IV POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION, ATTITUDES by Juan Pardo

IV POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION, ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE, ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS

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AALBERG, Toril ; JENSSEN, Anders Todal — Do television debates in multiparty systems affect viewers? A quasiexperimental study with first-time voters. Scandinavian Political Studies 30(1), March 2007 : 115-135.

Television debates have become the center stage for political debate in advanced societies. This article investigates whether winning or losing panel debates matters in that it influences important attitudes among the electorate. Based on a quasi-experimental design prior to the 2001 Norwegian parliamentary election, this study finds that the outcome of the television debates does matter. Winning a debate can actually make a difference, and significant changes in issue ownership and issue hegemony are demonstrated. These findings are important for understanding some of the factors underlying the increase in last-minute voter volatility. [R, abr.] 57.6131

AKHTAR, Aasim Sajjad — The new vanguard: challenges for the left in Asia and Africa. Socialism and Democracy 21(1), March 2007 : 1-12.

Among the more important of the immediate questions that the left in the periphery faces is how it will deal with the challenge of possessing state power in a period of unbridled neoliberal hegemony, which, by its very nature, has arguably even more stultifying effects on peripheral economies than was the case during the Cold War when capitalist imperialism was still facing the challenge — however flawed — of Sovietism. But perhaps the most compelling question at the present conjuncture is why the "global" left's resurrection is almost completely confined to Latin America. After all, even though there is widespread resentment to neoliberal capitalism around the world, only in Latin America has resentment taken concrete political shape. [R] 57.6132

ALCÁNTARA SÁEZ, Manuel — La ideología de los partidos políticos chilenos, 1994-2002 : rasgos constantes y peculiaridades (The ideology of Chilean political parties, 1994-2002: constant features and pecularities). Revista de Ciencia política 23(2), 2003 : 68-87.

This article describes the evolution of Chilean political parties from the perspective of the members of the Chamber of Deputies’ perceptions and attitudes regarding ideology, democracy, the role played by the Armed Forces, and their position on public policies and the internal organization of political parties. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5990] 57.6133

ALCÁNTARA SÁEZ, Manuel ; LUNA, Juan Pablo — Ideología y competencia partidaria en dos posttransiciones : Chile y Uruguay en perspectiva comparada (Ideology and party competence in two post-transitions: a comparative analysis of Chile and Uruguay). Revista de Ciencia política 24(1), 2004 : 128-168.

This paper presents a first attempt to compare the ideological profiles of Chilean and Uruguayan parties in order to describe the patterns of partycompetition that characterize both systems. Drawing on survey responses offered by legislators and on the basis of a factor analysis strategy we construct three cross-national ideological axes: authoritarian-

democratic, state-market, religious/conservative-secular/liberal, on which each party is then positioned. Through the analysis of standard deviations we also seek to measure the internal coherence of parties. Although we find that both party systems are ideologically well structured — at least at the elite level — we also find that the salience of each axis and the patterns of partisan competition vary significantly across systems in a way that is predictable through a path-dependent analysis of their long-term characteristics and transitional legacies. [R] 57.6134

ALMEIDA, Paul D. — Defensive mobilization: popular movements against economic adjustment policies in Latin America. Latin American Perspectives 34(3), May 2007 : 123-139.

In the current wave of defensive collective action across Latin America in response to neoliberal globalization, working-class groups appear most frequently in the documented protest events. The new wave of popular movement activity emerged in the region in the late 1990s and early 21st c. and is driven by the erosion of the economic and social benefits previously available to the popular classes during the period of state-led development. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5904] 57.6135

ALONSO, Sonia ; RUIZ-RUFINO, Rubén — Political representation and ethnic conflict in new democracies. European Journal of Political Research 46(2), March 2007 : 237267.

This article is an exploratory analysis of the efficacy of parliamentary representation as a means to moderate ethnic conflict in new democracies. Seats in the legislature may be of little use in a parliament where the executive dominates the policy process at all stages. This article focuses on the new democracies of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union between 1990 and 2000. The authors use the number of parliamentary seats obtained by minority ethnic parties as their main independent variable and the MAR ethnic protest and rebellion scores as their dependent variables. In addition, they employ the system of government (i.e., parliamentary versus presidential) as a proxy indicator of the degree of influence that parliamentary parties have over decisionmaking. [R, abr.] 57.6136

ALTMAN, David — Redibujando el mapa electoral chileno : incidencia de factores socioeconómicos y género en las urnas (Redrawing the Chilean electoral map: the impact of socioeconomic factors and gender on voting). Revista de Ciencia política 24(2), 2004 : 49-66.

Electoral and socioeconomic evidence that goes beyond presidential elections and public opinion surveys shows that socioeconomic conditions (the index of human development) have the expected effects on the percentage of votes obtained by each of the two major coalitions (the ruling Concertación, and the opposition Alianza). The Concertación obtains better results in districts with higher values of the index of human development, and the Alianza in districts with lower levels. Nonetheless, if we consider the curvilinear effects, the Alianza performs better in localities with extreme values of IDH and the Concertación in communes

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Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections with average values. In other words, the Concertación presents a distribution with the shape of an inverted U, and the Alianza a contrary distribution. Although women still tend to favor the parties of the Alianza, women tend to vote more for women than for men: there is gender solidarity at the polls. [R, abr.] 57.6137

AMNÅ, Erik ; EKMAN, Tiina ; ALMGREN, Ellen — The end of a distinctive model of democracy? Country-diverse orientations among young adult Scandinavians. Scandinavian Political Studies 30(1), March 2007 : 61-86.

Scandinavian democracies hitherto have been regarded as exceptionally stable and strong due to their homogenous qualities of mass-based class politics, strong political parties, high degree of associationalism, peaceful labor market relations and developed welfare policies. However, three official democratic audits recently revealed that Scandinavian democracies have also been severely affected by both exogenous and endogenous constraints. In addition, Scandinavian democracies appear to be diverging heterogeneously from the assumed “pan-Scandinavian” model. This article examines whether the distinctive country characteristics uncovered by the commissions can be traced among young adults. Three dimensions of attitudes of young adults are analyzed — political trust, political engagement and political equality — using survey data obtained from students in academic programs at the upper secondary level in Denmark, Norway and Sweden in 2000. [R, abr.] 57.6138

AMOORE, Louise — Vigilant visualities: the watchful politics of the war on terror. Security Dialogue 38(2), June 2007 : 215-232.

This article engages with a form of visual culture that extends "to everyday practices of seeing and showing". In the spirit of this openness to multiple manifestations of the domain of the visual and visual practices, the article explores how a particular mode of vigilant or watchful visuality has come to be mobilized in the "home-front" of the war on terror. In homeland security programs from border and financial screening to Highway Watch, how has sight become represented as the sovereign sense on the basis of which security decisions can be taken? Taking its illustrative cue from Paul Haggis's film Crash, and from a body of work that conceives of touch as "integral to" seeing, the article asks how we might subvert watchful politics by seeing seeing differently. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5682] 57.6139

ANAHITA, Sine — Blogging the borders: virtual skinheads, hypermasculinity, and heteronormativity [in the US]. Journal of Political and Military Sociology 34(1), Summer 2006 : 143-164.

Online groups and activist communities cannot rely on spatial boundaries to delineate the social boundaries of belonging. Within online communities, virtual identities demarcate the social borders of groups. Skinhead Forum, a skinhead blog, is analyzed to illustrate how the group is bounded by the virtual identities of its participants. The particular focus of analysis is hypermasculinity and hetero-normativity as two of the most important attributes for virtual skinheads to embody. Virtual collective identities are continually being negotiated, and online participants can never be sure that others' virtual identities are authentic. Thus virtual boundaries based on the virtual identities of group participants must be rigorously maintained. This is accomplished through discussion of the elements of an authentic skinhead identity, exclusion of those found to lack the appropriate identity, and affirmation of appropriate skinhead identities. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6153] 57.6140

ANDERSEN, Vibeke Normann ; HANSEN, Kasper M. — How deliberation makes better citizens: the Danish Deliberative Poll on the euro. European Journal of Political Research 46(4), June 2007 : 531-556.

This article presents results from a Danish national Deliberative Poll on the single European currency. Four research questions regarding the deliberative process are analyzed: openness and access, the quality of deliberation, efficiency and effectiveness, and publicity and accountability. The participants' responses reflect a deliberative process characterized by considerable changes in political opinions as the Poll proceeds, increase in level of knowledge and an improved ability to form reasoned opinions. A mutual understanding on the subject matter prevailed among the participants. At the same time, self-interest and domination also appeared during the deliberative process. The article emphasizes the need for further elaboration of the theory of deliberative democracy so that it better reflects these features of “real-life” politics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5790] 57.6141

ANGELL, Alan — Party change in Chile in comparative perspective. Revista de Ciencia política 23(2), 2003 : 88108.

This article looks at the changes in party systems generally in modern democracies, and argues that many trends observed internationally — growing mistrust of parties, growing electoral de-alignment — are also observed in Chile. Hence any analysis of party change in Chile has to take into account what is happening in other countries with well-

established party systems. The article argues that the comparison with the past [often] tends to be limited to the exceptional 1964-1973 period and that a more extended analysis points to many continuities in the Chilean party system. Competing arguments over whether there is a new party cleavage based on the opposition between support for authoritarianism or support for democracy are also examined. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5990] 57.6142

ARNIM, Hans Herbert von — Parteien in der Kritik (Criticism of [German] political parties). Öffentliche Verwaltung 60(6), mars 2007 : 221-229.

Les financements excessifs et les cumuls d’emplois contraires à la Constitution sont les principaux problèmes de l’état des partis en Allemagne que le Président Richard von Weizsäcker avait déjà critiqué. Ce ne sont là que quelques exemples frappants des limites à la concurrence entre les partis politiques, et qui portent atteinte à sa fonction régulatrice, pourtant essentielle en démocratie. La science politique s’engage dans de nouvelles voies de recherche dans ce domaine tout comme dans celui des partis “cartels” et de la classe politique. [R, trad.] 57.6143

ARRARÁS, Astrid ; DEHEZA, Grace — Referéndum del gas en Bolivia 2004 : mucho más que un referéndum (The 2004 Bolivian referendum on [natural] gas: much more than a referendum). Revista de Ciencia política 25(2), 2005 : 161-172.

The July 2004 referendum over hydrocarbon policies in Bolivia disclosed many of the problems that threatened social peace. This paper analyzes the attitudes of the various labor unions, political parties, and civic communities within the context of the referendum and how the stances of political and social actors in the referendum produced internal divisions. It also examines how these groups' different points of view on President Mesa's hydrocarbon policy contributed to the call for a referendum. The work demonstrates that the referendum served to legitimize Carlos Mesa's presidency for a short period of time but in the long run defeated his presidency. [R] 57.6144

ART, Daryl d' ; TURNER, Thomas — Trade unions and political participation in the European Union: still providing a democratic dividend? British Journal of Industrial Relations 45(1), March 2007 : 103-126.

Decline in electoral participation is a feature of many Western democracies. We focus on the relationship between trade union membership and political participation. Workplace authority structures, trade union membership and union presence have been identified as important influences on electoral participation. Based on a survey of employees in 15 member states of the EU, we test for a relationship between political participation, union membership and union workplace presence. The independent effect of trade union membership on political participation was found to be both significant and positive and is associated with higher levels of political activism and electoral participation. Furthermore, an institutional context that facilitates high levels of union density seems likely to have an overall positive effect on citizen participation. [R] 57.6145

ART, David — Reacting to the radical right: lessons from Germany and Austria. Party Politics 13(3), May 2007 : 331349.

This article explains the variation in the electoral success of far-right parties in Germany and Austria over the past several decades. The reaction of existing political parties, the tabloid press and civil society to right-wing populism has been different in the two states, and these differences help explain the divergent development of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) and the German Republicans (REPs). The article explores how the strategies of mainstream political forces affect the coalition markets, party organizations, political recruitment and perceived legitimacy of right-wing populist parties. It surveys recent developments concerning the far right in Austria and eastern Germany. [R] 57.6146

AYLOTT, Nicholas ; BOLIN, Niklas — Towards a two-party system? The Swedish parliamentary election of September 2006. West European Politics 30(3), May 2007 : 621-633.

Despite a booming economy, the ruling Social Democrats suffered a historic defeat in the 2006 Swedish parliamentary election. They lost to an unprecedented alliance of all four center-right parties, which subsequently formed the country's first majority government since 1981. The office-seeking strategy of the Moderate leader, F. Reinfeldt, was the key to the success of his party and its partners. Indeed, their "Alliance for Sweden" greatly enhanced the credibility of the right; the three parties of the left, whose looser association had been based on parliamentary deals falling short of coalition, suffered in comparison. Moreover, the Social Democrats also made campaign mistakes. They failed particularly to respond to the Alliance's emphasis on the issue of unemployment. [A] 57.6147

BALCH, Robert W. — The rise and fall of Aryan Nations [in the US]: a resource mobilization perspective. Journal

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of Political and Military Sociology 34(1), Summer 2006 : 81113. This paper uses J.D. McCarthy and M.N. Zald's resource-mobilization perspective [”Resource mobilization and social movements: a partial theory”, American Journal of Sociology 82(6), May 1977: 1212-1241] to explain the rise and fall of Aryan Nations (AN), an Idaho-based, white separatist organization that disintegrated upon the death of its founder, R. Butler. AN's Congress and Youth Assembly are analyzed as framealignment strategies, using Goffman's dramaturgical model. The data suggest that AN's initial success can be attributed to internal organizational strengths and a benign external environment. However, an exodus of core members in the mid-1980s, triggered by adverse external developments, severely weakened the organization. Disintegration accelerated during the 1990s, making it increasingly difficult for the group to mobilize the internal resources necessary for its frame-alignment efforts to be effective. AN had been on the verge of collapse for many years before a lawsuit that bankrupted it was filed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6153] 57.6148

BASSIL, N. Noah — Intellectuals and political activism: the role of "Arab" cultural elites in contemporary Australia. AQ [Australian Quarterly] 79(2), March-Apr. 2007 : 22-26.

This article is aimed at provoking the intelligentsia, the cultural elites of the Lebanese/Muslim/Arab/Middle Eastern populations in Australia to actively engage in the discourses that are currently taking place and being highjacked by the zealots on both sides of the debate. [R] 57.6149

underlying substantive issues, and the options available to the ECJ in answering the questions posed. [R, abr.] 57.6153

White supremacist groups in the US share certain common elements and characteristics. In addition to a view of racial hierarchy, there is usually some form of anti-Semitism, dualism, apocalypticism, a reliance on conspiracy theories, a masculinist perspective, and antipathy towards gays and lesbians. They also share some common elements with all social movements. At the same time, there are distinctive differences among white supremacist groups. There are several ways to illustrate these differences. We separate them into the categories of: political, religious, and youth cultural (racist skinhead, racist gangs, etc.) This typology, proposed by S. Vysotsky (2004), focuses on how these groups recruit and mobilize supporters around specific ideologies or cultural frames. We also look at several complexities and controversies in the study of white supremacist organizations. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on "The White Power Movement in the US", edited and introduced by Betty A. DOBRATZ and Lisa K. WALDNER, "In search of understanding the White Power Movement", pp. 1-9. See also Abstr. 57.6139, 6147, 6164, 6193, 6338, 6355] 57.6154

BECKER, Marc — World Social Forum. Peace and Change 32(2), Apr. 2007 : 203-220.

Every year, the world's corporate and government elite gather in Davos for the World Economic Forum to plot the future of corporate-led globalization. In 2001, community organizers, trade unionists, young people, academics, and others began to meet in Porto Alegre, Brazil, to rethink and recreate globalization so that it would benefit people. From these humble beginnings, this alternative annual meeting called the World Social Forum has quickly grown into the world's largest meeting of civil society. Under the slogan "Another World Is Possible", the forum provides a dynamic and important political venue for activists to discuss strategies of resistance to neoliberal globalization and to present constructive alternatives. As the same time, it has been an arena for perennial discussions regarding the relationship between civil society and political parties in organizing a social movement. [R, abr.] BEIER, J. Marshall — Grave misgivings: allegory, catharsis, composition. Security Dialogue 38(2), June 2007 : 251269.

Days after the December 1890 US Army massacre of Lakota refugees at Wounded Knee, South Dakota, commercial photographer George Trager photographed the Army burial detail as they committed the dead to a mass grave. Widely circulated as post-cards, Trager's photographs merged with a broader colonial narrative, allegorically and cathartically sketching a heroic account of a dire confrontation between "civilization" and “savagery”. More recently, widely circulated photos of abuse of prisoners by US soldiers at Baghdad's Abu Ghraib Prison have effected a disruption of the operant war narrative. Whereas Trager's photographs sustained stable definitions of moral "civilization" and "savage" depravity, those from Abu Ghraib have undermined the legitimacy of US conduct in Iraq. I consider these differing effects with reference to photographic composition and the popular functions of allegory and catharsis. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5682] 57.6151

BENNETT, W. Lance ; LAGOS, Taso — Logo logic: the ups and downs of branded political communication [in the US]. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 611, May 2007 : 193-206.

This analysis first examines how branded political communication works and how it may be effective. It then [examines] possible downsides of getting consumer audiences actually to grasp the larger import of the politics behind the brands and getting targeted companies and industrial sectors (fashion, food, forest products, etc.) to change their offending behaviors. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6016] 57.6152

BERCUSSON, Brian — The trade union movement and the European Union: judgment day. European Law Journal 13(3), May 2007 : 279-308.

The trade union movement faces a challenge to the legality of transnational collective action as violating economic freedoms in the EC Treaty. How are disparities in wages and working conditions among the member states accommodated? Are national social models protected? Does the internal market allow for trade union collective action? How does EU law affect the balance of economic power in a transnational economy? What is the role of courts in resolving economic conflicts? This article analyzes the responses to these questions as referred to the ECJ by the English Court of Appeal and offers some conclusions. It highlights the different positions adopted by the old and new member states as regards the

BEYRL, Maria ; PERLOT, Flooh — Politische Kommunikation in Österreich — Generalverdacht der Inszenierung? Ein Streifzug durch die österreichische Mediendemokratie (Political communication in Austria — a general suspicion of staging? An incursion into Austrian media democracy). Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 35(4), 2006 : 391-405.

Politicians and parties have always tried to stage their public appearance as favorably as possible. The strong ties and interplay between politics and the mass media in the current media democracy have shifted the focus of political strategies even more towards this public side of politics. In the end, that is what the audience gets to see about elected representatives on television. This article, based on interviews with experts, seeks to analyze the state of political communication in Austria, taking a closer look at political marketing, opinion research and media democracy itself. A core issue is to assess what is called staged politics, both as a term and as a strategy. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6330] 57.6155

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BERLET, Chip ; VYSOTSKY, Stanislav — Overview of US white supremacist groups. Journal of Political and Military Sociology 34(1), Summer 2006 : 11-48.

BIRNBAUM, Norman — The 2006 [mid-term congressional] election and the American future. Political Quarterly 77(4), Oct.-Dec. 2006 : 457-464.

The 2006 mid-term Congressional election, with the usual low participation (less than fifty percent of the electorate) produced a change of majority in the House (exceedingly narrow) and the Senate (narrow enough to make coordination difficult). The election was fought on the issue of stopping the Iraq war, but once elected, the Democrats are proving reluctant to use congressional financial powers to force the withdrawal of US troops. Neither are the Democrats prepared to impeach president and vice-president for their falsifications of evidence in the runup to the war. [Some] more activist Democrats will use congressional investigative powers to make life difficult for a corrupt and incompetent government, but the imperial hubris of the Republicans is shared by the Democrats, whose bondage to the Israel lobby remains nearly total. [A, abr.] 57.6156

BLAIS, André ; GÉLINEAU, François — Winning, losing and satisfaction with democracy. Political Studies 55(2), June 2007 : 425-441.

Previous research has shown that those who won an election are more satisfied with the way democracy works than those who lost. What is not clear, however, is whether it is the fact of winning (losing), per se, that generates (dis)satisfaction with democracy. The current study explores this winner/loser gap with the use of the 1997 Canadian federal election panel study. At the theoretical level, we argue that voters gain different utility from winning at the constituency and national levels in a parliamentary system, and that their expectations about whether they will win or lose affect their degree of satisfaction with democracy. On the methodological front, our analysis includes a control group (non-voters) and incorporates a control for the level of satisfaction prior to the election. [R, abr.] 57.6157

BORJAS BENAVENTE, Adriana — Liderazgos carismáticos e institucionalización política : el caso del Partido de la Revolución Democrática (Charismatic leadership and political institutionalization: the case of the [Mexican] Democratic Revolutionary Party). Confines de Relaciones internacionales y Ciencia política 1(1), Jan.-June 2005 : 105131.

Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas' participation in the 1988 presidential election gave him a charisma that allowed him to found the Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD). On the other hand, Andrés Manuel López

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Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections Obrador, the governor of the Federal District, acceded to the national political scene thanks to a spontaneous leadership supported, but not designated, by Cárdenas. This type of leadership, in addition to several tactics, situated him in a privileged position in comparison with other political actors also running for president. [The author] analyzes López Obrador's leadership and political strategies. [R, abr.] 57.6158

BOWLER, Shaun ; DONOVAN, Todd — Reasoning about institutional change: winners, losers and support for [US] electoral reform. British Journal of Political Science 37(3), July 2007 : 455-476.

This study assesses how the mass public reasons about political institutions by examining the effects of winning and losing on support for several electoral reform proposals. The national sample survey identified majorities supporting proposals for major changes in America's electoral institutions, and that suggested electoral losses may have a modest effect in reducing losers' satisfaction with how democracy works. Random assignment experiments that tested hypotheses derived from theories of risk perception were conducted. It was found that people who saw themselves as winners and losers in the electoral arena reasoned differently when proposals for change were framed in terms of loss. Losers may be just slightly more supportive than winners of some electoral reforms; however, they appeared less sensitive than winners to framing effects that presented reform proposals in terms of the risks of loss. Winners may support the same reform proposals but their support for change decreased more when the proposals were framed as a potential loss. Winners are thus risk aversive when evaluating electoral reform proposals, while losers may even be risk seeking. Although this survey found support for major reforms, the patterns of reasoning that were identified in the mass public suggest a basis for the stability of electoral institutions. [R] 57.6159

BRÉCHON, Pierre — Valeurs de gauche, valeurs de droite et identités religieuses en Europe (Values of the Left, values of the Right, and religious identities in Europe). Revue française de Sociologie 47(4), Oct.-Dec. 2006 : 725753. [Résumé en français]

Using data from the 1981 and 1999 European Values Surveys, the article first shows that it is still meaningful for people to identify themselves as being on the Right or the Left. These political identities are relative, nuanced, plural, but they extend beyond national borders: the same relations between values and the Right-Left scale are observed throughout Western Europe. The article then shows that political identities are linked to religious ones and that these two facets of the constructed individual have complex combined effects on many values. But generation and educational attainment can also be highly relevant in accounting for the world of values. In an individualized Europe, values are many and tend to be cobbled together, but there is some regulation of individual preferences. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on "The sociology of values: theories and measurements applied to the European case", edited by Olivier GALLAND and Yannick LEMEL. See also Abstr. 57.6183, 6745] 57.6160

BROOKS, Deborah Jordan ; GEER, John G. — Beyond negativity: the effects of incivility on the [US] electorate. American Journal of Political Science 51(1), Jan. 2007 : 1-16.

This article advances our understanding of the influence of incivility on the electorate. Three dimensions are central to understanding both the perceptions and effects of different types of campaign messages: tone (negative versus positive); civility (civil versus uncivil); and focus (issue versus trait-based message content). Using an experimental manipulation on a large national sample that examines these three dimensions, we find that uncivil attacks in campaigns do not appear to be as worrisome as its detractors fear. While uncivil messages are usually seen by the public as being less fair, less informative, and less important than both their civil negative and positive counterparts, they are no more likely to lead to detrimental effects among the public. [R, abr.] 57.6161

BUQUET, Daniel ; CHASQUETTI, Daniel — Elecciones Uruguay 2004 : descifrando el cambio (The 2004 Uruguayan elections: an analysis of change). Revista de Ciencia política 25(2), 2005 : 143-152.

The article analyzes the outcome of the October 2004 [presidential and parliamentary] elections, establishes its causes and evaluates its main consequences on the political system. The elections showed the greatest volatility in Uruguayan history, a strong reduction of the party system fragmentation, and the formation of a majority government for the first time in almost forty years. The article also analyzes the institutional and political features of the leftist government, taking into account, the strong presidential powers, the legislative discipline of the governmental party, and its ideological dispersion. [R, abr.] 57.6162

BURROWES, Robert D. ; KASPER, Catherine M. — The Salih regime and the need for a credible opposition [in Yemen]. Middle East Journal 61(2), Spring 2007 : 263-280.

Analyses indicate that Yemen needs to effect major reforms in the next several years if Yemeni society is to become viable again; and that, given the re-election of President Salih in 2006, the best hope for this coming about depends on the emergence of a credible and formidable opposition able to pressure the regime to effect reforms. The evolution of the Joint Meeting Parties (JMP) through 2006 suggests that such an opposition has emerged and could have the required effect between now and the next parliamentary elections. [R] 57.6163

BUSCH, Christoph — Rechte Internationale. Die neue ISTFraktion im Europaparlament (The Right International. The new IST (Identity-Tradition-Sovereignty) caucus in the European parliament). Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik 52(3), 2007 : 320-328.

Le nouveau parti de droite au Parlement européen “IST” (Identité, Tradition, Souveraineté) est une émanation du Front national français, de divers partis d’extrême-droite italiens, du FPÖ autrichien auxquels s’est associé le LPC (Ligue des familles polonaise). Le point commun de tous ces partis est leur tendance séparatiste et leur radicalité. Il témoigne de l’excellente coopération internationale des néo-nazis et des partis d’extrême-droite mais aussi d’une grande hétérogénéité qui permet de douter de la viabilité de l’IST. 57.6164

BUZZELL, Timothy — Accounts as political discourse: a study of the contentious politics of [US] common law courts. Journal of Political and Military Sociology 34(1), Summer 2006 : 185-209.

Common-law courts emerged as a strategy of protest by elements of the radical and dissident right in the 1980s and 1990s, including some racial separatist groups. This type of claims-making took the form of "bogus" filings and motions in state and local courts and some governmental agencies. The expanded notion of “accounts” may offer a useful analytical tool to political sociologists and their conceptualization of discourse by the radical and dissident right. This study examines the accounts of common-law court filings with the Kansas State Legislature in 1997 and contrasts these with accounts in the Blue Book (circa 1972). The discussion suggests how the accounts framework informs current understanding of movement frames, reflecting broader historical-cultural influences in protest, and provides an alternative methodology for "mapping" the contentious politics of the radical and dissident right. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6153] 57.6165

BYNANDER, Fredrik — The politics of party leader survival and succession: Australia in comparative perspective. Australian Journal of Political Science 42(1), March 2007 : 47-72.

This article examines the extent to which incumbent party leaders are able to control their own fate in the face of various types of challenges that herald a possible end to their rule. It discusses three related research questions: (1) what makes incumbents quit? (2) How do incumbents respond to various types of triggers heralding a possible end to their rule? (3) To what extent does incumbent behavior prior to and following succession affect the fortunes of their successors and their party? We draw on a four-country, eight-party data set of leadership successions between 1945 and 2005, and on findings of in-depth studies of Australian cases to show that not only do Australian leaders get challenged and replaced more frequently than do other leaders, but they are also forced to combat more internal rivalry than their counterparts elsewhere. [R, abr.] 57.6166

CALVO, Ernesto — Argentina, elecciones legislativas 2005 : consolidación institucional del kirchnerismo y territorialización del voto (The 2005 Argentine legislative elections: the institutional consolidation of Kirchnerism and the territorialization of votes). Revista de Ciencia política 25(2), 2005 : 153-160.

The 2005 parliamentary election results constituted a strong endorsement of [President] Nestor Kirchner's policies, allowing him to claim control of the [Peronist] Partido Justicialista, to sideline most of its political opponents within and outside the party, to win a majority of seats in Congress, and to set the stage for his likely reelection in 2007. As in the previous two elections, the very high electoral fragmentation of the opposition has provided large seat premiums to the Peronists in Congress. The increasing fragmentation and territorialization of the vote has once again produced strong electoral performances of most incumbents in the provinces. [R] 57.6167

CAMACHO, Paul R. ; SUTTON, Paul — A sociological view of the [US] Vietnam veterans' lobby. Armed Forces and Society 33(3), Apr. 2007 : 316-336.

A synopsis of the state of affairs of the Vietnam veterans lobby illustrates that veterans' interest-group activity is filled with conflict. We summarize the activism that developed during the Vietnam decade, noting the conflict between the World War II/Korea veterans and the Vietnam "Homecomers". That clash provided the rationale for two bureaucratic "wars" over control of veterans' policy, programs, budgets, and the client

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base of Vietnam and Vietnam-era veterans: one involving the (then) Veterans Administration (VA) and Health, Education, and Welfare over veterans' educational programs, the other involving the VA and Department of Labor over veteran outreach centers. We summarize two salient issues: Agent Orange and small-business opportunities. Finally, we illustrate that the difficulties confronted by the Vietnam generation also confront the Gulf War/Afghanistan and Iraq veterans. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on "Veterans and veterans' isues", edited and introduced by Paul R. CAMACHO. See also Abstr. 57.6348] 57.6168

CAMPERO, Guillermo — La relación entre el gobierno y los grupos de presión : el proceso de la acción de bloques a la acción segmentada (The relation between the government and pressure groups [in Chile]: from bloc action to segmented action). Revista de Ciencia política 23(2), 2003 : 159-176.

From the 1970s to the early 1990s, business associations formed an ideological and organic bloc based on an "identity principle" whereby they defined themselves as the main actors of development, which accounts for their fundamentalist defense of the "neoliberal model". Subsequently, and as a consequence of the new challenges that Chile began to face, this ideological action bloc lost its effectiveness, leading to a more pluralistic business leadership. This gave rise to a new approach among business associations. This process is part of a broader development involving the reshaping of the system of political, economic and social relations in Chile. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5990] 57.6169

CAREN, Neal — Big city, big turnout? Electoral participation in American cities. Journal of Urban Affairs 29(1), 2007 : 31-46.

This article describes and explains variation in voter-turnout in American big-city municipal elections using data from 332 mayoral elections in 38 large US cities over 25 years. In my cross-sectional time-series analysis of turnout in mayoral elections, I find that city-level demographic factors are only weakly correlated with turnout. By contrast, institutional and campaign factors explain much of the variation. The effect of Progressive-era reforms on depressing turnout is greatest in the most competitive elections. I discuss the implication of the overall downward trend in turnout and changes cities can make to increase participation. [R] 57.6170

CARNAGHAN, Ellen — Do Russians dislike democracy? PS 40(1), Jan. 2007 : 61-66.

Russians are often thought to favor authoritarian leaders and to dislike democracy, but intensive interviews conducted with ordinary Russians between 1998 and 2003 tell a different story. As a result, first, of the chaotic circumstances in which Russians have found themselves over the past decade and, second, of limited appreciation of the differences between democratic and non-democratic actions or institutions, Russian citizens do not perceive the same threats to democracy that some experts do. Evidence from these interviews suggests that emerging quasi-democratic systems may fail to reach democracy, not because citizens do not like democracy, but because citizens may not recognize developing authoritarianism soon enough to stop it. [A] 57.6171

CARROLL, Royce ; COX, Gary W. — The logic of Gamson's law: pre-election coalitions and [government] portfolio allocations. American Journal of Political Science 51(2), Apr. 2007 : 300-313.

W. A. Gamson's Law [”A theory of coalition formation”, American Sociological Review, 26(3), June 1961: 373-382] — the proposition that coalition governments will distribute portfolios in proportion to each member party's contribution of seats to the coalition — has been one of the most prominent landmarks in coalitional studies since the 1970s. However, standard bargaining models of government-formation argue that Gamson's Law should not hold, once one controls for relevant indicators of bargaining power. We extend these bargaining models by allowing parties to form pre-election pacts. We argue that campaign investments by pact-signatories depend on how they anticipate portfolios will be distributed and, thus, signatories have an incentive to pre-commit to portfolio allocation rules. [R, abr.] 57.6172

CASTANEDA, Jorge G. — Latin America's Left turn. Foreign Affairs 85(3), May-June 2006 : 28-43.

With all the talk of Latin America's turn to the Left, few have noticed that there are really two Lefts in the region. One has radical roots but is now open-minded and modern; the other is close-minded and stridently populist. Rather than fretting over the Left's rise in general, the rest of the world should focus on fostering the former rather than the latter, because it is exactly what Latin America needs. [R] 57.6173

CESARE, Mattina — Changes in clientelism and urban government: a comparative case study of Naples [Italy] and Marseilles [France]. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 31(1), 2007 : 73-90. [Résumé en français]

This article discusses changes to political clientelism and forms of urban government in Naples and in Marseille from the 1960s to the 2000s. From a socio-historical, comparative perspective, I show that, even in two Southern European cities, the expansion of political clientelism does not depend principally on cultural factors, but rather on politicoinstitutional processes. The generalization of clientelist relationships and the increase in policies for redistributing resources on the basis of clientelist criteria go hand-in-hand with two historical trends that were evident in the 1960s and 1970s, decades both of demographic development and of welfare state expansion at both central and local levels. The article [reviews] some new urban management policies conducted by new political leaderships. [R, abr.] 57.6174

CHAMBERS, Paul — Evolving toward what? Parties, factions, and coalition behavior in Thailand today. Journal of East Asian Studies 5(3), 2005 : 498-520.

How important have Thai parties and intraparty factions been in Thailand's fast-evolving democracy? What role do they play today, especially since the enactment of the latest constitution? What has accounted for the fragmentation in Thailand's party systems and coalitions? How did Thai democracy allow for the rise to power of Thaksin Shinawatra? This article analyzes these questions, presents a theory of Thai coalition behavior, and offers some predictions for Thailand's democratic future. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6297] 57.6175

CHANG Woo-Young ; LEE Won-Tae — Cyberactivism and political empowerment in civil society: a comparative analysis of [South] Korean cases. Korea Journal 46(4), Winter 2006 : 136-167.

In Korea, the elections of the 2000s were held amid a new structure characterized by the democratization and informatization that facilitated the big bang of civil society. A remarkable form of social movement in the new structure of political opportunities is cyber-activism. Strategies of the civic groups based on the effective use of cyberspace are generating great waves of transformation in the organization, goals, and effects of social movements. In particular, the cases analyzed [here] show that the political effects of cyber-activism greatly increase in electoral moments. Furthermore, the implications of cyber-activism will greatly affect our understanding of participatory democracy. The study comparatively analyzes the characteristics of cyber-activism using the cases of CAGE (Citizens' Alliance for the 2000 General Election) and Nosamo. [R, abr.] 57.6176

CHEN Jie ; LU Chunlong — Does China's middle class think and act democratically? Attitudinal and behavioral orientations toward urban self-government. Journal of Chinese Political Science 11(2), Fall 2006 : 1-20.

Does a middle class in China think and act democratically and hence serve as the harbinger of democratic change? This study [addresses] this critical question by examining the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of middle-class individuals toward grassroots self-government in urban China. It is based on data collected from a representative-sample survey conducted in Beijing. The findings indicate that China's middle class expects grassroots self-government to be formed in a democratic way; yet the middle class is critical of the currently-implemented selfgovernment system because it is not organized as democratically as they expect, and therefore the middle class is less likely to participate in the system. These findings have significant implications for the role of the Chinese middle class in the democratization of China. [R, abr.] 57.6177

CHO Dae-Yop — [South] Korean citizens’ movement organizations: their ideologies, resources, and action repertoires. Korea Journal 46(2), Summer 2006 : 68-98.

The Korean citizens' movement organizations' activities displayed a continuity with the democratization movement by continuously demanding political reform. Differing from the 1980s social movement and led by radical ideologies, the major organizations, despite some ideological differences, displayed a trend that could be categorized as liberalism. They also encompassed a wide range of policy issues; in particular, the resource-mobilization methods of citizens' movement organizations, such as the collection of membership fees and contributions, were considerably different from those of past movement organizations, which centered on human resources. They continuously pushed ahead with the unfinished tasks of the democratization movement through the mainstreaming of democratic reform issues. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6333] 57.6178

CHO, Wendy K. Tam ; GIMPEL, James G. — Prospecting for (campaign) gold [in US elections]. American Journal of Political Science 51(2), Apr. 2007 : 25-268.

[US] campaigns and political parties are faced with the immensely important practical challenge of financing their efforts. Raising money is instrumental to all other aims. In recent years, this task has been complicated by the need to enlist ever greater numbers of contributors to raise ever larger sums of money. At the same time, fund-raising burdens are eased a bit because contributors flock together. That is, campaign contributing is a spatially dependent phenomenon, associated with

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Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections affluence and the presence of networks. Accordingly, geospatial tools provide a helpful method for understanding and predicting where contributions can be most successfully mined. [R] 57.6179

CHRISTOPHOROU, Christophoros — An old cleavage causes new divisions: parliamentary elections in the Republic of Cyprus, 21 May 2006. South European Society and Politics 12(1), March 2007 : 111-128.

The change of government in 2003 and the 2004 referendum on the Annan Plan influenced the outcome of the 2006 parliamentary elections. A long-standing cleavage based on choices for a solution to the Cyprus issue surfaced in 2004 and caused deep divisions and a large swing vote, triggering realignment of the electorate. However, resistance by the two major parties, which countered by promoting the left-right cleavage and party loyalty, curtailed the impact of the new divisions. This election, marking a crystallization of the post-referendum electoral realignment, showed that urban centers emerged more fragmented, while highly polarized large rural centers resisted change. [R] 57.6180

CLAASSEN, Ryan L. — Floating voters and floating activists: political change and information [in the US]. Political Research Quarterly 60(1), March 2007 : 124-134.

Many studies document positive relationships between political information and campaign participation, but none investigates the relationship between information and inter-election change in campaign participation. While studies of "floating voters" document negative relationships between information and floating, the author notes that activists are better informed than voters and investigates the relationship between knowledge and change in participation, comparing the process among voters and activists. The author shows low-information citizens enter and exit the electorate, while high-information citizens enter and exit the activist pool. The author concludes with an optimistic assessment of democratic change based on the theory that well-informed activists influence floating voters. [R] 57.6181

CLEARY, Matthew R. — Electoral competition, participation, and government responsiveness in Mexico. American Journal of Political Science 51(2), Apr. 2007 : 283-299.

I test two competing visions about how democracy produces responsive government. Electoral theories of democracy posit that elected governments are responsive to public demands because citizens are able to sanction bad politicians and select good ones. Participatory theories attribute responsiveness to a citizenry's ability to articulate demands and pressure government through a wider range of political action. I test hypotheses derived from these two approaches, using an original dataset that combines electoral, socioeconomic, and public-financial indicators for Mexico's 2,400 municipalities, from 1989 to 2000. The data show that electoral competition has no effect on municipal government performance. But the results are consistent with the hypothesis that nonelectoral participation causes improved performance. [R, abr.] 57.6182

CRUM, Ben — Party stances in the referendums on the EU Constitution: causes and consequences of competition and collusion. European Union Politics 8(1), March 2007 : 61-82.

This article examines political party behavior around the referendums on the EU Constitutional Treaty in 2005. Starting from the presumption that this behavior needs to be analyzed in the light of the domestic government-opposition dynamics, a set of hypotheses on the causes and consequences of party behavior in EU Treaty referendums is developed and reviewed for the EU member states in which a referendum was held or anticipated. As it turns out, with the exception of some rightconservative parties, all mainstream parties endorsed the Constitutional Treaty. However, because significant proportions of opposition party supporters are bound to go to the "No" side, government parties are eventually crucial in securing a majority in favor of EU Treaty revisions. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6344] 57.6183

DARGENT, Claude — Attitudes morales, attitudes économiques et orientation politique en Europe (Moral attitudes, economic attitudes and political orientation in Europe). Revue française de Sociologie 47(4), Oct.-Dec. 2006 : 785-816. [Résumé en français]

This article uses the 1999 European Values Survey to analyze how Europeans' moral and economic attitudes are organized, and what connections obtain between those attitudes and political orientation. For moral attitudes, we observe the existence of three scales, the first bearing on mores; the second on behavior, while the third is the basis for opinions expressed on types of fraud involving money. Economic opinions prove less strongly structured than moral attitudes and are often out of step with the kinds of analysis used in economics. Though the relations are not as strong, they are confirmed at the European level, despite the cultural heterogeneity of this continent. In France, while the link between economic attitudes and political orientation seems to have weakened [over] twenty years, it endures for positions on questions involving mores. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6159]

57.6184

DARMANOVIĆ, Srdjan — Montenegro: a miracle in the Balkans? Journal of Democracy 18(2), Apr. 2007 : 152-159.

Tiny Montenegro gained its independence in a referendum in May 2006. What forces lay behind its completely peaceful break from its much larger neighbor, Serbia? [R] 57.6185

DAUCÉ, Françoise — Les usages militants de la mémoire disidente en Russie post-soviétique (How activists use the memory of dissidence in post-Soviet Russia). Revue d'Études comparatives Est-Ouest 37(3), Sept. 2006 : 43-66. [Résumé en français]

Since the USSR'S collapse, human rights NGOs have been activating the past in order to justify their role in Russia. In a break with arbitrariness during the Soviet period, today's activists value collective action and are strongly attached to legality and civic involvement. Worried by both the dangers of ideology and the interpersonal tensions fueled by partisan politics, they have a strong mistrust for politics and electioneering. This ambiguous position — concern for public interests and reluctance to exercise power — has encountered its limits. Pushed along the margins of politics, human rights organizations are powerless in reacting to government orders. [R, abr.] 57.6186

DAVIDSON, Sinclair ; FRY, Tim R. L. ; JARVIS, Kelly — Direct democracy in Australia: voter behavior in the choice between constitutional monarchy and a republic. European Journal of Political Economy 22(4), Dec. 2006 : 862-873.

Opinion polls conducted throughout the 1990s indicated that most Australians favored a republic. A referendum making that constitutional change, however, was defeated. This paper investigates whether voters employ a loss-minimization rule, as opposed to a value-maximization rule, when making political decisions. Based on the predictions of each rule, political strategies are devised and compared to the official arguments employed by republicans and monarchists during the period preceding the vote. Empirical research relates voting outcomes at the individual voter level to influences that are likely to be correlated with political risk aversion. The results are consistent with the conclusion that voters do not employ value-maximization rules. [R] 57.6187

DE SIO, Lorenzo — For a few votes more: the Italian general elections of April 2006. South European Society and Politics 12(1), March 2007 : 95-109.

Despite polls predicting a bigger victory, the Italian general elections of 2006 saw an extremely narrow victory by the center-left coalition Unione, led by R. Prodi. Electoral predictions had been based on the decreased popularity of the incumbent Berlusconi government over the previous five years. But Berlusconi showed great determination during the last months before the elections. He was able to pass a new electoral law and to conduct a very aggressive, mobilizing campaign, which allowed him to almost completely recover the gap. The result was also determined by the virtual disappearance of third forces, compared with 2001. [R] 57.6188

DE VREESE, Claes ; TOBIASEN, Mette — Conflict and identity: explaining turnout and anti-integrationist voting in the Danish 2004 elections for the European Parliament. Scandinavian Political Studies 30(1), March 2007 : 87114.

This article investigates electoral participation and the antecedents of anti-integrationist voting (AIV) in the Danish 2004 EP elections. First, it focuses on the effects of the campaign and assesses the importance of social demographics and political predispositions vis-à-vis mediated and interpersonal communication on turnout. Second, it investigates AIV, focusing on "hard" utilitarian predictors and "soft" cultural predictors. It draws on the European Election Study (EES) post-electoral voter survey and a media content-analysis of the most important news media outlets. Its findings corroborate previous research on political participation and shows significant positive effects of interpersonal political discussion and exposure to news media that portrayed the European elections as a conflict-laden contest on turnout. [R, abr.] 57.6189

DeCANIO, Samuel — Religion and nineteenth-century voting behavior: a new look at some old [US] data. Journal of Politics 69(2), May 2007 : 339-350.

Recent studies of 19th c. voting behavior have focused on how economic variables influenced [US] elections during this period. Employing underutilized individual-level data from the 1870s, this paper argues that such studies overstate the influence of economic variables upon electoral behavior. Specifically, Democratic voters principally cast ballots on the basis of economic issues and divisions, while Republicans were primarily concerned with religious and cultural issues. These results suggest that the Democratic and Republican parties attracted voters on the basis of different policy dimensions, indicating that both ethnocultural and economic considerations affected both political parties, albeit in divergent ways. [R]

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57.6190

DELLA PORTA, Donatella ; CAIANI, Manuela — Talking Europe in the Italian public sphere. South European Society and Politics 12(1), March 2007 : 1-21.

Italy has been considered a Euro-enthusiastic country. On the basis of claims-analysis as well as semi-structured interviews with key political actors, this article presents a more nuanced image. Permissive consensus has in fact been eroded in Italy too: although support for the principle of European integration remains high, specific policy choices of EU institutions are criticized together with the perceived “democratic deficit”. In fact, the increasing competences at the EU level have contributed to a politicization of the debate on European integration, with different actors constructing different images of economic, social and political Europe. [R]

M. P. Fiorina [Divided Government, New York, 1992; "Divided government in the American states: a byproduct of legislative professionalism", American Political Science Review 88(2), June 1994: 304-316; Abstr. 44.4050] argued that increased professionalism of state legislatures in the 1970s and 1980s increased Democratic control of those bodies. While some subsequent empirical studies have been consistent with this hypothesis, doubt remains about the causal connection of this relationship. Our review of Fiorina's theoretical argument leads us to add legislative district size as a conditioning element to the model. Using data from [US] state legislatures in 1960-1998, we find that such a model supports the claim that the empirical connection between legislative professionalism and Democratic electoral success is causal and not spurious. [R] 57.6196

57.6191

DENEMARK, David ; WARD, Ian — Election campaigns and television news coverage: the case of the 2001 Australian election. Australian Journal of Political Science 42(1), March 2007 : 89-109.

This paper examines the patterns of television news coverage of the political parties, their leaders and the issues they raised during the 2001 Australian federal election campaign. By focusing on some issues, parties and leaders, television has long been argued to constrain voters' evaluations. We find that television news coverage in the 2001 Australian election campaign focused primarily on international issues, especially terrorism and asylum-seekers, and on the two major parties, virtually to the exclusion of coverage of the minor parties and their leaders. Within the major party "two-horse race", television gave substantially more coverage to the leaders than to the parties themselves, thereby sustaining what some have called a "presidential"-style political contest. J. Howard emerged as the winner in the leaders' stakes, garnering more coverage than Labor's K. Beazley. [R] 57.6192

DIAMANTI, Ilvo ; CECCARINI, Luigi — Catholics and [Italian] politics after the Christian Democrats: the influential minority. Journal of Modern Italian Studies 12(1), March 2007 : 37-59.

Since the early 1990s, with the demise of the First Republic and the end of the Christian Democratic party experience, the relationship between politics, church and practicing Catholic voters has deeply changed. The Church has transferred its political representation “from the party to the pulpit”. It has become a sort of lobby, which has followed a neutrality strategy from the parties and from political alignments. More recently, the Church and the Catholic voters seem to have shifted toward the centerright stance, in particular with respect to ethical issues. This article addresses the transformation in the relations between church, society and politics in Italy, focusing on the last decade. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on "The Church and Catholicism in contemporary Italy", introduced by Franco GARELLI, pp. 2-7. See also Abstr. 57.6022, 6284] 57.6193

DOBRATZ, Betty A. ; SHANKS-MEILE, Stéphanie L. — The strategy of white separatism [in the US]. Journal of Political and Military Sociology 34(1), Summer 2006 : 49-79.

The various labels of a movement we call white separatist include organized racism, white power, white supremacist, neo-Nazi, white nationalist and white racialist movement. In this article we examine the issue related to naming and defining the white separatist movement. There are numerous implications for doing research on highly stigmatized groups, especially when the researchers strive to be relatively objective, conduct face-to-face interviewing and attend their events. Naming a particular movement is especially problematic when social scientists and organizations outside the movement challenge the labels of movement members themselves and there is also disagreement within the movement regarding appropriate labels. We explore a selected few of the myriad issues related to defining and explaining this movement. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6153] 57.6194

DODDS, Klaus — Steve Bell's eye: cartoons, geopolitics and the visualization of the [US] "War on Terror". Security Dialogue 38(2), June 2007 : 157-177.

This article explores the geopolitical representations of British cartoonist S. Bell. The G.W. Bush administration's "War on Terror" provides a political and visual backdrop to a detailed analysis of a number of Bell's editorial cartoons in the British newspaper The Guardian, as well as an interview conducted with the artist. As with cartoonists in the past, Bell's work seeks to provide a contemporary view of events in a manner that calls into question dominant practices and representations, such as the USA's "War on Terror". This article contributes to the necessary debate on how visual images and technologies are put to work for the purpose of making sense of the geopolitical world around us. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5682] 57.6195

DOMETRIUS, Nelson C. ; OZYMY, Joshua — Legislative professionalism and Democratic success [in the US]: the conditioning effect of district size. State Politics and Policy Quarterly 6(1), Spring 2006 : 73-87.

DÖPKE, Jörg ; PIERDZIOCH, Christian — Politics and the stock market: evidence from Germany. European Journal of Political Economy 22(4), Dec. 2006 : 925-943.

We analyze the interaction of stock market movements and politics in Germany. Evidence from popularity functions and VAR-based evidence suggests that stock market returns have affected the popularity of German governments. We only find weak evidence that the political process has had an impact on the stock market. In contrast to empirical evidence for the US, we do not find that German stock market returns tend to be higher during left-wing than during right-wing governments. Also in contrast to results for the US, we find no evidence for an election cycle in German stock market returns. [R] 57.6197

DORY, Daniel — Polarisation politique et fractures territoriales en Bolivie (Political polarization and territorial fractures in Bolivia). Hérodote 123, 2006 : 82-87. [Résumé en français]

In order to understand fully the political and geopolitical situation of contemporary Bolivia, after E. Morales’ victory in the presidential election of December 2005, it is essential to go back to the municipal elections of December 2004, which revealed the main features of a territorial fracture. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6826] 57.6198

DOYLE, Orla ; FIDRMUC, Jan — Who favors enlargement? Determinants of support for EU membership in the candidate countries' referenda. European Journal of Political Economy 22(2), June 2006 : 520-543.

This paper investigates macro and micro determinants of support for EU membership in the new member and candidate countries of the EU. We find that favorable individual and regional characteristics are positively correlated with support for accession and voter participation. In contrast, those who should benefit from future EU transfers are less likely to participate and/or support EU membership. It appears that voters in the new member states assign greater weight on future benefits from liberalization and integration than on potential gains through redistribution. This pattern is similar to the support for market-oriented reforms, suggesting that voters may see EU membership as the ultimate step in the transition from communism to democracy and a market economy. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5972] 57.6199

DRAKE, Paul W. — El movimiento obrero en Chile : de la Unidad Popular a la Concertación (The Chilean labor movement: from the Unidad Popular to the Concertación). Revista de Ciencia política 23(2), 2003 : 148-158.

This article offers a history of the weakening of the labor movement in Chile during the last thirty years, in its economic role, its institutional position, and its political power. It examines the movement's trajectory before, during, and after the military government of Augusto Pinochet. [The author] analyzes its current difficulties in comparison with the situation in many other countries. The question is whether the military coup of 1973 was needed in order to create the negative condition of trade unionism today. The conclusion is that the evolution of the economy is the most important factor that explains the existing problems of unions, and therefore the future of the workers' movement does not appear auspicious. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5990] 57.6200

DUNPHY, Richard ; BALE, Tim — Red flag still flying? Explaining AKEL — Cyprus's communist anomaly. Party Politics 13(3), May 2007 : 287-304.

Few of Europe's communist parties, west or east, have found it easy to adapt to the collapse of “actually existing socialism”. This is especially true of those that have not played down their past. This article looks at one exception, the Cypriot party, AKEL, which has managed to modernize policy, improve its electoral position, and play an important role in government at the same time as maintaining its communist subculture and symbols. It demonstrates, in keeping with A. Panebianco's “genetic” approach, how the party's origins and development, as well as leadership skill and the special circumstances of a small, divided island, have contributed to the organizational and ideological flexibility that help explain its relative success. It asks whether this success can continue in the long term. [R, abr.]

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Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections 57.6201

DURAND PONTE, Víctor Manuel — Los determinantes y consecuencias de la desconfianza en México (Determinants and consequences of distrust in Mexico). International Review of Sociology 16(3), Nov. 2006 : 637-663.

This paper analyzes the relationship between interpersonal trust and the trust in various institutions as well as its involvement with sociodemographic and political culture-related variables and its connection with associativism. National surveys (1993 and 2000) show that there is independence between interpersonal trust and the trust in institutions, because they are built by different processes. There is also a slight relationship between socio-demographic variables and political values or ideology. Interpersonal trust is linked with active participation in associations, which may point out that it is associated to specific forms of social organization. On the other hand, trust in institutions seems to respond more to the behavior of the political system, its performance, and how it is evaluated. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5781] 57.6202

EASAW, Joshy Z. ; GARRATT, Dean — General elections and government expenditure cycles: theory and evidence from the UK. European Journal of Political Economy 22(2), June 2006 : 292-306.

This paper presents a testable theoretical framework that extends the standard demand-side approach to modeling government expenditure on goods and services. The focus is on the adjustment of expenditure to disequilibria: we investigate whether the adjustment of UK exhaustive government expenditure between 1966 and 2002 to its long-run equilibrium path is symmetric. The evidence points to asymmetric adjustment to the demands of a representative voter over the election cycle but not between Labour and Conservative governments. Convergence to equilibrium is faster during the later stages of each election cycle. [R] 57.6203

EDLUND, Jonas — Trust in the capability of the welfare state and general welfare state support: Sweden 19972002. Acta sociologica 49(4), Dec. 2006 : 395-417.

A central component of institutional trust is related to perceptions of state capacity. Claims have been made that if citizens' experiences with the state tell them that the government is efficacious, fair and trustworthy, then the odds for supporting publicly financed welfare policies are higher compared to a situation when their experiences with government feed feelings of inefficiency, corruption, unfairness and arbitrary discretion. The general question guiding the empirical analysis is the following: Is distrust in institutional capability an important prerequisite for general welfare state support withdrawal? Relying on Swedish nationally representative survey data, this issue is examined using Latent Class Analysis (LCA). [R, abr.] 57.6204

ELDER, Laurel ; GREENE, Steven — The children gap on social welfare and the politicization of American parents, 1984-2000. Politics and Gender 2(4), Dec. 2006 : 451-472.

We use National Election Studies data from 1984 to 2000 to explore the impact of children on social welfare policy attitudes, with special focus on how children influence the sexes differently. Our findings show that having children does have a significant effect and affects the views of men and women differently. Women with children were significantly more liberal on social welfare issues than those without, whereas children had either no effect or possibly a conservative impact on the views of men. Moreover, the impact of parenthood grows stronger across the 1990s. We argue that two factors lie behind the increased and gendered impact of parenthood: the changing nature of the American family, particularly the role of mothers, and the politicization of the American family. [R, abr.] 57.6205

ERICKSON, Christian W. — Counter-terror culture [in the US]: ambiguity, subversion, or legitimization? Security Dialogue 38(2), June 2007 : 197-214.

This article examines themes of terrorism and counter-terrorism in US popular culture, focusing on eight cinematic or televisual works from the pre- and post-9/11 [2001] environment. Each of these works explores the dilemmas posed by terrorism, counter-terrorist mobilization, and occupation and resistance in fictional spaces. Three of the works — 24, The Agency, and The Grid — are narratives that attempt to simulate the activities of counter-terrorist operations in, respectively, a wholly fictional Counter-Terrorist Unit; the CIA; and ad hoc intelligence and tactical groups combing CIA, FBI, NSC, and MI5 agents. The other five works are more removed from an explicit attempt to mimic “reality”. In all of these works, the dangers to human rights posed by both overt and covert security operations lie at the core of their narrative structures. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5682] 57.6206

EVANS, Geoffrey ; ROSE, Pauline — Support for democracy in Malawi: does schooling matter? World Development 35(5), May 2007 : 904-919.

Education is assumed to be an important influence on citizens' understanding and endorsement of democracy, but whether this occurs in newly democratic societies with relatively low levels of educational provision is less clear. This paper explores the effect of education on

understandings of and support for democratic government in Malawi, paying particular attention to the consequences of primary schooling, which remains the modal experience of Malawian voters. Analysis of a national survey indicates that primary schooling promotes citizen endorsement of democracy and rejection of non-democratic alternatives even when it has taken place under authoritarian rule, without explicit civic education. [R] 57.6207

FILIPPOVA, Olga — Anti-Orange discourses in Ukraine's internet: before the Orange split. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 23(1), March 2007 : 138-151.

A feature of modern political life is the use of the internet, a factor that emerged in Ukraine's "Orange Revolution". Traditional studies of structurally organized political actors — institutionalized opposition — underestimate the important role of grass-roots components of political debate, in which the internet has become a medium in which individuals have gained a public voice; its contents can be analyzed as a significant supplement to official public sources of information, giving a wider perspective from the grass-roots domain. This is especially important in view of the gap between Ukrainian institutionalized opposition (which demonstrates a “situated” solidarity) and grass-roots groups (which exhibit a readiness for public dialogue). [R] [See Abstr. 57.6714] 57.6208

FLICKINGER, Richard S. ; STUDLAR, Donley T. — One Europe, many electorates? Models of turnout in European parliament elections after 2004. Comparative Political Studies 40(4), Apr. 2007 : 383-404.

The 2004 EP elections were marked by continued decline in voterturnout and wide variation in turnout levels among the member states. The addition of 10 new members for the 2004 election results presents a unique opportunity to test established explanations of turnout in EP elections. The authors re-examine models developed from general participation studies and applied in earlier research on turnout in EP elections. The updated and revised analysis continues to point to the importance of both national and EU-level influences in explaining EP election turnout. Thus, although the second-order model of European elections still holds considerable appeal, the increasing divergence of turnout patterns in 2004 and through time suggests that European issues may be important in some countries. [R] 57.6209

FLORIDIA, Antonio — Le elezioni comunali in Toscana dal 1993 al 2004. Gli effetti delle nuove regole, i partiti, le coalizioni, i "nuovi" sindaci (Municipal elections in Tuscany [Italy], 1993 to 2004. The impact of new rules, parties, coalitions: the "new" mayors). Quaderni dell’Osservatorio elettorale 54, Dec. 2005 : 5-91.

The 1993 law reforming municipal elections has been an example of successful institutional engineering. After three elections, it is possible to assess its impact on Tuscan local politics, e.g. electoral participation and the direct election of mayors. 57.6210

FRINDTE, Wolfgang ; PREISER, Siegfried — Präventionsansätze gegen Rechtsextremismus (Prevention actions against right-wing extremism). Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 11, 12 mars 2007 : 32-38.

L’extrémisme de droite n’est plus un phénomène marginal. Des mesures préventives s’imposent d’urgence. Malgré de nombreux projets très impressionnants, le bilan est maigre à l’échelon fédéral en Allemagne. Il faut poursuivre l’effort, mais aussi en améliorer la qualité. [R, trad.] [Cf. Abstr. 57.5724] 57.6211

FRYE, Timothy — Ownership, voting, and job creation in Russia. European Journal of Political Economy 22(2), June 2006 : 452-471.

Job-creation has had important economic and political consequences for countries in transition. Evidence from a survey of 500 firms in Russia finds that new private firms are more likely to increase employment, while worker-owned and worker-managed firms are less likely to create jobs. In addition, firm managers who expand employment appear to be a constituency for market-oriented parties. Managers whose firms added workers were significantly more likely to vote for market-oriented parties in parliamentary elections in Russia in 1999. This result suggests a micro-level link between enterprise restructuring and support for liberal parties at the ballot box. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5972] 57.6212

GABEL, Matthew ; SCHEVE, Kenneth — Mixed messages: party dissent and mass opinion on European integration. European Union Politics 8(1), March 2007 : 37-59.

Mass opposition to Europe may stem from mainstream as well as formally Euroskeptic parties. Large parties in the member states of the EU tend to combine support for Europe with a high level of intra-party dissent over the issue. Thus, these parties provide heterogeneous yet potentially influential signals about European integration to their supporters. We examine the effect of intra-party dissent on the opinion of party

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supporters. Our estimation of this relationship explicitly addresses the issues of endogeneity, omitted variables, and measurement problems endemic to the empirical study of elite effects on mass opinion. Specifically, we use variation in the centralization of candidate-selection rules as an instrumental variable for intra-party dissent. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6344] 57.6213

GABRIEL, Oscar W. ; VÖLKL, Kerstin — Die badenwürttembergische Landtagswahl vom 26. März 2006: Schwarzes Land mit bunten Tupfern (The 26 March 2006 election of the Baden-Württemberg [Germany] diet: a "black" country with colorful spots). Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 38(1), 2007 : 16-33.

The regional election in 2006 in Baden-Württemberg did not bring about great surprises. The CDU nearly reached an absolute majority of seats while the SPD suffered severe losses compared to the last election (2001). The two small parties, the Greens and the FDP, achieved good results. Although the process was not free of conflicts, the renewal was welcomed by the larger part of the electorate. The election campaign was perceived as relatively tedious. Among other things, this was due to the formation of a grand coalition government by the CDU and SPD in Berlin which contributed to a lack of major controversies about federal issues. The success of the federal governmental coalition was mainly the result of long-standing party loyalties and the positive assessment of its performance by the electorate. [R, abr.] 57.6214

GANG Guo — Organizational involvement and political participation in China. Comparative Political Studies 40(4), Apr. 2007 : 457-482.

This article explores the impact of organizational involvement on political participation in mainland China. The formal organizations in China today differ in the nature of organization and membership, which lead to different effect on political participation. In contrast with the Communist Party and the "mass organizations", the re-emerging civic associations have more voluntary and active members. Although providing similar benefits of vertical connections to official access and information as other formal organizations, they uniquely transcend the boundaries of the administrative or work units to bring together people with dissimilar background. Analysis of nation-wide survey data shows that involvement in the Party or mass organizations provides some advantages in participation through official channels, while the constraining effect on unconventional activities did not materialize. Involvement in civic associations significantly facilitates all types of political participation. [R]

A study of the attitudes and orientations of individuals who do not identify with political parties or coalitions was organized around a set of hypotheses derived from social identity theory and previous research on generalized political attitudes. Participants were university students in Santiago (N=1460), who answered a self-administered questionnaire. Results confirmed that those who are politically uncommitted tend not to identify with other collective referents, e.g. the nation or religion. Their political attitudes are also distinctive: by comparison with individuals who identify with political parties or coalitions: their political cynicism is higher and their sense of political efficacy is lower. The political tolerance and authoritarianism of the group was significantly different from the levels exhibited by participants identified with right-wing parties and coalitions. Their support for democracy was intermediate as between left-wing and right-wing ones. In general, this group exhibits a clear retraction from the basic referents of social identity and social integration. The paper recommends longitudinal studies which can help establishing and characterizing the identity transitions that lead to political disaffection in Chilean politics. [R, abr.] 57.6219

GORDON, Sanford C. ; HAFER, Catherine — Corporate influence [in the US] and the regulatory mandate. Journal of Politics 69(2), May 2007 : 300-319.

Industries face collective action and commitment problems when attempting to influence [the US] Congress. At the same time, an individual firm's political investments can yield reduced bureaucratic scrutiny by indicating that firm's willingness to contest agency decisions. We develop a model in which the desirability of maintaining a political footprint for this reason enables individual firms to commit to rewarding elected officials who maintain laws benefiting an entire industry. Our "dual forbearance" model anticipates that corporate political investments will be larger on average when statutes are stringent and that even pro-industry legislative coalitions will benefit politically from the existence of a minimal regulatory state. [R] 57.6220

GOTHE, Heiko — Die rheinland-pfälzische Landtagswahl vom 26. März 2006: "König Kurt" erringt die absolute Mehrheit (The 26 March 2006 election to the RhinelandPalatinate [Germany] diet: "King Kurt" wins an absolute majority). Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 38(1), 2007 : 3451.

For the first time in Apulia, a cadidate to the office of regional president was selected through a primary election by the membership of a coalition of the Center-Left parties, and was then elected.

Due to the lack of confrontation between the CDU and the SPD (both participating in the federal government), the election campaign focused on aspects of federal state politics rather than on big emotional issues typical of other campaigns. The image of [SPD] Prime Minister Kurt Beck as a down-to-earth popular sovereign made it difficult for his Christian Democratic challenger to develop a public profile. Additionally, the Social Democrats had established a good position regarding their program and contents. The outcome of the election can be seen as one of historic dimensions: with Beck, the SPD has achieved an absolute majority of seats in the state, while the CDU had to accept its defeat in its history in that Land. The Social Democrats' absolute majority is however based on only one fourth of the overall electorate. [R, abr.]

57.6216

57.6221

57.6215

GIAFFREDA, Marco — Analisi di un risultato inatteso : le elezioni regionali del 2005 in Puglia (An analysis of an unexpected outcome: the 2005 Apulian regional elections [Italy]. Quaderni dell’Osservatorio elettorale 56, Dec. 2006 : 5-37.

GIGLIOTTI, Alessandro — Le elezioni politiche del 2001 e la questione dei seggi vacanti (The 2001 [Italian] parliamentary elections and the problem of vacant seats). Quaderni dell’Osservatorio elettorale 54, Dec. 2005 : 93-127.

After the May 2001 elections, some seats in the Chamber of Deputies remained vacant because of the insufficient number of Forza Italia candidates. The problem has been solved by the 2005 law, adopted during the last year of the legislature elected in 2001. 57.6217

GIMPEL, James G. ; DYCK, Joshua J. ; SHAW, Daron R. — Election-year stimuli and the timing of [US] voter registration. Party Politics 13(3), May 2007 : 351-374.

Despite less stringent requirements and more convenient access, 24 percent of the age-eligible US population remained unregistered in 2000. While this proportion dropped in 2004, a large share of registrants still failed to cast ballots in the Bush-Kerry contest. With the outcome of national elections hinging on a percentage point or two in recent years, attention has once again been focused on registration and mobilization activity. But while we know a great deal about turnout, there is little systematic knowledge about how election-related stimuli may influence voter registration. We examine the registration dates and official turnout records for individuals from counties in six states for the 2000 election. We find that a surprising number of voters register in the year of the election, and that key dates and campaign events frequently coincide with surges in registration. [R, abr.] 57.6218

GONZÁLEZ, Roberto, et al. — Identidad y actitudes políticas en jóvenes universitarios : el desencanto de los que no se identifican políticamente (Identity and political attitudes of young [Chilean] university students: the disaffection of the politically uncommitted). Revista de Ciencia política 25(2), 2005 : 65-90.

GUILLEMOLES, Alain — Le populisme se lève à l'est (Populism on the rise in the East). Politique internationale 114, Winter 2006-2007 : 329-342.

Eastern Europe [has witnessed] in recent years, mainly in the new EU members, the rise of populist and far-right groups with an anti-European slant, and an openly xenophobic discourse. Some of these groups have even taken on sufficient weight on the political stage to destabilize the party in power — or are even invited to join the government! The underlying reason is the upheavals that these countries have experienced since the fall of the communist bloc. The least educated classes, who have the most difficulty adapting to the new situation, have proven especially susceptible to populist arguments. It is up to the political elite to develop a project that can mobilize the population — a task that is proving more difficult than that of guiding their country towards EU membership. [R] 57.6222

HAN, Hahrie ; BRADY, David W. — A delayed return to historical norms: congressional party polarization after the second World War. British Journal of Political Science 37(3), July 2007 : 505-531.

Although a rich body of research has explored the sources of party polarization in the US House of Representatives, it has focused primarily on the House since the late 1970s. Drawing on a dataset of historical election outcomes, legislative voting and survey data, this article takes an alternative approach that examines both the US Senate and the House in their broader historical contexts. It is argued that the unusually bipartisan era of the 1950s created a set of circumstances that enabled congressional parties to remain relatively unpolarized throughout the 1960s and early 1970s. Although the national parties became more ideologically distinct in the mid-1960s, congressional parties lagged behind. As a result, a group of moderate legislators emerged who were cross-pressured between their national parties and their constituencies.

638

Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections Only when natural patterns of electoral loss and retirement replaced these legislators did congressional party polarization re-emerge. [R] 57.6223

HAN Young-Hae — An analysis of the discourse on the citizens’ movement in [South] Korea: a comparison to the Japanese case. Korea Journal 46(2), Summer 2006 : 35-67.

Although Korea and Japan use the term "citizens' movement", the discourses on it were totally different from each other due to different historical contexts. The discourse focused on class issues with respect to the minjung movement in Korea, [while] the discourse in Japan concerned itself with new subjects of the social movement associated with Japanese modernization. While there was almost no discourse on a theory of a organization in Korea, a discourse on the organization of citizens' movement, related to the characteristics of Japanese modernization, was elaborated from the beginning in Japan. A comparative analysis reveals particular features of the movement itself and raises theoretical questions in thinking about the movement in Korea. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6333] 57.6224

HARDIN, Russell — Ignorant democracy [in the US]. Critical Review 18(1-3), 2006 : 179-195.

The paradox of mass voting is not matched by a paradoxical mass attempt to be politically well informed. As Ph. Converse underscored, most people are grossly politically ignorant, just as they would be if, as rational-ignorance theory holds, they realized that their votes do not matter. Yet many millions of them do vote. This contradiction, and the illogical reasons people offer for voting, suggest that the logic of collective action does not come naturally to people. Even if their ignorance is not based on a grasp of the collective-action problem, however, people's political ignorance is "rational": but it is less a matter of calculating the low benefit likely to flow from one vote in a sea of millions, than of encountering the much higher cost of being well informed as compared to voting. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5708] 57.6225

HAYS, R. Allen ; KOGL, Alexandra M. — Neighborhood attachment, social capital building, and political participation: a case study of low- and moderate-income residents of Waterloo, Iowa [USA]. Journal of Urban Affairs 29(2), 2007 : 181-205.

This case study examines the importance of neighborhood identity and engagement in place-based social networks within the neighborhood in fostering and stimulating neighborhood-based participation in the urban political process. Scholars have argued that there is a strong link between the informal ties known as "social capital" and citizen engagement in the larger community. If this linkage can be shown to exist in the neighborhood setting, then it can provide guidance to both scholars and practitioners in utilizing informal, place-based networks to empower disadvantaged neighborhoods. Evidence presented in this essay, based on interviews in the small industrial city of Waterloo, Iowa [US], suggests that strong informal networks of social capital exist within neighborhoods, but that persons who are more strongly engaged in these networks are not necessarily more involved in the efforts of formal neighborhood associations. [R, abr.] 57.6226

HELLWIG, Timothy — Globalization and perceptions of policy maker competence: evidence from France. Political Research Quarterly 60(1), March 2007 : 146-158.

Despite considerable attention to connections between globalization and policy efficacy, no research explores connections between the world economy and confidence in politicians. This article makes three novel arguments: (1) by constraining administrative control over policy outcomes, economic globalization reduces levels of public confidence in national executives; (2) by signaling a more complex policy-making environment, exposure to world markets increases the volatility of policymaker evaluations; (3) economic openness affects public preferences over policy by shifting policy demands — away from domains constrained by market liberalization and toward areas where national autonomy remains strong. Time-series analyses of public opinion data from France support research expectations. This article finds that the political consequences of engaging the global economy are more numerous than previously implied. [R, abr.] 57.6227

HERRNSON, Paul S. ; STOKES-BROWN, Atiya Kai ; HINDMAN, Matthew — Campaign politics and the digital divide: constituency characteristics, strategic considerations, and candidate internet use in [US] state legislative elections. Political Research Quarterly 60(1), March 2007 : 31-42.

The internet has created a digital and a political divide. Just as the elderly, those less well educated, and some minorities are less likely to use the internet than other Americans, candidates for lower-level offices are less likely to use it than presidential and congressional candidates. Beyond this, little is known about candidates' internet use. Using data describing state legislative candidates' characteristics, campaigns, and districts, the authors find that candidates who have younger and better-

educated constituents do more campaigning online. The number of years a candidate has spent in electoral politics also is relevant. The strategic and structural circumstances of the race have a major impact on candidates' internet use. [R] 57.6228

HICKEN, Allen — Party fabrication [in Thailand]: constitutional reform and the rise of Thai Rak Thai. Journal of East Asian Studies 6(3), 2006 : 381-407.

Among the most interesting questions in Thai politics today is how to account for the rise and (until recently) the success of Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai party. This article describes and analyzes some of the factors that contributed to the rise and success of Thaksin and Thai Rak Thai, arguing that neither Thaksin's personal assets nor the effects of the crisis are enough to explain Thai Rak Thai's rise and success. It focuses instead on the 1997 changes to Thailand's constitution. These institutional reforms were crucial because they altered Thailand's political-institutional landscape in fundamental ways. The reforms provided new opportunities and incentives for political actors that Thaksin and his party adeptly took advantage of. The argument presented is that the key reforms that helped pave the way for the rise of Thaksin and Thai Rak Thai were those reforms that helped reduce the number of political parties and that increased the power of the prime minister relative to coalition partners and intraparty factions. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6297] 57.6229

HICKEN, Allen — Stuck in the mud: parties and party systems in democratic Southeast Asia. Taiwan Journal of Democracy 2(2), Dec. 2006 : 23-46.

In the eyes of many people, political parties, the hallmark of modern democratic government, have become the biggest obstacles to democratic consolidation and good governance in much of democratic Southeast Asia. This article analyzes some of the characteristics of the parties and party systems in this area of the world. I first review the role that parties and party systems play in developing democracies and then evaluate the party systems in Thailand, Indonesia, and the Philippines in light of these roles. I focus on the extent to which the party systems in these countries are (or are not) institutionalization and demonstrate that all three party systems are weakly institutionalized. [R] 57.6230

HIX, Simon — Euroscepticism as anti-centralization: a rational choice institutionalist perspective. European Union Politics 8(1), March 2007 : 131-150.

From a rational choice institutionalist perspective, Euroskepticism is little more than a set of preferences by citizens, parties and interest groups about institutional design in Europe. If actors' expect policy outcomes to move closer to their ideal positions as a result of European integration, they will be Euro-enthusiastic (as many centrists are). But, if they feel that policies will move further away from their ideal positions, they will be Euroskeptic (as many extremists are). This simple idea has broad historical and geographical relevance, relating to how actors view the design of multilevel polities, and how these institutional preferences change in response to policy outcomes of the central institutions. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6344] 57.6231

HIX, Simon ; MARSH, Michael — Punishment or protest? Understanding European Parliament elections. Journal of Politics 69(2), May 2007 : 495-510.

[In] EP elections, do voters primarily use these elections to punish their national governments or to express their views on European issues? We [examine] all European elections (1979-2004) in all 25 EU states. We find that almost 40% of the volatility in party vote-shares in European elections compared to national elections is explained by the transfer of votes from large and governing parties to small and opposition parties. Nevertheless, anti-EU parties and green parties on average do better in European elections than in national elections. But these "European effects" are minor, and the position a party takes on Europe is largely irrelevant to its performance. Hence, despite the growing powers of the EP, neither positions on matters regarding European integration, nor on matters regarding "normal" left-right policy, have much of an effect on electoral outcomes. [R, abr.] 57.6232

HOBOLT, Sara Binzer — Taking cues on Europe? Voter competence and party endorsements in referendums on European integration. European Journal of Political Research 46(2), March 2007 : 151-182.

This article proposes a theoretical framework for evaluating competence in EU referendums. It suggests that competent voting in EU referendums is based on issue-specific preferences and requires political information. Since most voters have little detailed knowledge of European integration, they rely on heuristics and cues when deciding how to vote. The important question is how much and which type of information voters require to make competent choices. This article examines whether and under what conditions the use of party endorsements as information cues can enhance competent voting in EU referendums. These theoretical questions are examined in an analysis of the 1994 Norwegian referendum on EU membership. [R, abr.]

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57.6233

HOLTMANN, Everhard — Die sachsen-anhaltische Landtagswahl vom 26. März 2006: Magdeburg übernimmt das Berliner Format des "halben Machtwechsels" (The 26 March 2006 election to the Saxony-Anhalt [Germany] diet: Magdeburg follows the Berlin format of a "half change of power"). Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 38(1), 2007 : 51-67.

Despite promising poll data, the SPD was not able to improve substantially in Saxony-Anhalt its disastrous result of the 2002 regional election. Once again the CDU came ahead in votes. Its coalition partner FDP, however, lost half of its votes and could not gain enough seats to continue the former coalition. The Party of the Left (PDS) remained second. The Greens and the Extreme Right DVU did not manage to overcome the five percent barrier. Federal and regional motivations intensified mutually to the disadvantage of the SPD. Even the rather good reputation of the SPD challenger to the CDU Prime Minister Wolfgang Bohmer could not compensate the lack of confidence in the SPD's competence. In the end, the CDU and the SPD formed a grand coalition. [R] 57.6234

HRYCAK, Alexandra — Gender and the [Ukrainian] Orange Revolution. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 23(1), March 2007 : 152-179.

A gendered perspective on politics is used for explaining why Ukraine's Orange Revolution has so far not led to a dramatic increase in the political influence of civic associations or to a broader democratization of power relations within the political system. Women entered the postcommunist political system in a marginal position. They were also never able to develop political bargaining power in the authoritarian political system that emerged after Ukraine's independence. The prospect of integration into the EU has increased the salience of gender inequality, because states that seek to join the EU must enact extensive equal opportunity legislation. But elite divisions about Ukraine's geopolitical orientation reduce the likelihood that gender equality measures that have been introduced will be implemented successfully. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6714] 57.6235

HUANG, David W. F. — Did the 2004 "peace referendum" contribute to the consolidation of Taiwan's democracy? Taiwan Journal of Democracy 2(2), Dec. 2006 : 143-176.

The first nation-wide referendum in Taiwan, in 20 March 2004, was much disputed regarding its legality and constitutionality. It was also considered by its opponents to be merely a campaign plot designed by the incumbent, President Chen Shui-bian, to ensure his reelection. On balance, the 2004 "peace referendum" contributed to the consolidation of Taiwan's democracy by institutionalizing uncertainties associated with attitudinal, institutional, and identity aspects of the democratic polity. As results of the controversial nature of the 2004 peace referendum and the demobilization of voters by opposition parties, the two referendum proposals were rejected. Taiwan's president was able to use the 2004 referendum to establish a viable campaign agenda against his electoral opponents. [R, abr.] 57.6236

HUG, Simon ; SCHULZ, Tobias — Left-right positions of political parties in Switzerland. Party Politics 13(3), May 2007 : 305-330.

As theoretical models of policy processes have become more ambitious, scholars have been relying more and more frequently on the policy positions of the relevant actors. This article offers estimates of policy positions for the Swiss political parties using various methods, to assess changes over time of these positions. On comparing the estimates obtained by the various methods, we offer insights on which estimates are preferable and in what contexts. Given the particular characteristics of the Swiss political system, we also assess the degree to which the Swiss federal parties are unified. [R, abr.] 57.6237

HWANG Ah-Ran — Voters and parties in local [South Korean] elections: 1995-2006. Korea Journal 46(4), Winter 2006 : 33-61.

The revival of local autonomy in the wake of democratization signaled a potentially successful decentralized democracy in Korea. However, in reality, almost half of all eligible voters have not voted in local elections, indicating a lack of interest in local politics, and this has often been cited as evidence of an ongoing crisis in grass-roots democracy. It is also constantly pointed out that political parties at the national level have been deeply involved in the local electoral process, and thus national politics have often overshadowed local elections. This routine has raised concerns regarding the health of local politics. This paper explains the characteristics of local Korean politics from 1995 to 2006, focusing on voter-participation and party involvements in local elections, [and] analyzes the electoral cleavages in voter-turnout as well as party support. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6123] 57.6238

INFANTE, José María — Elecciones en México : restricciones, fraudes y conflictos (Mexican elections: restric-

tions, fraud, and conflicts). Confines de Relaciones internacionales y Ciencia política 1(2), Aug.-Dec. 2005 : 65-76. The development of electoral processes in modern democracies has a long history that slowly lifted restrictive conditions. The development has not been without conflicts and many obstacles have had to be overcome to establish confidence in voting. In the case of Mexico, electoral transformation experienced many difficulties, and because of the strong presence of the state machinery elections were unreliable until the end of the 20th c. Despite advances, there are still many problems with the electoral process. The article provides a summary of the principal electoral issues in the past decade in an attempt to unravel the causes. [R] 57.6239

IRVINE, Jill — From civil society to civil servants: women's organizations and critical elections in Croatia. Politics and Gender 3(1), March 2007 : 7-32.

This work examines the role of women's organizations in the 2000 elections in Croatia in an effort to understand when and how they play a significant role in promoting democracy and, in particular, the election of female candidates. Croatia offers a crucial case for the study of gender and democratization because it challenges two significant generalizations from the comparative literature on postcommunist transitions: (1) that women's organizations have been more likely to succeed in postcommunist countries where democracy has proceeded the furthest and, in particular, where ethno-nationalist conflict and ideologies are least salient; and (2) that widespread opposition to gender quotas in postcommunist countries prevented their use as a tool for promoting women's equality. [R, abr.] 57.6240

JACOBSEN, Michael Hviid — Nekrolog for det ny højre? Opkomst, konsolidering, kollaps, genkomst (Obituary for the New Right? Emergence, consolidation, collapse and revival). Grus 73, 2004 : 89-112.

In this article, the contours of The New Right are presented from a sociological perspective through its different developmental stages in the Western world — upcoming, consolidation, decomposition and revival — as a general description of the trajectory of modern political movements. Moreover, the reasons for the decomposition are described in the form of an analysis of the internal ideological inconsistencies in The New Right. The article ends with a diagnosis of the social consequences of the reign of The New Right and the devastating social conditions that may follow from a continued either electoral success of the representatives of New Right politics or a continued imitation of the New Right agenda on behalf of the Left. [R, abr.] 57.6241

JAGERS, Jan ; WALGRAVE, Stefaan — Populism as political communication style: an empirical study of political parties' discourse in Belgium. European Journal of Political Research 46(3), May 2007 : 319-345.

Within the broad discussion about populism and its relationship with extreme-right, this article is confined to three topics: a conceptual, an epistemological and an empirical issue. (1) Populism is defined primarily as a specific political communication style, [which] essentially displays proximity of the people, while at the same time takes an antiestablishment stance and stresses the (ideal) homogeneity of the people by excluding specific population segments. (2) Defining populism as a style enables one to turn it into a useful concept. (3) Drawing on an operational definition of populism, a comparative discourse analysis of the political party broadcasts of the Belgian parties is carried out. In terms of the degree and the kinds of populism embraced by the six political parties under scrutiny, the extreme-right party Vlaams Blok behaves very differently from the other Belgian parties. [R, abr.] 57.6242

JANMAAT, Jan Germen — Civic culture in Western and Eastern Europe. Archives européennes de Sociologie 57(3), 2006 : 363-393.

This paper explores the internal consistency and durability of civic culture using data of international surveys. It discusses three perspectives on the strength and durability of civic attitudes in post-communist and western societies (the historical roots, the legacy of communism, and the post-communist transition perspectives), and explores to what extent the pattern of civic attitudes in the two regions matches the predicted outcomes of these perspectives. The attitudes associated with civic culture do not appear to form a coherent syndrome, neither at the individual nor at the societal level. The findings further lend only marginal support for the historical perspective, which accords a high degree of persistence to civic culture. Civic culture therefore does not appear to be the monolithic and durable phenomenon that some cultural theorists claim it is. [A] 57.6243

JOLLY, Seth Kincaid — The Europhile fringe? Regionalist party support for European integration. European Union Politics 8(1), March 2007 : 109-130.

The relationship between European integration and regionalist parties is still a largely unexplored area of research. I evaluate whether regionalist parties perceive the EU as an ally or an enemy. Using expert surveys, I assess the views of regionalist parties on European integration and find

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Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections that regionalist political parties are consistently pro-EU across time, space, and issue area. I find further support for this finding in a case study of the Scottish National Party. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6344] 57.6244

JUCKNAT, Kim — Köpfe statt Themen? Köpfe und Themen! Die Personalisierung der Wahlkamfberichterstattung in Deutschland und in den USA (Heads rather than issues? Both heads and issues! The personalization of campaign coverage in Germany and the US). Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 38(1), 2007 : 147-159.

The Americanization thesis of electoral campaigns assumes a convergence between the German and American campaign styles. Intense personalization and poverty of political issues are considered central characteristics of convergence. They, presumably, increase with the scope of campaign coverage by the print media. Convergence between the German and American election campaign reporting is however restricted due to different institutional constraints. By quantitative content analysis it can be shown that German campaign reporting focuses on different political actors. Political actors relate to political issues in both countries when they appear on the media agenda. [R, abr.] 57.6245

KABASHIMA, Ikuo ; STEEL, Gill — The Koizumi revolution [in Japan]. PS 40(1), Jan. 2007 : 79-84.

In September 2005, Junichiro Koizumi and his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) achieved a stunning victory in the 44th House of Representatives election. In stark contrast with the previous election, just two years earlier, in which the LDP had managed only 237 seats, the LDP captured an impressive 296 seats. This meant that together with its coalition partner, the Komeito, the LDP now controlled two-thirds of the seats in the House of Representatives (the more powerful of the two houses that comprise Japan's Diet). [R] 57.6246

KAM, Cindy D. ; KINDER, Donald R. — Terror and ethnocentrism: foundations of American support for the war on terrorism. Journal of Politics 69(2), May 2007 : 320338. The events of 9/11 [2001] set in motion a massive reordering of US policy. We propose that the American public's response to this redirection in policy derives, in part, from ethnocentrism, the commonplace human tendency to partition the social world into virtuous in-groups and nefarious out-groups. Support for the war on terrorism, undertaken against a strange and shadowy enemy, should hold special appeal for Americans with an ethnocentric turn of mind. To see if this is so, we analyze the panel component of the 2000-2002 National Election Study. We find that ethnocentrism powerfully underwrites support for the war on terrorism, across a variety of tests and specifications, and the strength of the relationship between ethnocentrism and opinion is influenced in part by the extraordinary events of 9/11. [R, abr.] 57.6247

KAROL, David — Does constituency size affect [US] elected officials' trade policy preferences? Journal of Politics 69(2), May 2007 : 483-494.

Scholars have long argued that [US] presidents are less protectionist than Congress while senators are less so than representatives due to their larger constituencies. This theory has escaped scrutiny. I argue that it is based on a misguided view of trade policy as distributive politics. I show via a series of tests that it is untenable. Unlike their differences in constituency size, the pro-trade leanings of the presidency and Senate are postwar phenomena. Even now, state size is unrelated to Senators' votes on trade. In tests pooling legislators from both Houses, chamber membership predicts votes while constituency size generally does not. Senators are even less protectionist than representatives with identical constituencies. [R] 57.6248

KEELE, Luke — Social capital and the dynamics of trust in [US] government. American Journal of Political Science 51(2), Apr. 2007 : 241-254.

It is well understood that trust in government responds to the performance of the [US] president, Congress, and the economy. Despite improved government performance, however, trust has never returned to the levels witnessed in the 1950s and 1960s. Social capital may be the force that has kept trust low. If so, we need to assess the relative contributions of both government performance and social capital at the macro level. Using macro-level data, the analysis captures the variation over time in both social capital and government performance and lets them compete to explain the macro-variation in trust. The empirical results demonstrate that both government performance and social capital matter, but that social capital appears to be the force which accounts for the decline in trust over the last 40 years. [R] 57.6249

KENNEDY, Fiachra ; SINNOTT, Richard — Irish public opinion toward European integration. Irish Political Studies 22(1), March 2007 : 61-80.

Using individual level data (Eurobarometer 61), we examine whether or not the factors that are held to shape opinion toward European integra-

tion have similar influences on differing aspects of opinion toward integration: (1) an affective orientation to EU membership and (2) items that embody European integration. While we consider a number of familiar explanations of opinion toward European integration (i.e., utilitarianism, identity, evaluations of institutions, political knowledge), we also examine the influence of attitudes to globalization on opinion. Our results show that opinion toward European integration is not a single entity but a complex set of opinions. To understand opinion toward integration, it is important to consider a wide range of characteristics of the European project. [R, abr.] 57.6250

KENNEDY, James — "Contrasting liberal nationalists": the Young Scots' society [UK] and the Ligue nationaliste canadienne. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 13(1), Jan.March 2007 : 39-70.

This article utilizes W, Kymlicka's [Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights, Oxford, 1996] distinction between "equality between groups" and "equality within groups" to assess the degree to which nationalism can be considered liberal. The substantive focus is on the pronouncements of two sets of nationalists in Scotland and Québec at the turn of the 20th c.: the Young Scots' Society and the more loosely grouped Nationalistes. Both groups were nurtured in the "Liberal politics" of the era. While both nationalists exhibited a "liberal nationalism", their "liberal nationalisms" were differently expressed, suggesting the existence of "two types of liberal nationalism", in which the Young Scots and Nationalistes displayed the first dimension of Kymlicka's schema but differed on the second. [R] 57.6251

KER-LINDSAY, James — A second referendum: the May 2006 parliamentary elections in Cyprus. Mediterranean Politics 11(3), Nov. 2006 : 441-446.

The May 2006 parliamentary elections provided the first significant opportunity to gauge Greek Cypriot political opinion since the failed attempt to reunite the island in April 2004. Following a campaign that essentially sought to replay the issues of the 2004 referendum, the parties that supported President T. Papadopoulos received almost a third of the vote. This surge of support for the president seems likely to ensure that AKEL, currently the largest party in the ruling coalition, will again back Papadopoulos in the next presidential elections, which are due to be held in February or March 2008. If this is the case, it seems highly likely that he will be elected to a second term of office. [A] 57.6252

KESTILÄ, Elina ; SÖDERLUND, Peter — Local determinants of radical right-wing voting: the case of the Norwegian Progress Party. West European Politics 30(3), May 2007 : 549-572.

This article first explores the influence of local-level institutional and socio-economic determinants on the Progress Party vote in Norway. Second, it examines whether the impact of these factors varies between municipal and parliamentary elections. Comparative subnational analysis of six elections (1995-2005) is conducted, treating 430-435 Norwegian municipalities as the units of analysis. Five variables related to electoral institutions, party competition, electoral behavior and socio-economic conditions are set against the Progress Party's vote share in a Tobit regression model. The results show that long-term institutional and party system variables have a permanent impact on the Progress Party's electoral fortunes, whereas the effect of short-term factors related to voting behavior and socioeconomic conditions varies considerably according to the electoral context and election type. [R, abr.] 57.6253

KIM Dong-Choon — Growth and crisis of the [South] Korean citizens’ movement. Korea Journal 46(2), Summer 2006 : 99-128.

The citizens' movement is closely connected to the political opposition that existed during the military dictatorship period. Contrary to citizens' movements of other advanced countries, the Korean movement has tended to put heavier emphasis on political transformation than on the everyday lives of people. These "comprehensive" citizens' movement organizations implicitly set macro-structural changes in Korean society as their goal, believing that their mission was the criticism of Seoulbased national politics. Although the movement enjoyed rapid growth from the 1990s, a sense of crisis spread to the activists after Korea's economic crisis, the establishment of civilian governments, and globalization. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6333] 57.6254

KIM Sunhyuk — Civil society and local democracy [in South Korea]. Korea Journal 46(4), Winter 2006 : 62-86.

This paper addresses the intriguing question of "democratic lag" in South Korea. One of the main sources/causes of slow democratization at the local level lies in the underdevelopment and lack of empowerment of local civil society. The paper first introduces the concept of "democratic lag" to conceptualize asymmetric democratization in South Korea. Next, it describes and assesses various theoretical accounts explaining the absence of local democracy and highlights an underdeveloped civil society as a cause. The paper then submits several "vignettes" of the reality of local politics. After explaining why such underdevelopment of

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civil society has resulted, the paper concludes with a set of policy prescriptions for empowering local civil society and thereby resolving the problem of "democratic lag" in South Korea. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6123] 57.6255

KLEIN, Markus ; ROSAR, Ulrich — Wirkungen des TVDuells im Vorfeld des Bundestagswahl 2005 auf die Wahlentscheidung. Eine empirische Analyse unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Medieneinflüssen auf die Siegerwahrnehmung und subjektiven Erwartungshaltungen an die Debattenperformance der Kandidaten (Effects of the televised debate on the voting decision in the runup to the German parliamentary election 2005. An empirical investigation with special regard to media influences on winner perception and subjective expectations about the debate performance of the candidates). Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 59(1), March 2007 : 81-104.

During the election campaign for the German 2005 parliamentary election, the incumbent chancellor G. Schröder and his challenger A. Merkel met in a televised debate, viewed by roughly one-third of the German electorate. We analyze whether the perception of the TV debate winner had an influence on the voting decision. In the empirical analyses, special attention is paid to the stability of the winner perception until election day and the influence of subjective expectations about the debate performance of the candidates. [R, abr.] 57.6256

KLESNER, Joseph L., ed. — The 2006 Mexican election and its aftermath. PS 40(1), Jan. 2007 : 1-48.

A symposium introduced by the editor, pp. 1-14. Articles by Alejandro MORENO, "The 2006 Mexican presidential election: the economy, oil revenues, and ideology", pp. 15-19; Joy LANGSTON, "The PRI's 2006 electoral debacle", pp. 21-25; Joseph L. KLESNER "The 2006 Mexican elections: manifestation of a divided society?", pp. 27-32; Kathleen BRUHN and Kenneth F. GREENE, "Elite polarization meets mass moderation in Mexico's 2006 elections", pp. 33-38; Todd A. EISENSTADT, "The origins and rationality of the 'legal versus legitimate' dichotomy invoked in Mexico's 2006 post-electoral conflict", pp. 39-43; Chappell LAWSON, "How did we get here? Mexican democracy after the 2006 elections", pp. 45-48. 57.6257

KLID, Bohdan — Rock, pop and politics in Ukraine's 2004 presidential campaign and Orange Revolution. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 23(1), March 2007 : 118-137.

During Ukraine's 2004 presidential campaign and Orange Revolution, some of Ukraine's leading rock and pop musicians played a significant role in the campaigning of both candidates, V. Yanukovych and V. Yushchenko. Marked differences were manifest between the two musical camps that performed for each of the two candidates. A particularly notable role was played by some of Ukraine's leading rock stars in Yushchenko's campaign, including mobilizing support for the opposition candidate prior to and during the Orange Revolution. Performing in concerts in support of political candidates falls within a post-Soviet pattern; however, the specifics of the 2004 presidential campaign in the context of the growing authoritarianism of the Kuchma-Yanukovych regime and cultural politics were factors that contributed to the politicization of the musicians who supported Yushchenko. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6714] 57.6258

KOOPMANS, Ruud — Who inhabits the European public sphere? Winners and losers, supporters and opponents in Europeanised political debates. European Journal of Political Research 46(2), March 2007 : 183-210.

This article investigates which actors profit and which actors stand to lose from the Europeanization of political communication in massmediated public spheres. It asks to what extent these effects of Europeanization can help one to understand collective actors' evaluation of European institutions and the integration process. Data is analyzed on some 20,000 political claims by a variety of collective actors, drawn from 28 newspapers in seven European countries in the period 1990-2002, across seven different issue fields with varying degrees of EU policymaking power. The results show that government and executive actors are by far the most important beneficiaries of the Europeanization of public debates compared to legislative and party actors, and even more so compared to civil society actors, who are extremely weakly represented in Europeanized public debates. [R, abr.] 57.6259

KRIESI, Hanspeter — The role of European integration in national election campaigns. European Union Politics 8(1), March 2007 : 83-108.

This study asks how and to what extent political parties in six West European countries — Austria, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the UK — have addressed the process of European integration in national election campaigns since the 1970s. Content-

analysis of newspaper data shows that Euroskeptic mobilization in national election campaigns has become most pronounced in countries where the public have always been rather apprehensive about European integration. In line with the “new cleavage” hypothesis, in Switzerland and the UK mobilization around European integration is primarily driven by conservatives and/or the new populist right. In countries where the process of European integration is politically less salient, conservatives and/or the new populist right have been less Euroskeptic and their mobilization efforts have been more limited. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6344] 57.6260

LAÏDI, Zaki — La gauche doit-elle craindre la mondialisation ? (Should the [French] Left fear globalization?) Esprit Nov. 2006 : 115-126. [Résumé en français]

What exactly lies behind French left-wing reluctance vis-à-vis globalization? Besides an opportunity to mark itself out from right-wing politics, one can also find a time-honored doctrinal irresolution about capitalism as well as a more recent tendency to give in to a social pessimism that fails to identify any opportunities in the ongoing transformation. [R] 57.6261

LANG Youxing — Grafting village democracy in China: the roles, networking, and strategies of provincial elites. Journal of Chinese Political Science 11(2), Fall 2006 : 61-82.

There is no obvious and direct correlation between the provincial level of economic development and democratic level of village elections. There is a great disparity in the level of rural democratization and the implementation of village self-governance among and within provinces. The modernization model alone cannot explain why village elections work well in some provinces but not in others. This paper looks at the political elite's ongoing efforts at provincial level to conduct village elections and implement village self-governance in rural China. These efforts include the strategies for crafting village democracy employed by provincial elites: elite cooperation, local legislature, political responsibility, political programming, and the art of balancing party leadership and village elections. [R] 57.6262

LARIVERA, Luciano — A. Wade confermato alla presidenza del Senegal (A. Wade confirmed as President of Senegal). Civiltà cattolica 3764, 21 Apr. 2007 : 187-196.

In Senegal, the outgoing 81-year old President, Abdoulaye Wade, won in the first ballot the presidential election of 25 February 2007, with 55.9 percent of the votes. The voters have granted the old leader their confidence for completing his infrastructure project meant to transform the country. His opponents have read in these investments his inability to confront the real needs of the people. Wade has, in fact, not managed to pacify the Casamance region nor to reduce youth and rural unemployment, which has increased the dramatic illegal emigration. [R, transl.] 57.6263

LAZAR, Marc — La résistible ascension de la gauche de la gauche (The resistible rise of the [French] Extreme Left). Le Débat 142, Nov.-Dec. 2006 : 84-96.

Over the course of the last decade the French Extreme Left has been a center of interest on the national political scene. The current fascination with the party springs from its numerous apparent contradictions, inspiring researchers to delve into its political ideals and theoretical bases. One of the authors dealing with this issue is Philippe Reynaud. The theoretical constructions which Reynaud formulates, while effective on certain levels, are nonetheless limited in their ability to fully comprehend the nature of the Extreme Left, and it is therefore necessary to ask why the author failed to extend his thoughts to realms touched upon by other analysts. [First of a series of articles inspired by Philippe Raynaud, L’Extrême gauche plurielle, Paris, 2006. See also Abstr. 57.5910, 6265, 6315] 57.6264

LAZO CIVIDANES, Jorge — Ideología y antiglobalización : una aproximación al discurso de la Vía Campesina (Ideology and anti-globalization: an approach to the discourse of the Vía Campesina [peasant antiglobalization movement]). Revista de Ciencia política 24(1), 2004 : 169-188.

According to discourse analysis methods, we are able to use this approach to the political discourse of La Via Campesina, one of the largest partisan groups against globalization. Our aim is to know which structural elements of the ideology are present in the organisation's discourse, in which terms they are delivered if present, and what logic they follow. We also seek to fill a vacuum in discourse analysis, testing an ideology theory linked to symbolic power struggles. [R] 57.6265

LE GOFF, Jean-Pierre — Le gauchisme est-il soluble dans la philosophie ? (Is the Extreme Left soluble in philosophy?). Le Débat 142, Nov.-Dec. 2006 : 97-104.

Philipe Raynaud is a political philosopher renowned for his analysis of the French Extreme Left. His latest work constitutes an important new contribution to the understanding of “new radicalisms”, combining the

642

Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections latter with a reading of some of the most prominent leftist thinkers’ ideas. Raynaud investigates the innovative nature of these “new radicalisms” in relation to the leftist movements of the 1970s, and raises the question of whether they may lead to a unified political force. He also questions the reasons for the Extreme Left’s persistence throughout the years and the true nature of its political influence. [See Abstr. 57.6263] 57.6266

LEAN, Sharon F. — Democracy assistance to domestic election monitoring organizations: conditions for success. Democratization 14(2), Apr. 2007 : 289-312.

This article investigates conditions for successful democracy assistance to civic actors through comparative study of six domestic electionmonitoring organizations in the Americas. Both international and domestic context matter. A history of soft-power (diplomatic, normative) intervention and low internal polarization create relatively favorable conditions for democracy assistance to civic actors. In cases with a history of hardpower intervention (such as use of force or economic sanctions) and high political polarization, intervening variables, such as multilateral provision of democracy assistance and pluralistic structures and behaviors on the part of aid recipients, can surmount unfavorable conditions for international democracy assistance. In the absence of such mitigating conditions, democracy assistance to civic actors may be ill-advised. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5651] 57.6267

LEE Eun-Jin — Local self-governance and the [South Korean] citizens’ movement. Korea Journal 46(2), Summer 2006 : 129-154.

This paper explains the citizens' movement, examines the characteristics of the local movement in comparison to its national counterpart, and analyzes the governing structure and characteristics of local communities. It first focuses on the underlying structure of local community. Second, the segmented structure of the local community leads to antagonism among different political groups. In Korea's democracy, the citizens' movement has been retarded at the local level, due to segmented communication, social relations that foster a selfish worldview, constraints on participation, and the limitations of institutional decentralization, i.e., power-sharing. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6333] 57.6268

LEIGHLEY, Jan E. ; NAGLER, Jonathan — Unions, voter turnout, and class bias in the US electorate, 1964-2004. Journal of Politics 69(2), May 2007 : 430-441.

This paper uses individual-level data to examine the impact of unions on turnout and assesses the consequences of dramatic changes in union strength and in the composition of union membership since 1964 for the composition of the US electorate. We first estimate individual-level models to test for the distinct effects of union membership and union strength on the probabilities of members and non-members voting and then test whether the effect of individual union membership and overall union strength varies across income levels. We find that unions increase turnout of both members and non-members. By simulating what turnout would be were union membership at its 1964 level, we show that the decline in union membership since 1964 has affected the aggregate turnout of both low- and middle-income individuals more than the aggregate turnout of high-income individuals. [R, abr.] 57.6269

LENGAUER, Guenther — Einfalt oder Vielfalt? Die ORFNachrichten im Spannungsfeld zwischen Professionalität, Profit, Publikum und Politik (One-sidedness or pluralism? ORF news reports and the conflict between professionalism, profit, the audience and politics). Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 35(4), 2006 : 361-378.

The legitimation of the [ORF’s] public service status has been increasingly challenged by accusations of not complying with its legal mandate and of politically biased reporting. This case study contrasts ORF news and Austrian quality newspapers as well as the private TV-news channel ATV-aktuell. The main question is to what extent journalistic and political pluralism as professional standards are found in ORF news in comparison to the national and international context. [The conclusion is that] ORF news accord broadly with transnational journalistic trends. Some significant differences between public service and private news do emerge, particularly as far as the public policy-dimension and relevance of information is concerned. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6330] 57.6270

LIN Tingjin — The median voter hypothesis: regional disparities and redistribution in China. Journal of Chinese Political Science 11(2), Fall 2006 : 21-43.

The paper is focused on regional redistribution of revenue of China and tests two hypotheses: one is the positive relationship between inequality in the distribution of local fiscal situation and the central redistribution; the second is a possible political channel of redistribution: the medianvoter hypothesis. Both hypotheses are confirmed empirically by the study. Therefore, the median-voter hypothesis is helpful for analyzing the redistribution to narrow the regional disparities of local expenditure among provinces, although there is no formal voting process on regional redistribution. In the process of decision-making in China, regional

preference can be expressed sufficiently without voting actions. Thus representative democracy might not be a prerequisite for the medianvoter hypothesis in the case of China. [R] 57.6271

LINDBERG, Staffan I. — Institutionalization of party systems? Stability and fluidity among legislative parties in Africa's democracies. Government and Opposition 42(2), Spring 2007 : 215-241.

Modern democracy means party democracy and institutionalization of party systems is an important aspect of making democracy work. Using G. Sartori's and D. Mainwaring and T. Scully's work on institutionalization of party systems, I find that Africa's 21 electoral democracies can be classified as fluid (eight countries), de-stabilized (two countries), or stable party systems (eleven countries), and that eight out of eleven stable systems are one-party-dominant systems. A key finding is that institutionalization has neither occurred over an extended period as the literature would predict nor is it related to electoral system. Cases of institutionalized party configurations have been stable from the onset of multiparty elections while other countries seems to have perpetually fluid systems despite in many cases, four or five successive multiparty elections. [A] 57.6272

LISLE, Debbie — Benevolent [US] patriotism: art, dissent and The American Effect. Security Dialogue 38(2), June 2007 : 233-250.

This article examines the role of contemporary art in a post-9/11 [2001] context through The American Effect exhibition at the Whitney Museum of American Art in New York in 2003. This exhibition displayed a range of artworks from around the world that specifically engaged with, commented upon and interrogated the US's pre-eminent position as a global superpower. In the politically charged climate after 9/11, the exhibition offered itself as a critical voice amid the more obvious patriotic clamor. Although The American Effect claimed to be a space of dissent, it ultimately failed to question US global hegemony. Instead, the exhibition articulated a benevolent patriotism that forced artwork from other nations into supplicating and abject positions, and it obscured the complex discursive networks that connect artists, curators, critics, audiences and art museums. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5682] 57.6273

LIU Dongxiao — When do national movements adopt or reject international agendas? A comparative analysis of the Chinese and Indian women's movements. American Sociological Review 71(6), Dec. 2006 : 921-942.

This study examines the contrasting responses from the Chinese and Indian women’s movements to the agenda adopted by the UN Fourth World Conference on Women. The contrast challenges the dominant assumption that global thinking can substitute for local thinking. The article shows how national movements decided for or against international agendas through context-dependent meaning-making processes. The Chinese and Indian movements drew on the international agenda to pursue similar national policy goals. Each reached its decision on the international agenda through a similar sequence of interactions with the government. However, due to mediation by nationally unique combinations of political rules and policy-related timing, the two movements attached opposite meanings to the international agenda. The article proposes an alternative conceptualization of authoritarianism and democracy that understands better international influences on social movement dynamics. [R, abr.] 57.6274

LONGLEY, April — The high water mark of Islamist politics? The case of Yemen. Middle East Journal 61(2), Spring 2007 : 240-260.

In the 2006 local council elections in Yemen, the Islamist party Islah suffered a resounding defeat at the hands of the ruling General People's Congress (GPC) party. The overwhelming victory of the GPC in the local councils can be accounted for with reference to four main factors: the GPC's use of the state to advance its electoral aims; the political skill of GPC politicians; the political blunders of the Joint Meeting Parties; and finally, several political liabilities particular to Islah, including internal fragmentation. The future of competitive politics in Yemen is intimately connected to the political survival and revitalization of Islah. The opposition must conduct serious, critical self-evaluation if it intends to hold the regime accountable and to curb the ever-increasing centralization of power around the president and his family. [R, abr.] 57.6275

LÓPEZ, Santiago — Partidos desafiantes en América Latina : representación política y estrategias de competencia de las nuevas oposiciones (Challenging parties in Latin America: political representation and competition strategies of new opposition [parties]). Revista de Ciencia política 25(2), 2005 : 37-64.

During the democratic post-transitions the Latin American party systems faced the need for transformation, including new axes and dimensions of inter-party competition, in order to adapt to the demands of the traditional representative system deficits. As a consequence, new opposition parties (challenging parties) emerged which presented themselves as

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alternatives to the traditional parties. The successfully established challenging parties established clear patterns of competition against the political status quo, acquired strong social support, and presented organic and newly institutional characteristics, while those that failed did not adopt competition strategies consistent with the alternative representation that produced them, and they ended up dissolving. The level of institutionalization of the party system is related to the successes and failures of the challenging parties. [R, abr.] 57.6276

MACCHI, Angelo — Le elezioni politiche in Serbia (The [2006] parliamentary elections in Serbia). Civiltà cattolica 3763, 7 Apr. 2007 : 83-89.

By the May 2006 referendum, Montenegro chose independence from Serbia, which has proclaimed itself an independent state. Serbia's situation is still critical as a consequence of the war ended in 1999. In October 2006, a new Constitution, similar to those of the western democracies, was approved by referendum. Parlamentary elections were held in January 2007; a coalition between the party of President Tadjić, that of Prime Minister Kostunica and the new liberal G 27 Plus party is to be created for the formation of a government, after an agreement between former rivals Tadjić and Kostunica. [R, transl.] 57.6277

MACH, Bogdan W. ; JACKSON, John E. — Employment change, attitude evolution and voting during Poland's transition: longitudinal evidence. European Journal of Political Economy 22(2), June 2006 : 472-502.

Data from a longitudinal study of Polish workers interviewed in 1988, 1993 and 1998 are used to test propositions about the connections between employment, attitude, and voting changes during the transition to a market economy. The results show that changes in attitudes about the reforms are associated with changes in voting, with those coming to favor reforms and their consequences voting for liberal parties, and vice versa for those coming to oppose the reforms and/or their consequences. Individuals making a successful transition and residents in areas with more employment in new firms are more likely to switch their attitudes to favor the reforms and vice versa for those who lose their jobs or who live in areas without new firms. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5972] 57.6278

MANNING, Carrie — Party-building on the heels of war: El Salvador, Bosnia, Kosovo and Mozambique. Democratization 14(2), Apr. 2007 : 253-272.

This article investigates how contextual factors and more particularly the institutional framework in which a party operates affect internal organizational dynamics, and how these in turn affect the challenges that adaptation to democratic politics pose to party leaders. It examines the nested games played by party leaders as they struggle to retain control of their parties and compete with other parties for political power. The analysis focuses on cases drawn from El Salvador, Bosnia, Kosovo and Mozambique, and shows how inter-party competition shapes the identities, priorities, tactics and strategies, which in turn affect the prospects for democratization. The role of international actors in influencing both processes and outcomes in these situations must also be taken into account, especially where democratization is viewed as a means to the end of establishing peace. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5651] 57.6279

MANZI, Jorge, et al. — El pasado que nos pesa : la memoria colectiva del 11 de septiembre de 1973 (The weight of the past [in Chile]: the collective memory of [the coup d'État] of 11 September 1973). Revista de Ciencia política 23(2), 2003 : 177-214.

This paper presents the results of a public opinion survey about 11 September 1973 and the military regime, (N: 792; Metropolitan Region of Santiago). The sample included participants of different ideological orientations and three political generations: persons who turned 18 before 1973, those who did so between 1974 and 1989, and finally, who turned 18 from 1990 onwards. The results confirmed that 11 September 1973 remains subjectively relevant for most people of the three generations. The analyses reveal weak generational differences. The ideological position continues to be a key factor in differentiating perceptions and memories about that historical event, although unexpected similarities among people with different political perspectives are found on some issues. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5990] 57.6280

MASCLET, Olivier — Des quartiers sans voix. Sur le divorce entre la Gauche et les enfants d'immigrés (Voiceless districts. On the divorce between the [French] Left and the children of immigrants). French Politics, Culture and Society 24(3), Winter 2006 : 5-22.

This article examines why the activism of the descendants of North African immigrants has not been recognized by Communist elected officials. This militancy, far from being a new thing, is inscribed in the traditional forms of the militancy associated with the "banlieues rouges". In order to understand the urban activists' invisibility in politics, the author analyzes the negative representations of the group from which they come and the tensions between North African immigrants and local

officials of the Left, tensions linked to urban renewal in the industrial suburbs. The detour through the history of the "red suburbs" thus reveals the structure of the tense relations between the Left and the housing projects, which seem to be disowned not only economically but also politically. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on "Lost banlieues of the [French] Republic?", edited and introduced by Frédéric VIGUIER. See also Abstr. 57.6737, 6839, 6860] 57.6281

MATHIEU, Lilian — Act Up ou la tentation du politique : sur les recompositions de la gauche protestataire de 1997 à 2002 (Act Up or the temptation of politics: the restructuring of [France's] radical Left, 1997 to 2007). Modern and Contemporary France 15(2), May 2007 : 153-168.

L'article [examine] les relations entre l'espace des mouvements sociaux et le champ politique au travers de l'étude d'un des mouvements les plus actifs de ces dernières années, Act Up. Cette association a entrepris à deux reprises de transgresser les frontières qui séparent militantisme contestataire et action politique partisane : la première fois en lançant à la veille des élections législatives de 1997 un appel intitulé "Nous sommes la gauche", la seconde en formant le projet de présenter ses propres candidats aux élections législatives de 2002. L'étude de ces deux initiatives permet d'approfondir la connaissance des recompositions qu'a connues la gauche française au cours d'une période marquante de son histoire récente, celle du passage au pouvoir de la "gauche plurielle". [R] 57.6282

MATSON, Marsha ; FINE, Terri Susan — Gender, ethnicity, and ballot information: ballot cues in low-information [US] elections. State Politics and Policy Quarterly 6(1), Spring 2006 : 49-72.

In November 1996, voters cast ballots for candidates running for seats on community advising and zoning boards in Miami-Dade County, Florida [US]. Voters had little knowledge about the candidates or the boards, created only a few months earlier. There were no incumbents and no party labels in the non-partisan contests. In low-information local elections such as these, voter cues and ballot design plays a decisive role in voter-choice. The cues in this election were candidates' gender, ethnicity, campaign expenditures, and ballot position. Our results indicate that the most important cue was candidate gender; however, voters used ethnicity to decide whether they voted for men or women. We argue that vote cues provide a means to address voter fatigue, where gender, ethnicity, and name recognition provide cues in this low-information, high voter fatigue situation. [R, abr.] 57.6283

McCLAY, Wilfred M. — Is [US] conservatism finished? Commentary 123(1), Jan. 2007 : 13-19.

The fissures and conflicts within conservatism are getting so much attention now because conservatism is still where the principal action remains. So long as the Democratic party continues down the road it has been following, led by its aging left-wing lions and lionesses, funded and directed by the most extreme and irresponsible elements in its ranks, and finding clarity only in discrediting G.W. Bush and regaining office, conservatives will always have plenty to unify around. So long as conservatives are able to remember R. Reagan as a leader who not only embodied the distinctive characteristics of American conservatism but who finessed its antinomies and persevered against the contempt and condescension of his own era, they can yet regain their bearings and prevail. [R, abr.] 57.6284

MELLONI, Alberto — The politics of the "Church" in the Italy of Pope Wojtyla [John Paul II]. Journal of Modern Italian Studies 12(1), March 2007 : 60-85.

This article analyzes the development of different political tendencies with the Italian Church during the pontificate of John Paul II. Two different strategies enabled the episcopal conference to maintain stability for a long period, during which Cardinal Ruini played a key role, first as secretary and then as president of the episcopal conference. In his years, the conference accepted that the political unity of the Catholic world was over, but it still tried to retain a strong political influence although the mediation of the Christian Democratic Party was no longer available. With the end of K. Wojtyla's pontificate, however, this period came to a close and the different tendencies that make up the rich and complex world of the Italian Catholic Church have become more visible. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6192] 57.6285

MELTZER, Kimberly — Newspaper editorial boards and the practice of endorsing candidates for political office in the United States. Journalism 8(1), Feb. 2007 : 83-103.

American newspaper editorial boards occupy unusual positions within their newspapers as the only journalists at the papers who may openly express their opinions. When they exercise their opinion-making power in the form of candidate endorsements, they potentially intervene in the democratic process by influencing readers' voting decisions. This article examines American newspaper endorsements of political candidates from the point of view of editorial board members who were involved in endorsement processes during the 2002 and 2004 campaign seasons in

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Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections Pennsylvania. Through ethnographic observation and interviews with four newspaper editorial boards and 16 editorial board members, this article explores the purposes and roles with which editorial board members believe they undertake the endorsement process, the ways in which they envision the consumers of their endorsements and the challenges they encounter. [R] 57.6286

MENEGUELLO, Rachel — Aspects of democratic performance: democratic adherence and regime evaluation in Brazil, 2002. International Review of Sociology 16(3), Nov. 2006 : 617-635.

emerges as the least respected political institution. More disturbing is the dilemma posed when knowledge and attitudes toward Congress are viewed in tandem. It appears that citizens who know Congress the best like Congress the least. Consequently, a sophisticated polity and a wellrespected legislature seem fundamentally incompatible. This article contends that there is nothing about knowledge per se that leads citizens to view Congress unfavorably. Rather, differences in knowledge levels alter the considerations citizens bring to bear when evaluating Congress, with the best-informed individuals constructing judgments on the basis of the most relevant Congress-specific criteria while less knowledgeable citizens employ readily available but more peripheral criteria. [R, abr.]

After 17 years of democratic experience, support for democracy in Brazil remains strongly related to a positive appreciation of the electoral process as a tool for political intervention. Concerning regime-evaluation, data suggest that on the citizens’ map of values, a good democratic performance is independent from the evaluation of the performance of private and public institutions, including the representative ones. There is a clear link between the level of satisfaction with democracy and the evaluation of government performance, and a factor-analysis [suggests] that the satisfaction with how democracy works depends largely on the evaluation of everyday public actions, but also shows that government performance, democratic system performance and institutions’ performance are not directly related for the average Brazilian citizen. [A, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5781]

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57.6293

MICHELETTI, Michele ; STOLLE, Dietlind — Mobilizing consumers to take responsibility for global social justice. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 611, May 2007 : 157-175.

This article studies the anti-sweatshop movement's involvement in global social justice responsibility-taking. The movement's growth (more than one hundred diverse groups) makes it a powerful force of social change in the new millennium. The rise of global corporate capitalism has taken a toll on political responsibility. As a response, four important movement actors — unions, anti-sweatshop associations, international humanitarian organizations, and Internet spin doctors — have focused on garmentproduction issues and mobilized consumers into vigilant action. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6016] 57.6288

MIELKE, Gerd — Auf der grossen Baustelle. Ammerkungen zur Lage der SPD in der Grossen Koalition (A big construction site. Remarks on the SPD within the [German] Grand Coalition). Forschungsjournal Neue soziale Bewegungen 19(2), 2006 : 7-21.

The author deals with the role of the SPD within the Grand Coalition. The party’s leadership does hardly recognize the problems, which intensify reciprocally. This leads to the party’s weakness: a false perception of the voters’ development in the party program. Arguing about their position, the SPD should discuss these issues in context. Solving these problems is the pivotal task, in order to attract more voters. [R] 57.6289

MOLINS, Joaquim M. ; PARDOS-PRADO, Sergi — Il voto di "castigo" anti-immigrazione nelle elezioni comunali in Catalogna (Anti-immigration "punishment" voting in the Catalonia [Spain] municipal elections [of 2003]. Quaderni dell’Osservatorio elettorale 56, Dec. 2006 : 39-67.

The anti-immigration votes cast in 2003 can be explained by a proximity effect in most areas, but not in Barcelona. The presence of large numbers of immigrants did cause a xenophobic reaction where their concentration had high visibility. 57.6290

MÖLLER, Frank — Photographic interventions in post9/11 [2001] [US] security policy. Security Dialogue 38(2), June 2007 : 179-196.

The field of security studies has not yet paid sufficient attention to visual culture. With respect to post-9/11 [2001] security policy, the images of planes crashing into the World Trade Center have become not only a legitimacy-provider for security policy but also part of every person's visual reservoir and pictorial memory, on which the successful articulation of security in part depends. It is therefore suggested to link the study of securitization with the study of both images and pictorial memory. This article, by discussing three visual projects revolving around 9/11, looks for desecuritizing potential in photography and examines the extent to which photography can offer oppositional interventions in security policy. However, the surplus meaning that images inevitably carry with them also reduces the extent to which opposition can rely on images. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5682] 57.6291

MONDAK, Jeffery J., et al. — Does familiarity breed contempt? The impact of information on [US] mass attitudes toward Congress. American Journal of Political Science 51(1), Jan. 2007 : 34-48.

Americans know relatively little about Congress, and especially about congressional procedures and policy output, [and] Congress typically

MONGIN, Olivier — Grandes et petites questions de la politique. Calme plat avant avis de tempête ! (Political issues, major and minor. All quiet [in France] before a storm alert!). Esprit Feb. 2007 : 158-167. [Résumé en français]

As viewed through a string of recent political essays and the comments which its inception is eliciting, the French presidential election campaign makes an odd sort of impression: it is as though the essential issues are kept under wraps, with France anxious and uncertain about herself. But then instead of opening out to the surrounding world that drives us along, we keep pondering over our own little home-potted ideologies and their untold truths, denials and cynicism. [R] MONTERO, Alfred P. — The limits of decentralisation: legislative careers and territorial representation in Spain. West European Politics 30(3), May 2007 : 573-594.

Scholars of decentralization in comparative perspective have argued that these reforms should lead to a "territorialization of politics". For the party system and the legislature, this means that subnational interests will increasingly influence rules and practices as well as positions on policy choice. This study tests this proposition in Spain, which has undergone extensive decentralization during its democratic history (1977—present). By examining the career trajectories of members of the Congress of Deputies, the study finds little evidence that decentralization expanded the influence of subnational representatives within the party system or the parliament of democratic Spain. This was true despite the growing cohort of deputies with subnational experience in the Congreso, the ability of subnational party offices to recruit and place candidates on electoral lists, and the increasing importance of regional issues in national elections. [R] 57.6294

MOSCHINI, Ilaria — Terrorists, hurricanes and energy: wilderness vs civilization in G. W. Bush's language. Il Politico 71(2), May-Aug. 2006 : 5-23.

The intertwining of themes like "war, ecology and economy" in G. W. Bush’s speeches, from January 2001 to February 2006, seems to derive from the application of the Manifest Destiny theory to the contemporary scenario. The President’s rhetorical strategies aim to highlight the image of a world turning into a global frontier, the direct effect of which is the merging of two fundamental areas: foreign and home policy. The US would thus be facing a new struggle between wilderness and civilization, where wilderness is embodied both by terrorists and natural forces (e.g. hurricane Katrina). Within this "presidential frame", ecology grows into a problem of foreign policy and the development of new energetic sources becomes strategic to national security. [A] 57.6295

NAURIN, Daniel — Backstage behavior? Lobbyists in public and private settings in Sweden and the European Union. Comparative Politics 39(2), Jan. 2007 : 209-228.

According to deliberative democratic theory, transparency and publicity have a civilizing effect on political behavior, forcing actors to argue with regard to the public rather than engage in self-interested bargaining. Negotiation theory, in contrast, warns that transparency may damage effective problem solving and lead to sharper group polarization. Comparison of business lobbyists acting in institutional settings with varying degrees of transparency in Sweden and the EU can test these theories. The results support negotiation theory. However, the deliberative perspective is also necessary to explain the behavior of lobbyists backstage, and standard two-level games will often be inadequate in explaining transparency effects. [R] 57.6296

NAVIA, Patricio — Participación electoral en Chile, 19882001 (Electoral participation in Chile, 1988-2001). Revista de Ciencia política 24(1), 2004 : 81-103.

Contrary to a widespread belief, post-1990 electoral participation in Chile is not lower than before 1973. The high turnout rates observed in 1988 constitute an understandable anomaly. After 15 years without elections, Chileans enthusiastically participated in the plebiscite. Yet, after that event, turnout rates fell during the 1990s to levels similar to those observed before 1973. Using a theoretical framework that defines turnout as a cost/benefits function, I discuss electoral participation in Chile in an international context, highlighting the differences and similarities between the patterns observed before 1973 and after 1988, and distinguishing between enfranchisement and turnout. In doing so, I address the tension

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that exists between a stable electorate with a growing disenfranchised population. To conclude, I identify proposals that would eliminate institutional barriers that have helped produced two different groups of voting age Chileans, those who are registered for whom voting is compulsory and those who are not registered and cannot vote. With automatic registration, full enfranchisement of the voting age population is possible, with or without mandatory voting. [R, abr.] 57.6297

NELSON, Michael H. — Institutional incentives and informal local political groups (Phuak) in Thailand: comments on Allen Hicken and Paul Chambers. Journal of East Asian Studies 7(1), Jan.-Apr. 2007 : 125-147.

This article is a comment on two articles by A. Hicken [Abstr. 57.6228] and P. Chambers [Abstr. 57.6174] dealing with formal and informal structures in Thai politics. I consider the following four questions: (1) What kind of institutional incentives might properly be treated as causal factors for the existence of informal local political groups in Thailand? (2) How can we treat populist policies in the context of leadership? (3) Were the constitutional effects that Hicken refers to intended or unintended outcomes of constitutional engineering? (4) Does Hicken's use of "counterfactuals" to test the significance of institutional incentives actually work? [A] [See also Allen HICKEN, "Omitted variables, intent, and counterfactuals: a response to M. H. Nelson", pp. 149-158; and Paul CHAMBERS, "In response to M. H. Nelson", pp. 159-162] 57.6298

NELSON, Thomas E. ; SANBONMATSU, Kira ; McCLERKING, Harwood K. — Playing a different race card: examining the limits of elite influence on [US] perceptions of racism. Journal of Politics 69(2), May 2007 : 416-429.

There is much debate about the reach and seriousness of racial prejudice today. We ask how ordinary people come to view events as racist. Using an experiment, we investigate the effects of elite charges of racism on [US] public perceptions of police conduct. We test several hypotheses, including discounting, expertise, and in-group bias, pertaining to how public stereotypes moderate elite influence. We find that stereotypes matter, and that Democrats, Republicans, blacks, and whites cannot make claims about racism with equal success. [R] 57.6299

NICKERSON, David W. — Quality is job one: professional and volunteer voter mobilization calls [in the US]. American Journal of Political Science 51(2), Apr. 2007 : 269-282.

Campaigns rely upon both paid and volunteer phone calls to mobilize voters. Past field experiments show calls from volunteers to increase turnout and paid calls to be wholly ineffective. This article argues that the quality of phone calls rather than the presence or absence of a payroll explains this regularity. Three aspects of quality are considered: monitoring pace and interactivity, timing, and message. A fully randomized field experiment with over 100,000 subjects comparing professional and volunteer phone banks simultaneously was conducted during the 2002 [US] congressional elections to test this hypothesis. The experiment discovers precisely the opposite relationship of prior research: effective professional phone banks and inefficient volunteer phone calls. [R, abr.] 57.6300

NIEDERMAYER, Oskar ; STÖSS, Richard — Die Berliner Abgeordnetenhauswahl vom 17. September 2006: ein "weiter so" trotz herber Verluste des Koalitionspartners (The 17 September 2006 election to the Berlin [Germany] state diet: leaving things as they are despite the coalition partners’ bitter losses). Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 38(1), 2007 : 84-100.

The first period of the SPD/PDS-government (2001-2006) flowed smoothly. The head of government, Klaus Wowereit, was very popular. The SPD therefore had a great lead over the CDU at the beginning of the campaign. The Christian Democrats had been in a desolate state during their first period in opposition in a long time and, despite of great efforts with a new front-runner, they did not close ranks with the SPD during the campaign. The election ended with the worst result for the party in Berlin since 1950. The Social Democrats thus became the strongest party. For a number of reasons, their coalition partner, the Party of the Left (PDS) could not repeat its exceptional success of the last election, and lost half of its voters. The Greens were the real winners as the only party which could increase its number of votes while the turnout decreased. Nevertheless, the SPD did not opt for a Red-Green coalition but decided to continue the coalition with the Party of the Left. Klaus Wowereit was reelected by the diet as head of government, although only in the second ballot. [R, abr] 57.6301

NIKOLAYENKO, Olena — The revolt of the post-Soviet generation: youth movements in Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine. Comparative Politics 39(2), Jan. 2007 : 169-188.

One of the most prominent features of the peaceful revolutions that swept Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine was the extraordinary upsurge of youth mobilization demanding fundamental political change. Comparative analysis reveals striking similarities in timing, issues, mobilization, framing processes, and action repertoires, in line with D. McAdam's

distinction between initiator and spin-off movements [“‘Initiation’ and ‘spin-off’ movements: diffusion processes in protest cycles”, in Mark Traugot, ed., Repertories and Cycles of Collective Action, Durham, 1995]. The interaction between political generations and political opportunities triggered the rise of the Serbian initiator movement Otpor and set in motion a protest cycle. Shared concerns over increasing authoritarian practices and similarities in political opportunities in turn facilitated the spin-off movements in Georgia and Ukraine. [R] 57.6302

NIVEN, David — Throwing your hat out of the ring: negative recruitment and the gender imbalance in [US] state legislative candidacy. Politics and Gender 2(4), Dec. 2006 : 473-489.

Candidate dropouts are a crucial and understudied population; they represent a significant source for increasing women's candidacies and addressing the gender imbalance in office. Survey evidence demonstrates that women are discouraged from running in districts in which their party is strong, while men are discouraged from running in districts in which their party is weak. Using election records and an original survey, this article examines the experiences of all declared candidates for the state legislature in Florida [US] in 2000 and 2002. The results offer support for the contention that political elites continue to value men's political leadership more than women's, and that increasing the number of female officeholders may require efforts to support declared women candidates in the earliest stages of their candidacies. [R, abr.] 57.6303

NUGUS, Peter — Re-theorising minimalist and maximalist discourses in the Australian monarchy-republican debate. Australian Journal of Political Science 42(1), March 2007 : 111-128.

This paper argues that the Australian monarchy-republican debate ought to be understood as competing interpretations of the relationship between political theory and practice, reflected in competing views on the ability of Australian democratic government to withstand the introduction of a republic. These interpretations, named "minimalist" versus "maximalist" republicanism, transcend traditional theories of monarchism and republicanism. The paper first contextualizes and explains the minimalist-maximalist distinction as a way of understanding the debate. [It then] analyzes the language in texts of key political parties and organized movements in the debate in the 1990s. The focus on elites rather than the public is an innovative approach to this debate, as is the engagement of discourse-analysis which recommends these methods to other sociopolitical settings. [R] 57.6304

OBADARE, Ebenezer — Religious NGOs, civil society and the quest for a public sphere in Nigeria. African Identities 5(1), Apr. 2007 : 135-153.

This article examines the changing role of religious organizations in the dynamics of the public sphere in Nigeria, in the light of the recognition of the growing importance of faith-based organizations across the continent, and within the framework of the discourse on religion, civil society and the public sphere. This is an unstable relationship, with religious forces simultaneously complementing and undermining the public domain. What is also clear from the Nigerian context is that faith-based organizations are in fact increasingly dissatisfied with what ought to be their presumed marginality in a secular political order. As such, they are using different methods to make their impact felt within the public domain, leading to an intense religious rivalry with serious implications for all involved: religious organizations, adherents, and the state itself. [R] 57.6305

ONDERCIN, Heather L. ; BERNSTEIN, Jeffrey L. — Context matters: the influence of state and campaign factors on the gender gap in [US] Senate elections, 1988-2000. Politics and Gender 3(1), March 2007 : 33-53.

Since the 1980s, we have witnessed how the gender gap grows and shrinks in various elections; we address how the context in which the election takes place influences the size of the divide. Studying the gender gap in Senate elections allows us to look at multiple elections across time and space to determine when significant electoral gender gaps arise and when they do not. This contrasts with more traditional approaches that focus either on a single presidential election or on a single year's House or Senate elections. We demonstrate that electoral gender gaps arise from campaign-level factors (such as candidate sex, the presence of an incumbent, and the issues raised in the campaign), state-level factors (demographics and politics of the states), and the complex interaction of these factors. [R] 57.6306

ORTEGA FREI, Eugenio — Los partidos políticos chilenos : cambio y estabilidad en el comportamiento electoral 1990-2000 (The Chilean political parties: change and stability in electoral behavior, 1990-2000). Revista de Ciencia política 23(2), 2003 : 109-147.

Chile is experiencing major changes in its electoral behavior. Such changes coexist with important continuity elements. Beneath an image of stability, a radical electorate realignment is happening. Between 1990

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Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections and 2000, we can observe a high level of aggregate electoral stability; however, during the same period an increase in political disaffection has developed, together with disidentification with the parties and distrust of democratic institutions. The objective [of the author] is to study the extent to which significant changes have taken place in the distribution of the electorate among parties, to analyze the foundations of the parties' electoral support and, the effects of these movements and tendencies on the party system. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5990] 57.6307

PANDAY, Pranab Kumar — Women’s political participation in Bangladesh: does presence ensure representation? Asian Profile 35(2), Apr. 2007 : 153-172.

This paper examines the status of women's participation in the political process in Bangladesh. It asks what happens to Bangladeshi women once they make their way through the political process. What challenges do they face while participating? Does their participation ensure their representation in political decision-making? The available data substantiate that the introduction of reserved seats has opened up new avenues for wider participation of women in the political process. But, they still face several social, cultural and religious challenges which hinder their participation. Women cannot exert much influence in the decisionmaking process. They are still neglected by their male counterparts. Once they ask for their rights, they are very often victimized, assaulted and harassed. [A, abr.] 57.6308

PARK Chong-Min ; SHIN Doh Chull — Popular support for democracy and its institutions in [South] Korea: the dynamics and sources of regime support and institutional trust. International Review of Sociology 16(3), Nov. 2006 : 665-681.

This article examines the contours and dynamics of popular support for democracy in South Korea, a country widely known as one of the most successful third-wave democracies in Asia. Analysis of the Korea Democracy Barometer and East Asia Barometer surveys conducted between 1996 and 2004 reveals that ordinary Koreans' support for democracy has moved both downward and upward during the past eight years. Analysis also reveals that the trajectories and sources of that movement vary considerably across different types of democratic support. Based on this finding that democratic authorization and exercise of power affect various manifestations of democratic support differently, we argue that to understand the dynamics of support for democracy accurately, one must distinguish between the realm of political performance and that of governmental performance. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5781] 57.6309

PAXTON, Pamela ; HUGHES, Melanie M. ; GREEN, Jennifer L. — The international women's movement and women's political representation, 1893-2003. American Sociological Review 71(6), Dec. 2006 : 898-920.

This article asks how the growth and discourse of the international women’s movement affected women's acquisition of political power aver time. We use event history techniques to address women's political representation in more than 150 countries over 110 years (1893-2003). We consider multiple political outcomes: female suffrage, first female parliamentarian, and achievement of 10, 20, and 30 percent women in a country's national legislature. The findings show that increasing global pressure for the inclusion of women in international politics and the changing discourse of the international women's movement help to explain women’s acquisition of these multiple political outcomes. Furthermore, by adding these concepts to traditional domestic models of women in politics, we demonstrate that country-level political, social structural, and cultural characteristics cause countries to act in conjunction with, or in opposition to, these global pressures. [R, abr.] 57.6310

PÉREZ NIEVAS, Santiago ; BONET, Eduard — Identidades regionales y reivindicación de autogobierno. Il etnorregionalismo en el voto a partidos nacionalistas de Bélgica, España y Reino Unido (Regional identity and self-government claims: the impact of ethnoregionalism on the vote for nationalist parties in Belgium, Britain and Spain). Revista española de Ciencia política 15, Oct. 2006 : 123-161.

This article explores the effects of individual level factors on the vote for eight nationalist parties in Belgium, Britain and Spain. We check whether the two variables associated with the ethnoregionalist category, i.e. ethnic identity and claims for regional self-government, are the main factors explaining electoral mobilization for the eight parties. Our analysis also considers other explanations drawn from the literature on nationalism as control variables: social stratification, religion, ideology, and protest voting. Empirical results are contrasted at two levels: regional and national elections. The results allow us to suggest a characterization, based upon the ethnoregionalist category, of the eight nationalist parties considered. We also explore possible reasons behind different types of mobilization. [R] 57.6311

PETRING, Alexander ; HENKES, Christian ; EGLE, Christoph — Traditionelle, modernisierte und liberalisierte Soz-

ialdemokratie: eine Typologie sozialdemokratischer Regierungspolitik in Westeuropa (Traditional, modernized and liberalized social democracy in Western Europe). Swiss Political Science Review 13(1), 2007 : 97134. [Résumé en français] Based on the debate about the "third way" of social democracy, the article gives an empirically founded answer to the question whether a revision of classical political goals and instruments of social-democratic governments in view of the changes caused by global and European market integration and the social change has taken place. A comparison of fiscal, employment and social politics of six social-democratic governments in Britain, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden and Denmark shows that three distinct types can be identified: traditional, modernized, and liberalized social democracy. Each type is accompanied by a certain pattern of policy outcomes. The main explanations for the different policies are party competition, coalition constellations and welfare state structures. [R] 57.6312

PHILPOT, Tasha S. ; WALTON, Hanes, Jr. — One of our own: black female candidates and the voters who support them [in the US]. American Journal of Political Science 51(1), Jan. 2007 : 49-62.

This article examines the role of race and gender in candidate evaluations. Unlike previous research, we argue that the role of race and gender in electoral politics must be examined simultaneously because of their mutually reinforcing relationship. To do so, we explore the connection between the race and gender of voters and their propensity to support black female candidates. Using precinct-level data, experimental data, and national exit poll data from two [US] congressional election years, we demonstrate that black women are the strongest supporters of black female candidates. We also find that support for black female candidates is contingent on their background and political experience. Black female candidates with significant experience in politics can attract both black and white voters, regardless of gender. [R] 57.6313

POPKIN, Samuel L. — The factual basis of [Ph. Converse’s] “belief systems”: a reassessment. Critical Review 18(1-3), 2006 : 233-254.

Ph. Converse contended that the ideological disorganization, attitudinal inconsistency, and limited information of American voters made them a politically disengaged mass, not a responsible electorate. [However,] he misread his two most prominent examples of the electoral consequences of his theory: voting on the Vietnam War in the 1968 New Hampshire primary, and public opinion about the [1947] Taft-Hartley Act. In both cases, voters were better able to sort candidates and policies than Converse reported, despite their lack of ideological sophistication or their knowledge of specific legislation. Converse's interpretive errors here stem from mistaken assumptions about information-processing and recall, and from questionable normative standards about what constituted meaningful and competent political orientation. His criteria underestimate the public's ability to make responsible choices, and the effect of campaigns on the choosing process. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5708] 57.6314

POSSANZINI, Davide — Elezioni e partiti nella Serbia post-comunista (1990-2004) (Elections and parties in post-communist Serbia, 1990-2004). Quaderni dell’Osservatorio elettorale 56, Dec. 2006 : 69-124.

Democratization has not been a simple one-way process. "Electoral democracy" has been threatened by culture-nationalist forces, and it is necessary to reform the electoral system so as to reduce the centerperiphery fracture. 57.6315

POULET, Bernard — La fin sans fin de la gauche extrême (The endless end of the [French] Extreme Left). Le Débat 142, Nov.-Dec. 2006 : 105-109.

The Extreme Left exists in France simultaneously as a trace of the past and as an expression of the nation’s difficulty in accepting the marketeconomy and, occasionally, the democratic system. Recent surveys indicate that public support exceeds ten percent. The nature of the political influence of the Extreme left is at the center of Philippe Raynaud’s most recent work, in which he attempts to understand the intellectual and ideological foundations of the Extreme Left. [See Abstr. 57.6263] 57.6316

POWER, Marcus — Digitized virtuosity: video war games and post-9/11 [2001] cyber-deterrence. Security Dialogue 38(2), June 2007 : 271-288.

In post-9/11 [2001] America, digital war games have increasingly come to provide a space of cyber-deterrence where Americans are able to "play through" the anxieties that attend uncertain times and new configurations of power. This article examines the increasingly close relationship between the US military and the digital-game industry, along with the geographies of militarism that this has produced. Focusing on the contribution that digital war games make to a culture of perpetual war and in the manufacture of consent for US domestic and foreign policy, the

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Pentagon's mobilization and deployment of digital games as an attempt to create a modern version of the noble war fantasy is critically examined. The article examines the influence of digital war games in the militarization of popular culture and in shaping popular understandings of geopolitics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5682]

incumbency rate. I find that state finance has had a limited influence on the party system as a whole but has been influential for specific parties. I argue that the influence of state finance partly depends on when the system was introduced. In developing party systems, the influence of state finance on individual parties is more differential. [R]

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PRUTSCH, Markus J. — "Neutralität" — Positionen und Positionswandel der ÖVP im Spiegel von Grundsatz- und Wahlprogrammen sowie Regierungserklärungen der Zweiten Republik: eine Bilanz ("Neutrality" — positions and position change of the Austrian Popular's Party in the light of its basic policy statements, manifestos and government statements of the Second Republic: a survey). Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 35(4), 2006 : 425-440.

This article outlines the positions and positional changes of the Austrian Popular's Party with regard to neutrality since 1945. By analyzing various documents, four essential paradigmatic changes can be identified: the first in the context of the Austrian State Treaty 1955, when the party abandoned its vague "European" security policy perspective in favor of a moderate endorsement of neutrality; the second at the beginning of the 1990s, characterized by a growing dissociation from neutrality; the third in the mid-1990s, when neutrality was questioned; and the fourth at the beginning of the new millennium, marked by an about-turn in the party's neutrality policy and the abandonment of the ambitious plan to join NATO. The Popular's Party tightrope-walk regarding neutrality has not only been manifold, but also to a large extent inconsistent. [R, abr.] 57.6318

RINNAWI, Khalil — De-legitimization of media mechanisms. Israeli press coverage of the Al Aqsa Intifada. International Communication Gazette 69(2), Apr. 2007 : 149178.

This article examines and compares Israeli print media coverage of the respective Palestinian populations in Israel and in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip during the Al Aqsa Intifada. Historically, the Israeli media have behaved in a “mobilized” manner during periods of heightened conflict. They also play a central role in delegitimizing Palestinian protest, thereby helping to reproduce existing divisions between Jews and Palestinians. This article provides a comprehensive inventory of the "delegitimization mechanisms" at work during the news production process in Israel, a state in external conflict with the Palestinians in the occupied territories and with significant internal tension between its Jewish and Palestinian citizens. [R] 57.6319

ROGGEBAND, Conny ; VLIEGENTHART, Rens — Divergent framing: the public debate on migration in the Dutch parliament and media, 1995-2004. West European Politics 30(3), May 2007 : 524-548.

We reconstruct how the issues of migration and integration have been framed in the Dutch public debate over the last decade. We examine the patterns in both the parliamentary arena and the media and similarities and differences between them. On the basis of two contradictory theories, we formulate hypotheses about overlap and differences between the two arenas and diversity within them. Our results reveal incongruence in framing between them. After 9/11 [2001], however, the framing in which Islam is perceived as a threat to Western society becomes dominant in both arenas. Furthermore, we find no proof of the idea that the media act as a civic forum, with a high diversity of framing. In contrast to the hegemonic framing in the media, the Islam-as-threat frame is actively contested in the political realm. [R, abr.] 57.6320

ROJAS, Priscilla ; NAVIA, Patricio — Representación y tamaño de los distritos electorales en Chile, 1988-2002 (Representation and electoral district size in Chile, 19882002). Revista de Ciencia política 25(2), 2005 : 91-116.

The electoral map for the Chamber of Deputies was designed to overrepresent the support for conservative parties after the 1988 plebiscite. After discussing how the electoral map was drawn up, [the authors] identify a positive correlation between the vote against Pinochet and the size of electoral districts. The changes in population distribution between 1988 and 2002 have worsened the initial distortions in the size of the different districts. They then analyze the impact of the distortions in the size of the electoral districts on the 1999 presidential and 2001 parliamentary elections. Unlike 1988, there is no longer a positive correlation between the size of the districts and the electoral strength of the Concertación. Unequal representation persists there are drastic variations in the population of the 60 electoral districts. [R, abr.] 57.6321

ROPER, Steven D. — The differential impact of state finance on the Romanian party system. Europe-Asia Studies 59(1), Jan. 2007 : 97-109.

This article explores the influence that state finance has had on the Romanian party system by examining the entry and exit of parties throughout the period of 1990-2004 and focusing on the number of parties that gained representation in the parliament as well as the party

SANBONMATSU, Kira — Do [US] parties know that “women win”? Party leader beliefs about women's electoral chances. Politics and Gender 2(4), Dec. 2006 : 431450.

Women's groups emphasize the view that women are viable candidates in American politics with the popular slogan "when women run, women win". What do party leaders believe about women's electoral chances? Do parties know that "women win"? In an analysis of state legislative election results, I find few gender differences in candidates' vote share and success rates, two widely used measures of the status of women candidates. Yet many party leaders report that one gender has an electoral advantage. These party leader perceptions are related to the objective measures of women's electoral success to some extent. However, most analyses reveal a gap between elite perceptions and objective measures of women's status as candidates. Scholars may have overestimated the extent of party-leader and voter support for women. [R] 57.6323

SANTA-CRUZ, Arturo — Redefining sovereignty, consolidating a network: monitoring the 1990 Nicaraguan elections. Revista de Ciencia política 24(1), 2004 : 189-208.

National elections are now international events-and international election monitoring (IEM) an institutionalized practice in world politics that has partially redefined state sovereignty. This work is about a foundational case in the process of lEM's normalization: the 1990 Nicaraguan elections. For the first time ever, the UN, the OAS, and a myriad of nongovernmental organizations monitored an electoral process in a sovereign country. I consider the Nicaraguan experience in light of the wider normative structure of the Western Hemisphere which, I argue, played an important role both in it and in lEM's eventual normalization. [R] 57.6324

SCAMMELL, Margaret — Political brands and consumer citizens: the rebranding of Tony Blair [UK]. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 611, May 2007 : 176-192.

It has become commonplace to speak of political parties and brands. This article looks at the rise of the brand and explains how branding has become the cutting edge of commercial marketing. It examines how the brand concept and research techniques are used in politics and focuses in particular on the rebranding of Tony Blair in the run-up to the 2005 UK general election. Branding is the new form of political marketing. If market research, spin, and advertising were the key signifiers of marketed parties and candidates in the 1980s and 1990s, "branding" is the hallmark now. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6016] 57.6325

SCANLON, Edward ; HARTNETT, Helen ; HARDING, Scott — An analysis of the political activities of [US] NASW [National Association of Social Workers] state chapters. Journal of Policy Practice 5(4), 2006 : 41-54.

The NASW state chapters provide a mechanism through which members can become involved in formal political and community advocacy practice. However, there is little understanding of the strategies and processes undertaken by NASW to affect legislative and electoral outcomes. Through a mailed survey to state NASW chapters, this paper describes the scope of chapters' political practices, their policy goals and priorities, and their perceived effectiveness in advocacy work. [R] 57.6326

SCHEUREGGER, Daniel ; SPIER, Tim — Working-class authoritarianism und die Wahl rechtspopulistischer Parteien. Eine empirische Untersuchung für fünf westeuropäische Staaten (Working-class authoritarianism and the vote for right-wing populist parties. An empirical analysis of five West European countries). Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 59(1), March 2007 : 59-80.

[Can] the often-stated over-representation of workers in the electorates of right-wing populist parties in Western Europe be explained by the "working-class authoritarianism" thesis of S.M. Lipset? On the basis of the European Social Survey of 2002, the thesis is tested empirically by using the Goldthorpe class scheme and two measures of authoritarianism. It is shown that workers are more inclined to vote for right-wing populist parties and have higher levels of authoritarianism. Furthermore, persons with high levels of authoritarianism are more likely to vote for such parties. The authors conclude that disproportionately high shares of votes for right-wing populist parties from the working-class are, indeed, mediated by authoritarianism. [R, abr.] 57.6327

SCHIFFER, Adam J. — Blogswarms and press norms: news coverage of the Downing Street Memo controversy

648

Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections [UK]. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 83(3), Autumn 2006 : 494-510. Among well-documented factors that shape political news coverage are reliance on official sources, indexing of coverage to the range of opinion among officials, and privileging of "episodes" over "themes". The Downing Street Memo controversy of 2005 embodies a clash among those media agenda-setting factors and the intense desire of internet activists to bring coverage to an issue that most political and media elites initially ignored. This case study analyzes the brief burst of mainstream coverage of the controversy. While straight news and television coverage was pegged mostly to official words and action, activists apparently had an easier time penetrating the op-ed pages of major newspapers. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on "Challenges to the news culture. Processes and effects"] 57.6328

SCHNEIDER, Saundra K. ; JACOBY, William G. — Reconsidering the linkage between public assistance and public opinion in the American welfare state. British Journal of Political Science 37(3), July 2007 : 555-566.

In an earlier article ["A culture of dependence? The relationship between public assistance and public opinion", ibid. 33(2), Apr. 2003: 213-231; Abstr. 53.3720], we have examined whether American welfare recipients possess beliefs and attitudes that differ from mainstream public opinion. Although our findings cast doubt on the existence of a widespread ‘culture of dependence’, we do show that program beneficiaries exhibit self-interested support for government policies that provide assistance to needy segments of the population. In this research note, we examine the underlying structure of the relationship between welfare participation and attitudes towards government activity. Our analysis uses the 1992 Center for Political Studies (CPS) National Election Study, the same dataset employed in the earlier article. But, we test a statistical model that allows for reciprocal influences between welfare and public opinion. The empirical results reinforce the earlier conclusion that welfare participation has an impact on mass attitudes. Conversely, political attitudes have no effect on whether citizens use public aid. Mirroring our earlier work, we find that people who rely on governmental assistance take rational, self-interested positions on the public policy issues which operate to their own direct benefit. [R, abr.] 57.6329

SCHOEN, Harold — Angst und Einstellungen zum Kosovokrieg. Eine Analyse der öffentlichen Meinung in Ostund Westdeutschland (Fear and attitudes towards the war in Kosovo. An analysis of German public opinion, East and West). Zeitschrift für internationale Beziehungen 13(2), Dec. 2006 : 177-199.

This article addresses the effects of fear and attitudes towards the Western military intervention in Kosovo in 1999 among the German public in East and West. I propose three competing hypotheses: the progovernment hypothesis, the party-supporter hypothesis and the policy hypothesis. The evidence shows that persons who were afraid of the war in Kosovo opposed NATO air strikes, called for cease-fire and rejected the deployment of ground troops. The findings suggest that the war in Kosovo provoked fear that in turn decreased support for the intervention of the West. Thus, the evidence backs the policy hypothesis that is in line with liberal strands in the debate about the role of public opinion in foreign policy. [R] 57.6330

SEETHALER, Josef ; MELISCHEK, Gabriele — Die Pressekonzentration in Österreich im europäischen Vergleich (Press concentration in Austria: European perspectives). Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 35(4), 2006 : 337-360.

This article examines the phenomenon of press concentration in the context of a detailed analysis of the Austrian media system within a European perspective. The theoretical framework has been developed to provide a comparative analysis of media systems in liberal democracies of Western Europe and the North America. According to the democratic corporatist model prevailing in North and Central European states, there are, above all, two central overlapping determining structure characteristics: a long period of coexistence of a party press and a mass-circulation press, leading to a strong position of the daily papers, and the coexistence of political parallelism in the media and a high degree of professionalism. Both characteristics can be proved to a great extent for the Austrian media system. However, the degree of press concentration, as observed in Austria, must be seen as a danger to external diversity, another essential characteristic of the democratic corporatist model. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “Media and politics”, edited by Andy KALTENBRUNNER. See also Abstr. 57.6004, 6154, 6269] 57.6331

SHAH, Dhavan V., et al. — Political consumerism: how communication and consumption orientations drive "lifestyle politics" [in the US]. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 611, May 2007 : 217-235.

Historians and cultural theorists have long asserted that a desire to express political concerns often guides consumer behavior, yet such

political consumerism has received limited attention from social scientists. Here, the authors explore the relationship of political consumerism with dispositional factors, communication variables, and consumption orientations using data collected from a panel survey conducted in the US between February 2002 and July 2005. The authors test a theorized model using both cross-sectional and auto-regressive panel analyses. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6016] 57.6332

SHENG Yumin — The determinants of provincial presence at the CCP Central Committees, 1978-2002: an empirical investigation. Journal of Contemporary China 51, May 2007 : 215-237.

Drawing on provincial-level time-series cross-section data for the period of 1978-2002, I test hypotheses on the determinants of Chinese Communist Party Central Committee (CC) membership shares for incumbent officials from different provinces. I find that officials from more populous provinces tended to take up higher alternate CC membership shares, but lower full CC membership shares. While urbanization is negatively associated with provincial alternate CC membership shares, there is little support for the role of other economic variables. The constrained nature of alternate CC membership implies greater “symbolic representation” for the more populous and rural provinces on the national level in this period. These findings, based on considerations of distinct categories of CC membership, do not corroborate arguments sweepingly attributing CC representation to either provincial economic resources or performance. [R] 57.6333

SHIN Kwang-Yeong — The citizens’ movement in [South] Korea. Korea Journal 46(2), Summer 2006 : 5-34.

Exploring the social and political background of the citizens' movement and its trajectory in the 1990s, this paper analyzes why the citizens' movement became so influential in Korea in the 1990s. [It] appeared during the period of democratic transition in response to both the collapse of Eastern European state socialism and the continuation of authoritarian regimes, despite the success of the struggle for democracy in Korea. Contentious politics was an outcome of the regime-change in 1997, culminating in the impeachment of the president in 2004, which contributed to the formation of conservative citizens' movement organizations. Like political society, civil society is neither homogeneous nor monolithic but divided or fragmented in terms of political ideology and interests. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on "Currents and prospects of the citizens' movement in Korea". See also Abstr. 57.6177, 6223, 6253, 6267] 57.6334

SHRIVER, Peggy L. — [US] Evangelicals and world affairs. World Policy Journal 23(3), Fall 2006 : 52-58.

Does Pat Robertson speak for America's evangelicals? Why should support for Israel be so specific regarding parts of the Holy Land? How does antipathy to abortion, homosexuality, stem-cell research, and evolution relate to support for Israel? There are no quick answers to such questions. This overview of American evangelicalism and its involvement in international affairs may provide a resource for developing answers. A useful starting point is to recall that concern with world affairs is scarcely a new development among American Christians. [R] 57.6335

SIAVELIS, Peter — Sistema electoral, desintegración de coaliciones y democracia en Chile : ¿ fin de la Concertación ? (Electoral system, disintegration of coalitions and democracy in Chile: the end of the Concertación?). Revista de Ciencia política 24(1), 2004 : 58-80.

While there is much disagreement concerning the political effects of Chile's two-member district binominal election system, most agree that it provides strong incentives for the formation and maintenance of governing coalitions. This article takes on these assumptions, contending that the electoral system's coalition inducing tendencies are actually quite context dependent. Relying on analyses of relative levels of electoral support among parties, a "reward" insurance policy for electoral losers, and the timing and sequencing of elections, it outlines the conditions under which the coalition-enhancing tendencies of the electoral system are at their strongest and their weakest. These variables to provide a less than propitious environment for the maintenance of the Concertación coalition in the lead up to the 2005 elections. In theoretical terms, the article challenges direct and mechanistic connections between electoral formulas and party outcomes, arguing that we should not be surprised when subtle contextual variations cause theorized outcomes not to occur. These findings contribute to an emerging consensus that many of the theorized rules with respect to the connection between electoral and party systems developed on the bases of the US and European models are at worst tenuous, and at best, need to be applied with a good deal of care in Latin America and in other places. [R, abr.] 57.6336

SIDES, John ; CITRIN, Jack — European opinion about immigration: the role of identities, interests and information. British Journal of Political Science 37(3), July 2007 : 477-504.

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Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections

This article assesses the influence of material interests and cultural identities on European opinion about immigration. Analysis of respondents in twenty countries sampled in the 2002-2003 European Social Survey demonstrates that they are unenthusiastic about high levels of immigration and typically overestimate the actual number of immigrants living in their country. At the individual level, cultural and national identity, economic interests and the level of information about immigration are all important predictors of attitudes. “Symbolic” predispositions, such as preferences for cultural unity, have a stronger statistical effect than economic dissatisfaction. Variation across countries in both the level and the predictors of opposition to immigration are mostly unrelated to contextual factors cited in previous research, notably the amount of immigration into a country and the overall state of its economy. The ramifications of these findings for policy makers are discussed in the context of current debates about immigration and European integration. [R] 57.6337

SILKE, Daniel — The US 2008 presidential elections: from global policeman to global democracy. AQ [Australian Quarterly] 79(2), March-Apr. 2007 : 12-13.

The status of the US as the world's most powerful democracy and its allpervasive representation in media across the globe will make the coming election not just a US domestic event: it will be the world's election. Just as the US is the global policeman, so is its election fast becoming the world's election. [R] 57.6338

SIMI, Pete ; FUTRELL, Robert — Cyberculture and the endurance of white power activism. Journal of Political and Military Sociology 34(1), Summer 2006 : 115-142.

Drawing from ethnographic and documentary data, this article examines the character of the social spaces that white power movement (WPM) activists create on the internet and the linkages to their real-world activism. Specifically, we explain how white power activists use cyberspace as a free space to create and sustain movement culture and coordinate collective action. The WPM's cyberpresence intersects with and enhances their real world activities by offering multiple opportunities for access and coordination. Virtual contact with the WPM community offers members social support, companionship, and a sense of belonging to a community of Aryan believers. Real and virtual spaces are rather closely intertwined. Consequently, virtual spaces provide an opportunity to parallel and extend the type of interaction present in real-world free spaces that are so critical to nurturing and sustaining white power movement culture. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6153] 57.6339

SIMONE, Michele — Dalla Margherita al Partito democratico (From the Margherita to the [Italian] Democratic Party). Civiltà cattolica 3767, 2 June 2007 : 488-494.

The final Congress of the Margherita was held in Rome from 20 to 22 April 2007. The party's president, Francesco Rutelli, confirmed in his opening address the Margherita's decision to join the Democratic Party (PD). He declared himself favorable to an electoral reform agreed with the opposition, and to changes in the Constitution. As far as the international position of the PD, he insisted that joining the European Socialist Party was impossible for the Margherita, and hence for the PD. [R, abr., transl.] 57.6340

SIMONE, Michele — L'ultimo Congresso dei Democratici di Sinistra (The final Congress of the [Italian] Democrats of the Left). Civiltà cattolica 3766, 19 May 2007 : 386-392.

The Congress of the Democrats of the Left (DS) held in Florence from 19 to 21 April 2007, approved the opening of the constituent phase of the Democratic Party (PD), which will also include the Margherita. The refusal of the delegates of the left-wing of the DS to participate in the creation of the PD is a clarifying decision, which may at least at the beginning have an electoral cost. [R, abr., transl.] 57.6341

SMEETS, Valérie ; WARZYNSKI, Frédéric — Job creation, job destruction and voting behavior in Poland. European Journal of Political Economy 22(2), June 2006 : 503-519.

This paper analyzes how job-creation and job-destruction affected voting in the Polish 1997 and 2001 parliamentary elections. We link the votes for the left-wing party to the unemployment rate and the job-creation and -destruction rates in a constituency, and show that the job-destruction rate and unemployment rate had a positive effect on the votes for the SLD, while the job-creation rate had a negative effect. We then look at the effect of the change in job-creation and job-destruction rates on the change in the votes for individual candidates. We find that incumbents from the former right-wing coalition received fewer votes if excess jobreallocation had increased in their constituency. Job flows therefore significantly affected voting and the balance between positive and negative effects of reforms to a large extent determined the political outcome. [R] [See Abstr. 57.5972] 57.6342

SOUTHWELL, Priscilla L. — Equality of recruitment: gender parity in French National Assembly elections. Social Science Journal 44(1), 2007 : 83-90.

The 2002 National Assembly election results suggest that the new gender Parity Law contributed to the modest increase in the number of female deputies elected, but that the success rate for female candidates declined from the 1997 elections. This result appears to have been affected by two factors: (1) a greater-than-average number of female candidates were affiliated with the Socialist party. [which] lost control of the government in this election; and (2) many female candidates were running against male incumbents. Multivariate analysis suggests that, after these two factors are controlled for, female candidates were more likely to be elected in open-seat contests than were male candidates. Preliminary analysis of roll-call votes in the two most recent (1997-2004) legislative sessions suggests that party, not gender, is the main determinant of voting behavior. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.5925] 57.6343

STATON, Jeffrey K. ; JACKSON, Robert A. ; CANACHE, Damarys — Dual nationality among [US] Latinos: what are the implications for political connectedness? Journal of Politics 69(2), May 2007 : 470-482.

This study examines whether first-generation dual-national Latinos are less politically connected than their sole US-national counterparts. According to the traditional view on immigration and assimilation, dual nationality should be associated with negative consequences for political integration. Conversely, according to the transnational perspective, multiple nationalities do not preclude, and in fact may facilitate, political assimilation and incorporation. Relying on data from The Washington Post/Henry J. Kaiser Foundation/Harvard University National Survey on Latinos in America (1999) and the Pew Hispanic Center/Kaiser Family Foundation 2002 National Survey of Latinos, we investigate the influence of dual nationality on first-generation Latinos' English language proficiency, attitudinal political connectedness (specifically, their selfidentification as Americans, consideration of the US as their real homeland, and civic duty) and electoral participation. [R, abr.] 57.6344

STEENBERGEN, Marco R. ; EDWARDS, Erica E. ; DE VRIES, Catherine E. — Who’s cueing whom? Mass-elite linkages and the future of European integration. European Union Politics 8(1), March 2007 : 13-35.

The 2005 French and Dutch referendum campaigns were characterized by an alleged disconnect between pro-European political elites and Euroskeptic masses. Past evidence regarding elite-mass linkages in the context of European integration has been conflicting. Whereas some scholars argue that political elites respond to the changing preferences of their electorates, others suggest that party elites cue the mass public through a process of information and persuasion. We contend that these conflicting results stem from the reciprocal nature of elite-mass linkages and estimate a series of dynamic simultaneous equations models to account for this reverse causation. Using Euro-barometer and expert survey data from 1984-2002, we find evidence of a dual-process model, whereby party elites both respond to and shape the views of their supporters. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue, “What drives Euroscepticism?”, edited and introduced, “Party-public cueing, ideology and strategic opportunity”, pp. 5-12, by Liesbet HOOGHE. See also Abstr. 57.6182, 6212, 6243, 6259] 57.6345

STEGER, Wayne P. — Who wins nominations and why? An updated forecast of the presidential primary vote. Political Research Quarterly 60(1), March 2007 : 91-99.

This article builds on previous forecasts of the [US] presidential primary vote by incorporating elite party endorsements and estimates of candidate electability. Elite endorsements are significant predictors of both parties' primary vote, but cash reserves are significant only for Democrats while Gallup poll results are significant only for Republicans. The model updated by the New Hampshire primary results indicates that the primary affects both parties' remaining primary vote, especially for Democrats. Republican nominations are largely predictable and determined mainly by effects occurring prior to the primaries, while Democratic nominations are relatively unpredictable before the primaries and are susceptible to momentum during the primaries. [R] 57.6346

STETTER, Stephan — Of separate and joint universes: national parliamentary elections in Israel and Palestine. Mediterranean Politics 11(3), Nov. 2006 : 425-432.

The article analyzes the national parliamentary (Knesset) elections in Israel and in Palestine (the Palestinian Legislative Council) in 2006. It puts this analysis into comparative perspective. Thus, notwithstanding the increasing trend towards unilateral policies in Israeli and Palestinian politics since the outbreak of the second intifada, the elections in both countries provide for some interesting similarities. Paradoxically, both nations are bound together by shared perceptions of the roots of the conflict (i.e., the other side is responsible) which provides the legitimate basis for pursuing unilateral and conflict-enhancing policies vis-à-vis the national and global public. [A] 57.6347

SUSSMAN, Gary — The referendum as an electoral device in [South Africa’s] National Party politics, 1917-60. Politikon 33(3), Dec. 2006 : 259-275.

650

Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections Parties may view a referendum pledge as a resource to broaden their electoral appeal, especially where controversial ethno-national issues are at stake. The pro-active referendum pledge allows a political party to pursue an ethno-national ideal that sets it apart from the incumbent, yet seek the support of wider constituencies. As historical evidence from South Africa suggests, repeated use of the referendum pledge for this purpose makes it difficult for the party to abrogate once in power. Such strategic use of the referendum is distinct from other forms of controlled referendum-use identified to date. The existing literature suggests that incumbents employ controlled referenda in response to public pressure or deep internal divisions over controversial issues. The genesis of a referendum may, however, lie in the politics of opposition and incumbency struggles. [R] 57.6348

TEIGEN, Jeremy M. — Veterans' party identification, candidate affect, and vote choice in the 2004 US presidential election. Armed Forces and Society 33(3), Apr. 2007 : 414-437.

The 2004 US presidential election was a wartime contest that entailed a great deal of discussion about the role that previous military service plays in elections for both candidates and the electorate. Using polling data throughout 2004, this article examines party-identification, candidate affect, and vote-choice preferences among veterans and nonveterans in the electorate. Despite widespread assumptions depicting the veteran population as deeply Republican, those with military experience in 2004 largely mirrored their non-veteran peers in terms of partisan identification, warmth toward candidates, ballot intentions, and votechoice. One important exception manifested after the "Swift Boat" advertisement in September, which impelled significant numbers of veterans who identify with the Democratic Party to express the intention to vote for G.W. Bush. [R] [See Abstr. 57.6167] 57.6349

TESSLER, Mark ; ROBBINS, Michael D. H. — What leads some ordinary Arab men and women to approve of terrorist acts against the United States? Journal of Conflict Resolution 51(2), Apr. 2007 : 305-328.

Findings from representative national surveys in Algeria and Jordan show that neither religious orientations, judgments about Western culture, nor economic circumstances account for variance in approval of terrorist acts against US targets. Alternatively, in both countries, approval of terrorism against the US is disproportionately likely among men and women with negative judgments about their own government and about US foreign policy. Taken together, these findings suggest that approval of terrorism is fostered by negative attitudes toward actors considered responsible for the political and economic status quo. Given that Algeria and Jordan have had different experiences with respect to terrorism and also differ in demographic, political, and economic structure, identical findings from these dissimilar countries suggest that the observed relationships are not country-specific and may apply more generally. [R] 57.6350

TOUYKOVA, Marta — Conversion partisane et usages politiques du passé : le cas du Parti socialiste bulgare (Political party conversion and use of the past: the Bulgarian Socialist party). Revue d'Études comparatives EstOuest 37(3), Sept. 2006 : 67-96. [Résumé en français]

Although most political organizations make references to the past, they do not all have the same relations with the communist experience. The Bulgarian Socialist Party, the successor of the former single ruling party, is being renovated. Given [its] long historical legacy, it has laid conditional claim to that inheritance. Its renovation is based on how it is using and managing its communist past, which, while being a handicap and a constraint, could under certain conditions be converted into a useful resource. Profiting from the former regime's legacy is not without risks for a party which seek to promote a new image. Its moderation in using that legacy is evidence that it is reorienting its strategy and also, perhaps, that the past carries less weight in politics. [R] 57.6351

TRANSUE, John E. — Identity salience, identity acceptance, and racial policy attitudes: American national identity as a uniting force. American Journal of Political Science 51(1), Jan. 2007 : 78-91.

Political science has focused [more on] sources of intergroup conflict, [than] on forces that bring people together and lead them to transcend group boundaries. This study presents evidence that attachment to a shared superordinate identity can improve intergroup relations by reducing the social distance between people of different racial groups. Using a survey experiment, this research shows that making a superordinate identity salient increased support for a tax increase. The effects of the identity-salience treatment are compared to a policy particularism treatment in terms of effect-size and their interaction with each other. The size and direction of the identity-salience effect is affected by the degree of respondents' acceptance of the proffered identity. Implications for social identity theory, racial policy attitudes, and American national identity are discussed. [R] 57.6352

TRANTER, Bruce — Political knowledge [in Australia] and its partisan consequences. Australian Journal of Political Science 42(1), March 2007 : 73-88.

The study of political knowledge is [insufficiently] researched in Australia. Knowledge of political facts and issues is important for making informed political choices. Age, gender, educational attainment and occupational status all distinguish knowledge of politics in Australia, although their impact varies across domestic and international political issues. Political knowledge also influences political behavior. At the 2004 federal election, politically knowledgeable Australians were more likely to vote for the Greens than the Coalition in the House of Representatives, and more likely to vote for the Greens than for the major parties in the Senate. Political knowledge also increases the likelihood of voting strategically, particularly for the Labor Party in the House of Representatives and Greens in the Senate. [R] 57.6353

TRAVIN, Javier — La división de los Palestinos : nacionalismo laico versus nacionalismo islamista. Del islamismo al islam-nacionalismo : el caso del Hamas palestino (The Palestinians’ division: secular nationalism versus Islamist nationalism. From Islamism to Islamicnationalism: the case of the Palestinian Hamas). Revista CIDOB d'Afers internacionals 76, Dec. 2006-Jan. 2007 : 218240.

Within Palestinian society, a dispute of a politico-ideological nature maintains the duel between the Hamas Islamist movement and the once all-powerful and hegemonic Fatah. This intra-Palestinian conflict, less virulent and less prominent in the media, but of extreme violence, is analyzed. The insertion of the Islamist movement into the Palestinian political picture, above all since Its victory in the first national election in which it participated, changed completely the political scene, dominated up until then by the secular nationalists of Fatah. It also changed the tactics of Hamas about resorting to the ballot box to win an election and govern an institution created by the Oslo Accords, which the group opposed when they were drawn up. This change in tactics demonstrates the evolution of Hamas, from a missionary Islamism to a political one. [R, abr.] 57.6354

WALDER, Andrew G. — Ambiguity and choice in political movements: the origins of Beijing Red Guard factionalism [China]. American Journal of Sociology 112(3), Nov. 2006 : 710-750.

Theories about political movements typically posit models of actor choice that contain untested static assumptions about context. Short-run changes in these contexts can alter choices and actors' interests, rapidly transforming the political landscape. China's Red Guard Movement of 1966-1968 is a case in point. A generation of scholarship has attributed its violent factionalism to the opposed interests of different status groups. New evidence about the origins of the movement in Beijing's universities indicates that to the contrary, factions emerged when activists in similar structural positions made opposed choices in ambiguous contexts. Activists subsequently mobilized to defend earlier choices, binding them to antagonistic factions. Rapid shifts in the contexts for political choice can alter prior connections between social position and interests, generating new motives and novel identities. [R, abr.] 57.6355

WALDNER, Lisa K. ; MARTIN, Heather ; CAPEDER, Lyndsay — Ideology of gay racialist skinheads and stigma management techniques. Journal of Political and Military Sociology 34(1), Summer 2006 : 165-184.

While many researchers dismiss gay skinheads as a contradiction in terms, these individuals provide an opportunity to explore sociologically the strategies used to both challenge the homophobia of white power groups and manage the stigma of homosexuality. An analysis of a gay racialist website reveals rhetorical strategies. Content on gay racialist message boards suggests that sexual networking and not racial politics is the primary function of these sites. Yet, we note the potential for these boards to function as a transformative-prefigurative space or a place for gay racialists to connect with one another and potentially the larger White Power movement. An examination of stigma-management techniques informs our understanding of gay racialists and the diversity that comprises the dissident right. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 57.6153] 57.6356

WANG Chin-Shou ; KURZMAN, Charles — Dilemmas of electoral clientelism: Taiwan, 1993. International Political Science Review 28(2), March 2007 : 225-245. [Résumé en français]

For many years, studies of electoral clientelism regarded clients as the captive votes of patrons. In recent years, this conventional wisdom has come under challenge, as scholars have come to recognize the widespread non-compliance of clients. This article uses the case of the 1993 Taiwan election to offer the first systematic data on non-compliance. Documents from the ruling Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) campaign office in one Taiwanese district, combined with district electoral results, demonstrate considerable leakage in this instance of clientelist mobilization: at least 45 percent of voters who sold their votes to the Kuomintang did not, in fact, vote for the Kuomintang's candidate. This article argues that clientelist mobilization faced at least four serious obstacles, including (1) broker scarcity, (2) factionalism, (3) embezzlement, and (4) financial limitations. [R, abr.]

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Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections

57.6357

WARHURST, John — Religion and politics [in Australia] in the Howard decade [1996-2006]. Australian Journal of Political Science 42(1), March 2007 : 19-32.

This article discusses a range of the major religion and politics issues in Australia since the election of the Howard government in 1996. [During] this decade, religion has had a higher political profile than at any time since the 1950s Labor Split. One feature has been the rise to prominence of Catholics in the Coalition parties, whereas they featured heavily on the other side during the Labor Split. It is a more intellectually interesting decade than the 1950s because the influence of religion has crossed denominational and faith boundaries from the mainstream Christian churches to the newer Evangelical Christian churches and to nonChristian religions such as Islam. The overall impact of religious intervention appears to have favored the Coalition parties, but many unanswered questions remain about the motivation and impact of these developments. [R, abr.] 57.6358

WASS, Hanna — Generations and socialization into electoral participation in Finland. Scandinavian Political Studies 30(1), March 2007 : 1-19.

This article examines the extent to which political socialization accounts for generational differences in electoral participation found in recent studies. The analysis is based on the Finnish National Elections Study 2003. The results show that even though politics has had the smallest role during the formative years of the youngest generation and they most often do not know their parents' partisanship, this generation has received the most encouragement for voting and the attitudinal change towards voting within an individual's life span has been the most positive. Consequently, if there were no differences in the socialization between the youngest and the older generations, the difference in turnout would be larger if only sex and socioeconomic factors were taken into account. The factors behind the low turnout among the young generation have to be sought elsewhere. [R, abr.] 57.6359

WEISS, Herbert F. — Voting for change in the DRC [Democratic Republic of Congo, Kinshasa]. Journal of Democracy 18(2), Apr. 2007 : 138-151.

The holding of competitive elections in this vast, strife-torn country must count as a significant achievement, even though voters signaled their disaffection with the entire array of political elites that had been ruling them. [R] 57.6360

WERZ, Nikolaus ; SCHOON, Steffen — Die mecklenburgvorpommersche Landtagswahl vom 17. September 2006: Ein halber Regierungswechsel und das Ende des Dreiparteiensystems (The 17 September 2006 election to the Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania [Germany] diet: a half change of government and the end of the three-partysystem). Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 38(1), 2007 : 6783.

The regional election in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania was, for the first time since 1990, a "true" Land election, as it did not take place on the same day as a federal election. The opportunity for thrusting the Land’s own political topics into the limelight was, however, not used by any of the parties. Partially because of that, there was no polarization among voters. The voter turnout was quite low, but not as low as predicted by political observers. The mobilization against the right-extremist NPD in the final phase of the electoral campaign allowed the SPD, despite great losses, to emerge as the strongest party. The Party of the Left (PDS) made only minimal advances, and the CDU dropped to a record low of less than 30 per cent of the vote. In addition to the FDP, which succeeded in re-entering the Diet for the first time since 1990, the NPD managed to overcome the five percent hurdle. Thus, the previous three-party system ended. Due to his narrow majority, Prime Minister Harold Ringstorff (SPD) decided against a continuation of the Red-Red coalition and instead formed the fourth grand coalition with the CDU in the new Länder. [R, abr.] 57.6361

WITMER, Richard ; BOEHMKE, Frederick — American Indian political incorporation in the post-Indian Gaming Regulatory Act era. Social Science Journal 44(1), 2007 : 127-145.

Despite the active and growing role American Indians play in the US political system, the study of contemporary political relations between Indian nations and federal and state governments remains underdeveloped in the political science literature. The dearth of inquiry is most notable in examining the efforts American Indians and Indian nations undertake in an attempt to influence public policy. Recent developments, including the passage of the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA) in 1988, have altered how American Indians participate in the political process. In order to study these recent changes, we examine Indian nations' use of interest-group strategies in the political process. We demonstrate how such an approach adds to our understanding of Indian and non-Indian relations, documenting how resources obtained through gaming have allowed them to expand this strategy. [R, abr.] 57.6362

WOJCIESZAK, Magdalena — Al Jazeera. A challenge to the traditional framing research. International Communication Gazette 69(2), Apr. 2007 : 115-128.

This article examines framing research and the challenges posed to this model by al-Jazeera. Traditional framing scholarship might not be applicable to analyzing al Jazeera and other satellite channels because it presumes the impact of political elites on the framing process, conceives of the media as hegemonic, is idiosyncratic to the American media and power arrangements, and does not account for new information communication technologies. Al Jazeera, on the other hand, is a satellite channel relatively autonomous from domestic media regulations and national power structures, originated in the continuously evolving media landscape and sociopolitical context of the Middle East, and has been considered a counter-hegemonic force in the Arab world that challenges its dominant social discourse and the existing political order. [R] 57.6363

YANKELOVICH, Daniel — The tipping points [of US public opinion on foreign policy]. Foreign Affairs 85(3), May-June 2006 : 115-125.

A new survey of US public opinion on foreign policy shows that the war in Iraq and terrorism are not the only problems on Americans' minds. Public concern over the US dependence on foreign oil may soon force policy-makers to change course. And religious Americans are rethinking their support for many of Bush's policies, which has brought them closer in line with the rest of the public. [R] 57.6364

Do women represent women? Rethinking the [US] “critical mass” debate. Politics and Gender 2(4), Dec. 2006 : 492-530.

Articles by Sandra GREY, "Numbers and beyond: the relevance of critical mass in gender research", pp. 492-502; Manon TREMBLAY, "The substantive representation of women and PR: some reflections on the role of surrogate representation and critical mass", pp. 502-511; Drude DAHLERUP, "The story of the theory of critical mass", pp. 511-522; Sarah CHILDS and Mona Lena KROOK, "Should feminists give up on critical mass? A contingent yes", pp. 522-530. 57.6365

Nationalsozialismus (National Socialism [Germany]). Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 14-15, 2 Apr. 2007 : 3-46.

Articles by Peter LONGERICH, Saul FRIEDLÄNDER, Hans MOMMSEN, Harald WELZER, Beate KOSMALA, Rüdiger FLEITER, Astrid IRRGANG. 57.6366

Oltre il voto (Beyond the vote [The Italian parliamentary election of 9-10 April 2006]). Il Mulino 425, May-June 2006 : 422-460.

Articles by Piergiorgio CORBETTA and Salvatore VASSALLO; Pero IGNAZI; Aldo DI VIRGILIO; Giacomo SANI. 57.6367

Primarie (Le) in Italia (Primary elections in Italy). Quaderni dell’Osservatorio elettorale 55, June 2006 : 21-264.

Contributions to a symposium on “Primary elections in Italy: candidate selection or legitimation of leadership?” by Gianfranco RICCANBONI; Gianfranco PASQUINO; Carlo FUSARO; Ilvo DIAMANTI and Fabio BORDIGNON; Antonio FLORIDA; Marco GIAFFREDA; Vittoria CUTURI, Simona GOZZO, Rossana SAMPUGNARO and Venera TOMASELLI.

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