of the vote. It was during the runoff that a concerted campaign began to defraud Yushchenko and his supporters. When the results were announced, it was abundantly clear that fraud on a massive scale had taken place. Hugely inflated vote totals were reported in the eastern part of the country, a region with close ties to Russia; conversely, depressed voting figures were reported for the western provinces, which generally have favorable views of the U.S. and Europe.

When the first flush of the Orange Revolution appeared in the immediate aftermath of a runoff election between Yushchenko and Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych, it seemed like a wave of democratic fervor was sweeping over the former Soviet republics. Earlier in 2004, Georgians had overturned the results of their own fraudulent election, choosing the strongly pro-Western Mikheil Saakashvili to succeed ex-Soviet apparatchik Eduard Shevardnadze. In a series of demonstrations, strikes and sit-ins later termed the Rose Revolution, because protestors adopted the rose as their symbol, Georgians forced the peaceful transfer of power to their preferred candidate via democratic elections.

A series of peaceful protests centered in the capital city of Kiev changed the political reality. The government of Yanukovych received a no-confidence vote, and finally the Supreme Court invalidated the runoff results and scheduled a revote, which Yushchenko won with a clear majority.

The people had triumphed.

Fast forward to last January, when a political earthquake shook the foundations of Ukrainian politics.

Incumbent president Yushchenko, the same man who had garnered such impassioned support from the Orange Revolution 5 years earlier, came in fifth place. He took less than 6 percent of the vote, far behind his old rival Yanukovych (35 percent) and his own prime minis-

ter Yulia Tymoschenko (25 percent).

President-elect Yanukovych’s narrow victory in the February 7 runoff appears to be free of the corruption that marred his last run for the presidency.

What accounts for Yushchenko’s stunning fall from grace, and how does it relate to the democratic movement he inspired? According to Yuriy Lukanov, a blogger for the Kyiv Times, the blame lies with former president Kuchma. In an email to The Hill, Lukanov noted that Kuchma instituted reforms taking power away from the presidency and “unfortunately, Yushchenko was not strong enough [to] overcome the old system.” Lukanov also said that previous elections were different in that there were clear distinctions—democracy versus communism, or oligarchy versus democracy—between candidates. In 2010, however, “all of the main candidates were in power, and all of them are guilty in the poor economic situation”; the only difference was in terms of “PR”. Assessing the current state of politics, Lukanov called Ukrainian democracy “ill” because of Ukrainians’ failure to deal constructively with their Soviet past.

He was, however, confident that democracy would survive and eventually flourish in Ukraine. But given recent history, it seems unlikely that Yanukovych can bring about this kind of democratic revitalization.

Clayton Thomas is a junior majoring in history.

February 2010 9

International

Peace and war

Sudan’s troubled present and uncertain future Since the genocide in Sudan’s Darfur region began in 2003, violent acts perpetrated by the Janjaweed and other rebels groups were pervasive until about two years ago. While violence is still present in the region, it persists mostly in the form of robberies and conflicts over resources.

Though this may seem like an improvement for Sudan, the situation in the country’s South has been deteriorating this past year, as violence between North and South has steadily increased with the approach of national elections in April.

villages. As Abbas Abdallah Mohamed, a farmer who fled his village five years ago, told The New York Times, “If we go back, maybe there will be tribal war,” referring to the fighting between ethnic groups over scarce grazing land. While some refugees have taken jobs in nearby towns, it is possible that they could remain in the camps forever. Even so, tens of thousands of farmers returned to their villages this past fall to plant crops—a journey that would have been considered suicide not long ago.

The shift away from violence was confirmed in August 2009, when General Martin Luther Agwai, past commander of the United NationsAfrican Union peacekeeping force in Darfur, said, “As of today, I would not say there is a war going on in Darfur…what you have is security issues more now.” But although the Janjaweed and other rebel groups seem to have disappeared, violence is still an everyday occurence in the region. Raids by bandits and conflicts over local issues like land and water compose the security issues Agwai mentioned.

In 2005, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed, creating a semi-autonomous government in South Sudan, sharing oil wealth between North and South and promising national elections. The CPA also called for a referendum to decide whether South Sudan should split from the North. National elections will take place in April 2010, while the referendum will take place January 2011.

There are currently around three million displaced people living in refugee camps, unsure whether it is safe to return to their land and

Recently, 10 charities issued a report warning that the CPA is in danger of failing due to mounting violence in the South. Some Southern leaders have accused Northern political leaders of instigating violence in the south by arming ethnic militias to intentionally destabilize the region.

If the CPA fails, Sudan will face another civil war.

In a surprising turn of events, Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir said on January 19 that he and the Northern government would support the South if it chooses independence in the referendum. This was the first show of public support for the separation of the oil-rich South from the North.

Although the conflict in the two regions, Darfur and South Sudan, is different, rebellions in both regions stem from the same problem: marginalization. Throughout Sudan’s history, the government has concentrated power and wealth in the North Sudanese city of Khartoum at the expense of peripheral regions like Darfur and the south. Until resources, wealth and services are provided to these regions, both Darfur and the South will remain tense and violent. That being said, village elders, religious figures and women’s leaders have been given roles in peace talks for the first time. The next year will be a defining one for all of Sudan, as new officials are elected and as South Sudan’s independence is put to a vote.

Carey Averbook is a first-year majoring in international studies.

Sudan: At a glance Life Expectancy: 52.4 (female), 50.5 (male) Literacy Rate: 61.1% Per capita GDP: $2,300

10 The Hill

Capital: Khartoum Chief of State: President Omar al-Bashir Source: CIA World Fact Book

Population: 41,087,825 Religion: Sunni Muslim, 70% Indigenous beliefs, 25% Christian, 5%

International

The rise of al-Shabab More problems for a failed state In recent decades the horn of Africa has been one of the most complex and unpredictable places in the world. One country in particular has consistently puzzled both policy experts and the international community. Since the collapse of its government in 1991, Somalia has endured a long era of internal violence interspersed with periods of relative calm. One of these

stable periods was abruptly brought to an end in 2006 with the fall of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU).

An Ethiopian invasion of Somalia, backed by the U.S. and other Western powers, overthrew the ICU, but in doing so a new entity was created. The displacement of the 2006 government brought about a more extreme variant of Islamism, originating from within the ranks of the ICU. This was al-Shabab.

Purdue University Professor Mike Weinstein, in a phone interview with The Hill, described al-Shabab as a transnational Islamist movement that desires to create an Islamic state based on a strict interpretation of Shariah law. Al-Shabab originated from within the military ranks of the

ICU, and with the ICU’s collapse it began to assert its authority in areas under the control of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) following the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops. This has created the present-day insurgency in Somalia.

However, al-Shabab is not the only force fueling the insurgency within Somalia. Hizbh-Islami, which has worked in tandem with al-Shabab, is described by Professor Weinstein as a national Islamist confederation dedicated to the unification of Somalia as an Islamic state. Both groups are opposed to the TFG and its leader Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, a former highranking member of the ICU. The majority of Somalis practice a form of Sufi Islam that opposes al-Shabab’s strict interpretation of Shariah. Al-Shabab is known for desecrating the gravesites of revered Sufi scholars and for assassinating Sufi imams. The resultant outcry from many Somalis led to the formation of Ahlu Sunnah wa Jammah, an armed Sufi militia dedicated to toppling al-Shabab. Ahlu Sunnah has worked with the TFG and represents a traditionalist form of militancy unseen among Somali Sufis in the past.

Political pragmatism has led the TFG to promote the partial implementation of Shariah alongside secular laws. This has not appeased any of the elements hostile to the TFG, all of which are deemed terrorist organizations by much of the international community. Despite this outside support, the TFG

holds less than half of the territory within its own capital city of Mogadishu. Its authority is defunct and it is entirely dependent on international military and financial backing.

Professor Weinstein said of Sharif Ahmed, “The international coalition of Western powers support him with a bad IV drip.”

Where do Somalis stand on these issues? According to Professor Weinstein, “There is no Somali public, right now Somalis identify with their clans and sub clans.” This is a system very much embedded in Somali life, which worked notably well prior to colonization. I.M. Lewis dubbed it “Pastoral Democracy” in his famous book of the same title. Clan elders, clan leaders and religious scholars all act in the interests of their respective groups, and it is from this cooperation that clans choose to support whoever can give them the most security.

Al-Shabab represents a confounding variable in the horn of Africa. It is a group with many foreign fighters from places such as Yemen, but it has no admitted ties to al-Qaida. Yet the two groups share an ideology. AlShabab also provides social services and protection for differing clans.

The insurgency in Somalia is hard to define, yet the need for a definition is critical. A dejected government and a mistrustful populace make for a convoluted situation with no clear end in sight.

Ismaail Qaiyim is a sophomore majoring in history and peace, war, and defense.

February 2010 11

Cover

Can we fix it?

Maybe we can.

Could the recent devastating earth- emerge from poverty or corrup- sider the reconstruction of the Inquake in Haiti be an opportunity to tion without a stronger democracy. donesian city of Banda Aceh after transform the country? Advocates The continued decay of the coun- the 2004 tsunami to be a model for of a U.S. nation-building effort in try’s fragile leadership might lead Haiti. Aceh also suffered from dire Haiti believe so, arguing that wealthy to unrest which would have effects poverty and internal conflict, but states which already provide human- beyond Haiti. This has happened be- foreign support after the tsunami itarian relief and debt cancellation fore, when refugees fled en masse to established a single agency with should pursue iniinternational oversight to monitor tiatives to improve aid distribution and reconstruction.

Skeptics believe that major U.S. Haitian governance This enabled faster recovery and mainvestment in Haiti is neither so that the country jor reforms, which have increased economially viable nor politically can stabilize. Apart stability and made the government wise and that recovery would be from being one of more responsive to public needs. But best achieved through other means. the world’s poorAceh’s success was sustained through est states, Haiti is prolonged involvement from the inprone to internal ternational community, and nationstrife, having endured four coups the U.S. after a 1991 military coup building advocates such as Rothkopf in the last 22 years. It also ranks deposed President Jean-Bertrand warn that “good intentions and vast 168th out of 180 nations surveyed Aristide, leading the United States resources are insufficient if you lack in Transparency International’s Cor- to restore his government via a mili- the political will, the time or the obruption Perceptions Index 2009. tary operation three years later. Once jectivity required to truly fix a probSupporters of nation-building argue restored to power, Aristide became lem.” that rebuilding Haiti’s infrastructure increasingly autocratic, and anger would alleviate these problems and Critics of nationstrengthen the current democratibuilding strongly Nation-building supporters see an cally-elected government. Skeptics doubt the practicalopportunity to secure Haiti’s future believe that major U.S. investment in ity of long-term dethrough intense foreign assistance.

Haiti is neither economically viable velopment schemes nor politically wise and that recovin Haiti, arguing ery would be best achieved through that such a massive other means. at his regime’s human rights abuses, endeavor would exceed the humaniaccompanied by public frustration at tarian responsibilities and logistic Proponents of long-term invest- food hoarding, contributed to a re- capacity of the U.S., especially in ment, such as David J. Rothkopf of bellion which forced him from pow- light of budget concerns and curthe Carnegie Endowment for Inter- er again in 2004. Haiti held elections rent commitments in Afghanistan national Peace, hold that while Haiti in 2006 and has maintained a rela- and Iraq. Critics also contend that presents opportunities for positive tively stable government since, al- externally managed development development, there is also a risk of though the nation remains racked by would yield only partial success in political chaos if prolonged foreign graft and poverty.

Haiti. Duncan Green, the Head assistance fails to materialize. Acof Research for Oxfam GB, sugcording to Rothkopf, Haiti cannot Supporters of nation-building con- gests private investment projects as

12 The Hill

Cover

an alternative option, since institutions such as the Catholic Church and other NGOs already provide many Haitians with healthcare and education; furthermore, they might use funds more efficiently than the Haitian government would. Green also argues that imposed development projects do not always create sustainable economic growth. It is more important for Haiti to achieve food security so that food prices will remain stable, since rising prices contributed to the downfall of the Haitian government in 2004.

Nancy Roc of the European think tank FRIDE notes that ingrained state corruption is difficult to eradicate; foreign governments have already contributed $2.6 billion to Haitian anti-graft projects, which have been largely unsuccessful.

Also, while major projects such as the reconstruction of Germany and

Japan after World War II are often held up as exemplars of U.S.-led nation-building, Professor Evelyne Huber of the UNC Political Sci-

goals. While skeptics also acknowledge the need for international participation in Haiti’s recovery, they stress private initiatives and question whether direct investment in “Good intentions and vast resources government projare insufficient if you lack the ects would help the political will, the time or the Haitian people, givobjectivity to truly fix a problem.” en the corruption of the public sector.

Either developence Department, who specializes ment strategy would have to address in Comparative Politics in Latin the absence of crucial institutions in America and the Caribbean, notes, Haiti. Ultimately, successful nation“in both cases there was a tradition building projects require a level of of a strong state and a good human investment that many countries are capital base on which to build; Haiti unable or unwilling to give, making has neither.” the implementation of a major nation-building effort in Haiti a very Nation-building supporters see an remote possibility. opportunity to secure Haiti’s political and economic future through in- Siddarth Nagaraj is a sophomore matense foreign assistance, which must joring in international studies and pobe prolonged in order to achieve its litical science.

February 2010 13

Cover

Uneasy neighbors Despite the outpouring of emergency relief to Haiti by the United States in the wake of January’s earthquake, the historical relationship between Haiti and its northern neighbor has not always been so benign.

Economist Jeffrey Sachs, opining in The Washington Post, suggests that America honoring its commitment to “not forsake Haiti in its moment of agony…would be a first for Washington.” Many political scientists and historians not only challenge the U.S.’s image as a “great benefactor,” but also attribute Haiti’s political instability and economic desperation to U.S. foreign policy.

America’s connection with the island nation began in 1804, when slaves of the Saint-Domingue colony revolted against the French government and created the independent nation of Haiti. It became the second American colony to achieve independence, and it remains the only one ever born of a slave revolt. For nearly 60 years, the United States refused to recognize Haiti’s sovereignty out of fear that doing so might provoke a similar slave uprising in the South.

From 1957 to 1987, the U.S. tacitly supported the dictatorial regime of François Duvalier, who played on American hostility toward nearby communist Cuba. However, President Ronald Reagan suspended U.S. aid to Haiti in response to the violent elections of 1987. Reagan’s successor, George H.W. Bush, restored $10 million in food aid following electoral reforms in 1989.

Later, when democratically-elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide was overthrown in a 1991 coup, the

14 The Hill

U.S. put pressure on the ruling junta by imposing an embargo that devastated Haiti’s economy and destroyed its fragile manufacturing industries.

In 1994, the Clinton administration went beyond these economic tactics and deployed Marines in Haiti to reinstall Arisitide.

After finishing his term in 1996 and taking the presidency again in 2001, Aristide began to dissatisfy the Bush administration with his failure to address Haiti’s poverty and instability. Washington attempted to remove the Haitian leader by blocking nearly $500 million in development funds from the Inter-American Development Bank. The loss of this much-needed income was another blow to Haiti’s impoverished masses.

Aristide was removed in yet another coup in 2004, vacating the country on an American aircraft in what some claim was a U.S.-orchestrated expulsion. The Bush administration has denied these accusations; regardless, the end of Aristide’s rule reduced Washington’s interest in Haiti, and the nation faded from the U.S. diplomatic agenda.

The real history of American relations with Haiti hardly seems to square with the altruistic pledges Uncle Sam has made. Yet claims that America did not do enough to prevent the disaster may be misplaced.

In an e-mail to The Hill, Margaret Mooney, Assistant Professor of Sociology at UNC, stated that “significant international development programs have been funded by the U.S., Canada, and international groups in Haiti, especially since the turn towards democracy in 1986.” But, she notes, these funds have had limited

impact due to “extremely poor governance” in the country. Mooney went on to say that “any U.S. assistance—past, present, or future—will only have a significant impact when Haiti’s political system is stable and largely free of corruption.”

American scientists also offered input on Haiti’s disaster preparedness.

Geophysicists with the American Geophysical Union had warned that a large earthquake could be imminent and had actually met with the Haitian prime minister in May 2008. “We knew, the [Haitian] government knew, that a big earthquake was possible,” said Lara Wagner of the UNC Department of Geological Sciences. Still, AGU officials say Haiti was warned only a year and a half in advance of the quake. “The only thing to do,” Wagner adds, “would be to improve earthquake engineering in Haiti, which is expensive and time consuming.”

The 1990s embargo and the aid freezes of the Bush administration doubtlessly had detrimental consequences. In addition, data from the World Bank show that the billions in aid which made it to Haiti were not enough. On the contrary, Jeffrey Sachs says that the global community should have—and now must— make a long-term investment in Haiti’s infrastructure, political systems and agricultural viability. “Indeed,” he writes, “if we stop at humanitarian relief alone, Haiti will be back in crisis soon enough, after the next disaster.”

Ryan Collins is a junior majoring in political science and economics.

Cover

Hands across the sea African nations respond to Haiti’s plight In times of tragedy, foreign nations often come to the aid of the country in need. One normally associates these foreign aids flows with more developed countries. It is a reasonable assumption; after the 2004 tsunami struck Southeast Asia, for example, the United States, China, Japan, Germany, France and Great Britain all made major contributions to the relief effort. There was no similar outpouring of funds from Africa.

This was no surprise, however, as many African nations simply could not afford to give millions in aid to another country, good cause or not.

In wake of the recent earthquake in Haiti, however, the African response has been startling. Uganda has offered 100,000 United States dollars in relief to Haiti; Liberia has offered $50,000; the Democratic Republic of the Congo has offered $2.5 million; Ghana has offered $3 million and a quantity of relief supplies. African nations of moderate wealth and relative poverty have offered aid to Haiti; the donations vary in size, but considering the economic strength of many of the donating nations, none of their offers can be considered anything but generous.

One particular offer stands out. In addition to monetary aid, President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal has offered land and repatriation to Haitians who wish to “return home” to Senegal. It is believed that many Haitians have Senegalese roots; Haiti was, after all, originally a slave nation. European merchants began importing slaves into Haiti during the 16th century, and the slave trade helped build the nation. Slaves came

from various regions in Africa, but it is believed that a large number came from Senegal. Academics support this by pointing to the linguistic similarities between Haitian Creole, aptly named Kréyol, and Wolof, one of the regional languages of Senegal.

These African roots have lived on in Haiti. It is believed that between 90 and 95 percent of Haitians are of predominately African descent. Despite the distance, and the long period of separa-

if people are aware of this offer, there would be takers.” Mathieu says that many Haitians, especially the poor, are desperate to get out. If they leave the country, they will have access to opportunities they could never get otherwise.

Is this offer from Senegal an answer

tion, there is still a link between Africa and Haiti.

So will Haitians return home to Senegal after the recent disaster? It all depends on the offer, Haitian MarieThèrese Mathieu said in an interview with The Hill. As of now, the offer is quite vague and has not been wellpublicized. The Senegalese president has offered plots of fertile land and repatriation—even a whole region if enough Haitians come. Not much more information than that, however, has been published. Senegal has said nothing about transportation, and many of the Haitians that would make the move to Senegal don’t have the means to get there without further aid. As for the Haitians that do have the means, they are more likely to migrate elsewhere. This includes places like the United States or even Canada, which already has a large Haitian population. Mathieu asserts, however, that “I am sure that

to Haiti’s prayers? It could be. There are certainly people that will take the opportunity, but it is impossible to predict how many. It is likely that in the wake of this disaster many Haitians will accept Senegal’s offer and be received with open arms.

Sarah Wentz is a first-year majoring in political science.

February 2010 15

Cover

Eye in the sky It is January 12, 2010—a 7.0 magnitude earthquake rocks Haiti. Three million people are affected by the quake. Over 150,000 people are killed and over 194,000 are injured.

More than 50 aftershocks rattle an already devastated country. Over 1.5 million people are homeless.

Countless others are stuck beneath rubble and await a miracle. As with most disasters, there are tremendous challenges for rescue teams and aid organizations. Logistics. Information. Communication. The scene seems set for chaos.

Indeed, rescue and aid soon became fraught with problems.

Looting was prevalent, and aid did not always reach its intended destination.

All the same, the first few weeks after the Haitian earthquake were unique. The international response to Haiti differed from responses to other disasters in one crucial way – technology.

that Google Person Finder is the “application for missing people for this disaster and all disasters in the future.”

While eyewitness reports and photographs contribute to our understanding of Haiti, they are neither numerous nor thorough enough to make a complete picture. Rescue teams need more than anecdotes to overcome the problem of limited in-

ers like DigitalGlobe and GeoEye are unprecedented.” Google Earth has also played a significant role by providing pictures that graphically show the devastation of Port-auPrince, including the ruins of the presidential palace and the U.N. Headquarters.

With their communications in disarray, Haitians needed a way to interact with rescuers. Innovative Support to Emergencies and Disasters (InSTEDD) developed a text-messaging system to overcome communication barriers. Haitians can send free text-messages that are categorized and tagged with geographical metadata. There have been remarkable cases of success: U.N. rescue teams tracked down a pregnant woman who sent an SOS text message.

The International Red Cross, United Nations, and the U.S. View of Port-au-Prince created by Will Schultz using Google Earth Federal Emergency Management Agency have all benefited Google Person Finder: Haiti Earth- formation. In the aftermath of the from these developments. According quake, which grew out of missing- earthquake, developments in neo- to Maron, this new technology can persons technology developed dur- geography—geography for ordinary be institutionalized for aid in fuing Hurricane Katrina, is an example. people, rather than experts—have ture disasters. He says that the HuPeople can upload details about provided crucial information. manitarian OpenStreetMap Team is missing persons, as well as statuses learning from “the experience so far about individuals—whether they are Mikel Maron, who organized the in Haiti” and that they “are specifiinjured, alive or dead. The uploaded Humanitarian OpenStreetMap cally working to implement projects statuses are cross-checked, provid- Team, said in an email to The Hill on a number of themes: semantic ing crucial information to desperate that “neogeography most generally interoperability, on the ground presfriends and relatives. While similar is about building tools that encour- ence, imagery distribution, and bettools exist, the U.S. State Depart- age greatest access to mapping and ter coordination tools.” ment is promoting Person Finder on GIS technology across the board.” its website. Other organizations with OpenStreetMap has contributed to Hopefully, these new developments similar tools gave their databases to the understanding of conditions in in neogeography will continue to Google to coordinate. Tim Schwatz, Haiti, with volunteers adding up-to- save lives following future disasters who created a comparable system at date information onto satellite-prowww.haitianquake.com, said in an vided imagery. Maron says that the Krishna Kollu is a sophomore majoring interview with the Associated Press “imagery release by satellite provid- in economics.

16 The Hill

Cover

‘Heeling’ Haiti

The US reaches out--and UNC does, too The world is watching, and feeling for, Haiti. The recent earthquake there caused widespread devastation and loss of life while crippling the government and making relief more necessary than ever. The U.S., along with the rest of the world, is now responding to help the Haitian people rebuild their country. Chapel Hill and the UNC community have also taken steps to assist the people of Haiti, showing a global philanthropic spirit in the process.

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) is responsible for distributing foreign aid. The USAID website has been chronicling the amount and types of aid that the U.S. is committing to Haiti. According to the website, the agency has “contributed $90 million to the U.N. appeal, including $22 million in non-food assistance and $68 million in food assistance.” The agency has also given “$73.9 million in bilateral assistance for searchand-rescue.” This money will go toward rebuilding the country and providing immediate relief to the people.

In addition to monetary aid, the U.S. is committing food, water and ways for people in Haiti and the U.S. to find loved ones. Food is being airlifted into the country, while numerous naval vessels are providing potable water on a daily basis. Water treatment units are being brought in to alleviate the extreme shortage of clean water. Several U.S. agencies are collaborating in these humanitarian efforts. The U.S. is also helping in the search for lost persons through the Departments of Homeland Security

and Health and Human Services.

These agencies are also trying to locate orphans and reunite families.

In order to make reunions possible, they have set up databases and established helplines to provide information.

“Hugs for Haiti” event, organized

by Caroline Johnson, a sophomore, who has been involved in several fundraisers. She set up many of these events through Facebook, which has been a useful tool for bringing students together in the relief effort.

Military personnel are also very involved in the relief effort. The Marines, the U.S. Navy, and the Coast Guard have all contributed personnel and equipment. These groups are working to keep Haitians safe and to assist in the search for lost persons.

USAID and the Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance have also collaborated to dispatch medical personnel and a hospital ship for patients to the country.

This crisis could be the impetus for change in USAID. It may be time to transform the way this agency is organized and how the aid is given.

An earthquake of that magnitude would have done immense damage anywhere, but in Haiti, the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, it was especially disastrous. In order for continued aid to be effective, it needs to be channeled towards rebuilding Haitian society in a way that eliminates poverty and provides people with real opportunities.

The urgency of the situation has brought together two unlikely allies, former Presidents George W. Bush and Bill Clinton. The USAID website references the ClintonBush Haiti fund, which is collecting money to go towards disaster relief.

Clinton and Bush’s respective nonprofit organizations, the William J. Clinton Foundation and Communities Foundation of Texas, teamed up to create this fund so that all of the proceeds would go directly to Haiti.

The U.S. is sending aid on a larger level in terms of infrastructure support and leadership, but the local community is also doing its part. On campus, UNC students have come together to form a unified response to Haiti. There have been many oncampus efforts, including collection drives sponsored by the Track and Field coaches, opportunities for monetary donations and even a

This could also be a chance for the U.S. to see the immense need for funding in similar countries, and to finally allocate more than the current 0.1 percent of its GDP that goes to foreign aid. With an economy as large as ours, we should be asking ourselves if we can do more for the people of the world who are less fortunate.

Kelly Kessler is a sophomore majoring in political science.

February 2010 17

Cover

Mind the gap Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was killed over four decades ago, and in light of this year’s celebration of his contributions to society, many analysts have called into question President’s Obama’s promises in regards to civil rights. America’s public education system, arguably the source of all other inequities, has been at the forefront of this scrutiny. It is without question that the achievement gap between white and minority students is a growing issue, and many Americans feel Obama has a unique perspective on this matter.

Obama’s campaign proposal on education focused primarily on increasing pre-school and pre-kindergarten education programs. As Obama stated in an October 2008 presidential debate with Sen. John McCain, early childhood education “closes the achievement gap, so that every child is prepared for school.”

Despite his opposition to the lingering Bush-era No Child Left Behind (NCLB) program that he claims works against educators rather than with them, Obama had not put forward a comprehensive alternative until very recently. The adage says “put your money where your mouth is,” and Obama has responded with $5 billion for early learning programs and $77 billion for elementary and secondary education via the America Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA). However, this money is being funneled through partly-dismantled NCLB programs.

Obama, however, does have a background in education reform. UNCChapel Hill Professor of Education Judith Meece wrote to The Hill, “if you look at the Obama investments

18 The Hill

with [Race to the Top & Investing in Innovation] funds, both have closing achievement gaps as important measures of program effectiveness. This was very important in the reform of the Chicago Schools… I am hopeful that there will be progress made in closing achievement gaps over the next years, but it will take time.”

Obama has insisted that he believes in the NCLB program’s goals, but that he also recognizes its huge failures, including a lack of improvement in standardized test scores and a growing animosity between government officials and educators. In response to these calls for change, Obama has outlined certain changes, including the elimination of the 2014 deadline for bringing all students to grade-level proficiency. However, many have called for a more radical and entirely new program. Educational funds on the local level come primarily from income taxes, meaning that schools in wealthier districts receive more money. Many suspect that the growing gap in the allocation of money corresponds to an achievement gap between schools.

In light of these problems, some school districts have attempted to close the achievement gap by using unorthodox strategies—including busing. This interesting by-product of the achievement gap has reared its head in Raleigh over the past few months. Busing is especially relevant to the ultimate attempt at rectifying the achievement gap: the separatebut-equal gap outlawed in Brown v.

Board of Education. New members of the Wake County school board began sessions with an agenda to return to neighborhood schools and

limit busing, a program that was started in the 1970s. Unfortunately, the reality is that neighborhood schools tend to be in places where one race predominates; thus, neighborhood schools would be pretty homogenous. This, in turn, has sparked heated debate over whether this is really a bad thing for achievement, all other things aside. At this point, no official policy has passed, and preemptive strikes against dismantling the busing system have already been put into motion.

Despite what it may seem on the surface, money does talk. Schools in poorer neighborhoods get less money and fewer resources, attract less qualified teachers and have lower-quality facilities. Looking at the current scene, Obama has poured resources into early education programs, one of the most important steps to closing the achievement gap. However, after this head start, students are faced with a veritable brick wall. Those who were expecting Obama to radically revamp the system will just have to keep waiting, because primary schools and secondary schools have yet to change. Hopefully, resources will not be wasted in the meantime. But it is not really about the money; it is about the children who are getting subpar educations. How we educate kids now will affect the entire country within our lifetime. It is our problem as much as theirs. As Professor Meece noted, it will take time not only to close the gap, but also to detect the initial effectiveness of the policies Obama proposed as recently as February 1.

Wilson Sayre is a first-year majoring in philosophy.

Cover

The Massachusetts miracle Republicans win crucial Senate seat

After the recent Massachusetts special senatorial election of Republican Scott Brown, a state that usually bleeds blue is finally color-coordinating with its beloved Red Sox. Perhaps we might normally pause with a “hm, that’s interesting” and be on our merry way. But having procured their 41st seat in the Senate, the Republicans now have the power to filibuster the Democrats’ precious health care bill. Whether Brown will drive to Washington, DC, in his pickup truck or fly there isn’t certain, but what is for sure is that his arrival will create quite a stir on Capitol Hill.

The question of the hour seems to be: “How did this happen?” Every pollster and political analyst seems to have something to say about Brown’s election, and every talking head seems to have a jesting comment. The general consensus seems to be that the Democrats just didn’t pull through in their campaigning, while the Republicans delivered a solid campaign. After holding a 20 percent lead in the early polls, Coakley was thought to be a senatorial shoo-in. But minimal funding, an emphasis on low-key issues and more than one publicly embarrassing gaffe—such as confusing well-known Red Sox player Curt Schilling with a Yankee fan—all retrospectively rise to the surface as

possibly fatal errors. On the other hand, Brown’s emphasis on meeting the needs of the individual, given the current state of the economy, may have been exactly what voters wanted to hear. Demographics may have also been a factor. Despite the decidedly conservative connotation of Brown’s association with the Tea Party, it actually helped him pull in both conservatives and independents due to its image of unity. For proof, look no further than Brown’s sweep of suburban areas, where independent voters predominate.

Beyond a momentary newsflash, many are asking what all this means and what the national implications are. Maybe there aren’t any. In an e-mail to The Hill, UNC-Chapel Hill Political Science Professor Jason Roberts suggests that “special elections are often not representative of state or national trends, and the explanations for the outcomes are over-determined. The outcomes are mostly idiosyncratic based on local issues such as the quality of the candidates, campaign gaffes, and low voter turnout.”

Many are attempting to connect Coakley’s defeat with national sentiments toward Obama’s health care bill. Extrapolate all you want, but be careful when connecting the dots.

Back in Mitt Romney’s day, a health

care bill was passed that gave near-universal coverage to Bay Staters. This means the issue may not be as important for Massachusetts, and therefore less indicative of national sentiments.

Perhaps it is the defeat of Coakley that says more than the victory of Brown. With just a single sentence each about health care and the state of the economy, but an entire paragraph each about Afghanistan and the Middle East on her campaign website, Coakley seemed out of step with her voters. Double-digit unemployment affects voting booths just as much as it does checkbooks. Now, issues that have direct consequences for individuals reign supreme over more delocalized national or international issues. Additionally, more voters than ever are listening up and showing up at the voting booths, meaning that candidates have to be alert and on their toes.

After eight years of waiting to be done with Bush, this defeat comes as a major disappointment to many Democrats. Now may be a chance for them to rebuild, assuming it’s not too late already.

Cortney Evans is a junior majoring in international studies and economics.

February 2010 19

Opinion

from the Left

The United Corporations of America

By Tatiana Brezina The Supreme Court’s recent decision in Citizens United v. FEC gave Americans two frightening insights into the conservative majority’s philosophy. First, it is unwilling to uphold the integrity of the electoral system when that responsibility stands in the way of its own interests. Second, conservative judges are willing, even eager, to practice egregious judicial activism.

Congress and the Court have long played a back-and-forth game on campaign finance laws, attempting to find a balance between preserving free speech and preventing corruption. Citizens United marks the first time that the Court has abdicated its responsibility to maintain this balance.

With the Court’s decision, corporations now have virtually unlimited power to influence elections and the behavior of elected officials. As of now, the American public is weary of the influence of special interests in politics after witnessing the backroom deals made by congressmen writing healthcare legislation.

Preserving freedom of speech is vital to maintaining a strong democracy. Restrictions on speech should be kept to a minimum, but occasionally they are necessary and permissible. For example, it is illegal to yell “fire” in a crowded theater when there is no fire. This restriction on free speech is meant to ensure public safety. In a similar vein, restrictions on corporate election expenditures are meant to prevent corruption of the electoral system.

These limits are essential to our democracy and society.

Interestingly, as Stanley Fish pointed out in The New York Times, the Court chose not to remove all restrictions on corporate spending. It preserved the ban on direct contributions to candidates and the requirement that the ads disclose their funding source. This suggests that the majority does not take an entirely literal approach to the First Amendment and finds some value in preserving an uncorrupted electoral system. On the other hand, the two restrictions preserved by the Court have little real impact on corporate influence, given that indirect channels of influence are wide open.

20 The Hill

The Court’s conservative majority leapt at the chance to undo decades of precedent in a shameless demonstration of judicial activism. It overturned precedents holding that restrictions on corporate financing were consistent with freedom of speech. The Court had upheld those precedents in case after case, and following precedent has historically been one of the Court’s guiding principles. Not so today.

The question of whether the Court should give corporations the same rights as individuals still remains. Before the Citizens United decision, corporate employees could make individual contributions to campaigns or donate to a political action committee (PAC), a fund created in the name of the corporation to further specific political goals.

The corporation itself could not freely spend its money on elections. The limits on corporations were fully justifiable, since corporations’ interests are to increase profits, not represent their employees’ views. They should not have been given the same rights as individuals in the first place, and certainly not in such an arbitrary way. Why remove restrictions on corporations and not on political parties?

Perhaps the most troubling outcome of this decision is its potential to corrupt the judiciary. In the U.S., 39 states elect judges and 87 percent of all state court judges must participate in elections, according to the National Center for State Courts. Corporations could flood judicial elections with millions of dollars to ensure that the victors share their ideology. Those judges would then be under high pressure to rule in favor of the corporate interests that helped elect them.

As Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in his dissent, “While American democracy is imperfect, few outside the majority of this court would have thought its flaws included a dearth of corporate money in politics.”

Where, oh where, has our democracy gone?

Tatiana Brezina is a junior majoring in political science and international studies.

Opinion

from the right

The Court stands for free speech

By Ford Ramsey In its ruling on Citizens United v. FEC, the Supreme Court carefully considered the original intent of the Constitution by crafting a decision that both harmonized conflicting lines of precedent and struck a blow against government regulation of free speech.

The fundamental question addressed in Citizens United is whether corporations have a significant right to freedom of speech, specifically when that speech deals with political issues. An important point in understanding this case is that the term “corporation” encompasses a large number of entities. It includes not only forprofit companies, but also a number of bodies not typically thought of in these terms, such as the ACLU and The New York Times. Prior to Citizens United, media corporations such as NBC could run editorials for or against a candidate under the guise of freedom of the press. Meanwhile, a commercial enterprise such as Google was not allowed to take out political advertisements in any fashion. Regardless of why such an unfair policy was previously upheld, it seems naive to think that media companies are somehow different from others, especially when the majority of media outlets are subsidiaries of larger holding corporations.

Those opposed to the Supreme Court’s decision do not see corporations for what they really are: assemblages of people, whether motivated by profit or not.

Nearly all actors in the political spectrum, whether individuals or groups, use money to fund their speech in the form of commercials, pamphlets, or public meetings.

Naturally, not everyone in the spectrum has access to an equal amount of wealth. Opponents of the recent ruling believe that the government has the right to reduce such discrepancies in the market of free speech. They believe that the speech of those with more economic wealth should in some way be equalized to those with less.

Unfortunately for them, the Constitution says nothing about this issue. In no way does the Constitution seek to equalize the right to free speech based on economic terms or on the ability to disseminate information — the

Constitution only guarantees a right to free speech. It is in fact a fairly utilitarian right, given that attempts to impose equal strength of speech would be impossible, especially in the age of computers and the internet. Arguing to the contrary would allow the government to restrict the speech of newspapers and television stations based simply on the fact that they possess greater resources in disseminating their speech than does the average person.

Detractors of the recent Court ruling also claim that it grants rights inherent to human beings to non-human entities.

Unfortunately, this distinction is tenuous at best. Corporations are controlled by citizens, funded by citizens and staffed by, as you might guess, normal citizens. The Supreme Court chose to treat corporations as they would other concerned groups of citizens: they protected their speech. If we are to restrict corporations from speaking freely, then we must do the same for civic associations and trade unions. Major political parties are by their very nature collections of individuals that donate money to influence the decisions of candidates. Should political parties be denied the right to give candidates money as well? Trying to define whether an entity is human is fruitless, especially when all entities that give money are constructed of individual citizens. I suppose one could argue that a corporation run by a computer should not be allowed to give money to candidates, though to my knowledge, artificial intelligence has not yet reached such a level.

In the end, the ruling will probably have little effect on the American electoral process. Of course, the question of effect is not really the point of the Supreme Court. It exists to determine the constitutionality of a law. In this case the Court did its job well by paying attention to the details of the case and the principles of the Constitution.

Ford Ramsey is a senior majoring in economics and music.

February 2010 21

The Last Word

America’s leadership deficit Time for Obama to step up his game

Almost a year ago, the late Sena- support for Democratic candidates nal majority in decades and left the tor Ted Kennedy endorsed Barack among voters has fallen from 42% to GOP in shambles. President Obama Obama in the campaign for the 37% in the last twelve months. The had an opportunity to expose the 2008 Democratic nomination. Ken- country has turned on the Demo- Republican ideology for what it is: nedy’s endorsement was eagerly crats. The question is: why? outdated, bankrupt and utterly desought by the three remaining canstructive. He had the opportunity didates—Clinton, Edwards and Various explanations have emerged. to create a paradigm shift in the Obama—as he had remained on the The Republicans say that the steady American political psyche, to make sidelines of the primary the case that, in fray for several months. The abrupt turnaround in support the appropriate for Obama and the Democrats When Kennedy came circumstances, only twelve months after they out for Obama, it progovernment ran away with the presidency vided a crucial boost of is the solution and gained huge majorities in momentum for his camrather than the paign and was one of the both houses of Congress is simply problem. breathtaking. major factors that led to his capture of the DemoUnfortunately, cratic nomination and, eventually, erosion of support for Democratic the president By David Zoppo the presidency. policies over the past year manifest- did not adopt ed itself in Brown’s victory, which this approach; his promises on the And now, one year after the late clearly reveals widespread voter dis- campaign trail to govern in a bipartisenator committed his support to satisfaction with the current regime. san and pragmatic manner translatObama, it’s a cruel sort of irony The talking heads are convinced: ed into a political strategy that can that the special election for Ken- “It’s the economy, stupid.” The Tea only be described as timid. His fenedy’s former seat—which had been Partiers just want the damn gov- tish for bipartisanship and comproin Democratic hands since 1952— ernment to keep its hands off their mise has created a situation where was unexpectedly won by Repub- Medicaid. All of these are good ex- he has legitimized the conservative lican Scott Brown. It is perhaps planations, but they are the result rhetoric and Republican policy aleven crueler that, as a result of this of a deeper and more fundamental ternatives which are fundamentally Republican takeover, health care re- problem within the Democratic Par- deluded and unsound. As a result, he form—the centerpiece of President ty: namely, that it is suffering from a has lost control of both the debate Obama’s domestic agenda and a leadership deficit. and his party’s message. This has alcause for which Kennedy fought all lowed the Right to create President Obama has not his life—is on the verge of collapse. a narrative of America’s developed a clear, coherent and problems that puts blame consistent message on any major on the Democrats and The abrupt turnaround in support issue that has come before his for Obama and the Democrats only the president, a narrative administration thus far. twelve months after they ran away that has resonated with with the presidency and gained huge the public. majorities in both houses of Congress is simply breathtaking. Ac- President Obama has not developed This is not to say that bipartisanship, cording to a Gallup poll, the presi- a clear, coherent and consistent mes- inclusiveness and open-mindedness dent’s approval rating was 47% in sage on any major issue that has come are bad approaches to governance. late January, down from the 70% ap- before his administration thus far. In They make a very good approach, but proval he enjoyed just one year earli- November 2008, the public gave the they cannot work with an opposition er. According to Rasmussen Reports, Democrats their largest congressio- whose political goals are completely

22 The Hill

The Last Word

Protestors at the 2010 Copenhagen Climate Summit

Photo by Mike Mian

contrary to the president’s and whose Given the dire state of our nation, wants to change the narrative in rationale for resistance is completely this is no time to be courting Repub- Washington, he needs to accent irrational. Let’s get real: according lican policies that are ineffective, un- the differences between the Demoto a poll commissioned by the blog sound and utterly debilitating for the crats and the Republicans, not gloss Daily Kos, 63% of the Republican future of our country. There are times over them. On the major domestic base believe President Obama is a when one must sacrifice ideology for issues facing the country—health socialist, 36% believe he was care, job creation and financial [Obama] has lost control of not born in the United States, reform—the president needs both the debate and his party’s and almost a quarter believe he to draw a line in the sand and message. This has allowed the “wants the terrorists to win.” make a clear and cogent case to Right to create a narrative...that the American people. They will The rhetoric of Republican politicians has reinforced these puts blame on the Democrats and listen—even if the Republicans the president. outrageous claims to the point don’t—and come November, he that, should a Republican supand his party will be rewarded. port any of Obama’s policies, he the sake of policymaking, and then would promptly lose the support of there are times when ideology is the David Zoppo is a senior majoring in his base and be kicked out of office. basis on which to build sound policy, political science. the opposition be damned. If Obama

The Last Word on

The Hill

Want to have the last word? Send your guest column (750800 words, please) to thehillpr@unc.edu, or sound off on our discussion board at http://studentorgs.unc.edu/thehill.

February 2010 23

h T o t e

PAY TO THE ORDER OF

t a n o D MEMO

1:125000258: 12345678: 0101

l l i H e

SIGNED

1234

DATE

$

DOLLARS

email us at thehillpr@unc.edu

WORK FOR THE HILL! Interested in joining our staff as a writer, blogger, editor, designer, or artist?

email thehillpr@unc.edu