Regeneration of Two Urban Poor Communities in Phnom Penh, Cambodia

Regeneration of Two Urban Poor Communities in Phnom Penh, Cambodia Master’s Thesis, Aalto University, Department of Architecture, Chair of Urban Planning and Design

Supervisor: Professor Trevor Harris Instructors: Taru Niskanen and Humphrey Kalanje Author: Charlotte Nyholm

Aalto yliopisto Insinööritieteiden korkeakoulu Arkkitehtuurin laitos DIPLOMITYÖN TIIVISTELMÄ Tekijä: Charlotte Nyholm Työn nimi: Regeneration of Two Urban Poor Communities in Phnom Penh, Cambodia Päiväys: 3.11.2011 Sivumäärä (selostus+liitteet): 109 (104+5) Kuvaplanssit (kpl): 0 Pienoismallit (kpl): 1 Professuurin nimi ja koodi:Yhdyskunta- ja kaupunkisuunnittelu, A-36 Työn valvoja: Trevor Harris Työn ohjaajat: Taru Niskanen ja Humphrey Kalanje Tiivistelmä Diplomityö käsittelee nopean kaupungistumisen synnyttämiä asunto-ongelmia Kambodžassa, Kaakkois-Aasiassa. Tonttimaan arvo on noussut maan pääkaupungissa Phnom Penhissä 90-luvulta lähtien. Tästä seuranneet laittomat maaomaisuuden kaappaukset ovat johtaneet häätöihin.

Ihmiset ovat joutuneet jättämään kotinsa ja työpaikkansa ja muuttamaan kaupungin laitamille infrastruktuurin ulottumattomiin. Diplomityön suunnitteluosuus keskittyy kahteen köyhään asuinalueeseen Phnom Penhin keskustan tuntumassa. Työ pyrkii vastaamaan kysymykseen siitä, mitä vaadittaisi, jotta näiden alueiden asukkaat voisivat välttää pakkosiirron ja sen sijaan asua paremmissa oloissa nykyisellä paikalla.

Kirjallisiin lähteisiin perustuva tutkielma köyhyydestä, kaupungistumisesta ja niiden synnyttämistä asumiseen liittyvistä ongelmista kartoittaa työn kontekstia.Tässä osassa perehdytään myös siihen, mikä on johtanut Kambodžan sekavaan nykytilanteeseen sekä siihen, onko khmerien rakennusperinnössä jotain sellaista, jota voidaan hyödyntää myös nykyaikaisessa urbaanissa kontekstissa. Lopuksi tarkastellaan Phnom Penhin viimeaikaista kaupunkikehitystä sekä kaupungin köyhien yhteisöjen nykytilannetta ja erityispiirteitä.

Työn toisessa osassa perehdytään Tonle Bassacin kaupunginosaan. Erityisesti pureudutaan elämään kahdessa erilaisessa köyhässä yhteisössä, Wat Proyouvongissa (1660 asukasta) ja T87:ssä (1890 asukasta). Analyysi perustuu kirjallisiin lähteisiin, ilmakuviin sekä vierailuun Phnom Penhissä helmi-maaliskuussa 2011.

Asuinalueiden parannussuunnitelma on vastaus kahdessa ensimmäisessä osassa määriteltyihin ongelmiin. Suunnitelma sisältää toimenpide-ehdotuksia kaupunginosan, yhteisön ja korttelin tasolla. Näitä ovat esimerkiksi infrastruktuurin ja turvallisuuden parantaminen, lisärakentaminen ja pienviljely. Suunnitelmassa on kiinnitetty erityistä huomiota sellaisen korttelitypologian kehittämiseen, joka sallii monikerroksisen rakentamisen paikalliseen kulttuuriin soveltuvalla tavalla. Tämä vapauttaa tilaa maantasossa, mikä mahdollistaa yksityisyysasteiltaan erilaisten ulkotilojen verkoston kehittämisen.

Tarkasteltujen yhteisöjen asuinoloja voitaisi parantaa merkittävästi asukkaita häätämättä, mikäli vastaavanlaiset hankkeet saisivat poliittista tukea. Kaikilla yhteisöillä on omat erityispiirteensä, eikä tuloksia voi suoraan yleistää. Ehdotetut toimenpiteet voivat kuitenkin toimia esimerkkeinä ja innoituksen lähteinä.

Avainsanat: kaupungistuminen, Kambodža, slummien parannus, edulliset asunnot, köyhyys kaupungeissa

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Aalto University School of Engineering Department of Architecture ABSTRACT OF MASTER’S THESIS Author: Charlotte Nyholm Title of Thesis: Regeneration of Two Urban Poor Communities in Phnom Penh, Cambodia Date: 3 November 2011 Pages (report+appendix): 109 (104+5) Panels (pcs): 0 Models (pcs): 1 Academic Chair and Chair Code: Urban Planning and Design, A-36 Supervisor: Trevor Harris Instructors: Taru Niskanen and Humphrey Kalanje Abstract This Master’s thesis in architecture deals with housing problems in Cambodia brought on by rapid urbanization and poverty. The land value in Phnom Penh, the capital, has risen drastically since the 1990s, which has led to illegal land grabbing and forced evictions. People have been forced to leave their homes and relocate to the outskirts of the city, where sufficient infrastructure and jobs are hard to come by. The design part of this thesis focuses on two urban poor communities living in the city center of Phnom Penh and assesses, what would it take for them to be able to remain in their current location with improved living conditions.

In order to gain an understanding of the context, the research begins by looks at larger issues, such poverty, urbanization and the resulting housing problems. Cambodian history is also examined in an attempt to understand what has led to the current situation and whether some aspects of Cambodian architectural heritage are still relevant in a contemporary urban environment. Recent development in Phnom Penh and in the city’s poor communities is also assessed.

The second part of the research looks at the Tonle Bassac district. A closer look is taken at life in two different poor communities, Wat Proyouvong (1660 inhabitants) and T87 (1890 inhabitants). The analysis is based on literary sources, aerial images and field research in Phnom Penh in February-March 2011.

Finally, the design provides solutions to the problems identified in the first two parts. It proposes upgrading solutions at the district, community and city block level. Infrastructural and safety improvements, infill building and urban farming are some of the suggested interventions.

Particular attention is paid to developing a new type of courtyard house, which frees up ground space through socially and culturally acceptable multi-storey housing.This allows for the creation of a hierarchy of public open space.

Much could be done to avoid eviction and improve living conditions in the two target communities, provided that such endeavours receive political support. Each community is different, which means the findings cannot be directly generalized to other contexts. However, the proposed solutions may serve as examples and a source of inspiration when looking at other communities facing similar problems.

Keywords: urbanization, Cambodia, slum upgrading, on-site upgrading, low-cost housing, urban poor

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Acronyms ADB AIDS APSARA COHRE CPK CPP FUNCINPEC GDP HIV HCMC LICADHO LMAP MDGs MPP NGO PPWSA STT UN UNDP UN ESCAP UNFPA UN-HABITAT UNTAC

Asian Development Bank acquired immunodeficiency syndrome Authority for the Protection and Management of Angkor and the Region of Siem Reap Center on Housing Rights and Evictions Communist Party of Kampuchea Cambodian People’s Party National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia gross domestic product human immunodeficiency virus Ho Chi Minh City Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights Land Management and Administration Project Millennium Development Goals Municipality of Phnom Penh non-governmental organization Phnom Penh Water Supply Authority Sahmakum Teang Tnaut United Nations United Nations Development Programme United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific United Nations Population Fund United Nations Human Settlements Programme United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia

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Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to my instructors Taru Niskanen and Humphrey Kalanje, whose comments and questions have been essential. My supervisor, Trevor Harris has been phenomenal at providing encouragement and motivation. I would also like to thank Saija Hollmén, Hannu Huttunen and Ulla Heinonen at Aalto University for their comments and expertise. Hennu Kjisik has provided me with books I would never have found otherwise. The translations from French to English by Marie-Astrid Chavanes broadened my range of sources. Antti Ahlava has been most helpful by giving me time off work to finish this up. My sincere thanks also to Linda Wiksten for help with building the model.

I am grateful to Teknologföreningen rf for funding my research trip to Phnom Penh in FebruaryMarch 2011. During the trip I could not have managed without Nora Lindström at STT, who was great at providing insight into the complexity of things. Meas Kim Seng, it was a privilege to be able to join you on the community visits. Thank you both for your time! Clarisa, Eva and everyone else at STT were very helpful with practical matters and arrangements. Big thanks also to Danith Vuth, whose translation made it possible for me to interview inhabitants of the two communities. Sokly Yam, thank you for all the information, maps and insight into the Cambodian context. Seng Vannak at the MPP, it was interesting to meet you.

Last but not least, thank you Alexei Gloukhovtsev for your love and support as well as for proofreading this thesis.

Thank you!

Charlotte Nyholm 3 November 2011 Helsinki, Finland

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Regeneration of Two Urban Poor Communities in Phnom Penh, Cambodia Abstract

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Acronyms

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Acknowledgements

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CONTENTS

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1

13

Introduction

Part 1: Literature Review 2

Urbanization in Southeast Asia

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3

Urbanization in Cambodia

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4

Reduction of Urban Poverty 1.1 What is Urban Poverty?

1.2 The Millennium Development Goals

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Cambodia 1.1 A Brief History of Cambodia 1.2 Cambodia Now - Economy and Human Development 1.3 Land Issues in Cambodia

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Housing the World’s Urban Poor 1.1 Slums Definition Types Common Problems Clearance or Upgrading?

6.2 Solving the Housing Problem - Examples from Other Southeast Asian Countries Tan Hoa-Lo Gom Project in Ho Chi Minh City,Vietnam Social Housing in Singapore Land Sharing in Bangkok, Thailand

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Khmer Architecture 1.1 Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian Eras 1.2 Colonial Style 1.3 New Khmer Architecture 1.4 Common Housing Typologies

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Phnom Penh 1.1 History 1.2 Recent Urban Development in Phnom Penh Lack of Zoning and Regulations Slums in Phnom Penh 1.3 Will Cambodia and Phnom Penh Meet the Millennium Development Goals?

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Part 2: The Tonle Bassac Area 9 Tonle Bassac

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10 Urban and Architectural Analysis 10.1 Historical Buildings 10.2 Functions 10.3 Spatial Organization

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11 Technical Analysis

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12 Target Communities 12.1 Wat Proyouvong 12.2 T87

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Part 3: Design – Regeneration of Wat Proyouvong and T87 13 Aims and Limitations

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14 District Level Solutions – An Urban Connection

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15 Community Level Solutions 15.1 Public Open Space 15.2 Infrastructural Improvements 15.3 Sanitation 15.4 Fire Safety 15.5 Lighting Solutions 15.6 Low-Cost Sunshade

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16 Housing Solutions 16.1 Courtyard Housing in Wat Proyouvong 16.2 Shophouses in T87 16.3 Monks’ Housing

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17 Urban Agriculture

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18 Implementation and Investments

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19 Conclusions

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20 References

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APPENDIXES

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1. Introduction Now, for the first time in history, more than half of the world’s population lives in cities. By 2030, 80% of urbanites will live in cities of the developing world. (UNFPA, 2007, p. 1) Solving problems relating to the living environment of the poorest inhabitants in these cities improves many aspects of their lives, such as safety, health and employment. The Millennium Development Goals, which all UN member states have made a commitment to reach by 2015, aim to do precisely this by focusing on issues such as universal education, HIV/AIDS and sanitation (UNDP, 2011a). The first part of this thesis is a literature review, which further examines the relationships between urbanization, poverty and housing problems and why it is important for governments, planners and other actors to make addressing these problems a priority. In examining the progress and challenges of Phnom Penh, this research will focus on two subtargets of goal seven (“Ensure environmental sustainability”), as they are the ones most closely related to architecture and urban planning.

The literature review also presents an analysis of the design context by looking at the history, politics, urban planning framework and architectural heritage of Cambodia and especially its capital Phnom Penh. Cambodia borders Thailand in the north and the west, Lao PDR in the north and Vietnam in the east. Geographically, the defining features of Cambodia are the Mekong River that runs through the country as well as the Tonle Sap Lake. Mountains surround the country to the north, west and east while the Gulf of Thailand forms the southern border. Cambodia has a surface area of 181 035 km2 and a population of 14.8 million (Khemro, 2006, p. 71), giving it a population density average of 81.7 people/ km2. The seasons consist of a rainy monsoon season (May-November) and a hot, dry season (December-April). (CIA World Factbook, 2011) Though it remains one of the poorest countries in Southeast Asia, Cambodia is rapidly changing. Economic growth and rapid urbanization are taking the country from farming to skyscrapers. Multi-million dollar construction projects are underway across all of Phnom Penh. Unfortunately, the booming economy and skyrocketing land prices coupled with greed, corruption and lack of good governance have led to land grabbing and forced evictions. The ones paying the price are the poorest and most vulnerable citizens, whose legal rights are frequently ignored. According to research by the Cambodian NGO Sahmakum Teang Tnaut (STT), 150 000 people have been displaced in Phnom Penh alone since 1990. (STT, 2011) Evicting slum dwellers and moving them to relocation sites far from the income earning opportunities of the city center does little to improve their lives in the spirit of the Millennium Development Goals. Instead, they are plunged deeper into poverty. Despite the vast scale of the problem, lack of funds and political will means systemic changes currently appear unrealistic.

This thesis evaluates what it would take for the poor inhabitants of two particular urban poor communities in Phnom Penh to be able to avoid eviction and remain in their current locations with improved living conditions. However, before the design ideas are presented, the Tonle Bassac area of downtown Phnom Penh, where the target communities are located, is analyzed in order to pinpoint the assets and problems of the whole district. The area has been a hotbed for innovative new architecture and urban planning since the 1960’s but is now becoming more and more closed to the public as gated communities, governmental institutions and embassies spring up. Seven residential communities

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were recently been excluded from the systematic land titling process, making them vulnerable to being evicted off their valuable land to make way for new real estate. However, by taking a different approach and instead integrating the poor communities better into the rest of the urban fabric, public spaces in these communities could take on the function of open and accessible meeting places in the city for all kinds of people. This way some blocks in the increasingly gated and closed off Tonle Bassac could remain accessible to the public, which is an integral part of socially sustainable urban planning. Merging the poor communities better with the surrounding urban fabric also reduces the social stigma attached to these areas and to the people living in them.

In the third, design-oriented part of this thesis new concepts and ideas for on-site upgrading of the two selected communities are presented with the aim of introducing an alternative to current practice. By introducing a new socially and culturally sustainable type of multistory housing, improved infrastructure and a structured network of public open space, the livability of the communities can be improved. If implemented, an urban farming initiative tailored to fit the circumstances in these communities could improve the economic situation of many poor families. The general scale of the proposed improvements is smaller and more sustainable in the long term than the evictions and relocation processes occurring in Phnom Penh today. This new way of looking at poor communities in the city can hopefully serve as a stepping-stone on the road to a more sustainable and humane urban poverty reduction policy in Cambodia.

In addition to literary sources, this research is based on a three-week research trip to Phnom Penh, which took place in February-March 2011. The trip included interviews and discussions with municipality and NGO representatives as well as with slum dwellers, local architects and other actors. Several visits to various poor communities also took place.

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Part 1: Literature Review

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2. Urbanization in Southeast Asia Urbanization of Southeast Asian countries has been shaped by ancient civilizations as well as colonial rule and recent decades of rapid economic growth (Roberts and Kanaley, 2006, p. 18). According to the State of the World Population 2007 report by the UNFPA, Southeast Asia is one of the least urbanized regions in the world, with 45% of the population living in urban areas. The equivalent figure for all of Asia is 41%, which puts it just above Africa (39%). (UNFPA, 2007) The differences within the region are notably vast and indicate a relationship between level of urbanization and economic development. Low-income countries such as Cambodia tend to be less urbanized, but any economic growth in such countries is typically followed by a rapid increase in urbanization. (Roberts and Kanaley, 2006, p. 15) Cambodia is one of the least urbanized countries in Southeast Asia, with only 20% urban dwellers in 2005 (Roberts and Kanaley, 2006, p. 14). This means that in Cambodia, rural-urban migration contributes more significantly to urban growth than in more urbanized countries, as there is a considerable amount of people still living in rural areas. Exact growth rates for Southeast Asian cities are hard to obtain, as there is a tendency to under-enumerate in population censuses.

In addition, defining what constitutes a city is also challenging, as urban areas can often outgrow the official city limits. (Jones, 2002, p. 133) It is expected that Southeast Asian cities will continue to grow in the foreseeable future, due to both natural increase (more births than deaths) and migration. Such rapid urbanization puts pressure on cities to provide their inhabitants with adequate infrastructure and housing. No Asian country, aside from Singapore, has thus far been able to provide adequate housing for all of its inhabitants. Social housing schemes have often targeted select groups, such as civil servants and the armed forces, but have continuously remained out of reach for the poorest population, both in terms of amount and cost. (Roberts and Kanaley, 2006, p. 25) This in turn has led to the rise of informal housing and the growth of slums.

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Figure 1: Urban population in Southeast Asia.

(UN-HABITAT Conference, 2006, modified)

3. Urbanization in Cambodia

Figure 2: Population trends in Cambodia.

(Khemro, 2006, modified)

In 2005, 20% of Cambodia’s population of 14.8 million lived in urban areas (Roberts and Kanaley, 2006, p. 14). This figure is low in comparison to many other Southeast Asian countries and indicates that Cambodia is still in the early stages of urbanization. The explanation lies in the tragic history of the country. Though urbanization was rapid following independence from France in 1954, this period did not last long and ended in 1969 (Khemro, 2006, p. 74).

Between 1975 and 1979 the Khmer Rouge drove the entire population out of the cities in pursuit of a collectivist agrarian dream. When their rule finally came to an end, many former city dwellers had died or been killed and the cities had been abandoned for years. The re-urbanization of Cambodia started in the 1980s, meaning that the country went from being practically entirely rural to 20% urban in just 25 years (Khemro, 2006, p. 74).

In the future Cambodia is likely to have an annual increase in urban population of between 3.5% (Khemro, 2006, p. 74) and 4% (Heinonen, 2008), one of the fastest rates in all of Asia. By 2030, 35% of the population, or 8 million people, are expected to be urban dwellers. This puts immense pressure on city authorities to provide adequate infrastructure, services and housing opportunities.

The lack of both human and financial resources as well as political will has so far led to an inability to mitigate the negative impacts of rapid urbanization. One effect of this is, that Cambodia had 2 million slum dwellers in 2008 (Heinonen, 2008, p. 97). Key policies and commonly agreed upon strategies are still missing in the country, hindering a coordinated effort to deal with urban growth. (Khemro, 2006, p. 75) Problems such as urban sprawl, squatter settlements, environmental degradation and land disputes are just some of the challenges that need to be met in Cambodian cities.

Projected

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40

14

35

12

30

10

25

8

20 Percent

6 Population (million)

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4

10

2

5

0

0 1950

1960

Rural population

1970

1980

1990

Urban population

2000

2010

2020

2030

Urban population (percent)

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4. Reduction of Urban Poverty More than half of the world’s seven billion people of now live in urban areas. By 2030, this figure is expected to be almost 5 billion. The percentage of urban dwellers is predicted to double in Asia and Africa between 2000 and 2030. By then eight out of every ten of the world’s urban dwellers will live in the developing world. Though the rate of urbanization has steadily slowed down since the 1970s, the present scale is unprecedented. (UNFPA, 2007, p. 7) 4.1 What is Urban Poverty?

Throughout history, cities have been the driving forces of national and regional economic growth, but they have also had a high concentration of poverty. (UNFPA, 2007, p. 1) Rural-urban migration is a major cause of the increase in urban population, as people relocate to cities in search of a better life and higher income. However, due to lack of housing, stigmatization, lack of skills, low wages and lack of social insurance amongst other things, many people escaping poverty in rural areas end up facing poverty in the city instead (Baker, 2008, p. 5). Even so, few return to the countryside, as migrants tend to prefer urban hardships to rural ones. (UNFPA, 2007, p. 8) Though the media has mostly focused on the world’s mega-cities, half of all urban growth is expected to happen in smaller cities and towns, such as Phnom Penh. On the one hand, this can be considered a positive thing, as decisionmaking, for example on land use, tends to be more flexible in smaller cities. On the other hand, smaller cities are often under-financed and lack knowledge and expertise as well as technical capacity. (UNFPA, 2007, p. 68) Many policymakers and governments have been trying to deal with the growth of urban areas by introducing anti-urban policies. Whether attempting to retain people in rural areas by expanding agricultural land area or using forced evictions and withholding services from the urban poor in order to discourage migration, these policies only serve to increase poverty. Policies that strive to reduce urban growth by making the city less attractive to migrants are based on several misconceptions as listed in the State of World Cities 2007 Report.

(UNFPA, 2007, p. 36) It has been shown that anti-urban strategies do not significantly reduce urban growth, but instead make it harder for the urban poor to lift themselves out of poverty. (UNFPA, 2007, p. 38) In terms of urban planning, the scale of the growth of urban areas brings a new set of challenges that must be addressed. Future global population growth will mainly be made up of poor people, who tend to fall outside the current frameworks for urban planning. This may either be because it is thought that ignoring the needs of migrants will discourage further rural-urban migration, or because the needs of the poor are simply not prioritized. (UNFPA, 2007, p. 6) However, according to the United Nations Population Fund, failure to plan ahead and provide adequate housing for the growing population results in increased slum formation (UNFPA, 2007, p. 70), in turn leading to health and security problems as well as social exclusion. Adequate shelter, on the other hand, leads to improvements in the health, security, gender equality and employability of the urban poor. (UNFPA, 2007, p. 38)

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4.2 The Millennium Development Goals The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) aim to provide concrete benchmarks for states working together to achieve the common goals of reducing extreme poverty and improving basic standards of living. During the UN Millennium Summit, held in 2000, world leaders adopted the United Nations Millennium Declaration. The eight MDGs (see Figure 3) were derived from this declaration and can be broken down into 21 quantifiable targets. All 192 UN member states as well as 23 organizations such as the Clinton Global Initiative have made a commitment to reach the MDGs by 2015. (UNDP, 2011a) Resolving the problems in the cities of low- and middle-income countries is crucial in order for the MDGs to be met. The ever-growing population of such cities means they are not only home to a vast percentage of the world’s population, but are also faced with infrastructural and social problems on an unprecedented scale. Improving the living conditions of the urban poor promotes gender equality, fights HIV/AIDS and other illnesses and improves environmental sustainability. In short, by focusing on cities in the developing world, comprehensive progress can be made in all areas of the MDGs. (UN Millennium Project, 2005) Though all MDGs touch the lives of the urban poor, targets 10 (“Reduce by half the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation”) and 11 (“Achieve significant improvement in lives of at least 100 million slum dwellers, by 2020”) under goal number 7 (“Ensure environmental sustainability”) are the ones most closely related to slum upgrading by means of architecture and urban planning.

Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)

Figure 3: The Millennium Development Goals (UN Millennium Project, 2005)

GOAL 1: GOAL 2: GOAL 3: GOAL 4: GOAL 5: GOAL 6: GOAL 7: target 9:

target 10:

target 11:

GOAL 8:

Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger Achieve universal primary education Promote gender equality and empower women Reduce child mortality.

Improve maternal health Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases.

Ensure environmental sustainability Integrate the principles of sustainable develop- ment into country policies and programs and reverse the loss of environmental resources.

Halve, by 2015, the proportion of people with- out sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation.

Have achieved by 2020 a significant improve- ment in the lives of at least 100 million slum dwellers.

Develop a global partnership for development 19

5. Cambodia Being one of the poorest countries in Southeast Asia and facing rapid urbanization in the coming decades, Cambodia faces several challenges when it comes to urban issues. A rich history ripe with culture means there is a lot to draw from in terms of new architecture and urban design. However, the tragic events of the 1970’s have set the country back significantly when it comes to land issues, governance and centralized urban planning.

5.1 A Brief History of Cambodia Approximately between the first and the sixth century CE (Common Era) the Funan Empire extended from Malaysia in the south to Burma in the west, including present day Cambodia. Located on an important trade route between India and China, it gained influences and technology from both cultures. The successor of Funan was Chenla, a collection of kingdoms or polities. It was rather short lived and by the 9th century CE it had fragmented into several principalities.

(Shawcross, 1980, p. 38) The Angkorian period, often considered the Golden Age of Cambodia, lasted roughly from the 9th to the 15th century. During this period the kingdom of Kambuja-desa, with its capital in Angkor, was the most powerful kingdom in Southeast Asia. Cultural activity flourished and enormous monuments, such as the famous Angkor Wat temple area were constructed during this period.

(Shawcross, 1980, p. 39) The power of the Khmers gradually declined from the 15th century onwards and in the 17th and 18th centuries the territory was frequently under threat of absorbtion by its two larger neighbors, Siam (Thailand) and Annam (Vietnam). (LICADHO, 2011) In 1864, at a time when Cambodia had almost disappeared off the map, King Norodom signed an agreement that made the Khmer kingdom a French Protectorate. (Shawcross, 1980, p. 43) This period lasted for 90 years, until the French turned over power to the Cambodians in 1954. (Shawcross, 1980, p. 48) After gaining independence from France, the Kingdom of Cambodia was ruled by King Norodom Sihanouk, son of the great-niece of king Norodom, from 1955 to 1970. During the earlier years Sihanouk ruled as king, but later served as an elected politician. (Shawcross, 1980, p. 49) During his reign, Cambodia went from neutrality to being increasingly drawn into the Vietnam conflict across the border. In 1970, Sihanouk was overthrown in a coup d’état and Lon Nol took over as the country’s president. He quickly allied the country, now called the Khmer Republic, with the United States and abolished the monarchy. As a result, Cambodia fell into a state of anarchy. (LICADHO, 2011) Meanwhile, the Communist insurgency, continued to grow in the countryside during the 1960s and 70s. It had its roots in the founding of the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) in the 1960s and later became known as the Khmer Rouge. (Shawcross, 1980, p. 239) By 1974, incessant fighting between the Khmer Rouge and government troops had led to 2 million internally displaced refugees fleeing the countryside and flocking to government controlled cities, mainly Phnom Penh. The Khmer Republic finally collapsed in 1975. (Shawcross, 1980, p. 365) Immediately after coming to power, the Khmer Rouge ordered an evacuation of all towns and cities in order to impose their vision of a radical communist agrarian utopia. (Brown, 2000) The utopia turned out to be anything but and it is estimated that between 1.7 million (LICADHO, 2011) and 3 million

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(Khemro, 2006, p. 71) Cambodians died of starvation, torture and disease during the Khmer Rouge regime. All signs of civil society were abolished, including money, private ownership, education, health care, etc. (LICADHO, 2011) Vietnam invaded Cambodia, seizing control of Phnom Penh in early 1979. A socialist regime, The People’s Republic of Kampuchea, was put in place backed by Vietnam, but it was not recognized by Western countries or the UN. (LICADHO, 2011) This meant there could be no foreign aid from the West, despite the fact that the country was impoverished. Cambodia’s current Prime Minister, Hun Sen, came to power in 1985. However, a civil war between the People’s Republic of Kampuchea and what was left of the Khmer Rouge continued throughout the 1980s.

Following the worldwide decline of Communism and the diminishing aid from Vietnam and the Soviet Union, peace negotiations got under way in the late 1980’s. The Paris Peace Accords was signed in 1991, giving the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) mandate to enforce ceasefire and organize elections. (LICADHO, 2011) After the Khmer Rouge pulled out of the elections, the vote in 1993 was between the Cambodian People’s Party, led by Hun Sen, and FUNCINPEC, led by Prince Norodom Ranariddh, son of former king Norodom Sihanouk.

A power sharing deal was brokered after a dispute about the outcome of the elections, and the two party leaders were made co-Prime Ministers. Sam Rainsy formed Cambodia’s third main party, the Khmer National Party (later the Sam Rainsy Party), in 1995. (LICADHO, 2011) Since then, Cambodian politics have been plagued by accusations of preelection threats, unjust media coverage, politically motivated arrests, election irregularities and corruption. In 1997, tensions between CPP and FUNCINPEC escalated into military action, causing FUNCINPEC and opposition leaders to temporarily flee the country. (LICADHO, 2011) 5.2 Cambodia Now - Economy and Human Development Cambodia remains one of the poorest countries in Southeast Asia along with Lao PDR. However, over the past two decades the Cambodian economy has seen annual growth of about 7%. This has largely been due to a shift from a heavily agriculture based economy to one increasingly reliant on industry and services. (Khemro, 2006, p. 72) However, the figure hides the fact that most of this growth has benefited a small part of the population, while the majority still live in poverty. (Brown, 2000) The GDP per capita (purchasing power parity, PPP) in 2010 was 2000 USD and was made up of agriculture (33.4%), industry (21.4%) and services (45.2%). Main agricultural products are rice, rubber, corn and vegetables, while tourism, garments, construction and fishing make up the main industries. (CIA, 2011) Visitor arrivals in Cambodia have increased significantly over the past decade, from 370 000 entries in 1999 to 2 160 000 in 2009 (Ministry of Tourism, 2010) According to the United Nations Human Development Index, which assesses health, education and income levels, Cambodia ranks 124th among 169 countries. (UNDP, 2010, p. 145). 31% of Cambodians lived below the national poverty line in 2007 (CIA, 2011), which is an alarmingly large share of the population. Significant improvement has, however, been made since 1994 when the figure was 47%. (Khemro, 2006, p. 72) Infant mortality rates remain high, 55.49 deaths/1 000 live births, and the national literacy rate is 73.6%. Cambodia has approximately 78 500 Internet users, meaning one in 188 people has Internet access. (CIA, 2011)

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Figure 4: Location of Cambodia (CIA, 2011, modified) Figure 5: Map of Cambodia (CIA, 2011, modified) Figure 6: The Human Development Indicators for Cambodia (UNDP, 2011b)

THAILAND

Siem Reap

Tonle Sap

CAMBODIA

Phnom Penh

Mekong

Battambang

LAOS

Kampong Cham

VIETNAM Kampong Saom

Kampot

100 km Map of Cambodia (CIA, 2011, modified) Human Development Indicators Cambodia Life expectancy at birth (yrs) Prevalence of undernourishment (% of total pop.)

Adult literacy rate (both sexes) (%) GDP/capita (PPP, $) Population living below $1,25 PPP/day (%) Population affected by natural disasters (average/year/1 million people)

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62,2 25 78,3 1952 25,8 62 992

One of the major issues in Cambodia is the lack of good governance.

Public institutions had to be reestablished after the Khmer Rouge using limited resources and expertise, and much remains to be done. Corruption and financial mismanagement are widespread, and there are significant shortcomings when it comes to consistent implementation of laws. (Khemro, 2006, p. 76) Cambodia is a member of the UN and has signed most treaties and accords, including the Millennium Development Goals. (Khemro, 2006, p. 71) However, as with domestic laws implementation is not always consistent.

5.3 Land Issues in Cambodia As far as human rights are concerned, the lack of land rights is perhaps the most pertinent problem in the country at the moment. (COHRE, 2011) In the wake of the agrarian politics and abolishment of private property (as advocated by the Khmer Rouge), land ownership issues in the country are extremely complicated. Land grabbing and forced evictions have escalated in the past couple of decades, as foreign investment has begun flowing into the country and land prices have skyrocketed. Research by STT suggests that around 150 000 people have been displaced in Phnom Penh alone since 1990 (STT, 2011). In 2001, a new Land Law was passed and in 2002 a systematic Land Management and Administration Project (LMAP) was started in order to clarify the situation of land ownership. As part of LMAP, a modern land registration system and land titling programs were to be set up.

According to the Land Law 2001, which was widely praised when it first emerged, a person occupying property before August 31st 2001 (Land Law 2001, art. 30) and meeting a number of other criteria (Land Law 2001, art. 38) has exclusive rights to the property, which can be transferred into full ownership.

However, these and other parts of the law are often applied selectively or ignored alltogether. (Lindström, 2011) Critical voices have also been raised about the LMAP. According to Nora Lindström, Program Development Manager at urban NGO Sahmakum Teang Tnaut (STT), many of the urban poor communities most urgently in need of titles due to the threat of land speculation have been left out of the land registration process, as their situations have been labeled too complicated. As land around them gets registered, this inevitably weakens the legal status of those communities left out. As land value rises and pressure mounts on plots available for construction, untitled land occupied by poor communities becomes an easy target for developers.

Another problem, according to Lindström, is that the land registration process is being approached backwards. According to Circular nr. 3 of the Land Law 2001, the locations of existing urban poor communities are mapped out first, and only afterwards is the extent of state owned land determined. In a country where corruption is endemic, it seems likely that vulnerable communities located on desirable land could thus be subjected to unfounded land claims by the state.

(Lindström, 2011) The Livre blanc du développement et de l’aménagement de Phnom Penh draft master plan document also highlights the importance of mapping the extents of state land before surveying private land. (MPP, 2007, p. 265) Noting these discrepancies, it seems that land security for the urban poor will not be achieved through the LMAP, though the fact that this has been embarked upon in the first place can be seen as a first step towards achieving clarity in land ownership.

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6. Housing the World’s Urban Poor Slums serve several purposes in the city. The UN-HABITAT report The Challenge of Slums (2003) states that the existence of slums serves a purpose in the city: providing “low cost affordable housing that enables the new migrants to save enough money for their eventual absorption into urban society”. At the same time, slum dwellers play a significant part in the city economy. They sweep the streets, recycle garbage, work in factories and on construction sites, drive taxis and so on. Due to the unhealthy conditions in the slums, improving the lives of slum dwellers, as stated in target 11 of the MDGs, requires something to be done about the physical living environment. The real problem is not the slum dwellers, but the conditions they live in.

6.1 Slums Definition The word “slum” is defined in various ways depending on context. The Encyclopaedia Britannica defines it as a “densely populated area of substandard housing, usually in a city, characterized by unsanitary conditions and social disorganization.” (“slum”) UN-HABITAT defines a “slum household” as a “group of individuals living under the same roof in an urban area who lack one or more of the following: durable housing, sufficient living area, access to improved water, access to sanitation and secure tenure.” The terms “shantytown”, “squatter housing”, “informal settlement” and “low-income community” are often used to signify the same thing. (UNFPA, 2007, p. 16) The different terminology and the lack of a precise definition can make it difficult to compare data from various sources (Schneider-Sliwa, 2008, pp. 7-8). It is also important to note that not everyone living in a slum is poor and that all the urban poor don’t live in slums.

(UNFPA, 2007, p. 16) However, for the sake of clarity, in this research slum dwellers are equated with the urban poor.

Types of Slums Slums can be classified for example based on services, location, legal status or income level of the inhabitants. The United Nations Human Settlements Programme identifies three types of slums based on location: inner city slums, scattered slum islands and outer city slums.

Location affects the structure and development of the different types of slums. Inner city slums typically provide good access to employment, particularly short-term and unskilled jobs. Inhabitants usually rent their dwellings and, due to overcrowding, have to struggle with insufficient infrastructure. Slum islands typically have no infrastructure, as they are tiny enclaves that utilize any unused space in the city, for example along railway tracks or airport runways. Outer city slums are characterized by nonexistent infrastructure and lower land value than in the inner city. Due to long and expensive commutes for employment, outer city slum dwellers need to find home-based work, such as making handicrafts.

(UN-HABITAT, 2003, pp. 88-90)

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Common Problems One of the major problems slum dwellers face is poor health resulting from an unsanitary living environment. Lack of clean water and sanitation and garbage collection services, in combination with overcrowding, causes many illnesses and leads them to spread more rapidly. Other risk factors include dangerous

surroundings such as industrially polluted land, flooding rivers or hazardous overhead power lines. These factors also contribute to a shorter life expectancy and poorer quality of life. (UNFPA, 2007, pp. 16-17) Dealing with health issues is also important in terms of gender equality as women are in a more vulnerable position because of childbirth and usually carry the main responsibility in caring for the sick. (UNFPA, 2007, p. 22) Water issues make up an important part of health improvement. If no piped water is provided, residents are forced to buy it at a significantly elevated price from private vendors. There is no guarantee of quality and the families end up spending significantly more money on water than those with access to municipal piped water. (UNFPA, 2007, p. 17) Violence, theft and the resulting insecurity are more common in rapidly growing cities. On the one hand, this is due to social exclusion and inequality and , on the other hand, to the lack of police presence and a functioning judicial system. The entire society feels the impacts of crime: the wealthier wall themselves in and isolate themselves from the rest, while the poor communities find the trust between its members eroding. As community cohesion serves to deter criminal activity, the erosion of it may further increase crime rates. (UNFPA, 2007, p.

26) Lack of land tenure security is another major problem slum dwellers across the world are facing. As policymakers tend to turn away from the urban poor in a failed attempt to discourage rural-urban migration, slum dwellers have been left to fend for themselves. While the ingenuity of self-constructed slum dwellings is often admirable, securing a plot of land to build on legally is next to impossible if the poor are left to the devices of the merciless private land market. Thus, many homes are constructed illegally on land owned by property speculators or on land, which is deemed unattractive by the rest of the real-estate market, such as steep hillsides or polluted areas. As these settlements don’t have official land rights, governments tend to refuse to provide services such as piped water, sanitation facilities and garbage collection to residents. Lack of secure tenure also discourages inhabitants from improving their homes or forming community groups for upgrading the neighborhood. (UNFPA, 2007, pp. 38-39) It is of great importance that governments on both a local and national level allocate enough secure and serviced land for the urban poor. As several cases have shown, if slum dwellers feel secure about their tenure and have sufficient access to services and employment, they will over time improve their own dwellings and join together to improve on the basic services initially provided. (UNFPA, 2007, p. 40), (Lim, 1990, p. 77) Clearance or Upgrading?

Slum clearance poses several problems. Relocating residents from their inner city homes in order to make way for more valuable real estate development could in theory be a good idea, but only if a) the relocation is voluntary and done in co-operation with the inhabitants, b) new, better dwellings and infrastructure are offered as compensation and c) the new dwellings are located close enough for people to keep their livelihoods. However, this is rarely, if ever, the case.

Often clearance is not the preferred course of action for the residents, leading the forced evictions to be carried out using violence, threats and even arson (Davis, 2006, p. 127). Compensation may be inadequate or nonexistent, leaving the slum dwellers homeless. If the relocation site is situated too far away from employment opportunities, the relocated slum dwellers may end up losing their

25

Figures 7-12: Examples of small businesses found in the urban poor communities of Phnom Penh.

26

jobs as well as their homes, as commuting to work ends up costing more than a day’s wages. In such cases, many families abandon the relocation sites and move back to the city, where they face worse living conditions than before (STT, 2010a), (APUR, 2003).

Also, slums are more than just homes. In executing relocation processes, the myriad of small businesses, such as hair salons, grocery shops, restaurants, laundry and call services that flourish in urban poor communities are rarely taken into consideration. These may not be able to survive in a relocation site further from the city center due to a smaller customer base.

If improvements are to be made to the lives of slum dwellers, upgrading existing slums is a better option. The Cities Alliance defines slum upgrading as “a process through which informal areas are gradually improved, formalized and incorporated into the city itself, through extending land, services and citizenship to slum dwellers.� (Cities Alliance, 2011) Upgrading may focus on infrastructure, the quality of the dwellings, garbage collection, safety, basic services or all of the above, depending on the priorities defined by the community itself.

As the community has the best knowledge about their needs and way of life, participation is a crucial part of all stages of any upgrading project. The World Bank has draw up five criteria that should be met in order for an upgrading project to be considered successful: i) improving health, quality of life and the local environment, ii) long term sustainability of the benefits, iii) institutional capacity building of all stakeholders during the process, iv) creating replicable models and v) producing results on a meaningful scale. (World Bank, 2001) 6.2 Solving the Housing Problem - Examples from Other Southeast Asian Countries The Tan Hoa-Lo Gom Project in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam Vietnam and Cambodia share a socialist past, a strong central government and similar levels of urban poverty. Vietnam, however, has conducted more successful urban upgrading projects than Cambodia, one of which is the Tan Hoa-Lo Gom in Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC). One of several subprojects, resettlement in ward 11 of district 6, was completed over the course of ten years, between 1996 and 2006. It consisted of rehousing 72 urban poor families on site, as well as establishing a small market for income generation. (Hang, 2009, p. 27) The project relied on participatory planning methods as well as support from the public and all levels of local government. (Hang, 2009, p. 33) It has been hailed as a success, and many others have been modelled on it. Lessons can be learnt from both the successful and the less successful aspects of the project.

Before the project, the inhabitants, mostly unskilled labourers, were living on the land illegally without titles. As they did not have residency papers, they were excluded from society and unable to apply for housing loans. Problems such as prostitution, drugs, crime and a polluted environment made life difficult for residents. The upgrading project aimed to build apartments and establish the necessary infrastructure, such as a road network, water supply, electricity, a market and workshops for the residents. Constructing the residential buildings in phases in order to avoid temporary resettlement was made a priority. (Hang, 2009, pp. 24-27) From the beginning, the community members formed working groups, were interviewed and took part in workshops in order to participate in the planning process. Based on this, a design consisting of three three-storey apartment blocks

27

was agreed upon. Much attention was also paid to the formation of meeting places between the buildings. In order to improve livelihoods, a small market was established adjacent to the new dwellings. (Hang, 2009, p. 27) Community participation played an important role in designing the apartments. By introducing a ceiling height of 4.5 m, the inhabitants were given the possibility to later construct a mezzanine to rent out or to expand their dwelling. The spacious common corridors were made wide enough to accommodate small businesses. The apartments were provided at below market rates and could be paid for over a period of 10 years. When surveyed, 89% of the relocated residents felt happy with the project. (Hang, 2009, p. 28) Though it was considered a success, some problems were also identified when studying the project. For example, no mechanisms were put in place to prevent beneficiaries of the project from selling off their newly acquired apartments. As land value continues to rise in HCMC, some inhabitants may opt for short-term gain, selling their apartments and returning to live in slum conditions elsewhere.

(Hang, 2009, p. 31) This is a serious threat to the success of the project and could perhaps have been avoided or at least managed with better planning. Another problem has to do with income generation and expenses. Several people lost their jobs during the relocation process due to various reasons. (Hang, 2009, p. 42) This was to be expected, but several problems were encountered when attempting to retrain and reemploy those who found themselves unemployed.

Despite the establishment of a small market, a lack of skills needed to work as a market vendor, a small customer base and the fact that all reemployment options included in the project centred on this market were some of the problems identified. (Hang, 2009, p. 50) One of the main lessons to take away from the Tan Hoa-Lo Gom project is the importance of participatory planning and the allocation of sufficient time for this to be done thoroughly. Another lesson is the importance of income generation, as unemployment easily leads the beneficiaries of the project to sell off their newly acquired apartments and move elsewhere in search of jobs.

The project also highlights the need for mechanisms that prevent speculation.

Flexibility of the end product and the possibility for people to influence their own living environment both during the planning process and after moving in is crucial, as it creates a sense of ownership. All in all, much can be learned from the Tan Hoa-Lo Gom on-site upgrading project, which is a great example of what can be achieved through collaboration.

Social Housing in Singapore Singapore is ranked 27th in the world according to the 2010 United Nations Human Development Index. (UNDP, 2010, p. 143) However, the country has not always been as prosperous. A report produced by the British colonial government Housing Committee in 1947 concluded, that Singapore had one of the world’s worst slums with about 300 000 people squatting in squalid conditions.

The situation was still very dire in the early 1960s. (Yuen, 2007) During the past 50 years Singapore has become known as the only Asian country to resolve its housing problem. (Roberts and Kanaley, 2006, p. 25) Despite the fact that the country is unique in size, culture and political and economic structure, there are none the less some transferable lessons.

After Singapore gained independence from Great Britain in 1959, the newly elected government made it a priority to provide housing for the entire population. The target was set at providing 10 000 new apartments per annum, which was ambitious considering the limited funds and the lack of skilled

28

professionals available. (Lim, 1990, p. 73) Public housing first developed as housing estates, and later as whole new towns complete with services, recreational facilities, schools and jobs. As income levels have risen and the urgency that initially spurred construction has abated, apartments have grown in size and improved in quality. Considerable expense has been spent on upgrading the older housing areas and preventing them from falling into disrepair and becoming undesirable neighborhoods. (Yuen, 2007) With the help of state subsidies, low interest rates and long repayment times, the Singaporean model enables the poor to become homeowners. (Lim, 1990, p. 74) This is considered important, as it improves security of tenure and makes the inhabitants more committed to their surroundings and interested in the upkeep of it. 95% of public housing inhabitants now own the apartment they live in. (Yuen, 2007) One of the primary requirements for a successful social housing policy is the availability of land to be allocated for such purposes. In Singapore, the Land Acquisition Act passed in 1966 allows the state to acquire any privately owned land to be developed for public interest. The compensation is determined by the state and is often below market value. The practice has been widely criticized as draconian, but on the other hand it has led to lower public housing prices. With 85% of Singaporeans living in public housing today, most are happy with such an arrangement. After 45 years of implementing this land policy, the state of Singapore now owns about 85% of the land, which makes comprehensive macro level master planning easier. (Yuen, 2007) The main reason for the Singaporean success is political will. Government interventions and a determination to allow the needs of the poor to influence various policies have led to results on a large scale. Realizing the relationship between housing policy and economic development is crucial to achieving success. A centralized system, where the Singapore Housing and Development Board is responsible for master plans as well as development and management of dwellings and infrastructure, has helped the country reduce bureaucracy and streamline the entire process from planning to completion. Though this centrally led system may not be suitable for all cities and countries, certain principles, such as encouraging homeownership among the poor and constant assessment of both the efficiency of policies and the accessibility of housing, are applicable in most contexts. (Yuen, 2007) As far as implementing the Singaporean model in Cambodia is concerned, the main obstacle is the lack of political will. The poor and their needs are not taken into account in decision-making, let alone made a priority. Inequality in landownership (World Bank, 2007), land grabbing and forced evictions (LICADHO, 2011) are just some examples of what this has resulted in. The idea of allowing the interests of the poor impact economic policy is light-years away from the politics currently governing Cambodia.

Land Sharing in Bangkok, Thailand In cities like Phnom Penh or Bangkok, where land value has risen at breathtaking speed, there is immense pressure on desirably located land coming from investors willing to pay astronomical sums for it. In such cases, it is very difficult for NGOs, city planners and slum dwellers to withstand this pressure. In such cases land sharing deals may provide a way to mitigate a win-win situation benefiting the city and the investors, as well as the urban poor. This system makes more land available for commercial development without messy and timeconsuming eviction processes. By using cross-subsidies from the commercial

29

development to finance better housing for the poor on site, it seems everyone can benefit. (Rabé, 2010, p. 1) Some of the most successful land sharing projects in Southeast Asia have been carried out in Bangkok, Thailand during the 1980s and 1990s. Their success can be attributed to strong community leaders and good organization within the community, which in turn helped to round up much needed support from governmental and non-governmental institutions. (UNCHS, 1985, p. 82) Rabé (2010) identifies six crucial preconditions in order for land sharing to be a viable option. Firstly, a booming property market is a prerequisite, as it puts pressure on both landowners and slum dwellers to strive for a compromise.

The community also needs to be well established, as this gives them better bargaining power in terms of tenure. Thirdly, community cohesion is needed for the negotiation process to function. The process must also be intermediated by a neutral third party, typically a public agency. Land sharing must also be physically feasible, meaning that the plot needs to be large and attractive enough to accommodate both residential and commercial use. Finally, the project must be financially feasible, meaning that the residents must be able to afford the new housing, the developer should benefit from the project and public subsidy shouldn’t be excessive. (Rabé, 2010, pp. 4-6) Encouraged by Thai examples, four attempts at land sharing were made in Cambodia between 2003 and 2009. However, due to various reasons ranging from lack of transparency to inadequate enforcement, not one of them was successful. (Rabé, 2010, p. 3) The lack of a neutral intermediary, as well as weak community cohesion can be identified as the main problems. Should land sharing be embarked upon again in Cambodia, a strong political will must first exist. However, the present political climate shows no indication of this being the case in the foreseeable future. Also, a more widespread knowledge among slum dwellers of their land rights and better legal framework protecting of the rights of the poor are needed in order for land sharing to be a viable option in Cambodia. (Rabé, 2010, pp. 18-20)

Figure 13: Land sharing scheme for Manangkasila, Bangkok.

(UNCHS, 1985, p. 13)

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7. Khmer Architecture From the ancient temples of Angkor to New Khmer Architecture of the 1960s, climate sensitive buildings constructed using locally available materials have been the status quo. However, the present trend appears to be a rush towards a universal expression without much reference to local tradition. This is unfortunate, as this overview of Khmer architectural history indicates that several historical ideas and concepts are still relevant today.

7.1 Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian Eras The earliest inhabited sites found in Cambodia date back to prehistoric times. The remains of several circular earthwork villages from c 2000-1000 BCE have been found and it is believed that more are yet to be discovered. (Dega, 1999) However, not much is known about the societies that inhabited these sites.

The historic period in the region is considered to have started around th the 7 century. Surviving written documents indicate that most buildings, both secular and religious, were constructed from wood, leaves, bamboo and other perishable materials. However, some pre-Angkorian temples constructed in stone have also been found in southern Cambodia. Written sources indicate that villages sprawled around these temples, much like they still do in the Cambodian countryside. However, no such structures have survived. (APSARA, 2004) In addition to octagonal shaped temple ruins, some foundation structures, sculptures and carvings have also been unearthed. These artifacts suggest considerable Indian influence on architecture. (Visiting Arts, 2005) Moats and other typically Angkorian infrastructural features can be discerned in their earlier forms already in temples dating from the 8th century. (APSARA, 2004) The Angkorian Era, from the 9th to the 15th century, saw the construction of several awe-inspiring temple complexes, the most famous of which is Angkor Wat. Building materials used in religious buildings were wood, sandstone, brick and laterite. All wooden structures have perished since and therefore research has only covered the surviving stone structures. (Visiting Arts, 2005) This also explains why researchers are still unsure of where and how the one million Angkor inhabitants lived. As elsewhere in Southeast Asia, vernacular Khmer dwellings were made of bamboo, wood, leaves and other perishable materials. They were lightweight structures, which could easily be assembled, repaired and dismantled.

Thus no intricate system of land ownership was needed. Town planning was employed in the design of the intricate temple complexes. However, as far as the cities for people were concerned, no centralized planning was involved. In Building Cambodia: New Khmer Architecture 1953-1970 Grant Ross and Collins give an example of Battambang in the early 20th century, where 100 000 people lived without any infrastructure or planning. (2006, pp. 102-107) Written records describe the dwellings as wooden houses raised on stilts with thatched roofs and palm-leaf walls. The description resembles the traditional Cambodian house that still exists in the countryside to this day. Villages were no longer strictly geometrically shaped like they had been during prehistoric times, but consisted of organically clustered houses often following the shape of the riverbank.

(Visiting Arts, 2005) The Angkorian Era is considered the Golden Age of Khmer art and architecture. The god-king commissioned temples, sculptures and other works of art and all land was considered to be his property, a principle which continued until French colonialism. In return for the land, the king provided his people

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Figure 14: Angkor Wat and the surrounding moat. (source: Wikipedia/ Angkor Wat) Figure 15: The Central Post Office in Phnom Penh represents French colonial architecture.

Figure 16: The ‘WWW’ structure suspended above the roof of Battambang University provides shade.

Many New Khmer Architecture buildings have fallen into disrepair. (Grant Ross and Collins, 2006, p. 85)

32

with public services, such as hospitals, roads and bridges. (Brown, 2000) Huge reservoirs, canals and dams were constructed under various kings, eventually making up an intricate network connecting every corner of the country.

(Shawcross, 1980, p. 39) As each king strived to outdo his predecessors with more extravagant temples, these evolved from simple store structures to vast, intricately decorated complexes. Eventually, the construction of increasingly ambitious temples led to the decline of the empire, as they were built at the expense of the upkeep of the complex irrigation system. (Visiting Arts, 2005) 7.2 Colonial Style With the French came the introduction of masonry and solid dwellings that were made to last long enough to be bought, sold and inherited. This was a significant break with Cambodian tradition, as traditional homes had been mended, torn down and rebuilt at regular intervals. Instead of the post-andbeam system typical of vernacular Cambodian construction, colonial buildings were based on masonry. As such, they were strongly rooted in one place, which lead to a need for a system of land ownership. (Grant Ross and Collins, 2006, p.

104) No such system was, however, cohesively implemented.

The Central Market, railway station, Hotel Le Royal and National Library are all important Phnom Penh landmarks created in neo-classical French style during the Colonial Era. (Grant Ross and Collins, 2006, pp. 106-107) Remarkably, most were not merely copies of French examples, but had been successfully adapted to fit the hot and rainy tropical climate. Natural ventilation, shading, steep roofs and high ceilings were just some of the implemented solutions to the idiosyncratic challenges brought on by the climate..

However, perhaps the most important legacy of the colonial period is that of urban planning. The French set about to combat flooding by digging canals and filling in some natural lakes. A functioning drainage system was introduced.

(Grant Ross and Collins, 2006, p. 106) The city was regularized, and for the first time, attention was paid to public outdoor spaces. Tree lined boulevards connecting significant public buildings, squares and carefully considered views were the basic elements of Colonial Era urban planning. (Cambodia Cultural Profile, 2005) 7.3 New Khmer Architecture After Cambodia gained its independence from France in 1953, a construction boom swept the country. As this coincided with the search for a national identity, a new architectural style, New Khmer Architecture, was born.

(Turnbull, 2007) King Norodom Sihanouk was an important protector and enabler of the movement and his appointment of the young Paris-educated Vann Molyvann as state architect gave birth to radical new designs, mostly in Phnom Penh.

New Khmer Architecture was influenced by Le Corbusier and modernism, which is evident in the use of reinforced concrete and modern technology.

However, what makes the style unique is the strong influence of Angkorian temples and vernacular Khmer architecture. Low-rise public buildings, such as theatres and sports complexes, reflect Angkorian heritage in their steep gabled roofs and surrounding moats. (Turnbull, 2007) However, where the temples of Angkor seem heavy and static, New Khmer Architecture gives off a sense of lightness and dynamism. The style was no copy of Western trends either, which is apparent in the way the buildings respond to the climate. Shading and ingenious

33

Figure 17: A traditional Cambodian house in the countryside.

The structure is wooden while the walls are made of bamboo and the roof is thatched rice straw. (source: Wikipedia, 2011)

use of natural ventilation helps stave off the tropical heat and the steep roofs keep interiors dry during the rainy season.

New Khmer Architecture has only recently gained back some of the appreciation it deserves. For a long time, it was considered an un-Cambodian style and many landmark buildings have been torn down. To this day, the government has done little to protect New Khmer Architecture landmarks. (Turnbull, 2007) Thanks to several foreign-led initiatives, such as the Vann Molyvann Project, interest is slowly growing and Cambodians are beginning to appreciate this part of their architectural heritage.

7.4 Common Housing Typologies Many residential areas in Phnom Penh originally consisted of traditional Cambodian wooden houses. In a study done in 1996, some traditional neighbourhoods were still found along Monivong and Sihanouk Boulevards, but they have all but disappeared since. Today variations of the traditional house can still be found in rural areas and occasionally also in suburban settings. (MPP, 2007, p. 122) Research suggests that an archetype of the traditional house once existed, the phteah r么ng daol, of which the houses we see today are variations and adaptations. This archetype and the variations thereof are built on wooden piles, creating two levels: an upper floor and an open space under the house.

(N茅pote, 2006, p. 110) However, an enclosed ground level with a wooden floor is often found in urban versions of the traditional house. The traditional house is free-standing and surrounded by open space separating it from its neighbours.

However, a narrow passageway may be all that separates one house from the next in suburban settings today. (MPP, 2007, p. 122) The upper floor of the east-west oriented phteah r么ng daol is divided in half by a wall running north-south. The eastern part is the more public part of the home where guests are greeted and parties take place, while the western part is more private and used for sleeping, eating and storage. These halves can be further partitioned by cloths, curtains and placement of furniture. All in all, eight different areas can be discerned on the upper floor, each of which have their own functions, rules of conduct and level of privacy. (N茅pote, 2006, pp.

111-112) The ground floor under the house is divided into an area for family life and an area for work. Again, these two are further divided into spaces for eating, sitting, keeping domestic animals, working and storing firewood and tools.

Visitors are generally not entertained on the ground floor. As demonstrated in

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seed storage, pantry kitchen maiden’s seed room storage, pantry kitchen seed maiden’s washmother’s diningkitchen storage, room pantry maiden’s room bedroom room room dining washmother’s room for room altar to room bedroom outsiderswashmother’s Buddha, dining forming UPPER FLOOR for room space room bedroom altar to for room alliances outsiders rituals Buddha, for forming altar to space for room outsiders men’s entrance, alliances Buddha, rituals space for forming bedroom reception alliances men’s rituals entrance,

Figure 18: Functions in a traditional Cambodian house (Népote, 2006, p.

120, modified)

bedroom reception under men’sbuilding under entrance, eaves bedroom reception eaves under building under eaves eaves under building under eaves eaves bedroom tools, firewood empty for young lumber storage (greywater bedroom male tools, firewood

empty runs down for young lumber (greywater storage bedroom from upper male tools, firewood runs empty down wagon for for young floor) chickens lumber (greywater upper special storage from loom wagon male for etc. runs down floor) chickens occasions special loom etc. from upper GROUND wagon for occasions chickens floor) special loom informal etc. day bed loom occasions dining

FLOOR

forbed family informal day dining for family informal day bed loom sofa for outsiders not dining for family young sofa for lady outsiders not welcome here neighbor young lady welcome here sofa for neighbor outsiders not young lady welcome here neighbor loom

TEMPORALITY TEMPORALITY TEMPORALITY

Figure 19: Three symbolic axes in a traditional Cambodian house (based on Népote, 2006, p. 115)

R

AGE AGE AGE

E ENRD E D G GEN R DE N E G

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Figure 19, the three architectural axes of the building (width, length and height) correspond to three symbolic axes: age, gender and temporality. (NĂŠpote, 2006, pp. 114-115) Though the strict grid of functions can rarely be applied directly to contemporary Cambodian homes, the issues of gender, age and temporality are still very much pertinent today.

The villa, a newer type of singe-family home, was introduced to Phnom Penh by Westerners during the Colonial Era. The distinct separation between indoor and outdoor space is in total contrast to the fluidity typical of traditional Cambodian construction, and the introduction of the villa thus marked the beginning of the separation of public and private space in Cambodia. This typology has evolved over time. Modernist influences brought an end to symmetry and more recently villas have become increasingly introverted due to air conditioning. The importance of outdoor space has continuously diminished.

(MPP, 2007, p. 122) Catering mostly to the wealthy, villas still make up only 5 % of formal housing production in Phnom Penh. (MPP, 2007, p. 230) The Phnom Penh commercial district, or Chinatown, was originally made up of shophouse style buildings, much like Chinese districts in other Southeast Asian cities. Aligned along the road, these buildings typically have mixed functions with commercial activity at street level and dwellings above. During the intense reconstruction period of the 1980s, the shophouse typology experienced a revival. As a result, they today make up most of the formal housing market in Phnom Penh and have spread far beyond the borderes of Chinatown. (MPP, 2007, p.123) Shophouse style buildings typically consist of 4 to 20 single dwellings arranged in a row. Each unit measures about 4-5 meters in width and 12 to 16 meters in depth. These days the walls are typically made of brick strengthened by concrete columns. Although the units are joined together, each has its own outdoor access. Behind the building is a two-to-four meter wide alley, behind which a second building is symmetrically located. As this type is so common, many new areas are laid out in grids designed to accommodate shophouse dimensions. These dwellings are constructed all over Phnom Penh in a range of sizes, prices and finishings (MPP, 2007, p.123), which means they cater to a wide customer base. Contemporary shophouses are, however, mainly intended for middle to high-income earners.

The popularity of the shophouse can be attributed to several factors.

In Cambodia, co-ownership of apartment blocks is complicated in terms of legal rights due to inadequate legislation. Shophouses offer a way around this, as the land can be divided into individual plots, each having one owner. Secondly, individual rooms can easily be rented out, as they are laid out around a central staircase. The third selling point is the flexibility of the ground floor, which can be used as a garage, work space or living room depending on the needs of the family. (MPP, 2007, p. 124) Many projects are alike and the same floor plans can be reused from one building to another. Some variation in design is achieved through halfway packages, where a construction company supplies the ground floor and the buyer later adds one or two more floors according to their own specifications. (MPP, 2007, p. 230) The first apartment buildings in Phnom Penh were in turn constructed around the Central Market. In order to adapt to their surroundings, the facades of these buildings were made to resemble those of Chinese shophouses. However, common stairwells and corridors serving several apartments set them apart from anything previously built in Cambodia. (MPP, 2007, p. 124) During the 1960s,

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Figure 20: A newly built villa in Camko City, Phnom Penh.

Figure 21: Model of residential towers currently under construction in Camko City.

Figure 22: Chinese style shophouses in the city center of Phnom Penh.

more apartment buildings were constructed in the Tonle Bassac area in the style of New Khmer Architecture. The Grey and White Buildings were built along Sothearos Boulevard in order to house athletes of the Asian Games and later provide low-cost housing for civil servants. Today the former has been altered beyond recognition, while the latter is in such a state of disrepair that it may be torn down in the near future.

Several residential towers are currently being constructed in Phnom Penh. These cater to wealthy members of society and come well equipped. It is interesting to note that high rise living seems to hold no appeal to the poor population. Perhaps this can be explained by the fact that the advantages of ground floor living such as safe motorcycle parking inside the house and the possibility to run a business from home hold more importance to the poor than the wealthy.

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8. Phnom Penh 8.1 History Phnom Penh is likely to have been an active settlement during the Angkorian period, as any trade boats traveling along the Tonle Sap River to Angkor would have passed by it. However, the first mention of the city in historic records occured in 1431 CE, when the capital of the declining Khmer empire was moved there from Angkor. During the 15th century, several wats (temples) were constructed and the town was laid out along the rivers within encircling canals. (Molyvann, 2003, pp. 150-151) In the following centuries, the capital was moved several times, but always remained within a couple of dozen kilometers of what is now Phnom Penh.

Spanish and Portuguese records from the 16th century describe Phnom Penh as a multiethnic port town with Chinese, Malay, Japanese and European populations living in their respective areas. The buildings, made of wood and bamboo, were crowded along the Tonle Sap riverfront. (Canby Publications, 2011) In the 1860s the French made Phnom Penh capital once again, this time for good. The population at that time was no more than 25 000 (Molyvann, 2003, p. 16), but the small trade town was home to many foreigners, making it rather cosmopolitan. (Molyvann, 2003, p. 154) Wooden and bamboo houses, shops and huts still dominated the townscape. One main road ran parallel to the riverfront, while a web of paths served the rest of the town.

Under French rule Phnom Penh began to take on the form it has today.

The Royal Palace, built in 1870, was the first modern stone structure in the city.

(MPP, 2007, pp. 98-100) Shortly afterwards shophouses began appearing along the riverside. The buildings with shops on the ground floor and residential spaces upstairs quickly became popular, but by the 1880s they were still mainly clustered around Wat Phnom. The soil in the rest of the city was still too moist and swampy to support stone structures, so wood and bamboo were the prevalent building materials. Fires were common. After the Great Fire in 1894, however, concrete and brick became the norm for new buildings. (Canby Publications, 2011) During the colonial era, the city was divided according to functions into a commercial sector, an administrative sector, a neighborhood for cultural facilities and Western leisure and a symbolic traditional center around Wat Phnom (MPP, 2007, pp. 98-100) The various ethnicities, Chinese, Khmer and European, lived in separate parts of the city. (MPP, 2007, pp. 98-100) The population of the city grew and by the 1890’s Phnom Penh was home to 50 000 inhabitants. More coherent planning was required, and drainage and city beautification projects were carried out. The city once again needed to expand in order to accommodate the larger population. Wetlands were drained and canals constructed. Public buildings, such as the Post Office and Treasury Building, were erected in a Parisian style, albeit adapted to the tropical climate. (Molyvann, 2003, p. 154) At this point the city encompassed the area from Wat Phnom in the north to what is now Sihanouk Boulevard in the south, but only extended a couple of hundred meters west from the riverside. (Canby Publications, 2011) Urban growth continued into the 20th century. More colonial style public buildings were constructed and as its population grew, the city expanded further west, requiring more of the wetlands to be drained. Remarkably, the newly established Department of Architecture and Urbanism managed to coordinate development in such a way that public works were supplemented with private initiatives within a given plan for a new area. This enabled cohesive and organized

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Phnom Penh 1890

Phnom Penh 1910

Phnom Penh 1922

Phnom Penh 1937

Phnom Penh 1943

Phnom Penh 1958

Phnom Penh 1968

Phnom Penh 1994

Figure 23: The development of Phnom Penh.

(Ministère de la Culture, 1997)

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new areas to be constructed. (Molyvann, 2003, p. 156) More emphasis was also placed on public space than before. Various beautification projects were carried out and trees were planted along the main streets. (MPP, 2007, p. 101) The canals in the inner city were considered unhygienic and were consequently filled and turned into green boulevards. (Molyvann, 2003, p. 156) By 1939 Phnom Penh was at the height of its colonial glory and had a population of 109 000, more than a fourfold increase over a period of 80 years. (Canby Publications, 2011) After Cambodia gained its independence from France in 1954, the city grew rapidly, doubling its population between 1950 and 1970 (Molyvann, 2003, p.

17) Roads, factories and shophouses went up all across the city. The government set out to build social housing, particularly in Phnom Penh. However, this housing was not intended for the poorest citizens, but for civil servants and military personnel. (Solon, 2003) The urge to find a national identity and build up the young nation gave birth to New Khmer Architecture, displayed in a number of ambitious public works projects such as universities and the National Sports Complex. (Molyvann, 2003, p. 156) Along with the remaining colonial buildings, the structures of this time give Phnom Penh much of its present appearance.

The coup of 1970 and the subsequent war between the government and the Khmer Rouge filled Phnom Penh to the brim with refugees. (Molyvann, p. 17) The city’s boundaries were expanded in order to accommodate all the newcomers. (MPP, 2007, p. 105) Following a siege, the city eventually fell to the Khmer Rouge in 1975. Just three days later an evacuation order was issued for he city and its inhabitants were driven into the countryside. (Molyvann, 2003, p. 17) Some senior Khmer Rouge officers remained, but Phnom Penh was in effect a ghost town until 1979 when it was invaded by the Vietnamese army. (MPP, 2007, p. 106) Those returning to the city immediately after the Vietnamese invasion had good possibilities to obtain housing according to a first-come, first-served principle, as there was plenty of vacant land and property. People flooding into Phnom Penh later had to informally purchase occupation rights, rent, or squat. (Solon, 2003) Reconstruction and establishment of basic services started from scratch, as the city had been looted and left to decay. During the 1980s, the city was quickly repopulated and the city limits were expanded once again.

(MPP, 2007, p. 105) A general master plan was drawn up during the Vietnamese occupation, but the diplomatic situation and lack of funds meant this plan was never realized. (MPP, 2007, p. 106) By 1990, 615 000 people had settled in Phnom Penh. The biggest wave of in-migration occurred between 1990 and 1997 as people left refugee camps along the Thai border and moved to the city. (Solon, 2003) The establishment of UNTAC and the arrival of of 20 000 foreigners created a demand for uptown villas and encouraged real estate speculation (MPP, 2007, p. 107), a phenomenon that still plagues Phnom Penh today and skews the real estate market. Construction and growth have continued ever since, with increased stability and economic development translating into foreign investment and population increase. The 2008 population census put the Phnom Penh population at 1.3 million (NIS, 2009). This growth shows no signs of slowing down, which puts pressure on city authorities as they try to provide sufficient infrastructure and housing for its inhabitants.

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8.2 Recent Development Recent urban development in Phnom Penh has been rapid. The city skyline is rising and the first skyscrapers have appeared during the past five years.

Concrete villas and shophouses are replacing wooden houses and vacant spaces within the city are filling up. The density is rapidly increasing. Informal settlements in the four inner khans (districts) have diminished, partly due to integration of these settlements into the rest of the city but also to forced evictions. (MPP, 2007, p. 231), (STT, 2011) In 2004, the estimated value of construction projects in Phnom Penh was 450 million dollars. (MPP, 2007, p. 32) This figure has risen since, though the global financial downturn has slowed the progress down since 2009.

The concept of public space previously existed in Cambodia only in temples and the royal palace. Public space, as currently defined, is therefore a fairly recent concept in Phnom Penh. (MPP, 2007, p. 117) Two major types of public space can be distinguished in Phnom Penh today: recreational spaces and representational spaces. Recreational areas, such as gardens, parks and squares, can be found at Wat Phnom, Sisowath Quay and the tip of the Chrouy Changvar peninsula. Some historical recreational spaces have already disappeared as land prices have risen. Representational spaces in turn typically have a monumental scale and are made to highlight significant buildings or host events. Most such spaces, primarily avenues and plazas, were constructed during the beautification efforts of the 1930s and are located in the old town. (MPP, 2007, p. 116) The main problem Phnom Penh is facing is the persistent imbalance between the supply and demand of affordable housing. The population of the city is constantly growing, which explains the demand, while the lack of a functioning financing system, as well as poor governance, limits supply. The lack of supply on the formal housing market carries over as demand on informal housing. (MPP, 2007, p. 95) Due to pressure on valuable land, existing residential areas are being transformed through two types of densification: intensified use of existing plots by building on vacant area and on the other hand construction of additional floors. Thus, densification of residential areas has reduced the amount of gardens as well as led to a higher building stock. (MPP, 2007, p. 123) Phnom Penh has a rich architectural and urban heritage that has been the subject of detailed studies in the 1990s. (MPP, 2007, p. 128) Land speculation has, however, encouraged both the state and individuals to get rid of old buildings in favor of densification. The epicenter of skyrocketing real estate prices is located around Central Market. The area is expected to densify significantly in the future at the expense of both green space and historical buildings. (MPP, 2007, p. 129) Over the past ten years, more than half of the 350 buildings identified by the Municipality as having historical value have been renovated, while 8% were destroyed. No protection of historical buildings exists and the Prime Minister’s Office encourages the destruction of old buildings when a risk to the public can be discerned. (MPP, 2007, p. 230) Lack of Zoning and Regulations With the population steadily growing and foreign investment increasingly flowing into the city, Phnom Penh is rapidly changing. (MPP, 2007, p. 228) Throughout the past few decades, Cambodia and especially Phnom Penh have been balancing between traditions and modernity. This also applies to urban planning and urbanization. It is a fine line to tread for any society, but an even

41

more difficult one for a nation struggling with problems such as corruption, lack of funds and legal irregularities. It seems that Cambodia is rushing full steam ahead towards the future, at the expense of tradition and planned development.

In order to satisfy private investors’ demand for land, infill of lakes in the city center and land reclamation by the riverside are taking place. The first highrise structures in the country have been completed recently in central Phnom Penh, with dozens more under way. Industry is springing up along the Tonle Sap and Bassac Rivers, while factories are being established along the road leading to the airport. (Molyvann, 2003, p. 181) Urban development is presently occurring in an ad-hoc way, driven purely by private interest. The lack of a legally binding master plan as well as the political will to direct urban development makes current efforts patchy and disconnected. (MPP, 2007, p. 229) This leads to inefficient use of existing and new infrastructure, which is particularly relevant for a city that has limited funds at its disposal, such as Phnom Penh. Ad hoc development also means that the amount of land available for structured development in the future is decreasing and future planning must take place around these “patches”. (MPP, p. 110), (Molyvann, 2003, p. 118) In 2007, the Phnom Penh draft master plan for 2020, Livre blanc du developpement et de l’amenagement du Phnom Penh, was drawn up by the MPP in cooperation with the French embassy in Cambodia. The document maps out development guidelines ranging from green networks to historically valuable buildings and locations for new sub-centers based on exhaustive research and mapping. However, it seems that the research has had little impact on the actual planning decisions made in Phnom Penh. For example the ongoing mega project of filling Boeung Kak Lake in the city center goes against all recommendations.

It seems that short-term gain and personal interests have trumped any attempt at socially and environmentally sustainable planning. A new kind of housing policy that takes the poor into consideration is becoming increasingly necessary.

A better-regulated land market and real estate taxes that enable the extension of infrastructure and the expansion of the city are needed in order for Phnom Penh to develop in a controlled way. (MPP, 2007, p. 238) Slums in Phnom Penh Income disparity within Phnom Penh is remarkable, and 20% of the population is considered poor. In 2003, it was estimated that there were 569 urban poor communities in the city. By 2009 this number had dropped to 410, partly due to some communities rising above the poverty level but possibly also to variations in research methodology. (STT, 2009) Most urban poor communities in Phnom Penh are small. Nearly half have fewer than 50 households and 85% consist of less than 200 households. Larger communities may consist of as many as 1500 to 4000 households. (MPP, 2007, p.

86) However, the size of many communities fluctuates due to seasonal migration tied to flooding. (UN-HABITAT, 2003, p. 257) The average slum household in Phnom Penh has 5.7 members, which is close to the national average. There are, on average, between 2 and 2.5 earners per slum household, but single income households are not unusual. The slum dweller unemployment rate of 12% is similar to that of Phnom Penh as a whole, but employment for the poor is irregular and may vary from day to day. (MPP, 2007 p. 87) Residential mobility is rather low: 50% of slum dwellers have not moved house in the past 10 years.

When moving, slum dwellers may move within the same community or to another community. In some cases, they may also be able to enter the formal housing market. Similarly, new inhabitants may be moving from rural areas, from another

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Road Drainage Toilets/Sanitation Solid Waste Managem.

Electricity (state) Electricity (private) Water (state) Water (private)

4 inner Khans 91% 73% 93% 83% 61% 40% 68% 32%

4 outer Khans 75% 39% 79% 43% 40% 49% 36% 53%

total 80% 52% 85% 46% 47% 47% 47% 45%

Figure 24: Provision of basic infrastructure in the slums of Phnom Penh (STT, 2009, p.6-7) Figure 25: Location of urban poor communities in Phnom Penh (STT, 2009, p.14, modified)

N

poor community

district boundary

3 km 43

community or from within the community. Impoverishment may lead people that are living in formal housing to move to the slums. (MPP, 2007 p. 88) The United Nations Human Settlements Programme categorized two types of slums in Phnom Penh in 2003. This division, into squatter settlements and urban poor settlements, was done based on legality status. The former refers to dwellings constructed on illegally occupied, privately or publicly owned land.

Urban poor settlements, in turn, are made up of low-income families with some level of recognized occupancy. However, the division is rather artificial, as land rights issues in Phnom Penh are extremely complicated as a result of the abolition of private ownership and the forced emptying of the city during the 1970’s. (UNHABITAT, 2003, p. 222) In Phnom Penh, slums exist on state public land, such as along railway lines or riverbanks, private land, rooftops and in the peri-urban area surrounding the city. Individual houses are small. A vast majority of the urban poor live in dwellings smaller than 25m2, and many in dwellings smaller than 10m2. Often the size of the house is not an indication of the owner’s wealth, but rather of the age of the house. Due to constant densification of the slums, the oldest houses tend to be the largest in size, while the newer ones are squeezed in on whatever space is left. (MPP, 2007, p. 85) Dwellings are commonly made of salvaged wood, zinc sheets, palm leaves and cardboard. These materials make fires as well as heavy rain and flooding a serious threat. Residents that are better off can build their houses using bricks and concrete. (UN-HABITAT, 2003, p. 257) Elements of traditional architecture can be seen in slum houses (MPP, 2007, p. 230), perhaps because people use locally available materials and construction techniques they are familiar with when constructing their own homes.

The prices of houses in slums vary. The cheapest ones that are made of plant materials and salvaged bits and pieces, and do not have doors, windows, water, electricity or toilets, can be bought for under 100$. However, most houses tend to be in the range of $100-2000, with the price reflecting location and quality of construction. (MPP, 2007, p. 89) The poorest slum dwellers rent their shacks from others. They are in the most vulnerable position, as their landlords may evict them at any given time. In the case of state orchestrated evictions, renters are frequently left without any form of compensation or possibility to negotiate.

(UN-HABITAT, 2003, p. 257) In 2004, the average rent for a room in a slum was about 15$ a month, but a well-constructed house in a well-located slum could cost as much as 70$/month (MPP, 2007, p. 89). Inflation, which has fluctuated annually between 3 and 19% , has driven up the prices since these figures were obtained.

Research by Sahmakum Teang Tnaut shows that in terms of provision of basic services such as road access and drainage, communities themselves have been the major driving forces behind these initiatives, supported by the MPP and affiliated organizations such as the Urban Poor Development Fund (UPDF).

NGO involvement seems to have been rather limited. (STT, 2009, p. 6) Up until 1999, the Municipality of Phnom Penh (MPP) had declared all urban poor communities to be “squatters”. They were refused the rights of legitimate inhabitants and many were forcefully evicted without compensation.

Bearing in mind that land ownership in Cambodia is extremely complex and most city dwellers could by some definition be seen as squatters, the amount of people potentially affected by this policy was immense. The hostile policy was intended to discourage rural-urban migration, but did not have the desired effect.

In fact, through loss of livelihoods, it plunged the poor deeper into poverty.

(UN-HABITAT, 2003, p. 257)

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In 2003, Prime Minister Hun Sen declared an end to the policy of forced evictions in favor of upgrading slum communities on-site. However, those communities living on state-owned public land, such as riversides, were excluded from this concession. (Khemro 2006) Worryingly, a complete survey of the extents of state public land still doesn’t exist, thus leading to a case-by-case implementation, leaving plenty of room for mismanagement and corruption.

Initially, the Prime Minister’s initiative was met with international enthusiasm, but eight years later it seems little has changed on the ground. In 2009, the Dey Krahom community was violently evicted from the Tonle Bassac area using bulldozers. (Unreported World, 2009) Residents living around the infill-bound Boeung Kak Lake appear to face eviction in the foreseeable future, despite presenting the authorities with an alternative land sharing oriented plan, in which they asked to be resettled on 12% of the total area. (BKL community, 2011) 8.3 Will Cambodia and Phnom Penh Meet the UN Millennium Development Goals?

The MDGs have contributed to many improvements in Southeast Asia.

According to the UN Millennium Development Goals Report 2010 (UN, 2010b), the region as a whole appears to be on track to meeting most of its targets by 2015. However, Southeast Asia is lagging when it comes to meeting target 10, which concerns sanitation and clean drinking water.

A country-by-country breakdown shows that Cambodia has fallen behind in achieving 11 of the 21 listed targets. This makes it one of the most underachieving nations in the region. (UN, 2010a, p. 44). This slow progress can be attributed to many things, from a legacy of war to corruption and lack of good governance. In examining the progress and challenges facing Phnom Penh in particular, this research will focus on targets 10 and 11 mentioned above, as they are the ones most closely related to architecture and urban planning.

As far as reaching target 10 goes, Ulla Heinonen, citing research by McIntosh and the Asian Development Bank, concludes that significant improvements have been made in Phnom Penh (McIntosh, 2003, cf. Heinonen, 2008). In 2001, 83% of the inner city and 50% of the whole city had access to piped water provided by the Phnom Penh Water Supply Authority (PPWSA).

Five years later these figures were 100% of the inner city and 90% of the whole city. However, Heinonen notes that only 30% of the inhabitants living in poor settlements had access to piped water in 2008. Those without were left to either purchase their water from private vendors or use natural water sources such as wells and ponds. Private vendors often sell unpurified water, leaving the customers at risk for illnesses. This does not qualify as “safe drinking water” stated in the MDG target. (Heinonen, 2008) Despite these shortcomings, the water sector has made significant progress since the initiation of the MDGs. In addition to the government, Heinonen attributes this success to the several active organizations that, with the support of international financiers, have run vast amounts of water related projects.

Improving sanitation, the second part of target 10, has been less successful.

Severe problems still exist, especially in the outskirts of the city and in poor communities. Open defecation, often close to water sources, is common, as facilities and wastewater treatment are nonexistent in many poor communities.

Inadequate draining leads to flooding of the open sewers, resulting in health problems such as dengue fever and diarrhea. Heinonen puts this down to the fact that a problem that mainly touches the lives of the poor has not been prioritized.

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(Heinonen, 2008) Much more attention will need to be paid to the issue if target 10 is to be reached by 2020.

The 2008 census put the population of Phnom Penh at about 1.3 million.

(NIS, 2009) With an annual growth rate of 4%, this means an annual increase of more than 50 000 inhabitants. This is due to natural increase and rural-urban migration. Such a rapid growth rate coupled with a faltering economy and poor infrastructure has rendered city authorites unable to provide adequate housing for all its inhabitants. According to research by Ulla Heinonen, who cites information by the Municipality of Phnom Penh (MPP), 30% of the city’s population was living without adequate housing and basic services in 2005. (Municipality of Phnom Penh, 2005, cf. Heinonen, 2008) In order to reach target 11, Phnom Penh would need to improve the living conditions of 50 000 of its slum dwellers by 2020. This seems extremely unlikely, as the development since the turn of the millennium has been the contrary (see Figure 26). (Heinonen, 2008) The MPP has shown little interest in slum upgrading or other means of improving the living conditions of slum dwellers. As land value in Phnom Penh has risen dramatically in the past years, forced evictions of the urban poor have become commonplace. In most cases the relocation of families against their will has lead to a drop in living conditions, as relocation sites often lack even the most basic services and tents are sometimes the only form of shelter provided. Loss of livelihood is another significant issue, as there are few job opportunities in and around the remotely situated relocation sites. Commuting to the city center to find work may end up costing as much as half of the daily wages, leading to a general sense of apathy in the relocation sites. (Anderson and Hildebrand, 2008) In order to reach target 11, a holistic approach is required. Simply focusing on existing slums, though important, is insufficient. It is estimated, that between 32 and 45 hectares of land would need to be annually allocated to the urban poor in Phnom Penh in order to meet their needs. Simultaneously, it is important to note, that relocating poor communities from the city center does not address the root of the problem, but in fact worsens it by creating social exclusion and further lowering the standards of living. In addition to improving existing poor communities and integrating them with the rest of the city it is also crucial for the MPP to plan ahead for the future. The only way to prevent the emergence of new slums and the growth of existing ones is to make sufficient amounts of serviced land available to the poor. (MPP, 2007, p. 94) 500 000 400 000 300 000 200 000

target 11

100 000 0 2000

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2005

2010

2015

2020

Figure 26: Amount of slum dwellers in Phnom Penh compared to target 11 of the MDG’s.

(Heinonen, 2008, p. 98, modified)

Part 2: The Tonle Bassac Area

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9. Tonle Bassac The Tonle Bassac area is spatially, historically and functionally diverse and is currently in a state of transformation. This makes it an interesting and challenging site for research and a design intervention.

When Phnom Penh became capital in 1450 CE, it was known as Chaktomuk, or “four faces”, because of its location on a crossroads of the Mekong, Tonle Sap and Bassac Rivers. (Canby Publications, 2011) Its prime location has always been an asset for Phnom Penh, and the riverfront is a symbol of the city’s image. In the Livre blanc planning guideline document created by the Municipality of Phnom Penh and the Atelier Parisien d’urbanisme, further development of the riverside location as the defining icon of Phnom Penh is listed as one of the top priorities in the future. (MPP, 2007, p. 280) The Tonle Bassac area, an important part of the Chaktomuk, is located along the Bassac River, south of Sihanouk Boulevard

4km city center Phnom Penh International Airport

Tonle Bassac

Figure 27: Location of the Tonle Bassac area within the city of Phnom Penh.

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and east of Norodom Boulevard. It is an area marked by contradictions: icons of 1960s New Khmer Architecture, brand new skyscraper projects, slums, temples and governmental buildings form an eclectic mix of functions and styles. Tonle Bassac is one of the least dense of all the 41 sangkats (communes) located in the four inner khans of Phnom Penh. (MPP, 2007, p. 236). However, this figure masks great internal differences, as embassy areas and ministries take up a lot of space for very few people while poor communities face severe overcrowding.

The first buildings deemed significant enough to be shown on a map appear in the Bassac area during the late 1910s. A map of Phnom Penh from 1914 does not extend to the Tonle Bassac area, but in a map from 1920 several temples and a marketplace can be seen (see Figures 28 and 29). The main thoroughfares ran along their present positions already in 1920. More systematic construction took place in the area from the 1930s onwards starting from the north and extending southwards over time (Figure 23).

During the rapid expansion of Phnom Penh during the 1960s, Tonle Bassac also changed. Embassies, ministries and universities were established in the area, bringing with them significant amounts of residential housing. To the east of Sothearos Boulevard lie the White Building and the Grey Building. These buildings, as well as the nearby National Theatre, were built on reclaimed land.

(Molyvann, 2003, pp. 165-166) Tonle Bassac seems to be evolving into something of a flagship for the city.

According to the city’s development strategy, it will become one of eight new sub centers of Phnom Penh. (MPP, 2007, p. 260) Sky-high land prices ranging between 100 and over 250 USD/m2 (MPP, 2007, p. 69) mean that only large-scale exclusive projects are deemed worth constructing in Tonle Bassac. Gated communities for the city’s elite are cropping up along the main boulevards, Norodom and Sothearos, while several multi-million dollar projects are planned for the Bassac riverfront. On the downside, this means that the urban poor communities, that exist in the Bassac area are living under a constant threat of eviction. According to Sahmakum Teang Tnaut, there were seven urban poor communities living in the Tonle Bassac area in 2009 (STT, 2009, p. 11). By the time fieldwork was conducted (February-March 2011), at least one had been completely razed and another reduced to a few remaining houses. Seven communities in the area, five of them urban poor, have been excluded from the government’s LMAP land registration process which will further weaken their legal position as land around them gets titled. (Lindström, 2011)

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Figure 28: Map of Phnom Penh, 1914.

(Igout, 2001, p. 50) Figure 29: Map of Phnom Penh, 1920.

Tonle Bassac marked with a dashed line.

(Igout, 2001, p. 82, edited) Figure 30: Aerial image of Tonle Bassac in 2005. (Google Earth, 2011, edited) Figure 31: Aerial image of Tonle Bassac in 2010. (Google Earth, 2011, edited)

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10. Urban and Architectural Analysis 10.1 Historical Buildings The Tonle Bassac area contains several historically valuable buildings and sites, which should be preserved for future generations (Grant Ross and Collins, 2006). As many as seven buildings and monuments in the style of New Khmer Architecture designed by Cambodia’s most famous architect Vann Molyvann are located in the area. In addition, several other buildings are also considered historically significant (Figure 32). The preservation of these areas is increasingly important, as Phnom Penh is racing towards the future at the expense of its heritage.

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Figure 32: Historically valuable buildings and sites in Tonle Bassac (sources: Grant Ross and Collins, 2006; Ministère de la Culture, 1997)

Sihanouk Blvd.

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PROJECTS BY VANN MOLYVANN 1. Independence Monument 2. Gray Building (severely altered) 3. House for Raksmei Sophana 4. Chamkar Mon Reception Halls 5. Chamkar Mon State Palace 6. Faculty of Law and Economics 7. Naga Monument

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10.2 Functions The southern part of Tonle Bassac is made up of large, fenced in blocks, serving as governmental institutions, educational facilities, embassies and gated communities. This area is largely inaccessible to the general public, aside from the main thoroughfares. The scale of the blocks gets smaller and more relatable when moving north towards Sihanouk Boulevard and west beyond Monivong Boulevard. In these areas, individual buildings may still be fenced in, but streets are public and accessible.

The nearest market is the Boeung Keng Kang located two blocks west of Norodom Boulevard and four blocks north of Mao Tse Toung Boulevard. Other nearby markets are the Toul Tom Pong to the west of Tonle Bassac and some smaller markets located to the south near the National Highway 1 bridge.

To the north of the Tonle Bassac area lies the historical center of Phnom Penh. Major tourist attractions such as the Royal Palace attract visitors both from Cambodia and abroad. Large green areas, such as the Wat Botum Park and the Hun Sen Gardens, are popular meeting places in the evenings. The area west of Tonle Bassac mostly consists of detached houses. Expatriate oriented commercial activities, such as cafĂŠs and hotels, are dispersed in between, particularly in the blocks close to Sihanouk Boulevard. A sizeable concentration of industry is located along the river south of the Tonle Bassac area. (MPP, 2007, p. 35) 10.3 Spatial Organization Despite riverside land technically being classified as state public land, the waterfront in the Tonle Bassac area is in practice completely inaccessible to the public. Fenced in properties, such as embassies, block access to the waterfront from the main roads. The Les Jardins du Bassac gated community advertises riverfront access in pictures featured on their website (Les Jardins du Bassac, 2011), but it is off-limits for non-residents. This is at odds with the development going on upstream, where the Municipality of Phnom Penh is developing the some of the most high-quality public space in the country along the riverside.

Creating a unified public riverside should be made a priority in the urban planning of Phnom Penh, as the riverside location is one of the defining features of the city. Emphasizing it and making the river part of the urban experience in more than one part of the city is important in terms of image and city branding, but also in terms of creating a pleasant urban environment.

The density of built volumes is very polarized in Tonle Bassac. On the whole, it can be said that the smaller blocks in the north are denser than the large fenced-in blocks further to the south., though the poor communities are by far the most densely built. Buildings along the main roads and boulevards are generally taller than those located further from the main thoroughfares. Aside from the new high-rise developments along the riverfront, it is rare for buildings to be more than four stories tall, though some do exist.

The main visual axes in the area are the main roads along which blocks are laid out. The Independence Monument at the crossroads of Norodom and Sihanouk Boulevards is an important focal point and landmark. It is more difficult to discern a clear orientation or spatial hierarchy along the waterfront and on the under-construction Diamond Island (Koh Pich), as the development is still unfinished and information about the projects is not readily available to the public.

Tonle Bassac does not have an abundance of public green space. The main parks are the Samdach Chounnath and Hun Sen Gardens, located along

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Figure 33: Functions in Tonle Bassac (sources: observations on site; Sandaltan, 2011; MPP, 2007, p.118)

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Sihanouk Boulevard on the northern edge of the area. Aside from these parks, public greenery is limited to tree lined streets and boulevards. In addition to the main boulevards, some of the north-south oriented streets running perpendicular to Sihanouk Boulevard are also lined with trees.

Figure 34: Public green space in Tonle Bassac (source: MPP, 2007, p.142)

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11. Technical Analysis Tonle Bassac is not prone to flooding (MPP, 2007, p. 176). It is one of the older parts of the city and was developed at a time when such land was still available for construction. More recently the city has also had to expand onto less favorable soil, as more optimal locations have been used up. As far as Diamond Island is concerned, no reliable flood mapping is available as the area is built on reclaimed land and is still under construction. Information about the ongoing development is not readily available to the public.

Maintenance of roads is the responsibility of the municipality. However, Phnom Penh has also been experimenting with a 50/50 system in which infrastructure improvement costs are shared between the affected community and the municipality. By 2005, 17,040 meters of road had been upgraded using this system, which caters mostly to the wealthier tiers of society. (Khemro, 2006) The main boulevards in Tonle Bassac are in good shape, though the amount of traffic leads to congestion, pollution and noise. Many of the secondary roads are in poor condition. (MPP, 2007, p. 44) The small alleyways serving internal traffic in poor communities are often too narrow for both emergency vehicles and daily traffic needs. This is a safety hazard and also makes operating small businesses difficult.

The municipality is in charge of public lighting, drainage and wastewater treatment. (MPP, 2007, p. 83) In Tonle Bassac, public lighting is focused primarily along the main boulevards. Secondary streets and internal streets in poor communities are poorly lit, aside from what seems like sporadic attempts by residents themselves to improve the situation by hanging lights here and there.

The municipality is also responsible for solid waste collection, which has been outsourced to Cintri, a private company. The company charges a fee for its services, which is often too high for the poor to pay. Hygiene is a problem even in fee-paying areas, as waste is often left on the street in plastic bags, and is spread out by dogs and scrap collectors before it can be collected. This problem can be attributed to both ignorance and a lack of standardized garbage bins. (MPP, 2007, p. 194)

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12. Target Communities After visits to several poor communities in various parts of Phnom Penh and discussions with various urban poverty experts at STT in FebruaryMarch 2011, Tonle Bassac appeared to be the most intriguing area for a design intervention, as it is marred by contradictions and simultaneously steeped in history. STT experts pointed out that seven communities in the Tonle Bassac area were excluded from the LMAP land registration process and that these communities might be interesting to study, as they face an uncertain future. Five of the excluded communities are classified as poor, while two are inhabited by middle and upper income families (Figure 35). From the point of view of this research, the five poor communities appeared interesting. However, as one of them had already been partly razed by the time of the site visit in March 2011, which only left four potential sites of intervention.

In an attempt to focus on those who are most vulnerable, the design part of this work centers on the poorest of the excluded communities: the so-called T87 community and the Wat Proyouvong community. Neither of these communities has yet received a formal notice of eviction, which is another crucial criterion for selection. It gives some hope that this research will be finished in time to benefit these particular communities in some way.

Communities excluded from LMAP land titling very poor community (STT, 2009), partly razed very poor community (STT, 2009) poor community middle to high income community

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Figure 35: Communities excluded from LMAP land titling (source: STT, 2010b)

12.1 Wat Proyouvong Community The Wat Proyouvong community resides within the walls of a wat with the same name. The Proyouvong temple can be seen already on a city map dating from 1920 (APUR, 2009, p. 19). According to a young monk interviewed at Wat Proyouvong, the temple, like many other places of worship, was abandoned during the Khmer Rouge era, when cities were forcefully emptied and religion banned. When people started returning to Phnom Penh in the early 1980s, some settled within the walls of the temple compound. When monks returned to the temple, people were already living in and around it. Central Taking pity on the poor and Market recognizing that they had no other place to go, the monks allowed them to stay. It shopping is customary for Buddhist temples to include a dormitory buildingNational for the monks Museum mall to live in, but lack of space in Wat Proyouvong has forced the monks to eat, sleep and live inside the sacred space itself. (Monk, Wat Proyouvong, 2011) CITY CENTER According to research conducted by STT (STT, 2010b), the community is made up of 414 families, 1657 people, living on an area of 13 200 m2. This means there is less than 8 m2 of land for each person and overcrowding is a serious issue. 60 families rent their dwellings while the rest hold various forms Royal of ownership.

Palace STT research also concluded, that the community could be divided into three parts based on income. These parts have different standards of living and types of housing. The western part of the area is the wealthiest, with inhabitants working for the government or running businesses outside the community. 20 such families living in 19 households were identified. The buildings are mainly Figure 36: Location of the Wat Proyouvong community.

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Figures 37-40: The Wat Proyouvong community in March 2011.

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constructed in a Western style, using concrete. The middle-income area located in the center of the community is the biggest, with 310 families belonging to 308 households living in this part of the community. They work primarily as civil servants, motorcycle taxi drivers, garment factory workers and fruit vendors.

Some make Buddha statues that are sold to other temples. These community members live in houses of varying sizes with a concrete ground floor. If there is a second floor it is made of wood. The roof is usually made of zinc sheets. Some inhabitants rent their dwellings, either a room or an entire house. Several of the buildings are in poor condition and they sit very close together. Narrow paths make some parts difficult to access. (STT, 2010b) The poorest area is the eastern part of the community, where inhabitants are construction workers, scrap collectors, motorcycle taxi drivers, fruit vendors, and launderers. Most are employed in the informal sector or in the formal sector on a temporary or even day-to-day basis. 85 families make up 84 households. The average family size is between five and seven people. Compared to the other two areas, the standardof living in the eastern part of the community is significantly lower. The houses are arranged in a haphazard way and some have fallen apart.

Narrow paths make it difficult to move around. (STT, 2010b) According to STT research, water and electricity are provided to Wat Proyouvong residents by the state at a price of 720 riels/m3 and 600 riels/ kWh respectively. (STT, 2010b) However, a resident interviewed in March 2011 lamented the fact that the state had recently outsourced water and electricity services in the area leading to higher prices than before. (see Appendix A) This would imply that the figures obtained by STT are no longer valid. Aside from the high prices, other infrastructure problems are the poorly functioning drainage system and narrow paths, which make accessing parts of the community very difficult. Poor access is also a safety hazard should a fire break out. (STT, 2010b) Based on observations made on site in March 2011, public lighting is nonexistent aside from small light bulbs, which residents have put up outside their houses here and there.

The children living in Wat Proyouvong go to Sothearos primary school and Beoung Keang Kong high school. However, many of the children from the poorest part of the community do not have the opportunity to attend school.

Youth unemployment is rife. The Tonle Bassac health center is located close by, as is the Chamkarmorn referral hospital run by the Cambodian Red Cross. There are some NGOs working in the community, amongst others Korsang, which works with issues such as drug use and HIV/AIDS prevention and care. (STT, 2010b) According to residents interviewed for this research (Appendix 2) and interviews conducted previously by STT staff members, safety is a big concern, particularly after dark. Overcrowding leads to social problems and friction within the community. The community has received a verbal warning by the village chief about eviction, but there has been no official notice. The residents are very worried about eviction, but have not made any plans for the future, as they fear the repercussions this might have. The residents of Wat Proyouvong are fearful of arson, as it has allegedly been used before to drive out communities threatened with eviction. (STT, 2010b) Legally speaking, the community resides on what is classified as monastery land. The residents cannot receive land titles, as Cambodian land law stipulates that a private person cannot sell or possess such land. (Land Law, 2001) However, the monastery may allow residential or other activities on its land.

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12.2 T87 Community The members of the T87 community have settled in the area between 1982 and 2000 with most arriving during the UNTAC mission in Cambodia in 1992 and 1993. The community consists of 335 families living in 323 households.

A total of 1886 people live on an area of 76 357 m2. This amounts to 40 m2 per inhabitant, which is five times more than in Wat Proyouvong. Most residents of T87 work as civil servants, construction workers, motorcycle taxi drivers, company staff or run small businesses. Buildings are mainly made of wood and concrete with zinc sheet or tile roofs. (STT, 2010b) The relative wealth of some community members is indicated by air conditioners visible on the facades of some houses, something that would be quite unimaginable in Wat Proyouvong.

The buildings in T87 are generally higher than the buildings in Wat Proyouvong.

All community members have access to running water provided by the state at a price of 350 riels/m3. 70% of the community has access to state electricity at 750 riels/kWh, but 30% are forced to pay a private company 1300 riels/kWh, as a narrow path has made it impossible to set up the electrical pole required to connect to state electricity. (STT, 2010b) The children go to Chao Punheahok primary school and Boeung Keng Kang high school. Chamkarmon health center provides health services. There is currently no NGO involved with the community. (STT, 2010b) Earlier, many youngsters in the community were involved with drugs. A group was set up to control safety at night, and according to interviews conducted for this research as well as previous interviews by STT, the inhabitants now perceive the area as safe. However, some individuals still remain addicted. Several wider main streets form the main network in the community, but the many narrow alleys pose problems for traffic as well as for infrastructural connections.

Market vendors operating along one of the narrow streets have trouble fitting their produce outside while leaving space for customers and motorcycles passing through. Community members fear arson after being excluded from land titling.

They have never faced such a situation and have not made plans for the future.

(STT, 2010b) Legally, there seems to be no reason why the community members shouldn’t receive land titles. It appears to be likely that the community has been excluded from the titling process simply to enable the attractive location to be taken over for other uses.

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Museum

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Figure 41: Location of the T87 community.

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Figures 42-45: The T87 community in March 2011.

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Part 3: Design - Regeneration of Wat Proyouvong and T87

13 Aims and Limitations In light of recent action carried out by the government, it is important to demonstrate that the urban poor can be a part of the city and bring value to it. Improving living conditions in the poor communities and bridging the divide between the slums and the rest of the city creates safer environments for everyone and promotes mutual understanding. It also alleviates the stigma of living in slums, facilitating the absorption of slum dwellers into society.

By focusing on communities that have not yet been evicted, this research and design hopes to present an alternative to the current practice of eviction and relocation. This scheme aims to show that beautification and modernization of the city and improved safety can be achieved while allowing the poor to remain in their homes. The decision to focus on an inner city area as opposed to dealing with the problems of relocation sites is an ethical one: though people living in relocation sites are no less deserving of improved living conditions and may be in a more perilous situation, designing there could be interpreted as accepting the policy of relocations. The more is done in relocation sites by NGOs and other independent actors, the more tempting it can be for authorities to justify future evictions by expecting those that have been relocated to receive help. Also, focusing on an inner city area means dealing with the problem itself rather than with the consequences thereof.

Large-scale interventions, such as developing a national system of social housing or running successful land sharing projects, require strong political commitment to the improvement of the lives of the poor. Currently, this does not seem realistic in the Cambodian context. Despite the enormous scale of the problem, actions on a smaller scale appear to be the most feasible and realistic solutions. The successful execution of such a project could, through capacity building and improved co-operation, be a stepping-stone towards improving the situation of the urban poor through more comprehensive solutions.

Intervention in the Wat Proyouvong community is paramount, as the inhabitants deem the environment both unsafe and unpleasant. In addition, infrastructural problems such as drainage and sanitation need to be addressed.

Unfortunately the extreme overcrowding of the community and lack of open space on the ground means that some houses will inevitably have to be razed in order to take any action. The aversion to Western style multi-story living means, that simply stacking the apartments on top of each other is not a culturally and socially appropriate solution.

Considering all this, freeing up space on ground level and establishing a safer, more pleasant environment calls for two kinds of action: 1) the creation of a new housing type that makes living on the second and third floors attractive and 2) the relocation of some families. By relocating these volunteer families to the T87 community, located just 900 m down the road, the adverse effects commonly associated with relocating people dozens of kilometers away can be mitigated. Children can still go to the same school, health facilities and markets remain within reach and adults can keep their jobs. Adequate compensation is naturally a prerequisite for any relocation, but if this can be achieved, several families could be expected to relocate voluntarily. The problems mentioned by the interviewed T87 residents were significantly less grave than in Wat Proyouvong and the community generally enjoys a higher standard of living. By contrast, a lady interviewed in Wat Proyouvong clearly expressed that she would not choose to live there if she felt she had a choice (Appendix 1).

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Conditions in the T87 community should also be improved, as simply introducing more residents could otherwise lead to unplanned densification, overcrowding and social problems. Though the basic street network is clearer and wider in T87 than in Wat Proyouvong, what is missing is a clear hierarchy of public space. Improving the community through a participatory process at the same time as new residents are introduced could be an opportunity for residents to form new social networks and get more involved in their community. Feeling that they all benefit from the changes, the community could come together, which would enable them to form savings groups and take other action to strengthen their position in future land disputes.

As the starting points for these two communities are very different, the scale and implementation of the designs solutions will have to be different as well. Ranging from detailed proposals like lighting and sunshades to largescale interventions such as spatial reorganization, all the presented solutions will nonetheless follow the principle of necessity. No more families should be relocated than is necessary, and all solutions should be such that they can be feasibly executed within a reasonable budget. As the problems in Wat Proyouvong are deemed more severe than those in T87, more extensive intervention is justified in Wat Proyouvong.

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14. District Level Solutions – An Urban Connection In order for the urban poor to strengthen their position in the city, it is important that they band together. A physical manifestation of this new bond could be an urban connection between Wat Proyouvong and T87. The connection could also link up a third community called Wat Keo Preah Plerng, which has also been excluded from the land titling process. New activities located along an existing north-south oriented street would provide employment opportunities for the poor and root the communities more firmly in the urban fabric.

At present, the Abdul Carime street runs south from Wat Proyouvong for about 600 meters eventually terminating at the Wat Than temple. Extending the street southwards to Sothearos Boulevard and establishing various functions along it could make the currently underused Abdul Carime attractive to both residents and non-residents. Market stalls, where the poor could sell surplus crop generated by the urban farming initiative presented in section 17, would serve to supplement the family income. A small Buddhist garden could be located further south. Unlike most of the grandiose public spaces in Phnom Penh, which lack any form of shade, a shaded garden serving as a neighborhood park could also attract people during the hot midday hours. As it is neutral ground, the garden could be a place where slum dwellers and other citizens feel equally welcome. Three different temples are located within a couple of hundred meters of the proposed garden. The design and upkeep of the garden could be a joint effort between the residents and these three religious communities. By working together, these different groups of people could get into contact with each other and learn to rely on one another. A new play area located close to the nearby public primary school and the private French kindergarten would provide a place for children, many of who come from crowded homes, to play freely.

The urban connection would also simultaneously serve to link local religious institutions together, as the aforementioned three temples are located along the proposed route. People visiting the temples for prayer, as well as tourists interested in Cambodian Buddhism, could use the new connection and the Buddhist garden. Wat Than, the temple located at the southern end of the proposed connection, has an active collective of disabled artisans producing various handicrafts that are sold to tourists. This activity could serve as a magnet, attracting tourists coming from the city center to use the new connection. Linking the market street of the T87 community to Wat Than by a new stretch of street, would encourage more people to venture into the T87 community. This would contribute to destigmatizing the area.

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Figures 46-53: The current situation along the proposed connection between Wat Proyouvong and T87.

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1. The eastern entrance of Wat Proyouvong.

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2. Looking south down the street separating Wat Proyouvong (left) and formal housing (right).

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3. A public primary school under construction (left), French nursery and an NGO (green gate) are located further down the street.

Street width: 11 meters

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4 The main building of Wat Svay Pope. The Preah Sihamoniraja Buddhist University is also located on the pagoda grounds.

5. Inside Wat Keo Preah Plerng, a third community excluded from land titling also located along the route.

The community is slightly better off than the two target communities, but still classified as poor.

6. The Wat Than pagoda area seen from Norodom Boulevard. The area houses religious buildings, but also a handicraft workshop and souvenir shop run by landmine and polio victims.

7. The lively market street in T87.

Street width: 3.5 - 5.5 meters

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Figure 54: Proposed activities and interventions between Wat Proyouvong and T87

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1. Square Mostly used by Wat Proyouvong residents, but temple-goers and other visitors can relax under the fruit trees as well.

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2. Street Market (See following page) 3. Play Area Public play area for the neighborhood children. It can be utilized by the French daycare center and local school as well.

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6. Handicrafts Shop The existing handicrafts shop is incorporated into the route by making it accessible from the north and south. Synergy with the street market in T87.

7. Street Extension Extending the route past Wat Than to Sothearos Boulevard links the handicraft shop with the T87 street market.

8. Street Market The existing street market is better connected to the handicrafts shop, bringing synergy benefits. Houses to the east of the street are moved back one meter in order to make selling and buying more pleasant.

9. Square Public square for T87 residents and visitors. Meetings, markets, 500m sports games and weddings can all take place in the square.

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Figure 56: Aerial image of the Buddhist garden (activity number 4) located at an intersection of several small streets. In the midst walledin compounds, a public space is welcome.

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Figure 55: The new street market could serve as a meeting place for slum dwellers and other citizens. Here the poor could sell handicrafts, urban farming surplus and other goods.

Figure 57: The dilapitated street could be made more attractive by inviting children from the nearby school to paint the walls lining it. The activity would create a sense of ownership and bring together people from various tiers of society.

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15. Community Level 15.1 Public Open Space Currently there is virtually no public open space in the Wat Proyouvong community. Most lanes are too narrow to be used for anything but passing through. They are also considered unsafe after dark. Shops and workshops are lined along the wider main streets where children can be seen milling about.

However, with the amount of traffic on these streets, these streets are not wellsuited for other activities than getting around. A few neighborhood squares are tucked away in the fabric of the community. Many are in poor shape and serve mostly as storage space or dumpsites. Here and there a few trees remain squeezed in between the tightly packed houses, but that is the only greenery that can be found.

The creation of a central public square and upgrading of the smaller neighborhood squares creates a hierarchical network of public open space where people can meet, work, study and play. By placing the main space in connection to the monks’ new living quarters (see section 16.3) and the temple in Wat Proyouvong, it can also serve as a site for religious ceremonies. The presence of the monks would probably help to deter criminal activity, making the space more attractive and approachable to residents.

The T87 community is more structured than Wat Proyouvong. Small neighborhood courtyards can be discerned here and there, but a central space for the whole community is missing. By creating such a space at the end of what is now the main market street, the square becomes a natural extension of the existing public open space. The square is located between the slightly wealthier northern part of the community and the poorer southern part. This is important in order for all community members to feel welcome to use the space.

Once cleared, the square can be used for market purposes as well as serving as a football field and community meeting place. Weddings, which in Cambodia are often held outdoors under a canopy, can also take place at the square. It is important, that the square has clearly defined borders and is used by as many residents as possible, as this safeguards it from gradually disappearing under new houses.

Planting fruit trees in the main public spaces provides the communities with food as well as a shady space that could serve as a community center. Various courses, meetings and educational activities could take place under the trees. In the Cambodian climate, outdoor spaces are often more pleasant than spaces indoors as well as being more cost effective to construct. Providing accessible and utilizable outdoor public space is particularly important when apartments are small and crowded. The lack of public open space in the entire Tonle Bassac area means that also people from the surrounding areas could use the spaces created in Wat Proyouvong and T87. This would contribute to breaking down the existing barriers between slum dwellers and other citizens.

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Figure 58: Public space in Wat Proyouvong today.

Figure 59: Proposed public space and semi-private courtyards in Wat Proyouvong. New buildings marked in red.

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Figure 60: Public space in T87 today.

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Figure 61: Proposed public space in T87. New buildings marked in red.

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15.2 Infrastructural Improvements Despite the small surface area of Wat Proyouvong, there are 26 dead end streets in the community. This is a hazard in the case of an emergency, as it complicates emergency vehicle navigation and makes it more difficult for residents to escape. A clarification of the street network by connecting dead ends is an important safety precaution. In the T87 community on the other hand, the existing street network is clearer and better connected. Dead end streets do not pose a significant safety problem.

The internal streets of Wat Proyouvong are paved with concrete and thus do not turn to mud even during the rainy season. However, many streets are too narrow for everyday traffic needs and very few are wide enough to accommodate

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Figure 63: The street network in T87 is clear and there is a hierarchy between main thoroughfares and smaller paths. Though the community is significantly larger than Wat Proyouvong, there are fewer dead end streets.

emergency vehicles. Widening of the main streets within the community is important for safety reasons, but also because it contributes to clarifying the hierarchy of public space, which in turn makes orientation easier.

In the T87 community no drainage problems were reported. The streets are concrete-paved and the main streets are wider than those in Wat Proyouvong.

However, some alleys are extremely narrow and one part of the community cannot be connected to the municipal electricity network because of this, but most parts of the community can be accessed by fire truck.

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Figure 64: Today there are only three points of entry into Wat Proyouvong community. One of these is a dead end.

FIgure 65: The T87 community has eight points of entry today. Their locations along the community’s main streets facilitates orientation.

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15.3 Sanitation Target 10 of the Millennium Development Goals states that the proportion of the population without access to improved sanitation should be halved by 2015. The WHO has defined improved sanitation as connection to a public sewer, connection to a septic tank, a pour-flush latrine, a simple pit latrine or a ventilated improved pit latrine (WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply and Sanitation, 2010).

Unfortunately no information about the current sanitation situation in the two target communities is available, as the residents were reluctant to discuss it with a stranger and STT was unable to provide any information about the matter.

According to Ulla Heinonen, a water issues expert at Aalto University, it is likely that the community members rely on shared or private pit latrines. (Heinonen, 2011) Pit latrines qualify as improved sanitation, but not if the facility is shared by several families. (WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply and Sanitation, 2010).

All new housing units should be equipped with a toilet qualifying as improved sanitation. The appropriate system should be selected in co-operation with the communities, as it is important that all user groups feel comfortable with using the facilities. Those residents who currently use a shared latrine and are not be rehoused as part of the plan should be assisted in installing a private system (provided that the size of their homes permit it). Some shared pit latrines would probably remain, as several houses may be too small to accommodate a private latrine. In this case, care should be taken in making sure that the shared latrines are safe to use. Attention should be paid to lighting, maintenance and location of the latrines.

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15.4 Fire Safety The widening of internal streets and the reduction of dead-ends are both important factors when it comes to improving the fire safety of Wat Proyouvong.

However, residents cannot rely solely on the fire brigade. There is no way to make all houses accessible by fire truck, and even if there was, the grim truth is that residents might not trust the fire brigade to intervene in case of arson.

Therefore, a self-help or first response system needs to be established.

By casting a thin top layer of concrete over the streets, they can be sloped towards pre-determined points. At these points, storm water can be collected in underground storage tanks. According to Ulla Heinonen, who has researched water issues in Cambodia, collecting rainwater for irrigation and first fire response is preferable to the use of infiltration basins, as water is scarce and should be utilized. Furthermore, mosquitoes could breed in the stagnant water of infiltration basins. (Heinonen, 2011) If located as shown in figure 66, the stormwater collection tanks should be approximately 6000 liters in size in order to accommodate the runoff generated in one month during the rainy season.

In case of fire, residents can use water from these tanks for their collective first response effort. Under normal circumstances the water can be used for irrigation of farmed crops as well as other activities, which do not require the water to be of potable quality. According to Thomas and Martinson (2007), underground tanks are a good option in crowded urban areas, as they take up less space than tanks above ground. In Wat Proyouvong, the lack of space makes underground tanks the only realistic option. Thomas and Martinson also point out that underground tanks are cheaper to construct than tanks above ground.

However, water extraction from an underground tank requires a pump, which raises the costs slightly. Detecting leaks can also be problematic, as they cannot be spotted immediately. Even with these problems, however, residents could benefit significantly from stormwater collection, as it would reduce flooding, improve fire safety and reduce the amount of costly piped water needed.

In T87, most streets are wide enough for fire trucks. The areas left unserviced are significantly smaller than those in Wat Proyouvong. Thus, a comprehensive first rescue is not desperately needed. However, affected areas could be covered by a similar system as in Wat Proyouvong, should the residents consider it a priority.

Figure 66: Routes accessible by fire truck after the proposed restructuring are marked in orange.

The stormwater collection points are marked with dots. The amount of dead ends is reduced significantly by creating courtyards and clarifying connections.

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15.5 Lighting Solutions Inadequate lighting is a significant contributor to the safety problems in Wat Proyouvong. Inhabitants prefer to stay in their homes after dark, which in Cambodia means approximately between 6pm and 6am. As mentioned before, the only sources of light in the alleys of Wat Proyouvong during this time are some light bulbs hung outside houses by inhabitants themselves. As electricity is expensive, these lights are rarely turned on.

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Figure 68: Schematic plan for placement of street lights in T87.

In Cambodia, the municipality is responsible for streetlights (MPP, 2007, p.83). This applies also to poor communities, though in reality this is rarely the case. As a part of upgrading the Wat Proyouvong and T87 communities, the municipality should provide adequate street lighting at least along the main streets (Figures 67 and 68). Additional lighting and lighting of the courtyards can be left to the residents, but the municipality must also do its share.

The construction of large street light poles is expensive and perhaps extensive in these communities. Any cost-sharing initiative, where costs are split between the communities and the municipality, is unrealistic, as the costs would far exceed the communities’ ability to pay. Instead, the municipality could work together with the communities on a project, where the municipality provides solarpowered lanterns hung between buildings above the streets. The involvement of the communities is crucial, to ensure that the lights are not vandalized or stolen.

Solar powered lanterns may last for as long as 15 years without maintenance (Noble Energy Solar Technology, 2011), which means the running costs after the initial investment are extremely low.

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15.6 Low-Cost Sunshade Moving around in Phnom Penh it quickly becomes evident that providing sunshade is one of the most important factors to making outdoor public spaces attractive during daytime hours. The scorching heat makes people seek shade under trees, awnings and makeshift canopies. However, many of the recently constructed public spaces in Phnom Penh lack any form of shade. These vast stretches of open space, for example at Hun Sen Gardens, attract plenty of people at night, but the benches and walkways remain empty during the daytime.

In Wat Proyouvong, as in many other poor communities, residents have constructed low-cost sunshades above the main internal streets. Made from pieces of tarpaulin and fabric and strung between buildings, they provide much

Figure 69: Self-constructed sun-shades in Wat Proyouvong.

Figure 70: Monks use umbrellas to protect themselves from the sun. (source: Sayid Budi, 2010)

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needed shade. Owners of small businesses standing behind their counters or on the street benefit especially from these shades, but also customers and others passing through welcome the cooling effect. As the shading has not been produced as part of a coordinated effort, the tarpaulin is often torn and dirty in many places.

Several benefits could be achieved by engaging the community in improving on their sunshades, several benefits could be achieved. The community could learn to work together, form working groups and co-operate. Everyone from small children to the elderly could contribute, instilling pride and a sense of ownership across the community. Beautiful sunshades above the main streets serving as entrances to the community, but also to the temple, would serve as a calling card to the outside. This could help to destigmatize the area and also create a sense of pride in the inhabitants.

The role of the temple in the community should be emphasized, partly because it is a reason for outsiders to venture into the area and also because of the high regard in which monks and Buddhism is held in Cambodia. By placing importance on the temple and strengthening its position in the community both visually and symbolically, a change in image could be achieved.

Combining these ideas in the design of the sunshades could be achieved by substituting the tarpaulin for the fabric of broken umbrellas discarded by monks, who use yellow, orange and saffron colored umbrellas as protection shelter from sun and rain during their daily alms rounds. Umbrellas are well suited for use as a community sunshade, as they are weather proof and broken ones are readily available at no cost. The bright colors, inherently associated with monks, would indicate already at the entrance that the street leads to a temple while also providing shade for the street below.

The technical execution is rather simple and based on techniques that the community members are already familiar with, as some earn a living making kites. The fabric is stripped off the metal wires and the edges of several pieces of fabric sown together. By overlapping the edges when sowing, the final result also provides some shelter from moderate rains. The sunshade is suspended above the street in the same way as the tarpaulin has been using strings to suspend the shade between buildings.

Figure 71: Artwork made of discarded umbrellas by American artist Jean Shin.

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FIgure 72: Streets to be covered with umbrella sunshades.

Figure 73: New sunshades would give the community a distinct identity.

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16. Housing Solutions 16.1 Courtyard Housing in Wat Proyouvong In order for any interventions to be possible in the Wat Proyouvong community, it is necessary to free up some space on the ground level. In order to do so, a type of socially and culturally appropriate multi-story housing is needed.

Living on the second and third floors must be made attractive in order for people to be willing to give up their homes on the ground floor. Though clear land ownership and multi-storey living can be tricky to combine in Cambodia (MPP, 2007, p. 124), this issue can be circumvented in Wat Proyouvong, as the land cannot be owned by a private person in any case. With the co-operation of the temple, a system could be developed, according to which residents have the right to live in and sell on a particular apartment without owning any land. Developing a system like this, which would enable a restructuring of the community, would be in the best interest of the temple as well, since it would free up space for the construction of living quarters for the monks. However, it is not a widely replicable system, as few poor communities are located on monastery land.

Living on the ground floor is generally preferred due to three main reasons. Firstly, a motorcycle is often the most valuable property a family owns.

When living on the ground floor, the motorcycles can be stored inside home and kept safe. Secondly, ground floor living means closer contact with the outdoors, which is a natural part of life in Cambodia. Close contact with the outdoors also means that the family can appropriate the space outside their home and use it for various purposes, such as cooking, drying laundry and growing flowers. Thirdly, on the ground floor it is possible to run a business from the front of the house, providing the family with employment and additional income.

In order to address the issue of safe motorcycle storage, the new houses are grouped around a central courtyard that can be accessed from the street through a gate. Those living on the second and third floors can store their motorcycles in lockable sheds in the courtyard, where they are constantly within sight of all the inhabitants. The importance of safe motorcycle storage means that only as many apartments can be built above ground floor as there are spaces for motorcycles in the courtyard. The courtyards can also serve as a site for collective urban farming thus building a sense of community. Constant activity of all kinds in the courtyard serves to further deter criminal activity.

The second issue to address when building upwards is creating a natural connection to the outdoors. A private balcony or terrace where inhabitants can cook, dry laundry and grow vegetables is an important part of the design proposal. Being able to step outside directly from the apartment without going through an internal stairwell is equally important.

Flat rooftops are not ideal in the Cambodian monsoon climate. If constructed, close attention must be paid to drainage issues. Therefore, it is certain to be more expensive than the sloped zinc sheet roofs, that are the norm in the poor communities of Phnom Penh. However, having at least one roof per courtyard be flat could provide increased space for community members to dry laundry, grow vegetables and cook. In a traditional Khmer house, these functions would take place on the ground floor under the building itself, but as the urban environment makes ground floor living the most attractive, an inversion of the concept is called for. Like the courtyard itself, the rooftop can serve as a place for neighbors to meet.

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Guidelines for Developing Courtyard Housing • The location of the courtyards should be as marked below in order to ensure access and even distribution throughout the community.

• The minimum open courtyard space between buildings is 7,5 x 10,5 m.

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Figure 74: Guidelines for courtyard housing.

• At least one rooftop per courtyard should be a flat roof constructed in such a way that it can be used for drying laundry, cooking, growing vegetables, etc. Proper drainage must be ensured.

• Each apartment on the second and third floor should open directly to the outside (no internal stairwells).

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• The rainwater runoff from the rooftops is harvested in clay jars (2000 l) placed under the eaves in the corners of the courtyard.

The roofs should be sloped towards these points. Under normal circumstances the water can be used to irrigate crops. In case of emergency it forms part of the community’s fire fighting resources.

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Figure 76: Aerial view of a courtyard and the surrounding houses.

Figure 77: Courtyard entrance Figure 78: Section of a courtyard.

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As far as income generation is concerned, a shop or service on the second or third floor cannot compete with those on the ground, especially since motorbikes are the main form of transport and customers are reluctant to leave them unattended while getting a haircut or making purchases. However, people living on the second and third floors who are not employed outside the community can supplement their income by growing vegetables through the urban agriculture initiative presented in section 17 and selling them at the market stalls located along the route to the T87 community.

It is important that the new housing type be introduced gradually.

Bulldozing an entire section of the community at once is not only aggressive, but also creates the problem of housing all the temporarily displaced families. Thus, a step-by-step implementation needs to be possible. As the houses gradually deteriorate, many will need to be rebuilt or renovated within the near future.

This provides a good opportunity to make the necessary changes and structural improvements required. It is worth considering an approach where a basic livable core is constructed at first, which families can add to and improve on gradually over time. Such projects have been executed before, for example in Chile (Elemental, 2011) This reduces the initial costs and gives each family more control over their own living space. The community, together with an NGO, can set up a participatory planning process, where individual needs and house-specific challenges can be discussed and solved. By following the guidelines presented in Figure 73 and the outcome of participatory workshops, a road map and schedule can be set up for each courtyard block.

16.2 Shophouses in T87 In order to restructure the Wat Proyouvong community, an estimated 10 families will need to move to T87. In order for this relocation to be ethically viable, it must be voluntary. The families should also be adequately compensated, for example by being offered a larger apartment than before. In addition, the creation of a public square in T87 displaces a further 20 families.

All of the relocated families can be housed in T87 if systematic densification is done in certain parts of the community. By focusing this densification in the poorest and most run down parts (mainly in the southern half of the community) those community members most in need can be rehoused as part of the same effort.

As apartments tend to be slightly larger in T87 than in Wat Proyouvong, the Chinese shophouse typology is appropriate. In fact, many shophouse buildings already exist in the community, though they are mainly concentrated in the northern, slightly wealthier part of the community. As described before, the shophouse type allows for flexible use of the ground floor, thus enabling various kinds of businesses. Renting out individual rooms is easy, as all spaces are grouped around a common staircase. With a maximum height of three floors, the new shophouses adapt to their surroundings and remain desirable even to those who do not appreciate condominiums.

By placing the new shophouses in such a way that new courtyards are created, the benefits also extend to many families not being rehoused. Families whose houses used to be crammed in between several others can now have a semiprivate outdoor space for storing motorcycles, practicing urban farming, drying laundry or simply meeting their neighbors. Children playing in the courtyard remain under the watchful eyes of their parents. This way, the amount of people in the community positively affected by the intervention can be maximized, while the amount of houses torn down is kept to a minimum.

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Figure 79: Aerial view of T87 from the southwest with the new shophouses marked in red.

Figures 80-82: Example of possible shophouse floorplans.

1:400 Figure 83: The new shophouses remain within the scale of the rest of the community, but the densification allows for the creation of a public square.

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16.3 Housing for the Monks Buddhist temple complexes in Southeast Asia typically consist of several buildings including prayer rooms, sacred spaces, pavilions, a library, a bell tower and a residential building for the monks. In Wat Proyouvong, the lack of available space has resulted in the monks living behind the altar within the temple itself. Aside from the temple building, only a stupa for keeping relics remains. The construction of a separate building for the monks to live in would not only improve their quality of life but it could also have an impact on the community as a whole. By bringing the monks out of the temple, their presence in the community would become stronger. The profound respect that monks command in Khmer culture means that their presence in the community could have a calming effect, deterring crime and uniting the people. By locating the new building centrally, but not directly next to the wat, this impact can be maximized, as it encourages the monks to move around in the community.

Wat Proyouvong also lacks a multipurpose hall, which is typically part of Buddhist temples. This is where monks would normally eat and study, but in Wat Proyouvong all activities now take place within the sacred space. As land and money are scarce, the multipurpose hall and the monks’ living quarters could be integrated. By lifting the dormitories up on stilts, as in a traditional Khmer house, a shaded outdoor space is created underneath. This space could be used for dining and studying, while at the same time bringing the monks into contact with the rest of the community.

The architecture of monks’ dwellings in Cambodia varies greatly based on the wealth of the temple in question, its urban or rural setting and the amount of monks living in the building. However, one common factor is a shaded outdoor space under the eaves of the building. The space serves as a corridor but is also wide enough for other activities.

Locally available materials are not always environmentally sustainable. In Cambodia, wood is often used in the construction of traditional houses, even though deforestation is a serious issue in the country. Concrete is readily available and fairly affordable, but the production of cement requires a lot of energy. At the same time, many Cambodians associate the environmentally sustainable and traditionally popular material bamboo with poverty. Constructing the monks’ housing using traditional materials and building methods with a modern twist could help bring about a new appreciation for vernacular architecture within the community and even beyond.

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Figures 84-85: Examples of monks’ dwellings in Cambodia. (sources: Augapfel’s photostream, www.flickr.com (fig. 84), cphdk’s photostream, www.flickr.com (fig.85).

Figure 86: Location of the proposed monks’ living quarters within the community.

Figure 87: Floor plan of the 1st floor 1:200 Figure 88: Section 1:100

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A twin-tank pour-flush latrine should also be part of the monks’ dwelling.

A pour-flush system resembles that of a typical Western-style toilet, except that the user pours the water into the bowl manually. In a twin-tank system, two tanks are connected to a single toilet by a Y-junction. They are used alternately: one tank is in use at a time and the unused tank is sealed off. This gives the contents of a full tank time to decompose in an anaerobic environment. Emptying the tank is easier and more hygienic after decomposition. In the monks’ dwelling, the tanks can be sealed containers stored above ground under the building, while the toilet itself is located on the first floor. This makes it more discreet for the monks to use, as well as making it safer to use at night.

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Figure 89: View of the temple, monks’ housing and new square.

17. Urban Agriculture According to research by Pierre Fallavier, the typical urban poor family in Phnom Penh spends 25% of their daily income on food. This is the biggest expense for the family over the course of a month. (Fallavier, 2003) By introducing a degree of self-sufficiency, families would be able to set aside more money each month for school fees, bigger investments and unexpected expenses. The many flowerpots that can be seen in the communities today imply an interest in appropriating space outside the house and beautifying the surroundings. If more edible crops would be grown, this would surely add to the appeal of plant growing.

In densely populated areas, the biggest challenge to overcome is finding the space needed for farming. Various innovations have been developed in order to try to overcome this problem. Several cities in the developed world have experimented with rooftop farming in a bid to optimize the use of space. The sloped zinc roofs that make up the majority in the target communities today are not ideal for such use, as they are not designed to carry excess loads. However, the new houses that are built around courtyards could be constructed in such a way that at least some of the roofs could accommodate small-scale farming. This would significantly increase the surface area available in the communities for such activities. Actual green roofs, where plants grow directly on the surface of the roof, would significantly reduce stormwater runoff, but they are not feasible in this context due to the relatively high costs. (Kortright, 2011) Utilizing vertical surfaces, such as building facades, for growing vinelike plants is an affordable way to increase the amount of space available for farming. Suitable plants like tomatoes could easily grow along the facades of buildings with only small modifications to the buildings themselves, such as the addition of trellises. The practice could be introduced to Wat Proyouvong by first implementing it in the new monks’ house. This way, community members could observe how it works and get advice from the revered monks about how to do it themselves. Monks typically serve as educators in the Cambodian society, so this would be a natural way to spread information.

In the Kibera slum of Nairobi, Kenya, “bagriculture”, or growing vegetables in sacks, has proven successful. The sacks take up little space, don’t require much water and can be moved easily. (Solidarités International, 2011) In Phnom Penh, tenure insecurity is a major issue to consider along with the lack of space. This is another point in favor of sack farming. Should a dispute arise over the use of a particular plot of land, the sack or crate can simply be moved elsewhere without loss of crop. The expenses incurred by using this system are minimal and limited mainly to the purchase of the initial seedlings. Several vegetables and herbs typical to the Cambodian kitchen such as cilantro, yardlong beans, onion, lettuce, cabbage, squash and bell pepper are well suited for cultivation in sacks. As seeds cannot be planted directly into the sacks, a seedling nursery is needed. These could be small pots or crates placed in the neighborhood courtyards and cared for collectively. By sharing responsibility of a commodity that ultimately benefits everyone involved, community cohesion and looking out for one another could be fostered. A small scale attempt such as farming can be a first step.

In Phnom Penh, clay jars are commonly used to collect rainwater. By placing jars at each corner of a courtyard, rainwater from the roofs can be collected and used to irrigate the farmed crops. The larger the jars, the more rainwater can be stored during the rainy season and the longer into the dry season it lasts.

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According to rough calculations, a jar of about 2000 liters provides enough water to last about 50 dry days, if used exclusively for irrigation by four families. This water could also be used as an emergency resource in case of fire. In order to prevent mosquitoes from laying eggs in the stagnant water and spreading disease such as malaria and dengue, it is important that each jar is covered with a mesh.

Simply attaching a wooden stick along each edge of the mesh and laying it over the jar is a sufficient way to keep mosquitoes out of the water, as long as the net is regularly checked and cleaned. (Thomas and Martinson, 2007, p. 63) Community members must receive farming training. Though some are originally from the countryside, many urban dwellers have no experience of farming. Those interested in farming could form community groups providing support and a platform for exchanging ideas. Depending on the amount of crops produced, the community group could also be in charge of selling surplus crops at the market stalls located along the route to T87. These groups, formed for example between the families living around a courtyard, could foster much needed community spirit and trust, which Wat Proyouvong is currently lacking. By first encouraging people to engage with a limited number of other families, these small cells could eventually strengthen the community as a whole. Encouraging the women to take charge of the project would improve their income earning possibilities, thus also strengthening their position in the community.

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Figure 90: Sack farming in Nairobi, Kenya. (source: SolidaritĂŠs International, 2011) Figure 91: Schematic plan of neighborhood courtyard organization with bag farming and seedling nursery.

18. Implementation and Investments The ideas presented above obviously all come at a cost. Some low-cost solutions, such as sun shades and farming bags, can be implemented by the community without external funding, while other aspects of the intervention, such as the construction of new housing units, are too costly for the community to finance on their own. The implementation of this kind of regeneration scheme requires co-operation between the communities involved, NGOs and the municipality.

The municipality needs to provide a framework for the scheme to be implemented. In order for the inhabitants or NGOs to be willing to invest in the project, a certain level tenure security is paramount. The inhabitants must know that they can remain where they are for long enough for it to be worth their money and effort to improve their surroundings. In addition to this, the municipality must also fulfill its responsibility of providing adequate infrastructure such as streetlights. Establishing a connection between the two communities and organizing the public space along it would be the responsibility of the municipality as well.

The role of NGOs would be that of a coordinator and to some extent also a financer. The new housing units must be subsidized to some extent by the municipality or NGO, as the inhabitants cannot afford to cover the full cost.

In the case of Phnom Penh, it seems that the likeliest option would be NGO funding, as the municipality has not taken on such tasks before.

The community members themselves should also contribute financially to the implementation of the plan, as this creates an increased sense of ownership and interest in the project. In order for families to be able to cover some of the costs themselves, loans with low interest rates and long payback times, e.g. ten years, should be included in the project. In order to reduce the amount of poor families who are bought out of their new homes by wealthier members of society, both the shophouse and courtyard house projects should include a clause, according to which the affected family agrees not to sell their home for a fixed period of time.

In addition to financing their homes through loans, the inhabitants can also contribute labor to the project. Many of the inhabitants of Wat Proyouvong and T87 earn a living as construction workers and have the necessary skills.

Unskilled inhabitants can also contribute, for example by mixing concrete and carrying materials.

The inhabitants can form saving groups in order to raise money for collective ventures such as the development of a first response fire system.

However, before this can happen, a stronger sense of trust and community spirit must be fostered within the community. At present, the lack of trust might make saving groups unrealistic. This sense of community could be nurtured on the level of the new courtyards through collective farming and interaction. Saving groups could later be formed among the same families that share a courtyard space.

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19. Conclusions The problems related to urban poverty are multifaceted and deeply rooted. This is true especially in Cambodia, where the lack of both political will and a functioning system of land ownership further complicate the matter. All problems cannot be solved using the tools of architecture or urban planning and this is not my intention. However, as an architect I can use the skills that I do have and do my best to contribute to a solution.

In the introduction it was specified that this research would assess what it would take for the inhabitants of Wat Proyouvong and T87 to be able to remain where they are with improved living conditions. This research concludes, that high land prices remain the main issue, as this is the core reason for the present eviction policy as well as for the reluctance of the government to issue land titles to the poor. Therefore, in order for sufficient change to be realistic, a shift in the government’s policy is necessary. Few improvements, which are significant enough to genuinely make a difference in the quality of life of the poor, can be made in a situation where tenure is as insecure as it currently is. Inhabitants and NGOs alike are understandably reluctant to invest significant effort and expense in the improvement of an area, which might not exist a few months later. Rather than act proactively and strive for better living conditions, it seems that many urban poor communities choose to do nothing for fear of attracting the wrong kind of attention and being evicted. This thesis does not challenge the fact that money is a powerful incentive for land grabbing in a context, where authorities condone such behavior. However, the aim of the ideas and concepts presented here is to show the myriad of improvements that could be made on limited budget, if given the opportunity. The benefits of such actions, such as improved safety and inclusion of slum dwellers in society, may not be easily measurable in financial terms, but do impact the entire city well beyond the communities themselves.

This research shows that given tenure security other issues affecting poor communities, such as safety, insufficient infrastructure, flooding and lack of community cohesion, which are often sited as excuses for demolition, could indeed be significantly improved on-site with fairly small interventions. If done right, the on-site upgrading of poor communities can be considered part of city beautification efforts which the municipality appears to take an interest in, rather than categorically viewing all poor communities as eyesores.

Though some progress has been made, Cambodia still has a long way to go in order to reach the Millennium Development Goals. If significant progress is to be made, a shift in attitude is required on a governmental level. By giving slum dwellers tenure security, halting forced evictions and supporting on-site

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Figure 92: Timeline of this thesis showing the various stages of work.

upgrading, much could be achieved. If tenure security issues are addressed, small-scale, context-sensitive and relatively low-cost interventions such as the one presented in this research can significantly improve the lives of slum dwellers, as stated in target 11 of the MDGs. The design solutions presented in this research also contribute indirectly to progress towards meeting other MDGs, such as promoting gender equality, reducing hunger and combating disease. With an estimated 40 550 families living in informal settlements in Phnom Penh alone (STT, 2009), it is clear that a shift in policy and the implementation of projects such as the one presented here would produce results on a significant scale.

According to most research, participatory planning is an extremely important factor contributing to the success of any upgrading scheme. However, a participatory approach complete with workshops, in-depth interviews and several community visits would have been impossible within the timeframe of this thesis, as the timeline presented in Figure 92 illustrates. Therefore, the main purpose of this work is not to provide a design to be directly implemented as such. Instead, the presented ideas aim to show that an attractive alternative to the current practice of eviction and relocation does exist. Though the circumstances surrounding each individual community are different, the solutions presented in this research are flexible enough to serve as an inspiration for urban communities elsewhere in Phnom Penh and Cambodia. However, no actual implementation should be embarked upon in any community without extensive participation from the affected inhabitants.

Several aspects of Cambodian architectural and urban issues warrant further research. Particularly information written in English and thus available to a wider international audience is scarce when it comes to, for example, the design principles of Buddhist temple areas. Similarly, judging by the lack of available research, the potential of urban agriculture seems to be an untapped resource in the Cambodian context. Another issue is that much of the information available on Cambodian slums has a strong bias for or against them, probably due to the highly political nature of the matter. Though researchers such as Pierre Fallavier have conducted academic studies on Phnom Penh slums in general, more detailed case studies are notably few in the academic world. Such studies could provide better insight into the structures and inner workings of poor communities, in turn helping designers, planners and authorities improve living conditions in the slums without compromizing their unique nature.

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20. References Anderson T. and Hildebrand, M., 2008. Phnom Penh, Cambodia In: F. Daphnis, M. Carliez & M. Jenkins, eds. Towards Inclusive Cities The Urbis Program: An Urban Capacity Laboratory A Rapid diagnostic of seven cities in Africa, Asia And Latin America. Bethesda: Development Innovations Group. pp. 2351.

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All images by Charlotte Nyholm unless otherwise mentioned.

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APPENDIX 1

Types of Land According to Cambodian Land Law (2001) State Public Land - lakes, riverbanks, along railwaylines, etc.

- cannot be sold to the private sector - state can authorize temporary occupation and use - can be reclassified as state private land State Private Land - all state property that is not classified as state public land - can be sold to the private sector - concession of up to 99 years and social concessions can be granted - those living on state private land can convert it into ownership after living on it for five years, provided the possession commenced before 2001.

- in other cases those living on SPL cannot gain ownership Monastery Land - land within the premises of Buddhist monasteries - cannot be sold or possessed by private citizens - are to remain property of the monastery to which they have been assigned Indigenous Community Land -lands on which indigenous communities have established their residences and carry out traditional agriculture - belongs to the group as a whole, not to individuals - may not be detached from the community Private Land - can be bought, sold and rented out by the private owner Anyone who can prove they have been living on a plot of land â&#x20AC;&#x153;consecutively, peacefully and uncontestedlyâ&#x20AC;? for five years before the law was passed in 2001 can apply for ownership, provided that the land classifies as state private land.

(East-West Management Institute, 2003)

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APPENDIX 2

Resident interviews conducted in Phnom Penh 11 and 13 March 2011 Wat Proyouvong Community Woman, 42, kite maker - Has lived in the community for a year.

- Has two children and a husband.

- The biggest problems in the community are safety and expensive water and electricity. She says the state has outsourced water and electricity services of the community to a private company. Prices have gone up since then.

- Assets: The school is located close enough to the community for the children to walk there on their own.

Woman, 32, shopkeeper - Has lived in the community for three years.

- She has a husband and a 3-year-old son.

- According to her, the biggest problems in the community are safety, noise and the selfishness of people. She says there is no community spirit and people donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t look out for one another. However, she feels the situation has gotten slightly better recently.

- She could not name anything good about the community and said she only lives there because she has no choice.

Man, 50, construction worker - Has lived in the community for 20 years since arriving during the UNTAC mission in Cambodia.

- Has a wife and two children.

- He feels there are no problems in the community and that the location close to his daughterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s school is an asset. * Man, 22, monk - Studies Business Administration, now doing a monk apprenticeship at Wat Proyouvong.

- The monks take pity on the poor living in the community and do not want to drive them out. However, having to live inside the temple is sometimes hard for the monks.

- Says that the grandmother of the king donated the land to the monastery. There is a picture of her by the altar.

- The Wat Proyouvong monastery does not have vast resources.

- Did not want to mention any negative aspects about the community.

T87 Community Woman, 42, medicine seller - Has lived in the community for ten years.

- Has a husband and two children.

- She would like to have a bigger house and move from the third floor to the ground floor. ** She did not think there were any major problems in the community. It is safe and nice.

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Woman, 81, pensioner - Lives with her son and daughter-in-law in the community since one month. The son has lived there for a longer time, but she cannot remember how long.

- She feels the house is good, but it isnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t as big as the one she used to have in the countryside.

- The community id alright, there are no big problems.

Notes: *My interpreter, Danith Nth, suggested that men are not traditionally supposed to complain or voice their opinions in Cambodian culture and that this might explain the man being the only one that did not find any problem in the community. ** According to Danith, living on upper floors makes it very difficult to safely store ones motorcycle, which is the most valuable asset many families have. They are often forced to rent storage space at 5-10$/month. Another advantage of living on the first floor is being able to run a small business from the front of the house.

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APPENDIX 3

Model Photographs made by Charlotte Nyholm assistant: Linda Wiksten (approx. 4 hours)

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