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CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
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CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
Editorial Board (編輯委員會) Chairman: YE Jianming (葉簡明) Vice Chairman: CHAN Chau To (陳秋途) Member: HO Chi Ping Patrick (何志平) Member: LO Cheung On (路祥安) Member: ZHANG Ya (張雅) Editor-in-Chief (主編) HO Chi Ping Patrick (何志平) Deputy Editor (副主編) LO Cheung On (路祥安) Executive Editor (執行編輯) ZHANG Ya (張雅)
Daniyal NASIR (黎庭耀)
Editorial Assistants (編輯助理) LEE Ching Hang Koch (李政恆) David Wen RICCARDI-ZHU (朱為文) ---------------------------------
Published by China Energy Fund Committee 34/F, Convention Plaza Office Tower, 1 Harbour Road, Wanchai, Hong Kong , China Visit our website at www.cefc-ngo.co --------------------------------For enquiries of distribution in the United States, Please contact CEFC U.S. Office 25/F, 1100 Wilson Boulevard, Arlington, VA 22209, U.S. --------------------------------Editor’s Note The authors whose original contributions were written in Chinese have given their permission for the articles to be translated into English, although not necessarily having vetted the English translation. -------------------------------All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means without the written permission of the publisher. ISSN 2311-2506 CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
Editor’s Note
“Knock, Knock, Knock” – The World Trying to Understand China (三次「敲門」——世界對理解中國所作的嘗試) In my previous capacity as the Secretary for Home Affairs of the Hong Kong Government, I have come to learn that mutual trust and respect are the prerequisites to any conflict resolution. Mutual trust and respect come from a better understanding of each other’s history, culture and social norms, which is why the China Energy Fund Committee (CEFC), apart from addressing energy issues, takes an intense interest in promoting dialogues. We have organized several Sino-U.S. Colloquiums which brought together senior officials, academic and business elites from China and the United States to conduct in-depth discussions across a range of issues and interests common to both countries such as energy, politics, security and culture. And this time, it’s media. We chose media because we believe media plays a pivotal role in communication, in bridging nations and peoples, and in facilitating mutual understanding and trust. With deeper understanding of each other’s core values, cultural traditions as well as historical backgrounds, undue apprehension and anxiety can be allayed. Political mutual trust can only be made possible when misinterpretation, miscalculation and misjudgment stemming from suspicion, erroneous assumption, and the misreading of intention are eliminated. And finally, a new type of major-country relations featuring non-confrontation, non-conflict, mutual respect and win-win cooperation will be made possible. I, for one, do not underestimate the difficulty of achieving this. As you know, China and the United States behold different values, run on different social and political systems, come from different historical cultures, are in different developmental stages, and harbor different strategic considerations. Indeed, the divergence between the two countries is so great that it is totally unimaginable that we could ever be friends. Perhaps mutual understanding is the most difficult task in international relations. I was asked by several American friends: Does China really have freedom of the press? Is China’s one-party governance sustainable? Is China a responsible stakeholder? Is China’s extraordinary rise threatening the world? These questions reflect the cognitive differences between the two countries. In fact, the distance between the East and the West is so great that it might take hundreds of years, sometimes even involving arms and conflicts, for the West to understand what constitutes “China”.
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Exchanges between Chinese and Western Cultures and Chinese Core Values American media like to talk about the rise of China. Indeed, in the last 5,000 years, the Chinese have recorded at least four periods of prosperity – four rises. The first was in the Zhou Dynasty (BC 1042-996) during which the Chinese feudal system of administration was introduced. The second was in the Han Dynasty (BC 180-141) when Emperors governed with non-interference, farming, and peaceful development. They were not only able to repel the invasions of the Mongols from the north, but were also able to dispatch envoys to forge the first contacts with the West, opening up the Silk Road for trade. The third was in the Tang Dynasty (AD 627-649) when China’s GDP was about one third of the world’s, and students came from Japan and neighboring countries to study in China. The fourth rise of China occurred in the Ming Dynasty (AD 1403-1435) when Admiral Zheng He and his powerful fleets were sent to sail from the South China Sea to the Indian Ocean, to Africa, and, arguably, even to America, some 71 years before Columbus. Just think about it, did China’s rises in the past ever threaten the world? The Chinese people are a peace loving people. Whereas Julius Caesar said “I came, I saw, I conquered”, the Chinese said “I came, I saw, I made friends, and I went home”. Not one battle was fought, not one colony seized, and nobody was enslaved. Then, in the 14th century, the Renaissance delivered Europe from the darkness of the Middle Ages. The Industrial Revolution, together with the advancement of seamanship, empowered the West to stretch its influence around the globe with colonization, and starting in the 15th century, the West “knocked” on the ancient door of China. The First “Knock” The first-ever attempt by the West to understand and open up China began in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, during which Matteo Ricci, a Jesuit priest, visited China. Not only did he come to preach Christianity, he also spread Western knowledge of mathematics, medicine and astronomy, enriching hugely China’s knowledge in science and philosophical thinking. At the same time, Western priests admired Chinese culture and values. Ricci once sighed that the ideals of The Republic of Plato defining justice and order of the city-state, had already been realized in China. Joachim Bouvet, a French priest and Sinologist, arrived in Peking in 1688 as a royal mathematician, taking over as Emperor Kangxi’s teacher of western studies. He conducted a thorough study of the Chinese Classics and concluded that a certain period in Chinese history does not merely belong to the Chinese, but to all of mankind.
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This was the first attempt by Western civilization to come into contact with China, mediated through religion, philosophies and sciences. In the late Kangxi era, however, mandarins were still enthralled in their own cultural refinement and did not feel challenged at all. Following a lengthy dispute over religious protocol between China and the Vatican, the door for cultural exchange was callously closed, leading to a state of mutual isolation. The Second “Knock” In the 18th century, Britain’s Industrial Revolution, America’s War of Independence and France’s Great Revolution dramatically changed the face of Western civilization. Western countries, aiming to enrich themselves with natural resources through their military supremacy, forcibly expanded colonialism to the East. In 1840, Britain, prompted by the British opium merchants, invaded China and launched the First Opium War. China then, as the main Power in the East, enjoyed about one-third of global GDP, and had military forces of 800,000. The British had just 7,000 men in their expeditionary force. China lost the war. Hardly had the Qing Government negotiated grossly unequal treaties with Britain and the other invaders when the Second Opium War started in 1860. At this time, China’s GDP was 1.6 times that of Britain. China lost again. Then the disastrous Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1894 when China’s GDP was five times that of Japan. And China lost the war. Finally, China realized that its GDP represented prosperity and not strength. This lesson was remembered well by the Chinese. Ever since 1840, for more than 100 years, after being brought to its knees at gun point by the West, China was awakened, suddenly realizing that it had to catch up with the Western world. It has since strived successively to strengthen its military, economy and political development. The Self-Strengthening Movement in 1861 attempted to introduce military reforms but failed. In 1898, the Hundred Days’ Reform, aimed at setting up a constitutional monarchy, was crushed by the Royal Court. Sun Yat-sen was successful in overthrowing the Ching dynasty ending Imperialism in China in 1911, but the reformed governing structure that was put in place did not last long. The May Fourth Movement which took place in 1919 was a cultural revolution in nature, with the adoption of Western values of democracy and science for strengthening the country. China, taken to task by the West, began to question whether the traditional core values of its ancestors were still applicable to manage the cogent problems of the modern time. Such a debate led to the reforms and self-renewal movements that followed throughout the various stages of China’s modernization process over the last century. These reforms embraced the ideals of inheriting the past and ushering in the future. Even into the formative stages of the new People’s Republic after 1949, China was preoccupied with one major task – modernization through self-reflection, self-renewal, and self-fortification, and trying to re-endow traditional core
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values with new meanings and applications. Because of the unfavorable international environment and domestic limitations, repeated reforms and movements failed to provide a forlorn and wartorn China with all-round modernization. These traditional cultural core values, however, which have on many occasions been on the verge of being forsaken and denounced, have provided the very necessary cohesive spiritual force to hold and bind the Chinese people together through these periods of trial and tribulation. The Third “Knock” The third “knock” on the door of China came in the 1970s. In the midst of the Cold War and international events, in 1972, U.S. President Richard Nixon visited China, offering an olive branch to China to integrate into the global economic system of the era. When Deng Xiaoping came into power, China began walking down the path of development of a socialist market economy with Chinese characteristics. With rapid economic advancement, China moved towards a moderately well-off society. Over the past 40 years, since Nixon’s visit to China, the Chinese people have created one miracle after another as the country basically resolved the problem of feeding its population of 1.3 billion. The wish for a moderately well-off society is beginning to be fulfilled. This was perceived as the third attempt to understand and open up China by the West. Unlike the previous two attempts, China was introduced to Western social systems and concepts of market economy and international trade. Nixon’s visit kicked off a string of multifaceted social contact between China and the West. This was of vital importance to China’s modernization as it was conducive to integrating such an ancient giant civilization into the modernized international system. Since Matteo Ricci over 200 years ago, the West has been seeking a way to understand China. However, although China has finally opened its doors, many Western observers, including American policymakers, still get China wrong. When Mao Tse Tung announced the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the experts in the Truman and Eisenhower administrations believed it would not last long. Kennedy and Johnson believed that China would align with the Russians permanently. Then, Sino-Soviet relations split in 1969. When Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger took office, they thought that Sino-Russian relations were permanently broken. They believed that China would one day change its political system into an American liberal democracy, which assumes that multi-party elections are a necessity for a market economy.
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Now here are the facts. In just 30 years, without adopting the American political system, China went from one of the poorest agricultural countries in the world to the second-largest economy. And now, American media is worrying that Beijing will align with Moscow to compete with Washington. What accounts for this? After 65 years since the establishment of the PRC, many Americans still ask the question, “What does China want?” Different PastS, Common Future In 2013, during the historic meeting held between President Xi Jinping and President Obama at the Annenberg Estate, the two leaders agreed to build a new type of major-country relations featuring non-confrontation, non-conflict, mutual respect and win-win cooperation. But this relationship can only be possible if built upon a foundation of mutual understanding. We believe that dialogue is the only means through which disputes can be settled and mitigated. We each have a different past, but together, we have a common future. In this information age, we are witnessing one of the most important revolutions that is profoundly reshaping the world. With the development of the media and the internet, no man is an island, entire of itself. Every man is a piece of the continent, a part of the main. With our interests so intertwined, we rise and fall together, friends and enemies alike. Chinese and American journalists need to exchange views, address challenges and discuss not only the new developments of the media industry, but also the roles of media in pursuit of lasting peace and common prosperity for both countries. With new developments in communication technology, will there be a paradigm shift in news reporting? What are the challenges and opportunities of media convergence? Is cross-cultural communication possible? What kind of new ideas, new strategies and new practices do journalism educators in China and the United States have? To what extent will the global news media landscape be changed? How can we understand the role of media in public governance? What role can the media play in the construction of national image? And can media help the world find a way to a harmonious future? These are the questions we hope to answer.
Editor-in-Chief Dr. HO Chi Ping Patrick (何志平) Deputy Chairman and Secretary-General China Energy Fund Committee
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contents Editor’s Note “Knock, Knock, Knock” - The World Trying to Understand China
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(三次「敲門」——世界對理解中國所作的嘗試)
HO Chi Ping Patrick (何志平)
A New Type of Major-Country Relations and the Roles of Media The Role and Responsibility of Media in the building of a New Type of Sino-U.S. Major Country Relations
15
(媒體在構建中美新型大國關係中的作用和責任)
CHENG Siwei (成思危)
Putting China’s Rise in Context
19
(全面認識中國崛起)
McFARLANE, Robert
Positively Engaging Western Press for Advancing Mutual Understanding
24
(與西方媒體正面交流以推進相互瞭解)
LIU Guijin (劉貴今)
CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
The Third “Knock” - A New Silk Road
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(第三次「敲門」——新絲綢之路)
HO Chi Ping Patrick (何志平)
Journalism Education and the Nurturing of Talent A Reflection on Journalism Education and Personnel Training
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(新聞傳播教育與人才培養再思考)
HU Zhengrong (胡正榮)
Markets for Loyalties, Strategic Communication and Major Country Relationships
37
(忠誠度市場、策略傳播與大國關係)
PRICE, Monroe E
Making More Voices Heard: Nurturing Global Journalism Talent for a Connected World
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(傳達更多聲音:鞏固新型大國關係,新聞工作者未來的使命)
ZHONG Xin (鐘新)
Something’s Got To Give: Media Education for Today’s Media World
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(現今媒體世界的媒體教育)
GELB, Amos
News Reporting: Traditional Concepts and New Paradigms International Relations and the Role of Media, Beginning with the Stories Yang and He
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(國家關係與媒體角色,從老楊和小何的故事談起)
TANG Weihong (唐維紅)
What Americans Can Teach Chinese Broadcasters (and Vice Versa)
55
(美國人可教中國播音員什么(或相反))
HARRIS, Lee
Social Media and Citizen Journalism in U.S.-China Relations (中美關係裏的社交媒體與民間傳媒)
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YANG Guobin (楊國斌)
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Media Convergence: Challenges and Opportunities Media Convergence and a New Type of Major-Power Relations
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(媒體融合與新型大國關係)
QU Yingpu (曲瑩璞)
International News Broadcasting: Challenges and Potential for East and West
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(國際新聞廣播:東、西方各自的難處與潛力)
NELSON, Anne
Most Favored Nation
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(最受惠國家)
DOSH, Corrie
Conflict and Dialogue: The Role of Media in International Relations Hand in Hand on the Internet - The Growing Story of SMG in the Age of the Internet
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(牽手互聯網——SMG在互聯網時代的成長故事)
WANG Jianjun (王建軍)
The Yin-Yang of China-U.S. media relations. How opposites attract.
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(中美媒體關係的陰陽理論。相異者如何互相吸引。)
TALAN, Scott
Foreign Media in the U.S.A
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(美國的外國媒體)
WU Xiaoyong (吳曉鏞)
Skyscraper Syndrome: A Reporter’s Perspective on Sino-U.S. Myths and Misperceptions
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(摩天大樓綜合症:以記者眼光看中美迷思與誤解)
TONG, Scott
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Cross-cultural Communication Importance of Improving Cross-Culture Communications in a Global Village
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(提升地球村的跨文化傳播的重要性)
XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣)
The Role of Media in Promoting Cross-Cultural Exchanges
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(媒體在推動跨文化交流中的作用)
PENDLETON, Alan
New Mass Media Organizations and their Role in Global Public Policy
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(新大眾傳媒機構及其在全球公共政策之角色)
LAURIE, Jim
Media and the Construction of National Image Social Networks and Public Diplomacy: Who is Influencing our “World View”?
102
(社交網路與公共外交:誰在影響我們的「世界」觀)
ZHOU Xiaopeng (周曉鵬)
National Perceptions and the Role of Media in Bilateral Relations
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(他國印象以及媒體在雙邊關係中的作用)
DALY, Robert
The Role Media Plays in the Shaping of the New Model of Major Country Relationship between the U.S. and China: Evidence from major newspapers in the United States and China
111
(論媒體在中美構建新型大國關係中的角色:美國與中國的主流報章所顯示的證據)
SU Junbin (蘇俊斌)
Why American Journalism in China Matters (美國在華新聞工作因何重要)
STONE FISH, Isaac
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114
Media and Public Governance A New Type of Major-Country Relations and the Role of Media
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(新型大國關係與媒體角色)
CHEN Ping (陳平)
How National Security Issues can Close - or Widen - the Divide between the U.S. and China
122
(國家安全議題如何拉近或擴大中美之間的分歧)
MEYER, Josh
The Dynamic Role of Media in Shaping Bilateral Ties
126
(媒體在塑造雙邊關係的角色變動)
REPNIKOVA, Maria
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The Role and Responsibility of Media in the Building of a New Type of Sino-U.S. Major Country Relations CHENG Siwei (成思危)
A New Type of Major-Country Relations and the Roles of Media The Role and Responsibility of Media in the building of a New Type of Sino-U.S. Major Country Relations (媒體在構建中美新型大國關係中的作用和責任)
CHENG Siwei (成思危) Putting China’s Rise in Context (全面認識中國崛起)
McFARLANE, Robert Positively Engaging Western Press for Advancing Mutual Understanding (與西方媒體正面交流以推進相互瞭解)
LIU Guijin (劉貴今) The Third “Knock” - A New Silk Road (第三次「敲門」——新絲綢之路)
HO Chi Ping Patrick (何志平)
14
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The Role and Responsibility of Media in the Building of a New Type of Sino-U.S. Major Country Relations CHENG Siwei (成思危)
The Role and Responsibility of Media in the Building of a New Type of Sino-U.S. Major Country Relations (媒體在構建中美新型大國關係中的作用和責任) CHENG Siwei (成思危) Vice-Chairman of the 9th and 10th National People’s Congress (NPC) Standing Committee
B
uilding a new type of Sino-U.S. major country relationship is an important consensus by the Presidents of both countries. But this is not an easy job, because, in my opinion, the Sino-U.S. relationship is characterized by four C’s: complicated, candid, competitive, and constructive. The media should play an important role and take on important responsibilities in this process. The first point I want to mention is the importance of promoting mutual understanding between people. We have to acknowledge that there are both common interests as well as differences between our two countries. These differences come in terms of social system, history, tradition, values, and so on. We have to acknowledge that there are differences, but we also need to understand that the common interests between our two countries are much larger than the differences. The Sino-U.S. relationship is not only important to the people of our two countries, but also important to world peace and development. Therefore, what we need to do is pursue our common interests and to shelve the differences. Our common interests include many very important global problems like antiterrorism, fighting climate change, nuclear non-proliferation and many other issues. If you emphasize the differences, you cannot achieve a good relationship. Sometimes we may have to shelve our differences, because even if this
generation doesn’t have enough wisdom to solve some of these difficult problems, we can perhaps leave them to the next generation. They should be smarter than us. We need to increase common interests and reduce differences. The only way to do this is to promote communication and an understanding of context between people. I myself have visited the United States over thirty times. In the early 1980’s I studied at UCLA and got my MBA degree there. I have visited all the fifty states in the United States. I also like to exchange ideas with people, regardless of their profession. Whether they are a professor or a student, a taxi driver or a waitress, I like to communicate with others. I think it is very important to promote contact and communication between people, especially the contact and communication between media professionals of our two countries. I firmly believe that only through continuous contact and communication can we promote mutual understanding. Only then can we can talk of friendship and mutual trust. This is why I think developing mutual understanding should be the primary goal for the media to pursue. Secondly, I think it is important to develop mutual respect and mutual trust. We should respect each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, respect each other’s development pathways, and respect each other’s cultural traditions. We need to pay more attention to
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The Role and Responsibility of Media in the Building of a New Type of Sino-U.S. Major Country Relations CHENG Siwei (成思危)
CHENG Siwei at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) - A New Type of Major - Country Relations and The Roles of Media”
and study each other’s successful experiences, seriously and deeply. I have learned quite a lot from the successful experiences of the United States. For example, I have been promoting the venture capital business in China for many years. I found, when studying in the United States, that innovation is the key to successful development in the United States, and venture capital is crucial for the support of this innovation. When I returned to China, I began promoting the venture capital business. Of course, we made some modifications to adapt it to Chinese characteristics. I was crowned by Chinese media as the “godfather” of venture capital in China. We have also learned from many other issues in the United States: Their experiences with the social security system, the 401(k) model, anti-trust laws, and others. I would hope that American scholars could do the same thing, and conduct thorough and deep research on China’s successful experiences. From what I have read, many in American media criticize us
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more than study us and our experiences. I don’t think this is good. I think one should objectively study Chinese experiences. Our system really has its own characteristics. Whether you think these are good or bad, one should first conduct a thorough study instead of simply criticizing us. I wish American media would visit China more frequently, talk to our people and our media colleagues, and strive to find out why China has been able to achieve such tremendous progress, especially during the financial crisis. I believe that your Chinese colleagues will be more than happy to introduce the situation to you, and show you some places worth visiting. After building up mutual respect, we need to further develop mutual trust. This is also very important. One should not look at China through colored lenses. I acknowledge that China is a developing country and that we are facing many challenges. Recently, our economic growth has been slowing down. Some people say that China may be collapsing and others are
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The Role and Responsibility of Media in the Building of a New Type of Sino-U.S. Major Country Relations CHENG Siwei (成思危)
worrying about this slowdown. According to my research, however, this is normal. An economic cycle in China is typically about ten years. In the past, since the reform and opening up of China, we have enjoyed two economic cycles where the growth rate was over ten percent. But this cannot be sustained, as it would cause many problems such as excess capacity, overinventory, environmental problems, and lower investment efficiency. The 2009 financial crisis caused an increase of local debts and presented a danger of inflation and asset bubbles. At the time we were careful to study and analyze the negative effects of the stimulus package. According to my research, without this stimulus package, our growth rate for 2009 might have been 2.4%. This would certainly have been a disaster for China. But because of the package, we were able to achieve 9.2% growth, well aware that it also had many negative effects. From what we learned, we need to slow down our growth rate and pay more attention to environmental and other important issues. According to my research, we are now in what we call a steady, medium-high economic cycle. In this cycle, starting from the year 2013 to the year 2023, our growth rate may stay around 7% to 8%. Inflation will be kept under 4%. Each year, we will provide 11 million new jobs. This is what we call the new economic cycle. There is, therefore, no need to worry too much about China’s economy. We are facing many challenges. The environment is one example. If you come to Beijing in March, you may encounter severe air pollution. This is a serious problem for us, and we have to pay more attention to improving our environment. This is why we need to lower our economic growth rate and invest more resources in improving the environment. I think that one must first understand the situation in China. Our first priority is certainly to sustain a healthy growth rate or we will not be able to provide enough jobs to people. On the other hand, the first priority is also the environment, which is essential for protecting the public’s health. In my opinion, public health
is priority number one and everything else is secondary. Without good health, wealth means nothing. Again, I hope the media can better understand China’s situation by thoroughly studying its economic development and political system. Last, but not least, I encourage the media to abide by their professional ethics. In 1999, at a conference in Kunming with journalists from the mainland, Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan, I was invited to make a keynote speech. I said then that I wish the media could awaken those who were ignorant. That means that the media should provide news to the people that include data, information, knowledge, and sometimes, advice. This is to allow people to gain more knowledge, more correct knowledge. Secondly, the media should turn over a new leaf. We are now in the middle of the third industrial revolution, led by the computer and the Internet. You can see that innovation in information technology is growing very fast, things like cloud computing, big data, fourth party logistics, mobile communication and so on. This will bring many important changes to the media industry. New media is growing very fast. We have to pay more attention to new media in determining the underlying principles. We have to find out why they can be so successful and how they are able to deal with the challenges new media presents. Third, we need to criticize the bad and praise the good. This is also very important, because if media only report the good news and hold back on the bad, this reporting is not objective. We need to criticize the bad so that people understand what they should do and what they should not do. Finally, we need objective reporting and conclusions based on facts. Again, China has many problems. Criticism is welcome, but it should be objective, realistic, and reported in accordance with professional ethics. At a conference in New York in 2013, I was asked to make a keynote speech to talk
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The Role and Responsibility of Media in the Building of a New Type of Sino-U.S. Major Country Relations CHENG Siwei (成思危)
about China’s story. At the end of my speech, I said: “Whether you like it or not, China will become a prosperous, democratic, and highly civilized country by the middle of this century. Although we have made tremendous progress, we still have a long way to go. Even though we still have a long way to go, we are on the right track. Even though we are on the right track, we will face many challenges, pitfalls, and detours on our way to the future.” But, as I have said, we are fully confident of our future. So, if you take China as a friend, you will have a sincere friend. If you take China as an enemy, you will have a tough enemy. In any case, it’s never too late to be our friend.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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Putting China’s Rise in Context McFARLANE, Robert
Putting China’s Rise in Context (全面認識中國崛起) McFARLANE, Robert Former United States National Security Advisor; Co-founder of United States Energy Security Council
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had the good fortune and the privilege of participating in the re-opening of ties between China and the United States. What a blessing. Personally, it was an honor. But I would like to call the attention of journalists to how that reopening of dialogue between our two countries was conducted – In a word, secretly. Secretly, in part because of the role that media must play in reporting the news, analyzing it, drawing conclusions, and influencing public attitudes. Think about what was going on in 1972. There was a war in Vietnam. Weapons in North Vietnam, some coming from China, were killing Americans. Had the concept of reopening ties between our two countries been “bureaucratized” and handled on an iterative basis, with the idea being floated publicly and discussed and debated, it would have elicited quite a lot of criticism. The political right or conservatives in our country would have been outraged by the notion that we were engaging and talking to the people providing the weapons that were killing our own soldiers. They would have been upset that our democracy was engaging with a communist country, where we were so profoundly and ideologically on separate paths. The left would have been incensed and extremely critical of what was going on inside China at the time – a wrenching upheaval that involved loss of life. In short, had this notion, carefully and secretly developed by the leaders of our two countries, been a matter of public debate, criticism, and comment, it would never have happened in our country. It is a tribute to the leadership of both countries that they were able to advance that
notion clearly recognizing that one day it would become a public, normal enterprise. They understood that, to get there, there had to be courage, the willingness to take risks, the ability to engage with their respective public in America and in China, and to explain why this was in their interests. Indeed, it was. My own role was in going with Dr. Kissinger and exchanging our best intelligence on what was happening in Asia on China’s periphery. This induded the nature of Soviet deployments on their border and the nature of Soviet assistance to India and other countries who at the time were pursuing interests inimical to those of China. There was a great reciprocal benefit for the United States in benefitting from measures in China that would improve our own intelligence on Cold War issues, such as Russian missile developments, accuracies, nuclear testing, and so forth. Of course, for us, there was also the enormous benefit of seeing 45 Soviet divisions on the Chinese border, which were no longer on the European border facing NATO troops. In short, these are issues you are aware of. And after that opening in 1972, whatever importance these subordinate issues had were swept away in the awakening to the enormous benefit in both countries from the renewing of dialogue between China, where more than a fifth of humankind lives, and the United States. For our country, there was recognition of the benefits that would flow in years to come from the culturally rich, diverse, and enormously cultured society that is China. All of this is to point out that, in media,
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Putting China’s Rise in Context McFARLANE, Robert
McFARLANE, Robert at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) - A New Type of Major - Country Relations and The Roles of Media”
context is everything. And yet, gaining context – understanding the bigger picture of what you’re reporting as news today – is so difficult to achieve. To be fair, looking at it from your perspective in the media, it may oftentimes be irrelevant to your editor. Your editor may not be looking for context in what may be some distant gain on both sides, but rather, what is today’s news – What’s the lead in tomorrow’s paper? We are seeing in China today, the most challenging, complex, and dangerous, political, economic, and social transformation ever attempted in human history. It is a transformation involving more than a fifth of all humanity on earth. But what is the nature of this transformation, and why do I say it is complex? What is the nature of this transformative process that President Xi Jingping is leading? Generally speaking, it is fundamentally a rebalancing of China’s economy. “Phase 1”, if you will, was initiated and lead so well by Deng Xiaoping
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thirty years ago – an economy that was focused on low value added products, manufactured using foreign investment in China for primarily an export market, with concurrent investment by the government into infrastructure, housing, and other improvements. In the years ahead, China must become adept at the development of high technology products suitable for a booming Chinese domestic market, and to supply what Chinese consumers are seeking to obtain in China from Chinese companies. It’s a very wrenching transformation. It’s a terribly complex enterprise, not least because while you’re doing that you also have to continue to provide jobs to hundreds of millions of Chinese – Chinese parents who have for thirty years been working at low value added, relatively low tech positions, for export. They needed to keep working at a time of severe global economic downturn so that their children can become educated and qualified as professionals in very high-tech industries. Consider the challenge that this presents
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to President Xi Jingping. China needs to provide jobs for domestic as well as foreign enterprises in this transition to a much more high-tech, high-value added sector of service industries and manufacturing. In agriculture, at the same time, it involves moving away from small plot, essentially family-oriented agricultural production into much larger, highly mechanized agro-business corporations that will be much more productive and ultimately enable the lowering of prices. However, China must continue to stress the importance of keeping food on the table. The vision that Deng Xiaoping had thirty years ago was fundamental for China in sustaining its transformation into “Phase 1”. At the same time, President Xi is seeking to be responsive to public pressures for social concerns, environmental concerns, frustration over delays and bureaucratic paralysis, as well as corruption here and there. He is trying to tackle these with true seriousness of purpose. It has been truly phenomenal to me to see the courage that it has taken, and will take in the years ahead, to persist in what is clearly a determined, courageous effort to root out corruption from the very top to every level in the bureaucratic structure, in every sector of the economy, state owned enterprises, private industry, and journalism. This effort has reached from the very top of the Standing Committee of the Politburo, down to the clerk at the village level. It doesn’t appear to me to be a superficial, short-term proposition. It is an undertaking being pursued by authorities at every level, at great personal risk, political risk and the risk of chaos if it is not carried through with care, persistence, and determination, at all levels. This is something that I am not sure our own society could carry out here effectively. Beyond that, it is part of this effort by President Xi to awaken the people of China to the realities of being a great power. China is emerging from its isolation of sixty years ago to becoming responsible and accountable for solving global problems. China has had moments in its five thousand years of history
where it has taken on those responsibilities. But in the ebb and flow of human history, now is a time that the world is looking to China to help tackle serious problems: nuclear proliferation, radical Islam, terrorism, environmental concerns, energy shortages, and problems that are regional, from North Korea to Iran. This is where China, out of self-interest as well as in order to maintain stability throughout the world, has a role to play, a responsibility to accept, of working with the United States and others and to focus on how, together, we can overcome these challenges. All of these rather daunting challenges I have mentioned would be difficult enough assuming that your economy was humming along, and that you had all of the raw materials that you needed and so forth. But of course, China does not, and nor do we. So, added to this long list of burdens that the President of China is facing, you have to concurrently assure that China has adequate and reliable supplies of energy at an affordable cost. You have to find that energy and develop it in an environmentally acceptable fashion at a time when China is under enormous pressures to deal with and overcome very severe environmental challenges, emerging from, largely, the use of coal – essentially the only raw material energy resource that China has. Other countries have gone through this kind of wrenching upheaval of moving from one level of industrial development to the next – from industrial revolution to post-industrial to computers. We had the luxury of doing it in fifty years or more. China is trying to do it in ten, or less, and for 1.3 billion people. For you and all of your colleagues in media, as you are reporting what is happening and what is going wrong today in a village in Shanxi province or somewhere else, try to achieve a measure of context. There are going to be miscues, lapses, three or four steps forward, and one back. That’s pretty good. That’s very good, to do what has taken the United States two hundred and thirty something odd years, and to do it for 1.3 billion people in much less
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Putting China’s Rise in Context McFARLANE, Robert
time. China obviously has a massive need for energy. It is four times the size of the United States, and the second largest economy in the world. China needs a lot of energy, and if you don’t have much beyond coal, how can you fuel your transportation and your power generation, which keeps the lights on and plants manufacturing? It is not easy. Essentially, the entire world, from the United Kingdom, United States, Latin America and China, all move from Point A to Point B on oil. We all compete for oil from essentially the same place in the Persian Gulf – although the United States has had this windfall discovery of technology that has given us an advantage in being able to transport things from Point A to Point B. But, transportation is so fundamental to China and to everybody, that if the fuel price to move a product from the factory to the marketplace keeps rising, and if China is competing against Japan, Taiwan, Korea, and all of the South-East Asian countries for that same single product from the Persian Gulf, keeping those sea lanes of communication open is naturally going to bring China into challenges. Vietnam, Indonesia, Brunei, Taiwan and Japan are all using the same ocean space in the South China Sea to compete for a single fuel from the same place. It is a very competitive global marketplace. Stop and think about something we all take for granted – global trade happens. We never ask ourselves, are there risks to it? Stop and realize that over one third of all trade that moves goods and services around the world goes through the South China Sea. So it’s important for United States policymakers to engage with China and to see how we can be of help. We must try to be a constructive mediator or conciliator for overcoming the disagreements that exist between the riverine parties to the South China Sea, and contribute to the joint development, joint benefit, mutual trust, and respect that has to be developed between these countries. This will be an important part of our agenda in the years ahead.
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China has had moments in its history where it has been a maritime country. The Ming Dynasty – three hundred years involving, importantly, the seven very famous voyages by Zheng He. Sometime, if you get a chance, read the book about who really discovered America. In June 2014, I was honored to co-sponsor an energy conference in Beijing with the China Academy of Social Sciences. The conference was focused on a number of things, including, the geopolitics of energy. China has considerable reserves of shale gas, which can be of enormous benefit, and the development of this industry is an area where we ought to be cooperating. In the development of that shale gas, China faces challenges with water. How can we solve that? What can we do to provide technologies that minimize the need for this much water? How can we make sure that the development of energy is clean? Can we help China apply well-known technologies to reduce the amount of fine particulates into the atmosphere? What can we put into China’s transportation fuels that could make them much less polluting, not only in fine particulates but in carbon, sulfur, and nitrogen oxides? We must acknowledge the complexity, the challenge, the dangers and the imperative of leadership in China, and its success in this terribly complex enterprise in transforming its economy, its social structure, and its political structure. China has emerged as a great power, worthy of the name, in helping us resolve issues from North Korea to Iran, to terrorism, to environmental issues. In our country we have a modern history of fifty years or so where we have made halting efforts at solving these problems. We cannot do it alone. We need China. Deng Xiaoping, thirty years ago, had the wisdom and foresight to annunciate a doctrine which required China to focus internally in order to begin this transformation toward a market economy with socialist considerations. China couldn’t afford to have confrontations with neighbors or anyone else. Avoiding that
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kind of conflict was an important part of the doctrine. Now, China has emerged as an economic giant, with the promise of being an even larger giant economically. China will take on the responsibilities of service as a great power, with the obligation to engage with neighbors. It must make sure that things do not get out of control with disagreements over development of resources. It must develop its own military, its own national security council and system for making decisions for preventing clashes with neighbors, as well as develop a policy planning process that focuses beyond China’s borders. For example, how do you avoid Iranian nuclear proliferation? How can you more predictably assure the free flow of energy resources? How can you tackle, together, environmental pollution? In short, a change in thinking that begins to obligate China to look outward, to participate, to be accountable, and to move beyond simply bilateral relations to multilateral relations that treat everything from AIDS in Africa to the possibility of Ebola and other infectious diseases and the proliferation of weapons. I’m confident, and all of us should be confident. The reason is that we have seen what China can do in just thirty years’ time: more than quadrupling the per capita GDP, enormous strides in physical infrastructure, in education, in housing – truly historic and unique in all of history. So there is a basis for optimism, solid optimism. Indeed there’s a basis for mutual gain here in the United States, in Europe, and in emerging markets from Africa, to Latin America, to Southeast Asia. What a blessing to be living in this time. I would urge journalists with the good fortune of covering news throughout China and elsewhere to try to pause each day and think about the context, how difficult what you’re reporting has been to achieve, the stresses on the leaders involved, and the risks, politically and financially, in terms of social unrest. Be grateful that you’re journalists. Be honest and truthful. I envy you.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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Positively Engaging Western Press for Advancing Mutual Understanding LIU Guijin (劉貴今)
Positively Engaging Western Press for Advancing Mutual Understanding (與西方媒體正面交流以推進相互瞭解) LIU Guijin (劉貴今) Former Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to the Republic of Zimbabwe and the Republic of South Africa
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attended a forum in 2013 in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates. It was under the Global Agenda Council of the World Economic Forum. We had around 96 councils, including the U.S. council and China’s council, and I was the acting chair for the China council. The topic was about China–U.S. relations in general. I was surprised by the remarks of the acting chair of the U.S. council. He tried to play down the significance of the Annenberg Agreement on establishing the new model of major country relationships. He did not attempt to understand the content of that agreement between the two leaders, but instead indicated that it need not be taken seriously, since it has not become the consensus among the U.S. elite. However, I do not think his personal view is representative of the general position of the United States of America, or that of the U.S. elite. That was an indication that it will be a challenge for the leaders of both of our countries to come to a consensus on the agreement. The challenge also lies in publicizing and implementing it. The media, particularly the media in the West, plays a very important role. Of course, so does the media in China. We know that Western media possess very powerful communication capabilities. They have the ability to influence world opinion and to shape people’s perceptions. Having a mutual understanding is key to the new type of major country relationship, because only by having some form of mutual
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understanding can we have mutual respect, and only with mutual respect can we develop mutual, strategic trust. And, finally, only by having the minimum level of strategic mutual trust can we manage to achieve win-win results from our cooperation and avoid confrontation or conflict. The media’s role is important in educating people and in trying to make the agreements of political leaders known to everyone. If we look a little closer at the content of establishing the new model of major country relationship between us, or between China and other major countries, we can see that it is a very comprehensive, complicated endeavor. It involves all aspects of our bilateral relationship: social, economic, commercial, cultural, educational, and involves every man and woman’s daily life. Within this relationship between us, diplomatic affairs and foreign relations is an important area. My personal expertise is involved with Africa. I have devoted almost my entire diplomatic career to Africa and Africa-related issues. Take the case of Africa. We can see that the U.S. and China have differences. We have engaged Africa with different approaches, but we do have a lot of common ground: seeking peace and stability, helping Africa stand on its own feet, and advancing our own interests and those of the continent. Although Africa is not a primary priority of China or the United States of America, it occupies an increasingly important place in our overall diplomacy. In
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2014, President Obama called the first ever Africa Summit in Washington DC. Some of the commentators, including U.S. analysts, said that the U.S. seemed to be copying China’s practices. I don’t personally think so. Part of my work has been engaging with hot issues in Africa. After I retired from my post in Pretoria, where I was Ambassador for six years, I was nominated as China’s first Special Envoy on Darfur, Sudan, as well as on African affairs as a whole. This was something new in China’s diplomacy – to nominate a senior diplomat to work specifically on a hot issue in Africa. I would say that I played four roles: one as the spokesman for the government, another as a mediator on the ground, third as a partner of the international community and my western colleagues in trying to find a solution to the conflict, and finally as a friend of media. As a spokesman, I had to make sure that the message I sent to the media or to the outside world was the government’s position. However, not every word I spoke was according to the official notes from the government’s Department of African Affairs. I needed to do this because, although the task of the official spokesman from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is to make China’s stance or positions clear, my role, I believe, was to say something more, if not something new, and to give some context to the official positions of the government, to try and make the government’s position understood by as many people as possible. By being a mediator, my main focus was engagement with the government of Sudan, as well as South Sudan. But I also tried, with the help of my Western colleagues, to make contact with the rebel leaders either in Darfur, Paris, London, or Geneva. I tried to support the efforts of the African Union and regional organizations in their efforts to resolve the conflicts there. I have learned a lot from my Western partners. I remember that two months after I was nominated as the special envoy to Darfur, my former colleague, Ambassador of Denmark to South Africa, organized what he called the Envoy Six Meeting – envoys
from the P5 states (The United States, Russia, China, United Kingdom, and France) plus the European Union. It was amazing to observe my Western colleagues’ knowledge on Darfur, which was detailed in every way. Some of them even knew how many wives the rebel leaders in Darfur had, and which wife was prettier than the others. By comparison, I was a new hand on Sudan and on Darfur, because my previous career was focused on sub-Saharan Africa. From that day on, I tried to read more books, meet more people, and tried to get to know more of the details, so that when I am faced the media, I am an expert. I gained confidence because I knew more things, and in more detail – I knew the history and the current affairs. But we still lagged behind our western colleagues, because they have a lot of NGOs there working in the field. China, however, does not have any NGOs working in Darfur, though we donate millions of RMB in humanitarian assistance. To be a friend of the media is not that easy. I observed three dont’s: do not reject any request from the media for an interview in any form; do not set limits on questions from the media or try to avoid sensitive issues – particularly with western media; and do not simply repeat government statements. Try to say a little more, and provide additional materials or background to the media. I found that this way I could rely on the media to have my voice heard, and to have the Chinese government’s position understood, more or less, by as many people as possible. The basic principle I followed was to provide more facts, rather than just make announcements. For instance, I remember being invited to talk on Darfur and Sudan by the BBC, and they asked me a question which, at that time, was a hot issue. A lot of people called the Beijing Olympic the “genocide Olympics”, and Stephen Spielberg resigned from his post as advisor for the opening ceremony on arts. I had met with Stephen Spielberg in New York just a few days before the incident, but the government had not given me any kind of official notes on this issue. So, I told the reporter
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that the rumor was not true. I said that we had invited Steven Spielberg to be an advisor but he had not accepted the invitation. The next day, Spielberg said, through his spokesman, that what Ambassador Liu said was correct. When I visited the United States of America, I attended a press conference where many journalists asked me questions about the grabbing of resources or oil from Sudan, and presented it as one of the main reasons the Chinese government had nominated me as a mediator on the ground. Well, we do have interests there and do indeed drill for oil in Sudan – I do not deny that. But this is not something unique to China – to drill or import oil from Africa. I gave some facts to the Washington Post journalist: I told her that in the year 2007, when Africa exported a lot of oil to the world, 33% of total exports went to the United States of America, 36% went to European Union countries, while only 16% went to China. This included oil from Sudan. But if one calls this 16% a “grabbing of resources”, what then would the proper term be to describe what the other countries are doing? I don’t say this to criticize the U.S. or European Union, I just want to point out that, comparing the trade structure between the developed world and Africa with the trade structure between China and Africa, there is no major difference. However, this trade structure has a lot of room for improvement. That is the reality, that is the fact, and that is something that no one can deny. The Washington Post reported my words exactly, but they also added that “Ambassador Liu vehemently defended his nation’s interests”, which, is also true. With regards to what happened in Darfur, and whether or not it was genocide, I tried not to debate with the journalists. I called it a “serious humanitarian disaster”, because there was no exact figure on how many people were killed. Some say that more people died in Iraq than in Darfur. Of course, these are different things and you cannot compare the two, but it is not necessary to term it “genocide”. The U.S. is one of only a few countries that use this term, and even the EU countries don’t use the term
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to describe the humanitarian disaster on the ground in Darfur. To be friendly to the media and to try to engage the media in a proactive or positive way, serves the interests of both China and the stakeholders concerned. This world has become so interdependent that there are no longer zero-sum games. What we need now is to seek win-win results, or win-win cooperation, between China and the West. In fact, on African affairs, we do have a lot in common. For example, in the case of South Sudan, everyone knows that it was the United States of America, together with their Western army partners, who worked so hard to make South Sudan an independent state. But did they try their best to promote peace, stability, economic and social development, to help South Sudan stand on its own feet? No, I don’t think so. During my interaction with U.S. special envoys like Andrew Natsios, General Scott Gration and Ambassador Princeton Lyman, we all agreed that the U.S. could help with the institutional development in South Sudan, such as helping them to train their military into a professional army. What China can do is help South Sudan develop its economy and lay down more infrastructure, more roads, and more dams, as well as do something about poverty reduction. That kind of cooperation is good for everyone. Finally, I would like to say that the agreement between the two leaders on establishing a new model of major country relationship is of great importance to us all – China, the United States of America, and the whole world. But it is a gigantic task for all of us to make it a reality. China, nowadays, is going through a very important period of transition. China seems to be strong, but is not yet strong. China is bound to be strong, but is not already strong. And even when we become strong, we will stick to the path of peaceful development. That kind of confidence, for all of us, and particularly for the United States of America, is so very important. As this world becomes smaller, the media’s voice becomes bigger. With the help of
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the media and the efforts of all of us, we will be able to have a better world.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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The Third “Knock” – A New Silk Road HO Chi Ping Patrick (何志平)
The Third “Knock” – A New Silk Road (第三次「敲門」——新絲綢之路) HO Chi Ping Patrick (何志平) Deputy Chairman and Secretary General, China Energy Fund Committee
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ll along, when Americans looked at China, they saw a fast growing, but always-doingwrong, full-of-problems China. Its government is operationally rigid, politically closed, and morally illegitimate. Its media are state-run, opaque, and therefore inherently unreliable and untrustworthy. “China needs political and media reform!” they cried. The Chinese regarded such a reading as a rhetorical trap hidden behind a political bias, as American critics have decided a priori what kinds of changes they wanted to see, and only such changes can be called “reform”. In fact, Chinese leaders never hesitated to call for reform. But these reforms may not always suit the Western concepts. Over the past 30 years, from government to media, in every aspect of Chinese society, reforms have never ceased. Changes in Media and Government: From Tangshan to Wenchuan I will never forget, in 2008, just a few months before the Beijing Olympics, when the country was moved by a sudden and devastating Earthquake centered in Wenchuan (汶川), Central China. The efficient rescue efforts touched people around the world when the New York Times reported that China “was better in handling the situation compared to what Washington had done to deal with Hurricane Katrina in 2005”. I was also impressed by the
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media coverage of this tragedy as it brought back some distant memories about the Tangshan (唐山) earthquake in 1976. When the Tangshan earthquake hit China in 1976, people had little access to disaster news sources because all the communication channels had been shut down. It took 6 hours for the central authorities in Beijing to learn that the city had been completely leveled and it took days to mobilize the military and start relief operations. Of course, then was the time when the Chinese media were more concerned with the dynamics and aftermath of the tenyear Cultural Revolution. Most information came to the people by way of rumors and by word of mouth. In contrast, Xinhua News Agency confirmed the occurrence of the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake 20 minutes after the first tremors. 10 minutes later, China Central Television (CCTV) began live coverage of the disaster on the scene. And just 90 minutes after the earthquake, then Premier Wen Jiabao flew to the earthquake area to oversee the rescue work. Hundreds of journalists including correspondents of foreign media converged upon the damaged areas, and information-sharing networks were formed online and even on cell phones, producing unprecedented media coverage. From 1976 to 2008, form Tangshan to Wenchuan, from the government to media, China has demonstrated what may well be the fastest, most far-reaching national
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The Third “Knock” – A New Silk Road HO Chi Ping Patrick (何志平)
HO Chi Ping Patrick at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) - A New Type of Major - Country Relations and The Roles of Media”
metamorphosis in human history. I do not know what other country in this world, in the past 30 years, has changed its society and the individual fates of its nationals with such magnitude. Perhaps we should switch positions, and look at China from the perspective of 1.3 billion very ordinary Chinese. What do they want? What kind of reform do they seek? What are their priorities in life? Cultural Differences in Relationship Building Why is the Chinese story so difficult to understand? Perhaps we should trace back to the beginning, to the social and cultural differences between the East and the West. The concept of today’s nation state comes from the Peace of Westphalia of 1648 following the Renaissance in Europe. However, China, with 5000 years of history and going through more than 50 different dynasties, each with a differing size of governing territory, can best be
regarded as a civilization state. The “Chineseness” of its nationals is defined by traditional identity, social relation, and cultural legacy. The Renaissance brought humanism into a European society previously dominated by the Church. Whereas western humanism centers on the “self” and emphasizes individualism, oriental humanism focuses on interpersonal relationships, which thereby prescribe the essence of a Chinese person. Throughout much of Chinese history, the fundamental glue that has held society together is the concept of “guanxi” (關係) – relationships among people. A Chinese person is defined by his relationship with the people around him. And the interpersonal relationship and distance is prescribed by a set of values. Confucius, China’s greatest philosopher, established a system of ethics, morals, hierarchy and behavior, setting the rules for people dealing with other people. This code of behavior is called “Li” (禮) or the social and ethical norms that guide people to do and say the appropriate
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The Third “Knock” – A New Silk Road HO Chi Ping Patrick (何志平)
things at the right time, manifesting respect and kindness. “Li” is important not only because it affects the relationship between people, but also because it dictates the relationship and protocol between countries. Let me tell you the story of the first Western diplomatic mission to China in 1793. The objective of that diplomatic mission led by George McCartney, the special envoy of King George the Third of England, was to persuade the Chinese Emperor Qianlong (乾隆) to allow more freedom to British traders. The British, however, were puzzled by a custom of paying respect in China at the time. Chief British envoy George McCartney wrote, “It is interesting that an ambassador had to kneel down three times and kowtow nine times in front of the Chinese emperor. I would not do so for the sake of Britain’s honor.” The British were prepared to go down on both knees only in front of God, and they could not understand what the kowtow meant in Chinese rites. George McCartney had brought with him products representing the most sophisticated science and technology in Britain, and he hoped that the Chinese would not only be interested, but also buy huge quantities of these products. He believed, wrongly, that the dispute over rites was unimportant. Emperor Qianlong, after learning that the members of the British mission refused to kneel down in front of him, drew the following conclusion: They know nothing about “Li” and protocol. The ignorant barbarians do not deserve a courteous reception. George McCartney had failed to open up the market in China he had hoped for, and instead spent all his time totally preoccupied with matters of protocol and never once got the chance to speak of the goal of his journey. More than 200 years on, much has changed. But the cultural difference is still an issue. In the 21st century, we are still at odds with one another’s customs, rites and respective systems of etiquette. We become so preoccupied with rhetoric that we often lose sight and
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are rendered oblivious to the real reason for communication. Zhuangzi, another great Chinese philosopher, once said, “The friendship of a gentleman is insipid as water” (君子之交淡 如水). It may also be translated as “a hedge between keeps friendship green”. Basically it means friendship will last longer by respecting each other’s individuality or personal space that is privacy. Chinese gentlemen were taught to speak earnestly but with reservation, to act responsively but not proactively, and to control one’s emotion. No wonder many had observed that Chinese could seldom express themselves the way that westerners do. Here, the Chinese character of “dan” (淡), which suggests a kind of blandness, blankness or insipidness, is a good example of explaining the Chinese concept of friendship and culture. The word is composed of a symbol for water (the three drops on the left) and two small figures representing fire. This idea of bringing opposites into harmony is one of the great characteristics of Chinese culture. Yes, within China or among countries, we have different values and sometimes they seem to be contradictory. But we believe those values are not incompatible. Instead, they constitute a set of values at the two ends of the spectrum, just like the “ying” (陰) and “yang” (陽) of Tai Chi (太極). The two sets of values operate as two opposing principles in nature complementing and supplementing one another. One would be incomplete without the other. Therefore, modernization is neither a zerosum game nor a life and death competition. It is a free zone offering unlimited opportunities for diverse development and mutual cooperation while preserving our respective heritage. By combining the strengths of the East and the West, we can make possible a multi-polar world order for the modern century. Perhaps it appears unfathomable that China is a land of great opposites but yet it is a harmonious society? For Westerners, I remember what John Fairbanks once said: “To truly understand the Chinese thinking, one will
CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
The Third “Knock” – A New Silk Road HO Chi Ping Patrick (何志平)
have to become a Chinese.” In other words, one can truly understand China only with a Chinese perspective. And for the Chinese, as a modest nation unfamiliar with expressing themselves openly in the past, perhaps we will need some self-reflection, to actively engage with others in dialogues, let ourselves be understood, and tell a China story in ways that can be easily received. Mutual Understanding and Trust Building We believe media should and can play a crucial role in promoting mutual understanding of the two countries and diffusing tensions when conflicts loom. Media dialogue between China and the United States will be pivotal to promoting communication and understanding leading to a new type of major-country relations, which is not only crucial to the two countries, but most pertinent to the entire world. Media dialogue is indispensable in mitigating and resolving conflicts. But a dialogue is meaningful only when both sides, besides stating their respective positions, also listen to the other’s position so that an understanding of one another’s rights and difficulties can be achieved. A relationship can only be successful if it is humanized. Understanding with empathy can place us in one another’s shoes and help us realize why and how the other side acted the way it did, and took the decisions it made. Only with this humanizing touch and empathy can the relationship be endowed with respect. Trust must be built on respect; mutual respect of one another’s plight and of one another’s struggle and mission. We can only trust the people we respect, and respect the people whom we trust. With trust and respect, cooperation arrives easily and automatically. The Third “Knock” – The New Silk Road Looking back at history, Chinese has built two silk roads to the West. In the Han Dynasty
2,000 years ago, we had the first Silk Road on land set out by Zhang Qian offering trade and peace; and in the 15th Century, we had the second Silk Road at sea championed by Zheng He bringing trade and peace. These were the two occasions on which China had reached out to the world wanting to understand and be understood. China knocked twice. The 21st Century will see us embarking on the third Silk Road. It is the third “knock” by China. The two previous Silk Roads traded tea, silk, spices, exotic fruits, jewelry and gold. The 21st Century Silk Road trades, apart from creative ideas, views and perspectives, traditions and legacies. It trades values. It exchanges kindness and it offers peace. This modern Silk Road traverses neither sea nor land, nor does it go from one place to another, but travels through the network of media which uphold social responsibilities to promote true, accurate, comprehensive, and objective communication among nations and peoples. This modern Silk Road merges intellect and aligns visions and policies to form alliances in exploring the commonality among cultures and community values. This Silk Road sees citizens of different cities and countries sharing common aspirations and inviting one another into their dreams. Dreams in which that life is celebrated through cultural pursuits, and our people are enchanted by the arts, enlightened by cultural differences and enriched by social diversity. This Silk Road teaches us to learn with mutual respect that despite our different backgrounds and upbringings, there are some fundamental values we all hold dear, some basic principles we all respect and certain core understanding we all embrace. The purpose of this Silk Road is not to establish an empire of might but to extend our empire of minds. A very famous Chinese, Sun Yat-sen, once had this dream: “Once our goal of modernizing China is accomplished, the dawn of a new century will shine upon our beautiful country, and the whole of humanity will enjoy a more brilliant future.”
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The Third “Knock” – A New Silk Road HO Chi Ping Patrick (何志平)
A not-so-famous Chinese, Patrick HO, also had a dream: “I have a dream. I dream of a cultural China, with ideas and values to inspire humanity. The redefinition of Chinese core values signifies the awakening of a modern humanity, and would eventually lead to another human Renaissance of the modern time.” As President Xi Jinping told President Obama at the Annenberg Retreat, the Chinese dream is interlinked with the American dream and is inclusive of the beautiful dream of the people from countries around the world. This Chinese dream, is not only the Dream of 1.3 billion Chinese over 5,000 years, it is also a World Dream. It is a Dream of Peace under Heaven, and the World as One. This dream belongs to all of us. It belongs to you, and me.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
A Reflection on Journalism Education and Personnel Trainin HU Zhengrong (胡正榮)
Journalism Education and the Nurturing of Talent A Reflection on Journalism Education and Personnel Training (新聞傳播教育與人才培養再思考)
HU Zhengrong (胡正榮) Markets for Loyalties, Strategic Communication and Major Country Relationships (忠誠度市場、策略傳播與大國關係)
PRICE, Monroe E. Making More Voices Heard: Nurturing Global Journalism Talent for a Connected World (傳達更多聲音:鞏固新型大國關係,新聞工作者未來的使命)
ZHONG Xin (鐘新) Something’s Got To Give: Media Education for Today’s Media World (現今媒體世界的媒體教育)
GELB, Amos.
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A Reflection on Journalism Education and Personnel Trainin HU Zhengrong (胡正榮)
A Reflection on Journalism Education and Personnel Training (新聞傳播教育與人才培養再思考) HU Zhengrong (胡正榮) Director of the National Center for Radio & TV Studies; Vice President, Communication University of China
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ournalism education in China is facing a lot of new challenges, and we are looking forward to finding ways to overcome them. I am currently chairing the Advisory Committee of Journalism and Communication Education at the Ministry of Education in China. We have the latest data on Chinese journalism and communications programs. In China we already have more than one thousand different programs in about six hundred universities. In this sense, journalism and communication education is actually very popular in China, especially with the younger generations. This is because the media industry in China is booming, especially new media, which is very popular and influential in daily life. These circumstances explain why the younger generation would like to work in, and first of all, study, journalism and communication. Of course, celebrities are very influential, and many young Chinese would like to be celebrities like anchormen or anchorwomen, famous journalists and producers, and so on. In terms of why journalism education is very popular in China, one reason is that the media industry in China is developing very quickly and drastically. At the end of last year, we measured the growth of the media industry. China now has more than two thousand broadcasters, and more than four thousand different channels, including radio frequencies and TV channels. There are several High Definition (HD) channels – around 50, and
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nearly 2000 different newspapers and more than 9000 different magazines. This is traditional media. New media has also been booming. Journalism educators are thus facing a lot of new challenges. First is the challenge of new media. More and more people are getting their news through mobile platforms, and they increasingly come to understand current affairs through social media platforms. Many now also get their video and audio services easily from social media everywhere, especially those under forty. The second challenge would be globalization, because everything that happens in China could be a global issue. Also, things that happen in other countries can now be very influential in China. For example, the Ebola virus could be a threat not only to the U.S. but also to Beijing. Chinese GDP is another example. Chinese GDP is a global issue, not only a Chinese issue, and can lead to upheaval in the global economy. Today, we are facing many global challenges, but to tackle these problems, we need to find local solutions and share local experiences with the world. This is why we like to use the word “glocalization” – “global” plus “local”. Journalism educators in China are also thinking about what kind of measures they can take to meet these demands and challenges. We have had a huge debate over what should be the next step for Chinese journalism and communications educators to take, and we have
CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
A Reflection on Journalism Education and Personnel Trainin HU Zhengrong (胡正榮)
HU Zhengrong at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) - A New Type of Major - Country Relations and The Roles of Media”
concluded that, first of all, we need a brand new or fresh education philosophy. I would like to discuss three areas of focus. The first one is that we need to give students, or ask of our students, or facilitate for our students, global concern or global consideration. This is very important for local Chinese students in becoming more international and more globalized. But, no matter what kind of global perspective you have, you also need to have local knowledge. Everything one does should be based on one’s local experiences and local knowledge. We also need to pay more attention to, and emphasize more than ever before, professional standards or professional ethics. User Generated Content (UGC) is very popular and very influential – it is everywhere, on all platforms. But Professionally Generated Content (PGC) is also in huge demand for all kinds of news or content services as a basic need. We need to refresh ourselves with this kind of new education philosophy.
I want to borrow some ideas from a study conducted by the Shorenstein Center at Kennedy School together with twelve or eleven leading journalism schools in the United States, sponsored by the Carnegie Foundation. In defining the new needs of communication, they concluded that, in essence, communication is actually a knowledge profession. This is why we need to encourage the best educated and most experienced students to try to work in this profession. Journalism educators have a new mission, especially in the Chinese context. We need to impress upon students certain responsibilities. This concept of professional responsibility is an old idea, but has become a new challenge in the context of new media. Today, everyone can post everything online without taking on any responsibility, regardless of whether it is violent or gossip. For professionals, they need to assume a new kind of responsibility, and to a greater degree than before. They should do this utilizing not only critical thinking but
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A Reflection on Journalism Education and Personnel Trainin HU Zhengrong (胡正榮)
also creative thinking, which is essential for innovation and for innovative media, such as new media and social media platforms. Today, journalism and communication is more than a social science. It is a hybrid, interdisciplinary, or cross-disciplinary subject. That means we now need to combine not only social sciences together with humanities, but also combine social sciences and humanities with the sciences. According to the study conducted by the Shorenstein Center, they would prefer to call journalists “journalistentrepreneurs”, or “journalism-technologists”. This is why today, and for the future, we need to provide students with more detailed knowledge, like more courses on data mining or graphic design. This is a new mission for all journalism educators. The ultimate aim of journalism education is to instill these qualities in future journalists. Journalists need to equip themselves with five competencies: general competence, practical techniques, process competence, professional ethics, and subject competence. These are critical to the future communications and journalism profession. In my view, all journalism and communication education should be beneficial for global governance as well as local governance. Good governance is something that is universally sought after. All the elements of good governance – transparency, responsiveness, accountabilly, participation, effectiveness – all of these elements are also the aims of journalism and communication education. These are critical for journalism educators, especially if we want to educate future journalists well. Lastly, we are also changing our paradigms – our curriculums, our way teaching, our way of practicing, and so on. I want to borrow a Chinese term called “ding tian li di” (頂天立 地). “Ding tian” means “holding up the sky”. It means we have to provide students with more and more courses, not only in social sciences but also in sciences and technology – this is the demand of new media. It is also why we need to bring a new way of thinking, new talents,
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and new skills to students. On the other hand, we still need to “stand on Earth” – “li di”. This means that for professional journalists, fundamental competencies and fundamental skills are still necessary. Interviewing, writing, editing, as well as performance and expression in audiovisual communications, these are the basic and fundamental elements of journalism and communications education.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
Markets for Loyalties, Strategic Communication and Major Country Relationships PRICE, Monroe E.
Markets for Loyalties, Strategic Communication and Major Country Relationships (忠誠度市場、策略傳播與大國關係) PRICE, Monroe E. Director, Center for Global Communications Studies, Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania
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want to start with a discussion of the icon of this conference, “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media”.
It is a very moving and interesting depiction of the World, and it has great sources in art and art history. I want to compare this not only to the actual map, which is very telling of the interrelationship between geographic spaces, but more to the point, this amazing painting – The Creation of Adam by Michelangelo, done for the Sistine Chapel in 1511 to 1512.
This is a very famous painting. Compare the two and you will realize that it’s not by accident. It is a conscious adaptation of a symbol. So what does this image tells us about the theory of communication, of signaling of information, and of context? One thing that I thought was great about this is the finger of God on the right. What’s the relationship between this idea of the finger of God and, for example, an idea of superiority? Is this a kind of condescension between the figure on the right and the figure on the left? Are these two different ways of seeing the world? There are two great theories of how to think about communication and information. The question is, how do you bring them together? Is there a different conception of man and of ideology here? Consider the two different attitudes of the hands. One is not quite receiving – the Adam figure has not quite decided whether it is adapting or resisting. On the other hand, the God figure is much more decisive. This image raises wonderful questions about the role of the media in defining new relations between major countries. The contact between powers, the kind of tentative touching of fearful reaching out as the icon may imply – Is this relationship, as in the fresco, a defining reach? Is it the struggle for contact between two or three distinct societies (the third being Russia here in
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Markets for Loyalties, Strategic Communication and Major Country Relationships PRICE, Monroe E.
this great image)? Another theological question this image raises is whether there is a desire for each major country to reach out to the other. Does it incorporate the theory of hospitality, of welcoming in a rich and robust way? Or is it a process of dialogue and exchange? Another way to interpret the image would be that these two entities funnel information. That somehow there is a structure internally within each country of how information should be defused, and how information should move from one context to another. Finally, it can be read as saying that the relationship is almost always asymmetric. There is always one side that is more like the divine and another side that is more like Adam, and an inevitable process of trying to correct the asymmetry. In other words, each side thinks of itself as having certain powers, certain validity, and the question is, how do you correct this asymmetry? If one thinks about the operation of journalism and journalism education, what is the structure of information flows in which these journalism students will appear and function? I’ve talked about what I call the market for loyalties. This is a market in which there are great competitors for allegiances, all over the world. These competitors, who are the sellers in this market for loyalties, are all those for whom myths, dreams, and history, can somehow be converted into power and wealth. These are classically states, governments, interest groups, businesses, and others. These are entities that have a stake in how people think about coal, energy, gas, and so on. These are what I call sellers in a market for allegiances. They may have an idea of the importance of ideologies or the importance of certain structures. The buyers are the citizens, subjects, nationals, consumers – recipients of the packages of information, propaganda, advertisement, drama and news propounded by the media. The consumer pays for this through what we call loyalty or citizenship. Payment is not in cash,
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but in obedience to laws, readiness to fight in armed services, and continued residence within the country. The buyer pays with his or her own sense of identity. So, we have this idea of a market for loyalties. How does this market operate? It operates in two ways. One is control over an internal market. That is to say, is there a kind of cartel of sellers in a market for allegiances, just as there is a cartel in many other fields? This cartel is designed to help develop market shares on certain kinds of information. How do we change the share of those who have allegiances one way or another? So, there is an internal market, in which there is a very important role, including the role in journalism education, of featuring the way in which allegiances are developed, shared, and in which identities are formed etc. That’s what I call an internal market. The other is an external market. Each state, including China and the U.S., has an interest in the media development or the market for loyalties in another state. China has a stake in how people in the United States think about China, or how people in the United States think about energy. That’s a market for loyalties question. What does China do to affect that particular market or the share of that market in the U.S.? Similarly, as we well know, the U.S. perceives that it has a stake or an interest in the way in which allegiances are shaped within China. For example, I noticed a very definite statement saying: “keep your hands off the way the discussions are going in Hong Kong”. i.e. “We know you think you have an interest in this, but perhaps you could think of it in the context of the long run and the strategic aspect of it.” In other words, there are two different ways in which countries think about this market for loyalties: internally, and how it affects third countries. China and Africa is a good example of considerations of markets for loyalties. How do states and other strategic communicators, including corporations, NGOs, religions, and others, all have an interest in
CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
Markets for Loyalties, Strategic Communication and Major Country Relationships PRICE, Monroe E.
these markets for loyalties and in changing and shaping the market share that they have? What techniques are used to shape the market? I’ve listed a few here: Techniques of technology – circumvention devices, satellites, licensed radio stations, and so on. How can each strategic communicator, including the state, use technology to affect the market share of their own allegiance in another state? Subsidy is an interesting technique. It is the use of funds for broadcasters. International broadcasting may be an example where the U.S. considers that it is affecting the market for loyalties in a third state. CCTV International is, in some ways, an example of a response to this. Law is a very interesting example. The development and proclamation of international norms seem to imply a requirement of opening for markets for loyalties. The whole international norm of free expression, Article 19, for example, is a way of affecting, or trying to affect a mechanism for altering markets for loyalties. Force is one technique that I find very interesting. It is a complicated mechanism for reshaping markets for loyalties. The bombing of transmitters, for example, is a way of thinking about this. In a period of occupation, the imposition of a particular media structure is an interesting and sometimes quite creative way of doing this. Then there is the art of negotiation. Are there examples where states negotiate with each other over the shaping of the market for loyalties? In a certain sense, this is a process of informal negotiation. What’s the background, what’s the creative environment, in which people can think differently about how one society shapes the market for loyalties in another society? There are some examples of formal agreements in which one state undertakes to reduce or manage hate speech or manage other kinds of things to affect the other society. The art of negotiation is at the core of mutual understanding here. The question, then, is how does journalism
change in an era of markets for loyalties? There the question is, who is the publisher? Journalism, even as we traditionally depict it, has entities that publish and edit newspapers. But we know that all of this is tremendously changing. And it is changing, in part, because of the power of strategic communicators to alter these markets for loyalties. Therefore, if I’m a graduate of a journalism school, I’m likely going to work for a different kind of entity than one that has a traditional way of thinking about the role of journalism in society. I was just thinking about this in terms of what modern graduates do, or the entities that employ them, and it seems to me that they have different roles than the ones we think about. They have roles of advocacy – advocacy of a position, which is different in a major way from objectivity. It is a rising function of journalists. NGOs, for example, become big employers of journalists, who are used to explain positions in ways that are harmonious with their sponsor’s purpose. That is an important change in the nature of journalism. Journalism may also be considered as a supplementary form of information. This is the relationship between UGC and PGC – User Generated Content and Professionally Generated Content. User Generated Content is often to supplement and explain what professionals have said, in ways that are really interesting. Finally there is one technique that I think is really interesting and increasingly common, and that is “disrupting”. This involves intervening in discourse to alter the way the discourse looks. These would be commentators, both paid and amateur. I look at the Guardian’s comments on the riots in Hong Kong, and there is an effort to say that “you’ve got the story wrong, you don’t have the context right.” These are strategic interveners whose effort is to change the way the discussion is going.
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Markets for Loyalties, Strategic Communication and Major Country Relationships PRICE, Monroe E.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
Making More Voices Heard: Nurturing Global Journalism Talent for a Connected World ZHONG Xin (鐘新)
Making More Voices Heard: Nurturing Global Journalism Talent for a Connected World (傳達更多聲音:為相連的世界培育環球新聞人才) ZHONG Xin (鐘新) Professor, School of Journalism and Communication, Renmin University of China
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lobalization and global interdependence require the development of journalists who feel connected and who care about the interests not only of their own country, but also of other countries, and, indeed, the whole world. An increasingly complex world needs journalists with special expertise and a deep understanding of global issues. We, as journalism educators, should adopt innovative ways to nurture this much needed new talent. I will attempt to answer the following questions: What are the qualifications recognized by journalism educators? What are the most important ones? Furthermore, what new models in world journalism education and at the Journalism School of Renmin University might prove useful to others? Here is a list of generally recognized qualities and capabilities by Journalism educators: critical and analytical thinking, deep understanding and knowledge of the subject areas that they will report on, intellectual knowledge, awareness, sensitivity, the ability to identify important stories and tell them well, and technical skills to produce stories in multimedia formats. My own teaching experiences have shown me it is not difficult for students to develop multimedia skills. Flexibility, adaptability, and willingness to keep learning are much more important. The list can be made longer, but I want to say that the most important qualification is the journalist’s mindset. Young journalists must care passionately about the planet and the
future survival, and flourishing, of humankind. They should develop the knowledge necessary to cover complex issues. Young journalists should enter the field with an attitude of cooperation rather than confrontation – they should understand that we are all collaborators, rather than rivals. We have seen some encouraging signs. Younger journalists are not as burdened by a “Cold War mentality”. Young U.S. journalists prefer to say “China”, instead of “Communist China”. Similarly, young Chinese journalists are likely to speak of “America”, instead of “Capitalist America”. Student exchange programs have helped foster a sense of global connectedness and enhance cultural understanding, and are making their mark on younger generations. As of September 2014, over 200,000 Chinese students were studying in the U.S. And, under a “100,000 Strong Initiative” of the U.S. government, 100,000 American students will go to study in China over the next four years. In-depth knowledge is also important. Lack of deep, thorough, and specialized knowledge on complicated topics, along with intense media competition and the rush to be the first to publish, are huge obstacles to good journalism. They typically result in superficial, and, sometimes, erroneous coverage. Young journalists should study hard to grasp the complexity of international relations and global issues, and develop a deeper understanding of
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Making More Voices Heard: Nurturing Global Journalism Talent for a Connected World ZHONG Xin (鐘新)
sophisticated topics and subjects, so as to be able to provide the world with more in-depth coverage. International audiences are familiar with President’s Xi Jingping’s concept of the “China Dream”. But their understanding does not go beyond the slogan. At a recent conference in the U.K. I analyzed the goodwill, action plans and core values that have emerged from President Xi’s speeches delivered in different parts of the world. My audience, professors and PhD students, listened attentively. Some told me that they had never encountered the real substance of Xi’s speeches, because media emphasize the showy parts of his visits and seldom analyze the meaning. We should understand and re-emphasize the true value of journalism. The highest mission of journalism is to inform the public in the public interest. This should supersede the pressures to entertain and sell media content. Young journalists need to be committed to this highest vision of their work, regardless of commercial pressures. It is not easy. But part of the job of journalism educators is to elevate and sustain such idealism. World Journalism educators have been trying to create new ways of teaching students to develop a new sense of world community and multi-lateral cooperation, and strengthen their expertise in global affairs. One example of an emerging model is team-taught courses or projects using distance education, involving multinational student projects on global topics. Global current affairs should be emphasized in these journalism curricula, with the aim of enabling future journalists to act as better global citizens, mediators, and innovative communicators. Intensive learning-while-working study abroad programs allow students to produce projects under the guidance of industry professionals, and require students to develop, report and present stories from unfamiliar cultures. Another method is establishing expertise at an undergraduate level in areas that require
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a global approach to coverage, such as science and technology, arts and culture, environmental policy and international relations. Intensive journalism training may also be provided through fellowships. Last spring at Renmin University, I co-taught a team-taught English news writing course with Professor Stephen Davis from Macleay College, Australia. Macleay College has created a new website named The Newsroom, and wanted to invite contributions from world journalism students. In particular, they wanted Chinese students to take part. When I taught my English news writing course last year, I invited him to co-instruct my class. Professor Stephen Davis talked to my students several times via Skype about story ideas, reporting plans, and revision of their stories. My students would send him their stories by e-mail, and he would provide feedback. Both sides really enjoyed the team-taught course. Many e-mails were exchanged and the stories were published on their website. Two years ago, we also co-taught a course with professors from Ithaca College, focusing on climate change and disaster reporting. Ithaca College’s program highlights social responsibility, such as the responsibility of media to provide positive content and resources to address global social needs including sustainability, combatting poverty, hunger and disease, providing universal primary education, and promoting social justice. Starting from 2014, Ithaca College will extend the opportunity to participate in this project to universities across the globe. Student teams will be able to follow the courses online, submit story plans, and obtain feedback from the professional and academic experts. Renmin has also developed an International Journalism Master’s program. We want to strengthen students’ knowledge of international politics, law, and economics. Our curriculum therefore requires that no less than four credits must be taken from related schools at Renmin University every year. The students of this program are also
CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
Making More Voices Heard: Nurturing Global Journalism Talent for a Connected World ZHONG Xin (鐘新)
required to attend Press Salons organized by the All China Journalists’ Association for international and domestic Journalists. Some of the topics include China’s Energy Strategy, the Middle East Chaos and the Challenges for China, Current Status and Future Trends of China’s International Investment, Opportunities and Challenges in China-Japan Economic Relations, China’s Policy towards the Surrounding Waters, Priorities and Difficulties in China’s Policy towards Europe, China-Africa Relations in the New Century, and so on and so forth. Almost every week, or every two weeks, students will have the chance to join these Press Salons tailored not only for students but also for international reporters. We also have dual degree undergraduate programs. In 2011, we started two experimental programs. One is the Journalism and International Politics Program, which is a collaboration between the Journalism School and the School of International Relations. We also have a Journalism and Law Program – a collaboration between the Journalism School and the Law School. Students in this class take half of their credits from each school. We also invite people to come to our school to talk and meet with our students. In 2012, we had a dialogue between Renmin University and UCLA students, hosted and aired by China Radio International. Finally, we have learning-while-working study abroad programs, which include a one year PhD student exchange program. We also have a six-month Master’s student overseas internship program, sponsored by Chinese mainstream media organizations in the United States. A connected world needs global journalism talents, and a New Type of Major Country Relations demands a new mindset from journalists. To meet these needs, more innovative journalism education programs and projects should be created and practiced
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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Something’s Got To Give: Media Education for Today’s Media World GELB, Amos
Something’s Got To Give: Media Education for Today’s Media World (現今媒體世界的媒體教育) GELB, Amos Director, Washington Media Institute
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n an open letter to university presidents signed by six foundations that have a special interest in journalism, Eric Newton, Senior Advisor of the Knight Foundation, said, “We believe journalism and communications schools must be willing to recreate themselves if they are to succeed in playing their vital roles as news creators and innovators. Deans cite regional accreditation bodies and university administration. However, we think the problem may be more systematic than that.” I’ve had many wonderful conversations with brilliant professors who want to do brilliant programs. But consider what happened as a result of this letter. This letter was also followed by a warning that Knight will no longer fund any university programs. Knight has given up on universities as journalism and media educators. If that’s not a warning shot across the bows, all the rest of these conversations, if you’ll forgive me, are a bit self-delusional. We know there’s been a paradigm shift. We know the media has changed. But what we are talking about is how we should change the current journalism and media education to match that paradigm shift. I’m not sure that we can. Here’s what I mean by that. I’ve had the benefit of working at some of the real dinosaurs – the huge, the Tyrannosaurus Rex that controlled and wandered the world. I’ve worked at CNN, ABC, National Geographic, Discovery, Xinhua, and CCTV. I’ve worked
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with some of the biggest names in the world. I’ve also taught. I’ve had the pleasure and the honor of teaching at Georgetown (which does not have a journalism program, except at the graduate level), George Washington University, and American University. Most recently, I was Director of Broadcast at Northwestern’s Graduate School of Journalism. I know that every school views themselves as giants, and I know that Annenberg is certainly a giant. I would argue today that we are not the huge dinosaurs that work the media anymore. And I would argue that – simply look at your own ways of getting news and information – even you do not observe these giants anymore. Just take a look at what has happened in the year 2013. CNN is plummeting so far now that Anderson Cooper, their star anchor, gets only 300,000 viewers a night. He might as well pick up the phone and call each of them personally. It would save time and money. The Washington Post was just sold to the person who owns Amazon, and if you’ve been over there, they’re desperately trying to reinvent themselves. The New York Times came out with a report in the summer of 2014, the Innovation Report – 96 pages which essentially says that we’re in deep, deep trouble. We have the best journalism in the world and we are being overtaken by Buzz Feed. Take a look at Politico. The owner of Politico also ran and owned a dozen television
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Something’s Got To Give: Media Education for Today’s Media World GELB, Amos
stations. In 2013, he declared “there’s no future in television, I’m getting out of it.” He literally sold all the television stations to go with Politico, dropping behind one of their anchors. And then, Buzz Feed, something that is more famous for cats, “LOL” and “OMG”, just got fifty million dollars invested to do journalism. Vice Television is redefining global and international journalism, and they just received 250 million dollars to do it. And all the time, there are those that say they’re going to break off their television and digital from their newspapers. Tribune has already done that. There is a real crisis happening in the media, and it is a fundamental shift in how they work. That is hard news. The same thing is already happening in journalism education. If you know anything about the University of Indiana, they just downgraded their journalism school. One of the most famous journalism schools in the world has now just become a department. Emory University, which had a journalism program, just cancelled it – Done, no more. And I was just at the University of Colorado, which had the defining journalism school in the mountain area. Four years ago, the Chancellor and Provost said: no more, we’re done. They’re now trying to re-invent it as the CMCI, the College of Media, Communication and Information. I hate to point out that there was something else called MCI – it was a telephone company, and that didn’t last very long either. So, there is a real crisis happening here. Why? Is there something fundamentally wrong and inappropriate about journalism education? My answer is, no! Journalism schools have done a great job. I’ve been a part of them. The only problem is, they’re built on an old system. Let’s take a look at the ecology of the journalism of old. The roles and challenges were clear. We knew what we did and we know how we did it. I just gave a two-day seminar about public policy in the old media age. It was a closed loop, defined by policymakers, with the closed media controlling the conversation. That’s all gone. In the old days, as journalists,
we were taught that we were the ones who knew, and if the rest wanted to know, they had to get it from us. It was the Church of the Reporter. If you don’t get it from us, you don’t get it. We tell you what you get, when you get it, how you get it. We know that’s all gone. Separated media: Television really didn’t compete with video, video really did not compete with newspapers, newspapers didn’t compete with television, which didn’t compete with radio, and the Internet didn’t exist. How many people watch the State of the Union by logging onto the New York Times and watching its live video feed? How many people go to CNN.com to read stories, rather than watch video? Those lines have all broken down. It makes it a very interesting time for journalism, but it’s completely changed. Monopoly control: we were rich because there was nobody else. We were like General Motors (GM) during the 1970’s and 80’s. We thought we made great cars. In fact, we made awful cars. There just wasn’t any other car to buy. The bottom line is, if there is this monopoly control, you cannot fail. I won a bunch of Emmy’s. Great. I went back and looked at my work, and I would never do it the same way, and I would never tell my students to do it the same way. Why? Because at the end of the day I was really doing it for myself. I would have liked that the audience watched it, but at the end of the day, they got it from me. I knew best how to tell a story. That certainly isn’t the case anymore. So how did the old framework of journalism translate to journalism education? I would argue that the worst influence and the worst characteristics of both played on each other. For example, they created journalism education within an academic model. Think about this. Journalism, the media of journalism, which was a separated, monopolistic industry, was imprinted upon academia. What does that do? Journalism used to be about silos. Television did television, print did print, web did web, and radio did radio. What happens then when it comes to university? As
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Something’s Got To Give: Media Education for Today’s Media World GELB, Amos
anybody who has spent any time at universities knows, universities are in silos. It’s about departments. Brilliant, brilliant professors are not hired because they are generalists; they are hired because they are experts in their field. You don’t hire three professors to teach the same thing. You hire professors who are really, really good at what they do in their areas of research. What happens then is that you reinforce silos. You hire somebody to be a broadcast professor, or a new media professor, or a media strategy professor – you hire somebody who fits into a silo. The result is that when you all come together and you sit around – as anybody who has sat around a faculty table knows – everybody ends up defending their own silo. I’ve heard some of the conversations that happened at Colorado when they built the new school. The departments, all the people and the professors will get together and they’ll say, “you’re right, we need change, we need to change right now, and we need to change everything – but what I do is really, really important, so we need to keep what I do, but everything else has to change.” It’s natural. It’s the way it is, the very nature of the beast. There has been a traditional fight between the intellectual and the practical. In the old days in the United States if you wanted to learn how to be an editor, or how to be a cameraman, you went to the Columbia School of Broadcasting. If you wanted to be the producer, or the person around the newsroom, you went to Columbia University in New York. Two Columbia’s, completely different things. Today, you cannot separate the intellectual from the practical. But again, that is the DNA of how universities are designed. Universities are not designed as career schools. They are designed to create educated, thoughtful contributors to the globe. There has been a lot of talk about changing the current model. We need to have this class or this course, or this little program or that little program. There are brilliant people doing brilliant things in isolation. But fundamentally they are in isolation, it is not changing the
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greater body politic. You are not changing the DNA of education in the way that I would argue the DNA of the media has been so viscerally changed over the last decade. In the summer of 2014, with all that happened in the media in America, nobody noticed, but it was a meteorite, it was a landslide, it was an earthquake, it was a tsunami, and for anybody who follows Washington baseball, it was Washington Nationals winning a game that they needed to. So, what does this mean? This means that in the past, we have taught journalism as “And so it shall be.” Journalism ethics is – as I always joke with my students – not like Moses came down with two sets of commandments and said, here are ten commandments, “thou shalt not . . . Oh, and you journalists, Yahweh has a whole bunch of other commandments for you. Here is journalism ethics, this is from God.” No. They were applied around the media. Are they necessary? Yes, they were a social contract with the audience that requires you to be trustworthy and credible. But they are not absolutes, certainly not when the media world has changed. I spoke to one of the most insightful people I know about the media, a gentleman named Tom Kennedy, who has spent a lot of time trying to change media. He put The Post on the web and tried to bring PBS News Hour onto the web. I asked him, “Why do so many news organizations that are filled with truly brilliant people have so much trouble changing?” And I think he summed it up very well. “They are more worried about what they have to lose, than what they have to gain.” I think that when we talk about journalism education, it is very much the same thing. Journalism professors are more worried about what this change is going to do to what they know how to do, rather than what benefit it’s going to have for their students. Professors talk about it from their frame of understanding, rather than from the students’. While certainly a part of journalism is informing the world and governing, I argue
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Something’s Got To Give: Media Education for Today’s Media World GELB, Amos
that journalism today is something more. Journalism is no longer a career path. It’s not about being a print newspaper; it’s not about a video journalist. It’s about gathering, sorting, and delivering information. Technology is a tool, it is not an obstacle. In other words, students need to be able to pick up the camera and take video as easily as it is for them to write. They should be able to tweet about their issue as well as they are able to write a 300 word article that is going to go onto a newspaper. We need to get beyond the practical and the intellectual. Students have to understand that you can’t just do one – you have to do the practical and intellectual together. Journalism education, to my mind, is beyond simply a career path. It has to be something bigger. Today, it is everywhere. Every business, journalism, government, law – they are all about gathering, sorting, and delivery of information. When I’m called on to consult with companies, my first comment is “you either do the media, or the media will do you.” So you need something more. These skills are now being put to work in non-profits, as well as other kinds of organizations. More importantly, we have to prepare students not for the jobs of today or tomorrow, but for the jobs that will come fifteen years down the road, when Facebook is going to be a historical footnote. We cannot build it around the technologies of today or the way communication happens today. We have to understand that, but we have to do something more at the same time. We also have to understand that students learn a different way. Students no longer take lectures. They don’t like being preached to – I don’t think any of us ever did, to be honest – but today it doesn’t work. I have discovered this, I have tried different things along the way, and just telling students what they need to know is not going to get you the kind of retention that you hope for. Today’s news ecology is seemingly chaotic. There is infinite competition and metabolism is faster than ever. Students have to be more
flexible, and they have to do more about engaging the audience than conforming to certain fixed rules of journalism. How do we do this? I recently stepped down from Northwestern to focus on a different form of media education – a new model, I hope – at the Washington Media institute. What we do is, we start with a motto, which is “Expert in one, professional in all.” Students may be focused on sustainability, they may be focused on daily news, or God forbid, they may be focused on entertainment. But whatever their expertise is, they then have to be able to edit professionally, write professionally, and report professionally. They have to be able to gather, sort and deliver and use these skills. They may be the best photographer in the world, but they better be able to write a really good 1500 word article that is not about showing how smart they are, but about engaging the audience. Secondly, it has to be experiential. They have to be out doing it. We have to bring that experiential process into the classroom. It can’t just be experiential though, because then they won’t understand what they’re doing and why they’re doing it. It has to be a combination. It has to be individualized. We have to understand that when we have a classroom of students, no two of them will probably end up working in the same place. How do we come around to focusing on each of those student’s needs and where they’re going? We do it by individualizing assignments, so that every assignment for each student is slightly different. It’s more work on our part, but it requires us to spend time knowing the student. We have to get rid of the silos. We have to forget the traditional ladders. A ladder is a set of step courses to get to where you’re going. I keep pointing out that that ladder is great, but the ladder was fixed maybe five or ten years ago, and the ladder now doesn’t get you into the window. The building has added another floor, so the ladder will take you up but it can’t take you into the window anymore. Ladders don’t work. We have to be more flexible in how we approach the problem.
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Something’s Got To Give: Media Education for Today’s Media World GELB, Amos
Finally we have to be client-focused in education. It’s no longer about the professors. It’s no longer about us. You’ll have to forgive me, but I think that there are too many great schools that have hired great people who come to journalism as something they do when they have finished their professional careers, as a sort of retirement. Journalism education, media education, is a step up. There are too many professors who are really brilliant thinkers but don’t understand where the students are going and why. This is one reason why education has been more focused on sharing their knowledge rather than on helping the students get to where they need to go. We are in a service industry. As educators we have to prepare our students to be doing what Journalists are doing, not what we think Journalists should be doing. My biggest comment is that journalism is at an incredibly fun, exciting time. It has never been livelier in such a global sphere. My challenge to educators is: we have to step up to it, rather than looking at our own navels and thinking that the systems that we have now are going to get us where we need to go.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
International Relations and the Role of Media, Beginning with the Stories Yang and He TANG Weihong (唐維紅)
News Reporting: Traditional Concepts and New Paradigms International Relations and the Role of Media, Beginning with the Stories Yang and He (國家關係與媒體角色,從老楊和小何的故事談起)
TANG Weihong (唐維紅) What Americans Can Teach Chinese Broadcasters (and Vice Versa) (美國人可教中國播音員什么(或相反))
HARRIS, Lee Social Media and Citizen Journalism in U.S.-China Relations (中美關係裡的社交媒體與民間傳媒)
YANG Guobin (楊國斌)
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International Relations and the Role of Media, Beginning with the Stories Yang and He TANG Weihong (唐維紅)
International Relations and the Role of Media, Beginning with the Stories Yang and He (國家關係與媒體角色,從老楊和小何的故事談起) TANG Weihong (唐維紅) Vice President, People.cn Ltd. (People’s Daily Online)
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recently took part in a large omnimedia production called “Walking the New Silk Road”, organized by People.cn. Along with seven other colleagues, I travelled to Sri Lanka, Egypt and Turkey to conduct interviews. Perhaps some of you are familiar with the “One Belt and One Road” initiative. Thousands of years ago, there were two majestic Silk Roads. The northern land-based route began from Xi’an in China. Travelling west, it would take you across highlands, through valleys, deserts and basins, deep into the hinterland of Central Asia, and, finally, into Europe. The southern sea route went from China’s southeast coast, along the Strait of Malacca, over the Indian Ocean, eventually reaching the Atlantic shore. People traded and exchanged cultures along these two Silk Roads. In 2013, China’s President Xi Jinping visited Central Asia, where he put forward the idea of “joining hands to build a Silk Road Economic Belt” – hence the term “One Belt”. Within a month, while visiting Southeast Asia, President Xi proposed to build a “Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century” – this is the so-called “One Road”. Since its inception, the “One Belt and One Road” initiative has been met with enthusiasm among relevant countries. Our recent media coverage was inspired by President Xi’s strategic concept of “joining hands to build a Silk Road Economic Belt” and a “Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century”. We comprehensively covered the steps and measures taken by China in cooperating with
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relevant countries in the forging of this “One Belt and One Road”. We attempted to identify the opportunities and challenges, and to reflect the trade, cultural exchanges and friendships between China and countries along this “Belt” and “Road”. I want to start with two stories I encountered during my travels. The first is a story about old Yang, a man born in the 1960s. His full name is Yang Longming. He is a native Sri Lankan and a Chinese-speaking tour guide, enthusiastic and polite. 20 years ago, having had his heart broken, Yang left home and travelled to Taiwan and was thus acquainted with China. 10 years ago, upon the advice of his family, he gave up his own business and became one of the few Chinese-speaking tour guides in Sri Lanka at the time. Now, Yang and his friends plan to open a Chinese restaurant. They have already chosen a spot in Kandy – an ancient city that Chinese tourists inevitably visit. Old Yang’s first encounter with China 20 years ago may have been by chance, and his decision 10 years ago to become a tour guide may have been influenced by his family, but what motivated Yang this time were the increasing number of Chinese tourists and the growing ties between China and Sri Lanka. Just over 50, Yang hopes to retire after five years. He wants to buy a plot of land in the hill district and spend the rest of his days with nature as his companion. It was obvious that he was full of
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International Relations and the Role of Media, Beginning with the Stories Yang and He TANG Weihong (唐維紅)
confidence in his plan. The other story is about He Junqi, a young man born in the 1990s. 22-year-old He is from Chongqing, China. He is smart and competent and recently graduated from Beijing Foreign Studies University with a degree in Sinhalese. He is now the account manager for all Chinese customers at the Hilton Colombo Hotel, and is the only Chinese member of staff among the hundreds of employees. His work involves accommodating the Chinese tourists at the hotel, as well as translating Chinese e-mails for his boss. He may still be young but has already developed a career plan for himself. He believes that with overseas working experience he will be more competitive compared with professionals of his age. He’s boss has indicated that as Chinese tourists are increasing, there is a genuine need and appreciation for Chinese employees. Despite a 30-year age difference and different nationalities, Yang and He have something in common: both of them are optimistic about the future cooperation between China and Sri Lanka. Our coverage included how the government officials of three countries interpreted the idea of “One Belt and One Road”, and the concrete measures they have taken in response to this initiative. We also covered the entrepreneurial experiences of those exploring the opportunity of expanding their markets in both countries, as well as the stories of common people like Yang and He. Our reports, including text, pictures and videos, were simultaneously distributed via our website, Weibo (a microblog), WeChat and Weishi (a video blog). Not only were we innovative in our distribution of content, our coverage team was also quite unique in its composition. It included native Chinese and foreign experts from People.cn, as well as history teachers from high schools in China. We strived to present our stories with multiple angels and from multiple perspectives. Through our interviews, we discovered that the idea of “One Belt and One Road” is
not only in line with the interests of China and its people, but also with that of other relevant nations. With China-Sri Lanka, China-Egypt and China-Turkey relations, media is a channel for the distribution of information, a bridge of communication, and a platform for exchange. These are, in fact, the same functions we serve in our daily reporting. The role of media today in the establishment and development of international relations is becoming increasingly profound. Below are three aspects in which the media should play a proactive role in international relations. 1. Media should promote mutual understanding among countries. Media are chroniclers of facts. They should be objective and rational in their coverage and provide recipients with an accurate, objective and vivid account of affairs. The media cannot ignore the various global problems and challenges we currently face. They should advocate for peace, foster an environment of harmony and promote pragmatic cooperation. They should be focused on deepening friendships and widening consensus – responsibilities the media are obliged to undertake. In July 2014, while delivering a speech at the Seoul National University, President Xi Jinping said: “As a country with over 5,000 years of history and civilization, looking forward, what type of a country China will become is a matter of concern for many people.” Our job, as media is to objectively, vividly and in a timely manner, inform the world as to what is happening in China. People.cn is a huge online platform for the exchange of information. Focused on news, it is one of the largest integrated online media dedicated to conveying China’s voice and telling China’s story. Apart from the Chinese version, there are eight foreign language versions of People.cn. 24 hours a day, every day, via text, images, videos, Weibo and other applications, we deliver rich and varied information around
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the globe. Our content covers areas such as politics, economics, society and culture. We are also keen on establishing a world-wide presence. We have set up bureaus and studios in Tokyo, New York, San Francisco, Seoul, London, Moscow, Johannesburg and Sydney, so that People.cn can report global news as it occurs. We hope to better connect China with the world, to explore opportunities for harmonious and mutually beneficial development. To promote understanding, we need to dispel doubts and misunderstandings. People.cn has been exploring and practicing ways in which it can accurately and vividly portray China in a light that is seldom seen. On 3rd August 2014, a magnitude 6.5 earthquake hit Ludian County in Zhaotong City, Yunnan Province, China. It resulted in severe injuries and deaths. People. cn immediately dispatched correspondents to the disaster area. There was initially speculation on the part of certain foreign media as well as domestic and foreign netizens that poor build quality was the major cause of the heavy destruction. People. cn arranged for staff to investigate both on the ground and behind the scenes. Reporters on the ground were able to provide pictures and videos of the actual damage to structures. Behind the scenes, editors interviewed experts in the field. We then began to release a series of reports such as “How did a magnitude 6.5 earthquake lead to such a heavy loss?” and “Experts cite four reasons for the heavy loss” etc. These articles provided an objective analysis of the characteristics of the earthquake as well as why it was so detrimental. To explain why the houses in the disaster area had poor anti-seismic properties, whether there was jerry-building in the process of construction, and in order to determine accountability, bbs.people.com.cn interviewed Prof. Zhao Xiuchi, Director of the Research Institute of Real Estate, Capital University of Economics and Business. Professor Zhao gave detailed explanations from the point of view of structural integrity and the local topography, to dispel rumors and respond to
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accusations. This series of reports by People. cn played a crucial role in terms of explanation and clarification. At the same time, we were performing our oversight function as media. On the one hand, we interviewed experts who offered professional recommendations on reconstruction; on the other, we urged local government and relevant departments to ensure the necessary build quality during the reconstruction process, especially with respect to anti-seismic measures. During our travels along “the New Silk Road”, the officials, entrepreneurs and common people we encountered in various countries all expressed their concern over the complexity and authenticity of online information today. This demonstrates the importance of disseminating accurate, authoritative and professional information – a valuable function of the media. 2. Media should play the role of bridging the hearts and minds of people from different countries Nowadays, with the complicated state of international affairs and facing serious, prominent global issues, countries are facing both opportunities and challenges with their respective development and reform. Cooperation among countries is vital, as we are all in the same boat. China is now in a crucial stage of development. It hopes to promote mutual trust and cooperation with the world’s countries, to prosper together and improve the wellbeing of citizens. The media should be responsible for building bridges of unity and cooperation among countries, to promote comprehensive and pragmatic cooperation. Comparative advantages in terms of political relations, geography and economy, can be leveraged to promote pragmatic cooperation and continued growth, thus benefiting the world as a whole. In this regard, People.cn has always been dedicated to bridging minds and establishing
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International Relations and the Role of Media, Beginning with the Stories Yang and He TANG Weihong (唐維紅)
consensus. In an effort to clean up the network environment and promote peace on the Internet, in June 2014, People.cn participated in the “Sunfull Movement”, which encourages netizens to reply positively, to speak rationally, but not to trust or spread rumors. Aimed at fostering a bright and healthy Internet environment, the movement was first initiated by Prof. Min Byung-chul from Korea. By the end of September 2014, the campaign had attracted almost 30,000 Chinese netizens to participate. They sent in their “positive posts” to take part in a contest, and the site itself has had more than 500,000 views. People.cn also invited Prof. Min to conduct an online interview where he communicated and interacted with Chinese netizens. In the near future, in collaboration with high schools in China, we plan to invite Prof. Min to visit our local schools to talk about the motivations behind the “Sunfull Movement” as well as its latest developments in South Korea. Sunfull and People.cn have just launched the “Korea-China youth cyberdiplomatic corps”, which is comprised of 80 young netizens from both China and Korea. This volunteer group aims to promote understanding and friendship between the people of our two countries through the sharing of stories on notable people and events. By showcasing the culture and traditional virtues of our respective countries, we hope to create a more harmonious Internet culture. 3. Media should play a role in promoting positive ties between nations. Relations between nations depend on friendship between people, and friendship between people is based on mutual understanding. Just as economic cooperation between countries has led to a convergence of the developmental pathways of different countries, media exchange facilitates a convergence of hearts and minds. Mass media in every country should make use of their
powers of communication and unique influence to strengthen the exchange between media and media professionals, to promote friendship between nations and to build upon existing relationships. In July 2014, Korea’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Korean Broadcasting System (KBS) and People.cn jointly organized a public diplomacy summer camp in Seoul called “A Trip of Heart and Trust”. 60 youth leaders from China and Korea participated in the 6-day trip, which was highly valued and commended by the Blue House as well as mainstream media such as Yonhap News Agency and JoongAng Ilbo. This camp acted as a platform for learning and exchange between outstanding youngsters from both countries. Through activities like seminars and enterprise visits, they were able to deepen their understanding of one another, reach consensus, and build friendship. We are delighted to see the Chinese government, Chinese media and Chinese nationals promoting Chinese culture around the world. We are also delighted to see many foreigners who adore China, care about China, and who are eager to promote Chinese culture. As a platform for the distribution of information, People.cn is an active advocate of international cultural exchange programs, and we hope to become the go-to place for information and news on all such initiatives. In August 2014, People.cn released a series of reports and videos on the story of a 26-yearold Swiss fellow, Liam Bates (李牧), and his endeavor to become a “cultural ambassador” of Hangzhou in China. Bates is fluent in Mandarin and passionate about Chinese culture. His job involves utilizing the Internet and other means to introduce today’s Hangzhou to the world. Dubbed the “modern-day Marco Polo”, this young foreigner has gained popularity and support from Chinese netizens, due, in no small part, to our coverage. During the recent World Cup in Brazil, People.cn released a series of interviews, named “The World Cup in the eyes of Ambassadors”. We successively conducted 16
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interviews with foreign ambassadors to China. On People.cn, the ambassadors were able to interact with Chinese netizens and talk about everything from football to life. The informal topic allowed for natural and fluid international cultural exchanges full of joy and emotions. In fact, People.cn seems to be quite popular with ambassadors to China. We have organized many such activities, inviting foreign ambassadors and embassy officials, and the results have been very positive. The ambassadors were willing to come and talk, while Chinese netizens were happy to watch and to participate. Embassies from 38 countries have already set up official accounts on People.cn’s microblog. This allows them to instantaneously release information on culture, tourism and the economy. As we all know, in recent years, the application of internet-based social media has been growing exponentially worldwide. Social media has demonstrated a remarkable ability to replicate and reconstruct social relationships in cyberspace. Of course, these relationships include international relations and exchange. Wang Xiaofeng, a fellow of the Center for American Studies at Fudan University, published a paper entitled “The Strategic Positioning and Diplomatic Implementing of Social Media in U.S. Foreign Policy”. It discusses how U.S. diplomatic efforts have been able to fully utilize the vast potential of social media in its ability to transmit information and facilitate exchange. The U.S. has seamlessly integrated social media into its existing diplomatic framework. Based on the distinctive features of social media, they have been able to gradually develop some very effective means of communication. Social media is now fully integrated with the United States’ overall diplomatic framework. It has proven to be effective in achieving the country’s diplomatic goals, improving the overall diplomatic environment, and in engaging with the public. In this regard, I hope to learn a lot more form my American colleagues in the future.
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* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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What American Radio Broadcasters Can Teach Their Chinese Counterparts (and Vice Versa) HARRIS, Lee
What American Radio Broadcasters Can Teach Their Chinese Counterparts (and Vice Versa) (美國人可教中國播音員什么(或相反)) HARRIS, Lee News Anchor, CBS New York
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consider myself an old China hand, at least when it comes to radio. My introduction to Chinese radio came even before Nixon went to China, and for a 12 year old tuning around on his Hallicrafters shortwave radio, pulling in Radio Peking was simultaneously thrilling and terrifying. It almost sounded like it was coming from an alien world – which, at that time, it might as well have been – so I am pretty sure I was the only kid in school who knew the tune to “The East Is Red” and had at least a passing familiarity with the quotations of Chairman Mao, as subversive as that might have been at the time. A short time later I got my first shot behind the microphone at radio station WGBB in Freeport, New York. Fast forward a few decades and all of a sudden there comes an invitation from the University of Missouri School of Journalism to share my knowledge of radio with my fellow broadcasters at Yunnan Radio in Kunming. Of course, I jumped at the chance. The fundamental difference between U.S. and Chinese Radio is that American radio is by and large privately owned and Chinese radio is ultimately government owned. But as Chinese broadcasters are being expected to compete in a global mediascape, there is greater interest in the techniques, operational efficiencies and revenue generating methods of U.S. broadcasting.
President Qin of Yunnan Radio is a great devotee of broadcasting history and, in fact, maintains one of the best radio museums I’ve seen anywhere right in the headquarters building of Yunnan Radio. Not just rare Chinese broadcasting artifacts, but also large pictures of American broadcasters including Edward R. Murrow and a plaque celebrating KDKA in Pittsburgh – largely considered the world’s first commercial radio station. My initial lecture in Kunming concerned the development of U.S. Broadcasting and how radio in the States arrived at its current state . President Qin seemed to enjoy it – the rest of the audience not so much. Several of the younger audience members approached me afterward and said, in essence, “Why are you wasting our time with this information? We could look this up on the Internet. We want to know how you do things now. That is what is helpful to us”. I was a little taken aback, but I understood that they had a point. The practical was much more important to them than the theoretical since they were trying to become better at their jobs, not write papers about them. Fortunately, the next two sessions focused on just that kind of information, in excruciating detail, and it was exactly what the broadcasters of Yunnan Radio were seeking – Everything from the equipment we use in the newsroom to the equipment we use in the field, to the actual workflow of getting a story on the air.
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What American Radio Broadcasters Can Teach Their Chinese Counterparts (and Vice Versa) HARRIS, Lee
With everything in broadcasting so computer-based now there were of course countless similarities. But eventually a pattern of divergence began to emerge. A pattern that made perfect sense in a historical and political context. There was some fascination at Yunnan about what we consider a rather mundane bit of apparatus – a small newsroom audio mixer. Most U.S. stations have one at each newsroom work station. It allows a reporter to edit audio and conduct phone or Skype interviews without getting up and going into a studio or edit booth. More importantly, it allows the reporter to work alone. It allows reporters to go live on the air without leaving the desk or involving other workers. This was of such interest that I was asked to do an entire session on this bit of equipment alone. But of course the underlying topic was the ability to work autonomously as opposed to collectively, and that was the pattern that began to emerge. In the States of course, this “do more with less” mentality has long been the norm in commercial radio for economic reasons. And it has been taken to absurd lengths in recent years, with local traffic and news reports produced hundreds if not thousands of miles away from where they are airing. That’s the miracle and bane of computerized traffic data and audio over IP, and overpopulation of the U.S. radio dial. But in China, there is economic pressure on radio broadcasters as well, despite the state ownership. As I understand it, the broadcasters are expected to pay their own way now, by and large, through the sale of advertising and other ancillary streams of revenue that radio stations can generate through events and digital undertakings – what we call non-traditional revenue. Hence some of the other topics I have covered during my lectures at the regional Yunnan and Jiangsu Radio – Sales procedures and management, and some extensive examinations
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of the Portable People Meter, Nielsen’s system for measuring audio. There was great interest in that. At one level, broadcasters always want to know how many people are listening and when, and how the audience breaks down demographically. Those metrics are what we sell commercially in the States and around the world. For Chinese broadcasters, this has tended to be a secondary if not non-existent consideration, because they have a monopoly, or so it seems. But in Yunnan, for example, it’s really a competitive market in a way. Yunnan Radio itself programs 10 channels which compete with each other to varying degrees. And there are also a few “city” radio channels in Kunming which operate separately from the provincewide Yunnan radio. Add to this the ability to access online broadcasts from various sources, and Chinese broadcasters are really feeling the need to up their game. That is why there is such interest in the American approach to broadcasting, which is highly competitive and highly commercial. At several of the stations where I have lectured, I’ve witnessed the managers criticize the assembled staff for a lack of initiative, which they felt the American broadcasting mode possessed in abundance. When I first went to Kunming in 2011, I was actually advised not to bring up Facebook or Twitter. At one level that was fine with me. I wasn’t really planning to deal with those topics and one of the annoying aspects of radio conferences these days is that they usually have very little do with radio and very much to do with social media – or at least ways of leveraging social media – to keep listeners engaged. Smash cut to Kunming 2014. One of my co-lecturers, Angelee Shah of Public Radio International, did an entire session on using social media to engage with the audience. Instead of Facebook and Twitter, much of the discussion focused on WeChat and RenRen, but the concept was the same. I took this to be a very encouraging sign, especially since the shift had been rapid. We’ll see how this plays
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What American Radio Broadcasters Can Teach Their Chinese Counterparts (and Vice Versa) HARRIS, Lee
out, since it presents societal challenges that get mentioned in the news from time to time. At China National Radio back in June, Dr. Bo Luo of the University of Kansas discussed Media Marketing Techniques in the Era of Big Data using Netflix as a case study. He also lectured on visualization of big data, and, being a native of China, had the added advantage of being able to conduct his presentations in Mandarin. This shows how the information sought by Chinese broadcasters has evolved in just the few years that I’ve been working with the University of Missouri program. In 2011, the emphasis was on the mechanics of preparing and delivering newscasts, sportscasts and music programs. So, broadcasters, including some friends of mine who were quite accomplished in these areas, were invited over and delivered perfectly serviceable lectures. Most wanted to come back, but the invitations aren’t coming. The fact is the Chinese broadcasters are past that; they can do those things perfectly well for the most part. The information they want concerns convergence with new media and technology. Yunnan Province is, as many of you know, home to many of China’s 55 officially recognized ethnic minorities, and Yunnan Radio does some block programming in several of the dialects. President Qin is quite intent on serving those communities and proud of the ethnic broadcasters he has assembled. At this last session, one of the lecturers was Mercy Padilla of the Hispanic Communications Network. She has decades of experience in Spanish language radio in the United States, which as President Qin knew, is now a major component of U.S. broadcasting. She went into great detail on the differences in serving that audience as opposed to the dominant English speaking audience. While the situations aren’t completely analogous to serving the much more diverse Chinese ethnic communities, this also illustrates the sort of specialized knowledge that’s being sought. I think she was able to
convey a few concepts that can be transported to Yunnan, particularly how to walk the fine line between serving ethnic audiences and further isolating them from the society as a whole. Now, as far as I know, nobody has been inviting Chinese Broadcasters to the United States to lecture American broadcasters about how to conduct their business, although I would pay good money to attend such a session. I for one would like to know what goes on at China National Radio. I have hosted quite a few delegations of Chinese broadcasters over the years, including a group of about 20 from Tianjin Radio just a few weeks ago. And while a lot of what we do in New York probably seemed familiar to the Tianjin broadcasters, there was one device in our newsroom that astonished several members of the delegation. It’s found in every real newsroom in America and has been for decades: a police radio – a police scanner. It allows us to listen to the main police communication channels in the city. You can buy a great one for a few hundred dollars. Anyway, our visitors were astonished that we could listen in on the police. After all, in much of the world it’s the other way around, although indications are the U.S. has joined that club. I explained that the first word we got of the attack on the World Trade Center came over the scanner – what was reported as a small plane hitting the World Trade Center – and that we still get first word of incidents now and then from the scanner. I also explained that we always have to confirm such information before putting it on the air, and that the police of course have secret channels for undercover operations and what not. But the police scanner still made a profound impression and pointed out that the differences between our two countries in this regard are perhaps getting more and more minute, but they’re still there. And that brings me to how the world has shrunk in those years since I sat in the dark – just the glow of the vacuum tubes through
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What American Radio Broadcasters Can Teach Their Chinese Counterparts (and Vice Versa) HARRIS, Lee
the air vents in the Hallicrafters S-120 radio lighting the room – trying to make sense of Radio Peking. As I mentioned, a few years later I started my radio career at this station – WGBB in Freeport, New York, on Long Island. An impressive operation for a little 1000 watt AM station. They did a great job serving their community with news and public service information as well as music. The station changed hands quite a few times over the years but it’s still around. Nowadays, it broadcasts from the basement of a small apartment building in Flushing, Queens, and the vast majority of the programming is in Mandarin, including several hours a day of broadcasts relayed from China Radio International (CRI), the modern day successor to Radio Peking. When I visited CRI a couple of years ago, in one of the studios the walls were lined with brass plaques indicating all the cities where CRI could be heard on local frequencies, like 88.7 in Nairobi and 92.8 in Kuala Lumpur. And there was one that read 1240 AM in New York. I put two and two together and realized this was WGBB. I pointed out to the tour guide that this was the very station where I began my illustrious career. And he asked, “Oh, did it broadcast in Chinese when you were there?” I said, “No, no it did not,” and contemplated how, if in 1971 somebody had suggested that it would today be broadcasting pretty much full time in Mandarin, and on top of that relaying programs directly from what was then Peking, we would have viewed this with alarm and disbelief. But today, of course, nobody really does. That, I think, we will agree is a good thing.
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* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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Social Media and Citizen Journalism in U.S.-China Relations YANG Guobin (楊國斌)
Social Media and Citizen Journalism in U.S.-China Relations (中美關係裡的社交媒體與民間傳媒) YANG Guobin (楊國斌) Associate Professor, Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania
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came to study at graduate school in the United States, in North Carolina, some twenty years ago. Like other Chinese students at the time studying in a foreign country, I was very interested in news from back home. At that time, the main source of such news was the Chinese newspapers in our university library. What where they? They were the People’s Daily and Guangming Daily. But they usually came several weeks late and they were very thin newspapers at the time. Still, I read them as much as I could. The news might have been old, but the newspapers were familiar. I soon found that the little corner of the library that held the Chinese newspapers was almost like a small gathering place for Chinese students. Pretty soon I got to know the others who were also reading those same papers. After school started, I registered for and received my first e-mail username and password. That was my first e-mail address. It was mainly for communicating with classmates and professors at the university. However, I could not communicate with my family by email. Although China was connected to the internet in 1994, very few people knew that China had internet, and neither did I. In order to communicate with my family back at home I was still writing old fashioned letters. It took a month each way. Very occasionally, I might make a phone call. But AT&T charged one to two dollars per minute for such calls. Poor graduate students couldn’t afford that kind of communication.
Eventually, I discovered that Chinese students who were using the internet were circulating an online newsletter. At the time, there was no World Wide Web. Instead, we had to learn to use FTP (File Transfer Protocol) in order to download the newsletter. But it was still a very exciting experience. The online newsletter was compiled by Chinese students and scholars who were studying in the U.S. or in Europe. It had news from all of China and the news arrived faster than the newspapers. What about the American newspapers at the time? Or American media? I remember watching Peter Jennings’ World News. Of their thirty minutes of coverage you got only one to five minutes of world news. It was mostly still American news. For students at the time, getting news about China was very difficult. I recently conducted a study of the New York Times’ coverage of China in 2010. Almost 28% of all stories were about business and commerce, followed mostly by international politics, and so on. Even environmental issues, which are very important at the moment, actually received relatively little coverage in 2010. This is a good summary of the focus of mainstream media coverage – coverage that we are still exposed to and that remains a very important source of news. More importantly, where does the mainstream media itself get its news? What are their sources? I found that most sources of information are government and government
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Social Media and Citizen Journalism in U.S.-China Relations YANG Guobin (楊國斌)
officials, followed by government agencies, businesses, industry, and educational institutions. Only a very small percentage of the information comes from everyday citizens. Of course, the surprising story is the impact of social media on mainstream coverage of news about China. Enter online citizen journalism, more commonly known in China as netizen news. Citizen journalism is defined as a range of web based practices whereby ordinary users engage in journalistic practices. There are many kinds of activities in online media and social media that are considered to be part of citizen journalism or online journalism. These include: current affairs based blogging, tweeting on Twitter and Weibo, photo and video sharing, and eyewitness accounts of situations or crises. The latter is often evident in disasters like the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, which was notable for its eyewitness accounts from everyday citizens, who played an important role especially in the initial period of the earthquake. Other activities include reposting, linking, tagging, and commenting on news. These are all very important activities. A slogan for one website states that “without comment there is no news”. Comments have several important functions. They can enrich or expand upon a story, and at times they can even modify or correct it. This variety of citizen media activity comprises citizen journalism and contributes to our collective pool of news on events. I will first focus on English language blogging about China, which I think is now playing a very important role in shaping the mainstream media coverage of China. Many journalists actually follow these blogs, which now serve as important sources of information. Some of these blog entries become major news – they can break news. There are many of these kinds of blogs, and some of them are run by expatriates in China. There is now a major community in Beijing and Shanghai who speak both Chinese and English, who try to report Chinese stories in English to
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international audiences. Some of these stories are translations of Chinese stories. Typically, the blog authors know what kind of stories interest international audiences, and often come up with very fascinating stories, full of pictures and so on. These blogs are often called “bridge blogs”. One of the more influential online platforms is called Sinocism. It is a newsletter that is sent out almost daily, but sometimes more irregularly. It is a very detailed English report of major news in China in various fields: economics, news, commerce, education, politics, and so on. It is a very well made summary of the mainstream media stories in China. It has become a frequently cited source and I use it in my classes on Chinese media and communication. The newsletter is on an online website, but you can also sign up to receive an automatic newsletter via e-mail. The Shanghaist is another very popular and very current platform. It has all kinds of issues, not just politics, or military, or economics. It often features interesting stories of individual lives – human stories. That’s one reason why the Shanghaist is very interesting. Twitter is very active. There is a very lively Twitter community following coverage of China. It is common to see the term “China” trending on Twitter. Quite often “China” will also trend on Weibo. Some of the major users of Twitter are foreign journalists worldwide, who cover China – both from inside and outside of China – and typically maintain a very active presence on the social media platform. Human rights activists and advocates of various organizations also maintain an active presence as well. Scholars, researchers, and students also use Twitter a lot, both to learn about China and as a tool for research and teaching. It is interesting to compare and contrast this to my situation twenty years ago. These days I mainly get my news of China from two platforms: Twitter and Weibo. If I do read newspaper stories, I often find clues – the headlines – first on Twitter and Weibo, and then click through to read the
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Social Media and Citizen Journalism in U.S.-China Relations YANG Guobin (楊國斌)
newspaper stories. This was unimaginable twenty years ago, it is an incredible change. We tend to take this kind of change for granted, but it is an incredible sea change. Chinese netizen blogs and blogging about the U.S. is the other side of the story. There, there is also a focus on Chinese Weibo and the Chinese blogosphere more generally. We all know of the important growth of the online population in China. Currently, there are over six hundred million internet users – a huge population base. In comparison with major world internet platforms and firms, Chinese firms are doing quite well. We know of the recent Alibaba story. The Alexa internet ranking firm has very comprehensive and detailed information on internet use. Of the top twenty websites worldwide, eight of them are Chinese. We can understand from this that the huge number of internet users in China are not merely online, but are also very active. They are online and talking about all kinds of things, including American news, educational, cultural and political issues and so on. With regards to Weibo, of course there are more than Chinese netizens on it. Experts like myself, my students, and my colleagues are also on Weibo in order to follow stories in China. Overseas Chinese community newspapers are now also on Weibo. Many local Chinese community newspapers are also online and are becoming very important alternative sources of information. The Wall Street Journal has a very active presence on Weibo, with a huge number of followers. They are tweeting a lot about stories both from China and the United States. The Global Times also has a Weibo page, with over four million followers. People’s Daily is another account I follow to receive updates on mainstream media coverage of China. I think we have a good sense of the significance of the rise of citizen journalism, or netizen journalism. Here, I want to emphasize four points: The first is diversification of sources.
Because of this diversification, we also have different and multiple viewpoints. Viewpoints are important because one’s own culture, one’s own history, and one’s own personal experience often shapes what kind of news is selected and what kind of stories might appear to be interesting to the audience. The second is the speed and immediacy of citizen journalism. For instance, when professional journalists were still on their way to the disaster zone of the Sichuan Earthquake, the local citizens were already tweeting about the earthquake from there. Speed and immediacy, combined with personal experiences is very important. Today, it is quite common for mainstream media to use these kinds of stories, and to actively solicit citizen contributions on their website and on their mainstream print pages. The citizen’s angle is important in the sense that citizens have different experiences than professional journalists. Multiple perspectives contribute to a broader social perspective on the world. I want to emphasize that even within the realm of citizen journalism there are numerous blogs and different people tweeting all kinds of different views. They are rarely all the same. There is a great deal of multiplicity among these different blogs, and sometimes they even argue against one another, constituting a truly meaningful form of dialogue in the social media age.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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Media Convergence and a New Type of Major-Power Relations QU Yingpu (曲瑩璞)
Media Convergence: Challenges and Opportunities Media Convergence and a New Type of Major-Power Relations (媒體融合與新型大國關係)
QU Yingpu (曲瑩璞) International News Broadcasting: Challenges and Potential for East and West (國際新聞廣播:東、西方各自的難處與潛力)
NELSON, Anne Most Favored Nation (最受惠國家)
DOSH, Corrie
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CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
Media Convergence and a New Type of Major-Power Relations QU Yingpu (曲瑩璞)
Media Convergence and a New Type of Major-Power Relations (媒體融合與新型大國關係) QU Yingpu (曲瑩璞) Deputy Editor-in-Chief, China Daily
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he landscape of the media industry has been experiencing dramatic change. It is a challenge as well as an opportunity for the people of our countries to grasp, to build consensus, and to deepen understanding between us, to avoid a situation like SinoJapanese relations. Looking at China-Japan relations now, I think the two governments have been hijacked by public opinion, and the leeway for improving relations is really very slim. China Daily has been hosting the Beijing-Tokyo Forum for many years. After attending the 10th forum, my colleagues were quite pessimistic. It is important to build friendly feelings among the people of our two countries before it is too late. China-U.S. relations are so important that we cannot afford to let it deteriorate. As media convergence occurs at breakneck speed, the influence of media on Sino-U.S. relations is rising. In the past, media influenced China-U.S. relations in many profound ways. One of them I want to share is the “Ping-Pong Diplomacy” of 1971. In April 1971, the U.S. table tennis team visited Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou and was received by the then Chinese premier Zhou Enlai. Immediately after the visit, U.S. President Richard Nixon declared five new steps to improve Sino-U.S. relations, including issuing visitor visas to Chinese citizens. The New York Times followed the historic visit closely and published about 20 articles on the experiences of the players in China and the
attitudes of the two countries. These reports imperceptibly changed the public’s attitudes toward China and shaped a pro-China opinion in the United States. This definitely played a part in the subsequent decisions of the two governments to normalize relations. Another story is about a very catchy phrase created in China among netizens, which is called “Don’t be too CNN”. It was created because of CNN’s reports about the riots in Lhasa, Tibet on March 14, 2008. When reporting on the riots, CNN cropped out photos of a mob attacking military vehicles from a photograph to underplay the organized and violent nature of the mob. Millions of Chinese people, after watching the broadcast by CNN, were angered by the misrepresentations. They protested online and urged the network to apologize. Jack Cafferty of CNN said during a program, “They (Chinese) are basically the same bunch of goons and thugs they have been in the past fifty years.” I really don’t think this is good or professional journalism. “Don’t be too CNN” therefore became a new pet phrase of Chinese netizens to express their discontent. It was listed as one of the top ten internet catchphrases that year. The third case is the difference in reporting on terrorism in China by the media in the U.S. When reporting on terrorist incidents in China, the western media, especially newspapers and other media in the U.S., put “terror” and “terrorists” in quotation marks. And, more often than not, they will refer to the terrorist
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Media Convergence and a New Type of Major-Power Relations QU Yingpu (曲瑩璞)
act as the “incident”. Comparing coverage of the terrorist attack in Kunming to that of the attacks in London, I noticed that media like the BBC, CNN and the Daily Telegraph etc., would use words such as “knife attack”, “violence” or “conflict” to describe the attack in Kunming. But when they reported on the London attacks that were of the same nature, they would directly use the word “terrorism” and “terrorists”. I think that most Chinese netizens notice the different choices of words, and, more often that not, they are angered by this. Another case is about the different stances of China and the U.S. on reporting air incidents over the South China Sea. When Chinese and U.S. airplanes nearly collided with each other on August 19, 2014, it was reported in a very different way in China compared with that in the U.S. Some mainstream media in the U.S. quoted the Pentagon statement in describing the behavior of Chinese pilots as “unprofessional”, “dangerous”, and other similar terms. Now, with the emergence of new media and social media, we really have a chance to change this trend. The attitude of netizens or what we call the new-generation readers or users of social networks including Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, are very much different from what we call the mainstream media. According to a survey, about 40% of netizens believed the U.S. should not monitor other countries and that the victims were displeased with the surveillance. Over 30% thought that encounters between military aircrafts are normal. The diplomatic protest lodged by the U.S. Defense Department was, according to some, “stupid and childish”, and showed the weakness of President Barack Obama’s administration. This might not be the right way to say so, but at least we can see that youngsters or users of the Internet tend to have different opinions on incidents or news reported by the mainstream media. These cases reveal that, in the era of new media, people no longer depend on, or necessarily believe in, mainstream media totally. New media helps them participate more actively in the processing and dissemination
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of information, thus providing them platforms or channels to express themselves and form judgments. While this phenomenon enhances the media’s influence on Sino-U.S. relations, it also makes the relationship more complicated. However, I do believe that the future is promising, as it is becoming easier for the general audience to get information from different sources and from different perspectives. I do believe that it is possible, for many reasons, to have peaceful Sino-US relations. When compared with rising powers in the history of humankind, the interests of China and the U.S. today are intertwined. Neither the U.S. nor China would want each other’s economies to collapse. With major-power relations, there are common grounds and differences. Our common interests include expanding cooperation, managing differences, and avoiding confrontation. But we do have our differences. China stresses mutual respect, while the U.S. seeks to restrain and guide China’s behavior through its preeminence in rule-making. Below are some of my suggestions and proposals: 1. China and the U.S. should abandon zero- sum games and confrontation, and look for ways of cooperation and development that will benefit both sides. Because China-U.S. relations are so important, we cannot afford to let them deteriorate. This is where the media’s responsibility lies. Media outlets should have fresh ideas when covering China-U.S. relations. They should focus on how to build a new model of relations that is good for the people of both countries. 2. Media should adhere to the principle of objective reporting, and become a booster of Sino-U.S. relations. They should help people of the two nations build consensus instead of highlighting their differences. 3. To understand each other better, the two nations should facilitate exchanges at the
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Media Convergence and a New Type of Major-Power Relations QU Yingpu (曲瑩璞)
media level. I would also call upon the media outlets of both countries to avoid easy and lazy journalism, as well as generalized concepts and labels. They should think deeply and report more constructively. 4. The press should pursue in-depth reporting in politics, economics, technology and culture, in order to shape public opinion. 5. Digital media can be utilized as a way for governments and enterprises to facilitate exchanges between the people of both countries. Mobile technology and social media can help people of both countries understand one another by encouraging them to share and comment. These forms of media may only be several pieces of the puzzle, but they are very important, and we should not underestimate their role in shaping China-US relations.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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International News Broadcasting: Challenges and Potential for East and West NELSON, Anne
International News Broadcasting: Challenges and Potential for East and West (國際新聞廣播:東、西方各自的難處與潛力) NELSON, Anne Adjunct Associate Professor, Columbia School of International and Public Affairs
I
do not understand China, but I have been trying to learn about China for at least 25 years. I have learnt a great deal about China by travelling there. I have had 20 years of wonderful Chinese students at Columbia University, and I have noticed how China is starting to reach out to the rest of the world, using media to communicate with Africa, Asia and Latin America in new ways. I would also like to talk about the context of other efforts for international media and how these compare with each other. China, of course, had the four great inventions, and two of these were media innovations: paper and printing. A lot of Americans think that printing was invented in the West, but we all know that’s not true. We need to understand more about the way Chinese culture has formed world culture over the years. International broadcasting started in the era between the First and the Second World Wars. It was largely a European phenomenon, with Germany, the Soviet Union, Great Britain and France using radio and later television to speak to, often, their colonial possessions. That has turned into institutions like the BBC World Service and the Voice of America (VOA). The U.S. built on that process with the private sector and created an entertainment empire around the world. Sometimes, scholars called this the “colonization of the imagination”, because little girls all over the world will dress up like Disney princesses and The Little Mermaid.
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Now we are living in the era of the Internet. It was developed largely in the United States and has really taken off over the last 20 years. That is a very short time in human history. It has created patterns of communication, but they are not equal patterns. Some parts of the world are still “lit up” more by communication than other parts. We are now in a new era of international broadcasting where the BBC World Service is cutting some of their international services. They have actually cut about one-third of their foreign bureaus and staff over the last couple of years. The Voice of America and U.S. broadcasting is also in a new phase. They are reacting to pressure to have more digital information, so they are dropping broadcasting from the past at the same time that China is increasing broadcasting both in radio and television. I think this is a very important and interesting question to examine. We are looking at global media in an age of disruption. One description of the U.S. media market is that U.S. broadcasting revenues and audiences are dropping rapidly, as are U.S. newspaper and magazine audiences. So there is a crisis, and in some ways, a panic in the U.S. and in Western Europe. But our problem is that sometimes when you are inside one culture, you generalize to the world. For example, in China, newspapers are making record profits. So the newspaper business is a good business in some places. It is also a very good business
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International News Broadcasting: Challenges and Potential for East and West NELSON, Anne
NELSON, Anne at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) - A New Type of Major - Country Relations and The Roles of Media”
in India, some parts of Latin America and Egypt. So, just because the U.S. market has a certain pattern, you cannot simply say that that is a global pattern and that every country will be following the same pattern. The U.S., British and European broadcasters are experimenting with both more online products and with different kinds of products. A broadcaster named Jessica Beinecke has an online program with the VOA called OMG, which teaches Chinese students how to speak colloquial English. It is very popular and the Voice of America is very excited about this program. China’s CCTV is taking a very different approach. It is going with a much more traditional “news approach”, and is expanding news reporting in a period when the U.S. is shrinking theirs. CCTV has opened major global broadcasting centers. One of them is in Washington D.C. and another one is in Nairobi, Kenya, which has become a major force in African news media only in the last
couple of years. At this point, their most serious competition may not be the Americans or the British, but Al Jazeera. So we are living in this new age of international broadcasting and influence. CCTV International is embarking on a very interesting project. At a time when the U.S. and Great Britain are laying off some of their best reporters, CCTV is hiring British and American reporters from the BBC, ABC and Bloomberg. And they are doing some of the very interesting and important journalism that they were doing before for other networks. I have watched a lot of CCTV International over the last year while I was working on a report for the Center for International Media Assistance. The reports on the Venezuelan elections, the environment and the Arctic icecap in Greenland were excellent. The reporters said that they were working with very few restrictions, except when they were reporting on Beijing and China policy, where the rules changed a little bit. With these reporters expanding their
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International News Broadcasting: Challenges and Potential for East and West NELSON, Anne
influence, and the U.S. and the British shrinking their broadcasting influence, that is going to change the shape of international news coverage. CCTV now has at least 12 bureaus in Latin America, as well as reporters in Venezuela, Cuba and Brazil reporting on the ground to help get the best reporting. At this point in history, no U.S. network has a single bureau in Latin America, which is a huge trading partner and political dialogue partner of the U.S. This is extremely interesting to me as a media scholar. That means that we are increasingly getting an imbalance in the way news is reported in the West. A study at Oxford University looked at how much news was reported in the Guardian newspaper in England. From the diagram below you can see that the United States is very big and round, while Latin America and parts of Africa are very small. If you took this kind of map to represent how global news is reported in the United States, it would be much more exaggerated with far less Latin American, African and Southeast Asian content.
When the Voice of America and a lot of U.S. news organizations are concentrating on digital media, they are assuming that they are talking to people who are on the Internet. And they are probably assuming that these people have broadband access, because otherwise it is just too slow to get the news. That has a cultural assumption. The map below shows the countries that have access to Internet with a relatively good speed.
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The map shows that the United States has very built-up Internet access and so does Australia. However, Africans have very little access to high-speed Internet. If you are talking about communications with other parts of the world, and you rely too much on digital media, you are leaving a lot of people out, especially those who really need information but do not have easy access to other forms of it. In many parts of Africa, Southeast Asia and Latin America, first of all, radio is king. Radio is how most people get their information in these poor parts of the world. There may even be communal villages that watch television. So, the strategy of using broadcasting to reach these audiences is a reasonable strategy because many of them do not have high-speed Internet in their homes yet. China has a very strong presence in Africa and has major investments. It is building a great deal of infrastructure there. China has become a very important player in the life of Africa. One of the things that have been happening is the increasing involvement in building out information and communications technology (ICT) infrastructure. China has investments in ICT in some 20 African countries. Of course, Huawei, the corporation that manufactures communications equipment, is one of the biggest players in this. CCTV also has content-sharing agreements with 15 African media companies. They are getting more and more involved in shaping
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International News Broadcasting: Challenges and Potential for East and West NELSON, Anne
content with African partners and employing African journalists. Therefore, the Chinese vision of news will probably become much more influential in many African countries in the very near future. We both have challenges in our news culture. In the United States, we have this economic disruption. It is not because people stopped reading newspapers. Newspaper readership is still fairly strong when you think about it. But it is the advertising model that is collapsing. The U.S. market for media was created roughly 100 years ago with a certain structure. That structure is now disappearing because of the way digital media has entered the market and the way the regulations exist. To put it simply, Google has figured out how to take the advertising revenues away from the traditional legacy media. Now, you could change the tax structure, regulations and that particular market structure, but so far, this society has not chosen to. China has a different situation. It has a different structure in terms of how media is supported. It is also not as far down the path of digital revenues as the U.S. is. So if China wants to create a market and regulatory structure to preserve journalism and to improve and grow journalism, it can choose to do that. Countries get to make these choices. Markets are not decreed by nature or the universe. Markets are created and regulated by man. With this economic disruption, however, the reporting is getting worse. Reporters are being laid off, serious news is decreasing in the news organizations, and news bureaus are closing. The owners of the publications are becoming more desperate to hold on to audiences, so they become more trivial. Consequently, there is more “news” that is not really news, about Hollywood stars and how to diet and so on – news that doesn’t really have significance in the cultural and political life of the country. Therefore, they need to find a way to make sure that serious news and the news that affects citizens does not disappear. That is the crisis we are facing in the United States right now. We should also strike a good balance between
the digital platforms and the news productions. China also has its own challenges. It is doing some things that are very interesting and important, such as using media to educate. What China has accomplished with literacy and living conditions in the countryside is something that we should all study and admire. At the same time, the Chinese people want more forms of expression and they want to understand their own history better. The Chinese see the government as a parent and someone who has proper authority over them. And if a family has big problems in their history and they don’t talk about it, the whole family can suffer from this, because secrets can eventually be a problem. So when China talks about its own past, and we cannot have a conversation about what happened, it creates problems. I think it would be healthier if China could find a way to talk about these things. The measures against foreign reporters in China will also reduce the credibility of Chinese media overall. Chinese media can do important reporting, like environmental reporting, but it needs to be credible so that the audience watch it and believe that they are hearing the whole story. Therefore, any form of overt censorship and controlling western reporters can actually undermine those goals. The same thing goes for restrictions on Chinese digital and social media. One final element which is more marketoriented is that CCTV has not yet come up with a digital strategy and a way of measuring their international audiences. For CCTV International to be a full competitor internationally, they will have to learn some of these processes to know how successful their ideas and initiatives are. What should we do together? We have a situation in the world where we have major problems. In terms of the environment, we have climate change, flooding, drought, and people around the world who are affected by it. The media is the first way to address these problems and to educate people in ways of dealing with it. Maybe people in Bangladesh living on the
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International News Broadcasting: Challenges and Potential for East and West NELSON, Anne
coast will have to move; maybe Americans will have to stop using fossil fuels in a wasteful way and change their habits. Many things depend on information and education. All the countries, especially the important and influential large countries, will have to work on this together. We also have to think in new ways about media. We have to use all of the new tools. For example, some of the projects I have given my students include studying the Chinese government’s project to take computers on buses to rice farmers in remote areas of rural China, helping them go directly to markets and double their incomes. This is a very important and a great media story that the U.S. news media does not pay attention to. Another great one is a cell phone app in Africa that measures the arms of small children who are going hungry and gives the information to the ministry of health so they can get nutrition directly to the children who need it most. This is a great way to use cell phones. Another one is in Mexico City, where cell phones are used to tell which water is pure enough to drink and register it with the water ministry, so you can map pure water. Media has the potential now to inform people, to save lives, and to create exciting opportunities for everybody. If you take traditional media like magazine, newspapers and television, and you include things like digital mapping and cell phone apps, you create something powerful beyond any of our dreams. In the United States, people are lining up to buy iPhone 6 for a lot of money. China is selling cheap feature phones for 50 U.S. Dollars to poor Africans and Indians, and cheap tablets for 80 U.S. Dollars to Filipinos. Many of these people are getting access to information for the first time in their lives. This is a marvel, and we all need to join together to look at the important questions: the environment, global health, epidemics and security. We should forget about political debates that are empty, forget about the Kardashians, and learn how to make a real difference in the world to come.
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* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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Most Favored Nation DOSH, Corrie
Most Favored Nation (最受惠國家) DOSH, Corrie Columnist, Beijing Review
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hen I think about how the role of the media has changed along with the evolution of the relationship between China and the U.S., I think about Beijing Review. We have been in existence for over 50 years and our mission is still to be a window into China for Western English readers. The Beijing Review Magazine has published many editorials and commentary over the last 56 years since its launch. These articles have always given English readers a glimpse into government policy. When rules are about to change, you might see the issue brought up first in the state press as a commentary ahead of the official announcement, or you might see the state media explain and elaborate on policy shifts. For example, we had a recent article on proposed changes to the hukou system (the residency permits). One of our roles is to start discussing in our magazine whether it is time to change this policy and invite readers to discuss this with us. When we think about the convergence of social media and new media, our role is really to facilitate this conversation and to hear what our readers have to say. In 1958, Chairman Mao gave a speech at the Supreme State Conference where he said, “The Chinese territory of Taiwan, Lebanon, and all U. S. military bases on foreign territories are like nooses tied round the necks of U.S. imperialists.” A week later, Beijing Review came out with a column: “The U.S. Aggressors Have Put Nooses Round Their Own Necks”. They said Americans are poking their snake heads all over the world and that they would become “teachers by negative example” and
sink deeper and deeper into isolation. With the world against them, they would be unable to extricate themselves. Most of the commentaries from the 60s focused on the same theme: anger over expansion of U.S. military bases in the Asia-Pacific, accusations of fascism, imperialism, sabotage, predictions of economic and social collapse and the deep resentment over the U.S. involvement with Taiwan. Then, in 1972, we had U.S. President Nixon’s amazing visit to Beijing and the Joint Communiqué. This paved the way for the establishment of diplomatic relations and the foundation of the China-U.S. relationship today. So, how did coverage in the state press change? We then had articles like the one we ran in 1979 entitled “First Impression of Americans: Growth of the Friendship between Chinese and American People”, from columnist Wang Bingnan, who said it was a great thing that the abnormal relations between the U.S. and China in the previous two decades had ended, and that the golden bridge of friendship had been rebuilt, because Americans are very nice people and easy to make friends with. In 2004, Beijing Review had a column called “Why Does Washington Always Pick on China?” This basically rehashes the 50-year argument over the issue of Taiwan, and the author said that China has never done anything offensive to the United States, nor does it present any threat, yet the Americans have behaved quite badly in return. The American media can be accused of bias as well in its reporting over the past 50 years. In 1958, the New York Times warned that the Reds
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Most Favored Nation DOSH, Corrie
are maintaining a firm grip in China through a grapevine of propaganda and intelligence. In 1972, Max Frankel, who won the Pulitzer Prize that year for his coverage of Nixon’s trip to China, wrote that “The real record of this journey is not the Communiqué. The picture that ought to linger is the one of President Nixon, seated between Premier Chou En-lai and Mrs. Mao Tse-tung, in the Great Hall of the People, watching women soldiers in ballet shoes shooting target practice at a caricature of Chiang Kai-shek. The President said the next day that he loved the dancing and the music and he called it a play with a powerful message. It has been a most remarkable week.” After 50 years of this type of commentary, what is Beijing Review doing differently in this age of social media? We have Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and YouTube videos. This is where the readers are and where they are consuming the news. What is our role as a traditional media outlet? Our aim is to facilitate opinion and discussion and to really listen to our readers. Online forums and blogs are where we as journalists can bring important issues to light and build consensus. For example, this summer, when Fox News host Bob Beckel said on his show that Chinamen were coming to the U.S., learning computers and then going back to hack the United States, Beijing Review posted this on its Facebook page, which generated a lot of discussion among our readers. Their opinions were heard. We then use that to generate more sources and coverage, and to discuss it directly with readers. We use that to gauge our readers’ interest in further coverage. During the 2012 election, Beijing Review created multi-platform approaches to covering these issues. We had a dedicated webpage, videos, polls, Twitter, and things like that. We have so many tools now at our disposal to approach these issues and to directly interact with readers. With the rise of new media, everything is in real time. I do not need to wait after I publish a column, or get a letter or a phone call from my readers. I can talk directly with them on Facebook and Twitter.
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* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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Hand in Hand on the Internet – The Growing Story of SMG in the Age of the Internet WANG Jianjun (王建軍)
Conflict and Dialogue: The Role of Media in International Relations Hand in Hand on the Internet - The Growing Story of SMG in the Age of the Internet (牽手互聯網——SMG在互聯網時代的成長故事)
WANG Jianjun (王建軍) The Yin-Yang of China-U.S. media relations. How opposites attract. (中美媒體關係的陰陽理論。相異者如何互相吸引。)
TALAN, Scott Foreign Media in the U.S.A (美國的外國媒體)
WU Xiaoyong (吳曉鏞) Skyscraper Syndrome: A Reporter’s Perspective on Sino-U.S. Myths and Misperceptions (摩天大樓綜合症:以記者眼光看中美迷思與誤解)
TONG, Scott
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Hand in Hand on the Internet – The Growing Story of SMG in the Age of the Internet WANG Jianjun (王建軍)
Hand in Hand on the Internet – The Growing Story of SMG in the Age of the Internet (牽手互聯網——SMG在互聯網時代的成長故事) WANG Jianjun (王建軍) Executive Vice President, Shanghai Media Group (SMG)
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oday, I will be talking about the media industries in China and the United States, including their development, transformation, and social responsibilities. In particular, I wish to share with you some of my thoughts on media convergence and development in the age of the internet. 1. China’s cultural industry is facing a “golden window of opportunity” Shanghai Media Group (SMG) is based in Shanghai. Considered the New York of China, it is from Shanghai that the first group of Chinese students left to study in the United States in 1872. A century later, in 1972, it was also in Shanghai that the first Joint Communiqué (the Shanghai Communiqué) was signed, establishing diplomatic relations between China and the United States. This seaside, cosmopolitan city is known in China as the “port for foreign trade”. In the history of modern China, it is often Shanghai that has stood at the “forefront of times”. Now, another golden era has arrived. In today’s Internet Revolution, China’s media and cultural industry has developed at “China speed”. Like President Obama, Chinese President Xi Jingping is well aware of the power of the internet. He ordered dumplings at a local restaurant in Beijing, keeps family photos in his office and travels around in a large coach.
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These ordinary acts of the average person have become hot topics on the internet. Two months ago, President Xi announced his guiding opinions on promoting the integrated development of traditional and new media. Specifically, he required that “efforts be made to forge a new class of mainstream media that is diverse, advanced and competitive.” The issue of media convergence in China has risen to the national decision-making level. This is because China’s cultural media industry has entered a golden age of development, and therein lies China’s future. It is widely believed by Chinese scholars that during the Iron Age, China’s agricultural civilization was ahead of the rest of the world by millennia. When the Machine Age arrived, in over a hundred years, China missed two industrial revolutions, both with the steam engine and electrification. China had fallen behind. Upon the turn of the century, the world entered the “router age”. This time, China has made great strides to be at the forefront of this information technology revolution. Everyday life in China now involves “four displays”: Breakfast in front of the TV, smartphones for commuting back and forth from work, computer screens at work and the iPad in bed. As of June of 2014, there were 632 million internet users and 527 million mobile internet users in China. Mobile internet usage accounted for 83.4%, overtaking PC internet usage for the first time (data from the China
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Hand in Hand on the Internet – The Growing Story of SMG in the Age of the Internet WANG Jianjun (王建軍)
Internet Network Information Center). More importantly, internet usage is transitioning from entertainment to the consumption of goods and services and is inspiring entrepreneurship. With the touch of a finger or by scanning a QR code, information and data becomes productivity. Our world is being reshaped. 2. The “two-pronged approach” of SMG’s business development Ten years ago, SMG realized that, as a television broadcaster, if we continue to focus only on content production and rely solely on advertising profits, our future is doomed. We were the first to call for a “revolution of television” in the industry. We proposed two fundamental changes: to shift from production for the sake of broadcasting to market-based production, and to transform from a local media organization to a content distributer and service provider targeting the entire Chinesespeaking world. More specifically, we aim to change the nature of media. Not only does SMG value content production and the traditional media “business”, it is also exploring new ways to develop its business in an attempt to forge “cultural enterprises”. Maintaining that content is king, promoting omnimedia convergence and developing the media business History has determined our DNA. We are, first and foremost, media, and must uphold that “content is king”. SMG currently owns 12 radio frequencies, 15 TV channels, 15 national pay-TV channels, and 8 newspapers and magazines. Among these, Dragon Television is our flagship satellite channel and has a billion viewers. Content is King. When we decide on programs, an evaluation of values must be undertaken – What are the “positive impacts” generated by the program?
Content is king. We have documentary channels, arts and humanities channels and foreign language channels. We also produce and broadcast documentaries as well as programs on classical art and international cultural exchange. These alternative programs may not be profitable but are highly educational, and it is our social responsibility as media to continue to produce them. Content is king. We are dedicated to safeguarding the rights of women, children and the disabled, and have produced numerous promotional videos and related programs. Just as the DNA of media requires that content is king, the times we live in require omnimedia convergence. Whether content is king or distribution is king is currently the subject of fervent debate. This reminds us that we must continue to push forward with omnimedia convergence. Allow me to give you an example of SMG’s efforts towards omnimedia convergence. On March 8, 2014, Malaysian Airlines Flight MH370 dropped off the radar. Soon after this disaster occurred, we activated our omnimedia response system. On the big screen at SMG’s command center, information from media and social networks on MH370 from all around the world was gathered using technology like big data analytics and cloud computing. We call this the “clue sponge”. On the big screen, all our dispatched reporters and all the locations we can broadcast live from are displayed on a map. Reporters must be ready to broadcast live at any time as well as upload photos and text. The clues we have gathered are pushed to their mobile devices in order to assist them in their next course of action. We call this all-weather “interactive media production”. On our website, video reports relating to MH370 were promptly edited. Photos and text uploaded by reporters were automatically collated and shared over the internet. We call this process “branched distribution”. Through transformation of our command
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system, process reengineering and the development of distribution channels, we have been able to solve the problem of unsynchronized development of our various systems. Throughout the Malaysian Airlines MH370 incident, ratings for SMG’s live TV broadcasts ranked first nationwide and online click-through rates were also ranked number one. This represents a realization of our omnimedia distribution goal of “SMG news anytime everywhere”. We were able to successfully achieve omnimedia synchronization and observed the long tail effect after broadcasting. Development throughout the industry chain and expanding into related businesses Ten years ago we realized that development of the media business must be supported by other business areas. In face of adversity, the best solution is to become the hunter. With well-honed instincts, in a few years’ time SMG has transitioned from a traditional media corporation relying on advertising profits to a fully integrated cultural organization. Our business areas include network transmissions, live performances, cultural tourism, TV shopping, copyright sales and cultural investments. BesTV, a listed subsidiary of SMG, owns new media such as IPTV, OTT Internet TV, online video channels and mobile TV, all of which are connected to the “cloud”. Up until the first half of 2014 there were over 55 million active users of BesTV, making it the country’s largest pay-TV operator in new media. SMG owns many well-known landmarks in Shanghai such as the Oriental Pearl Tower and the Shanghai International Convention Center. It owns 10 arts academies, 8 performance venues and many entertainment agencies, and has established fully integrated entertainment and cultural tourism businesses. SMG also owns China’s largest TV shopping service provider, with sales in 2013 reaching 1.29 billion US dollars. Furthermore, our copyright sales cover 30
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countries and regions, making us “a key enterprise for the export of Chinese culture”. In terms of cultural investments, we founded two influential cultural industry investment funds, and have invested almost 660 million UD dollars in Shanghai Disneyland as an important participant in the project. After years of development and planning throughout the industry chain, we have ensured the survival of the media. Media advertisements now account for only 30% of our profits. New business segments such as shopping, new media and cultural tourism have grown to be an important source of income and have allowed for the sustainable development of SMG. In 2014, World Brand Lab ranked SMG as 125th in China’s 500 Most Valuable Brands and 9th within the media industry. Two major subsidiaries of SMG, Oriental Pearl and BesTV, are being merged and reorganized, and market capitalization of the new entity is expected to be around 16.1 billion US dollars upon resumption of trading. This new entity will be larger than any of its industry peers in China and a frontrunner of China’s cultural media industry. At the same time, SMG is actively seeking partnerships with leading internet enterprises locally and abroad for strategic cooperation across all forms of media. 3.
Recognizing our own merits as well as that of others – The future is bright for cooperation between cultural industries in China and the United States
I have shared with you today the story of SMG’s growth in the age of the internet. And, as always, development in China has provided new opportunities for the U.S. as well. Twenty years ago almost no one in China knew of the NBA. The then commissioner of the NBA, David Stern, decided to provide recordings of the games to CCTV for free. This marked the beginning of coverage of the NBA in China. In 2002, Yao Ming, originally from Shanghai, China, became the first Chinese star
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Hand in Hand on the Internet – The Growing Story of SMG in the Age of the Internet WANG Jianjun (王建軍)
of the NBA. Today, SMG’s IPTV broadcasts every game of the NBA live, and pays handsomely for it. It is now high time for the joint development of cultural industries in China and the U.S. For example, in 2013, China’s first Free Trade Zone was set up in Shanghai. This saw the first ever adoption of a “negative list approach”. Previously, international cooperation projects required individual government approval. Now, as long as one does not belong to this “negative list” they are free to proceed. This has given enterprises greater freedom and control. It has now been one year since the establishment of the Free Trade Zone. International cooperation has since benefited and is increasing at full speed. The future is promising. With regard to our home entertainment business, in September 2013, SMG and Microsoft established the joint venture Shnaghai E-Home Entertainment Development Co., Ltd. in the Shanghai Free Trade Zone, marking the entry of X-box games into China. A week ago we released the official Chinese version of the Xbox One. Upon the day of its launch 100,000 consoles were sold, and our outlook for the industry is positive. In addition, in May 2014, SMG Oriental Pearl, in cooperation with Sony Corporation, introduced Playstation to the market. The world’s two largest gaming platforms now have a base in Shanghai with SMG. In terms of new media advertising, in April 2014, BesTV and WPP Marketing Communications (Hong Kong) Limited established the joint venture Bestenth Media (Shanghai) Co., Ltd. The company is engaged in outdoor digital media and mobile internet advertising. In August 2014, BestTV acquired a 51% stake in digital marketing company AdSage. Traditional media advertisements have now entered the realm of cross-screen precision internet marketing. With film production and distribution, in March 2014, SMG Pictures and Walt Disney Pictures signed a multi-year cooperative
agreement dedicated to strengthening cooperation between Chinese and United States filmmakers. American screenwriters of action, adventure and fantasy films will be collaborating with local filmmakers in China to introduce Chinese stories to the world with a Disney twist. The first of these productions, a documentary film entitled “Born in China”, is already under way. The abovementioned initiatives were all implemented in concurrence with the Chinese government’s latest efforts to deepen reform and advance the development of cultural industries. Cultural continuity represents the core value of a nation and its people. Whether it was the PRISM incident or China’s internet policy, there always exists a negative list in relation to a country’s core national interests. As to how to promote international cooperation, I would like to quote a line from Chinese scholar Fei Xiotong: “Create your own beauty, discover others’ beauty, and share this with each other for a harmonious world.” The world will be a harmonious place if people appreciate their own merits and that of others, and work together to create a better world. When I tried Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC) in Washington, I found that it tasted nothing like KFC in Shanghai. I also observed that in Chinese restaurants in the U.S., Americans like to order “General Tso’s chicken”. Although this dish does not, in fact, exist in China, it does not prevent people from enjoying it here in the United States. Kung Fu is Chinese. Pandas are Chinese. Kung Fu Panda, on the other hand, is completely American.
* This article is excerpted from a translation of the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of MajorCountry Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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The Yin-Yang of China-U.S. Relations. How Opposites Attract. TALAN, Scott
The Yin-Yang of China-U.S. Relations. How Opposites Attract. (中美媒體關係的陰陽理論。相異者如何互相吸引。) TALAN, Scott Assistant Professor, School of Communication, American University
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irst of all, I am a fan and friend of China and the Chinese people. Having travelled there six time now, I have spoken at Renmin University, taught courses at Xiamen University – which is always tough for me to pronounce– and attended the Beijing Olympic games. I’ve also tasted some of the most delicious treats, noodles and snacks, and toasted – “Ganbei” (乾 杯) – more than a few times. I was elected to office as Mayor in a city in California, before going into TV news as a reporter. I covered the 2000 presidential race in Florida – Bush v. Gore, and was the first one to interview Jeb Bush and the Secretary of State Katherine Harris during that story. After that I worked at ABC News in New York, then the United Nations in their broadcast division, before going into academia. Since 2002, I have – I admit this – enveloped myself in social media. It is my sun and my air. I’ve been on LinkedIn since 2003; Facebook – 2004; Twitter – 2006; and YouTube since 2007. Speaking of YouTube, did you know it was number two after Google for search, and the third most popular website? This form of video is so important in an increasingly mobile world for us to communicate. I use it in class as a curated library of videos and playlists for my students to learn from. All these social media are part of my classes I teach, as graded items, at American University. I have also developed a presentation called “The Nine Species of Social Media”. I’m also online – WeChat, WhatsApp. It almost seems like too much “app” at times.
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Soft power is powerful. My dean at Harvard Kennedy School was Joseph Nye – the creator of the term and concept “Soft Power”. China realizes the value of soft power, through Confucius institutes, the opening of partnerships with Hollywood, and cultural efforts, from art to dance, to singing. They are frequent, in fact, here in Washington. Perhaps, not by mistake. China also knows the value of Media Power, through establishment of CCTV broadcast centers here in the U.S.A. and Nairobi, Africa, as well as publication of China Daily and other media. The U.S. also does soft power. We have commonality in this matter. Comparing is often flawed, especially in terms of the media. The western concept of the freedom of speech is not the norm, of course, in China. There are also less-clearly defined laws on press and use of media in China. “Guanxi” (關係) or “relations” in China is still revered. So before business or news can occur, a relationship must blossom. This is very different from the U.S. where you need no relationship and just pick up the phone and call. Many of us know that the top audience for Chinese media is still domestic – the people of China – and not international, even though it gets a lot of press and attention in the West. The management of news and imagery goes to great lengths. China’s first astronaut had blood cleaned form his face when crews reopened the capsule door. They then put him back in, and when he emerged, took the pictures.
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The Yin-Yang of China-U.S. Relations. How Opposites Attract. TALAN, Scott
This is good public relations, something I teach and respect. However, I do think the notion that the U.S. media is constantly critical of China is unfounded. Most of the stories I see that are non-political on China’s culture, history and people are very favorable. There was one recently in the New York Times about Mr. Sassoon in Shanghai and the buildings he developed like the Peace Hotel – very favorable and very interesting. The U.S. media are not perfect, for sure. We have our own issues, often covering the easy scandal and controversy over the more in-depth issues. Just this week I was interviewed by a national publication asking my comments about the protests in Hong Kong. They wanted me to say something provocative and controversial and stronger than I did. But I resisted. The U.S. media is indeed contracting, especially when it comes to covering overseas matters. Orville Schell, often a China critic, summed it up by saying: “While our media empires are melting away like the Himalayan glaciers, China’s are expanding.” I concur. Now let’s move into the digital realm. Media today, in most senses of the word, is digital. Even the analog artifacts like newspapers, which I read every day, increasingly have this dynamic and important web content. You cannot get away from it. This is not a statement about “what’s the future”, it’s about “what is”. With social media though, I feel the flood and flow of images and messages is beyond the realm of digestible. There is too much media happening now and this puts a new importance for all of us on being able to manage our attention and also decipher what is true and what is relevant – what matters. This is accurate for the U.S. and for China and for everyone in both countries. Again, commonality between our countries. There is a company called Crimson Hexagon. It’s a Harvard-based social media analytics firm. It’s looked at which terms get censored in China and why. I believe this can help us in the U.S. understand the Chinese government and reduce misunderstandings. I
think this is very positive. In the digital world, of course, each of us is able to create our personalized news system that gives us the news we think we want – the news we agree with. Digital media had also reduced the barriers to entry to rubble. This means millions who used to only be consumers of news are now producers. The son of a best friend of mine from California, Clay Garner – you may have seen and heard him on Youku – is U.S. born and bred but is fluent in Mandarin and sings. He has had millions of views on Youku and has been invited to China. I think this is a wonderful example of digital media commonality, connection and culture. Ironically, Clay Garner is at Stanford, and I say that because a professor there, Paul Saffos, says this: “We are living through the biggest media petri dish ever.” Indeed, I myself experimented last night in downloading the app FireChat – the one that some of the protestors in Hong Kong are using in order to not be cut off. It doesn’t rely on cellular communication or internet, just Bluetooth. No one in my area seemed to be on it last night. This shows that for the media to truly be valuable there is a social component. Clear communication is always challenging. Robert Zoellick, before becoming president of the World Bank, when he was a high-ranking government official, gave a speech in China and he used the term “stakeholder”. The problem is there is no transliteration for this word in Mandarin. Chinese officials spent several weeks trying to decipher it. The closest they came was the word “engagement”. Well, there is a little problem – There is also more than one definition for engagement. The ones they thought were most likely were “war” or “marriage”. They chose the latter, smartly and thoughtfully, perhaps more so than Zoellick in using the word in the first place. This shows, again, how tough clear communication can be. I still use stories about the Beijing Olympics in my classes. I loved going to the games. I thought it was important to be there and I was impressed with how they were produced and
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The Yin-Yang of China-U.S. Relations. How Opposites Attract. TALAN, Scott
ran. These lessons about the Olympics are rich in detail and I want to share something with you that remains so bright in my retina and in my memory. At the hotel I was staying at there were thirteen TV monitors on the wall. Twelve of them showed pictures of Chinese athletes in all sports. The one that didn’t was showing pictures of a swimmer from Australia. She was disabled and had her leg cut off at the knee. This was the ultimate human interest story. As I looked at the dozen TV sets though, showing the Chinese athletes, I realized that this is the same as what happened in the United States. We have more in common than we think. Again – commonality. So, what to do? If we write and create stories we need to remember to clearly communicate, as the receivers of messages retain the right to interpret the message as they wish. This means that it’s not what we say, it’s what they hear. When we consume media, especially when we read stories about one country that’s created in the other country, I think we need to empathize with those from the “other culture”, in hopes of understanding their world view and perspective. This way we can focus on commonality in the hope of common understanding. Again, commonality.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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Foreign Media in the U.S.A. WU XiaoYoung (吳曉鏞)
Foreign Media in the U.S.A. (美國的外國媒體) WU XiaoYoung (吳曉鏞) CEO, Phoenix Satellite Television (US) INC
I
n the year 2000, when Phoenix Television went public through an IPO in Hong Kong, we made a promise to the market there that we were going to expand into the United States, because the United States is the largest Chinese market outside the Greater China Area. There are about three million Chinese in this country – people of Chinese origin. Including that of Canada, we are talking about something like 5 million people. This is a big enough market. We also believe that once we have a presence in the United States, we will increase and improve our news coverage in this country. Therefore, we now have a presence in Washington City, New York City, Los Angeles and some other cities, with stringers. Everything worked out fine, and all these decisions are based on a commercial basis, that is, we want to make money. We want to expand our business. We want to provide the market with a product that the market needs. This is all very simple and I think every media organization should be thinking like this. It’s the market, it’s the economy. Americans are gradually reducing their overseas coverage of news, whereas foreign media are trying to make a presence in this country, not only providing services to the people that speak their own language, i.e. the Chinese population, but also trying to cut a share in the mainstream English speaking market, which is huge. I, for one, have also been trying to do that for a long time. I also believe that there is a market for us. There is a need for our products, but it depends on where and how you want to provide the service and product.
Some prominent foreign media that are trying to cut into the mainstream English language market in the United States are quite well known. One is BBC America. Of course, they speak English at the BBC, and BBC is available on most of the networks, satellite or cable. But how are they doing? I think a market survey would show that their market share or rating is very, very low, because that’s the market reality. This country has around a hundred million television homes, and more than 80% of them get their service from cable or satellite. And in these more than 80 million homes, when they turn on the TV, they see more than 200 channels. So how many of these channels would they actually watch every day or every week? I would say no more than 10. Out of these channels, one of the networks may be ABC, CBS, NBC, Fox or whatever, and one of them may be a professional news channel – CNN, Bloomberg, CNBC or whatever. And then, maybe a movie channel, maybe a children’s channel – a cartoon channel, maybe a women’s channel, and by the end of the week, the family would watch a movie together or something like that. Anybody can imagine that the chances of a typical American family tuning into a foreignproduced English channel such as CCTV News in English, or BBC, or Al Jazeera, are very, very slim – almost nonexistent. Therefore, based on this realization, I decided not to do a channel. The Americans need television products to get to know China better. And there have been products, not produced by Chinese but
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Foreign Media in the U.S.A. WU XiaoYoung (吳曉鏞)
by Americans like the Discovery Channel or National Geographic. The Discovery Channel, more than ten years ago, produced a documentary called “Beyond the Clouds” (雲 之南). It was about Yunnan Province and the minority people and ethnic groups there. It is a sensational production and stirred much interest among Americans. Also on the Discovery Channel was another series about the rise of China. It features a very ordinary worker in Chongqing. He lived in rural Chongqing but comes into the city to work at a motorbike factory. It showed how he lived and how he travelled back home for the Spring Festival and so on. It was based on an individual’s personal story but talked about the entire economic rise of China. It is a very good product. Of course, the Chinese Authorities or the officials in charge of media or propaganda may not agree with the angle from which American reporters look at Chinese affairs, but the reality is that Americans watching that kind of a documentary get to know China better. That is the kind of thing we should think about, rather than spending hundreds of millions of dollars doing a channel in this country – that does not have a chance at all. I think that the American market does have a need for foreign products. But you must have the right product, the right delivery, and then you have a chance to succeed. In China, people that are “within the system”, or government-sponsored media projects or propaganda projects or whatever projects they are, they say: don’t worry about how much money you spend, we have the money to cover that. Don’t worry about whether you can make money at all. Well, if you say that, I can guarantee you that this project may never make money. When the project doesn’t make money, the project is not effective. You provide a product that the market needs, you get paid for providing that product, and you can do more. That’s how you do effective media work.
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* This article is excerpted from a translation of the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of MajorCountry Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣)
Cross-cultural Communication Importance of Improving Cross-Culture Communications in a Global Village (提升地球村的跨文化傳播的重要性)
XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣) The Role of Media in Promoting Cross-Cultural Exchanges (媒體在推動跨文化交流中的作用)
PENDLETON, Alan New Mass Media Organizations and their Role in Global Public Policy (新大眾傳媒機構及其在全球公共政策之角色)
LAURIE, Jim
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Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣)
Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village (提升地球村的跨文化傳播的重要性) XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣) Vice-president of China Radio International
“W
ater, water, everywhere, nor any drop to drink.” This line expresses the poet’s dismay at the vast ocean from which he could not drink. Today, I am equally dismayed at the present situation of the media world, which can be described as “news, news, everywhere, nor any piece to believe.” My sentiment is actually an echo of Mark Twain’s remark when he commented on the newspaper: “If you don’t read the newspaper, you are uninformed. If you do read the newspaper, you are misinformed.” We all know that truthfulness, accuracy, objectivity, impartiality, fairness, and public accountability are the basic principles in news reporting. But, we cannot deny the longestablished problem of media reality deviating from factual reality. The public has long been critical of many aspects of the press’s performance. According to a research done by Pew Research Center in 2011, the American public’s negative attitudes are at record levels in a number of areas. The percentage of people believing that news organizations are often influenced by powerful people and organizations has reached an alltime high of 80%. 77% think the media lacks fairness; 72% think they are unwilling to admit mistakes; 66% agree media reports are inaccurate, and 63% think there is political bias in the reports. In international reporting, the problems
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also widely exist. I did a survey recently among 100 people from 12 countries. One question was about their impression of China before and after their arrival in the country. More than half of them chose “Different”, a quarter chose “Somewhat different”, and only 7 chose “Not different”. Another question was about the media coverage of China in their countries. A quarter of them chose “Accurate”, a third chose “Somewhat accurate”, 22 chose “Not accurate” and 17 chose “Hard to say”. So you can see that people are not satisfied with media’s performance, as most of the media failed to provide an accurate picture of our world. And when I asked about the reasons behind the differences between the media China and the real China, two main causes were identified: First, insufficient cross-border, cross-culture and cross-nation communications; and second, the distorted mechanism of media industry. In today’s international journalism, English is by far the dominant language used in reporting. Nonetheless, in many cases, translation still plays a big role. Inaccurate translations are a leading cause of misunderstanding for people in other cultures. Although many words in one language can find equivalent expressions in another culture to express the same meaning, e.g. “樹” vs. “tree”, and “雪” vs. “snow”, words related to a nation’s culture and social life are difficult to
CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣)
XIA Jixuan at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) - A New Type of Major - Country Relations and The Roles of Media”
translate directly. One solution is to find similar expressions in another language. For example, the Chinese idiom “胸有成竹” can be expressed in English as to “have a card up one’s sleeve”; another Chinese saying “三個臭皮匠,頂個諸葛 亮” approximates the English expression “Two heads are better than one”. Occasionally, a word’s literal meaning can be translated into another language, but the implied meaning strikes a different chord in the ears of the listener. For example, “long”(龍) in Chinese vs. “dragon” in English. In both Chinese and English, the “dragon” is a legendary creature, but the Chinese “long” represents a benevolent, auspicious and divine figure, which is often related to royalty – blue blood; while in English “dragon” represents something malicious, vicious and evil, bringing disasters to people. Just imagine, when the Chinese proudly claim themselves as descendants of “long”, people in the west are wondering why the Chinese want to be offspring of a monstrous dragon. There are cases in which it’s impossible to
translate something from one language into another. Take Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) for example. “Xu huo”(虛火) and “Shi re”(實熱) are common symptoms recorded by TCM doctors, but we cannot find their equivalents in English. The wit and artistic value of puns, tonguetwisters and poems are often lost during translation, e.g. the phrase to “have as many phases (faces) as the moon” cannot be translated into Chinese. “Which table has no legs but grows in the fields?” (vegetable), you can’t translate that either. “She sells shells on the seashore. The shells she sells on the seashore are sea-shells.” These are just a few examples. We are all familiar with Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs. In the five-stage model, basic needs are easier to be satisfied, but spiritual and emotional needs are more difficult to be satisfied. The same is true in translation. Words related to people’s beliefs, morals and values, are the most difficult to translate or interpret correctly due to the differences in their literal
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Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣)
and implied meanings. The color red can mean different things to different people, or even to the same people with different moods or under different circumstances. When we translate novels or other literature works from a foreign language, the problem seems less obvious as it is ok to “re-create” parts of the novel. Yet, in news reporting, we cannot re-create but rather need to interpret events. And that leads to different interpretations of the same event. In news reporting, words are carefully selected to reflect the media’s editorial stance, e.g., an armed group can be described as “freedom fighters” in one case, and as “insurgents” or “rebels” in another. Besides cultural differences, another main cause of misinterpretation in media reporting lies in the present mechanism of news reporting, which also relates to our conception of news and the way we report the world. Firstly, traditional journalism has failed to meet the needs of cross-border & crossculture information. Media are not providing a whole picture of what the world is, because news by its nature is about the unexpected and abnormal. As journalists, we are familiar with sayings like “no news is good news”, “harmony seldom makes a headline”, or “the real news is bad news”. This is why, for decades, western media’s portrayal of China has been frequently negative. But by focusing only on negative issues, media have constructed a media reality, which is different from the actual reality of the world. If people read bad news on domestic issues, they can make the balance themselves because they live in the environment. When it comes to international issues, bad news creates stereotypes and re-enforces prejudices. That is why many westerners feel astonished at China’s modernity when they visit Beijing or Shanghai for the first time. However, if one wants to see another China or the “real” China, go to the rural areas. Two scholars from Indiana University School of Journalism have done a content analysis of 886 news stories about China published
90
in The New York Times during 2010. Their findings showed that 58% of the news stories were negative ones, and positive ones only accounted for 12%. Their study also showed that Americans want to know more about China, but those with more news exposure held more negative perceptions of Chinese foreign and economic policies, believing that China is a military threat against the United States, and thinking that Chinese economic growth will eliminate jobs in the U.S. Secondly, many of the news stories are superficial due to fierce competition among the media. At a time when people want to consume news 24 hours a day, and there are so many social media platforms for news to spread, nobody in the news field is willing or has the time to dig beneath the surface into facts for truth, especially when breaking news occurs. Take the missing flight of MH370 for example. During the first week after MH370 went missing, the traditional media provided little information on the progress of the search while the social media platforms both in China and overseas were flooded by conflicting reports such as “plane signals were detected”, “plane was found and passengers were alive”, “debris was found”. In haste to meet the need for more information from the public, many Chinese and western media helped to worsen the confusion by spreading fake information from social media, without proper checking. Like the side effects of fast food, fast news generates junk information and junk information affects people’s ability to make sound judgment. Sometimes, media even provide distorted news. Such cases can be found in western media’s portrayal of China. In 2008, the German magazine Das Bild put a picture on its website. The picture showed a monk lying on the ground. The caption read “Situation in Tibet escalated. Should we boycott the Olympics?” But it turned out that the photo was taken during an incident in Nepal, and not in China at all. Such kind of media manipulation is not an isolated case. Although we say “seeing is believing”, pictures taken from different angles
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Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣)
or edited differently can manipulate people’s point of view.
Thirdly, if we look at the information flows between China and the U.S., we see an imbalanced flow of news as well as cultural products. Most Americans receive information about China through their own media, and the media coverage about China is still limited and incomplete. But U.S.-related stories always account for a major part of Chinese media’s international coverage. In addition, the Chinese also have many other channels to learn about the U.S., such as watching American movies and TV dramas or reading American literature. As a result, Chinese people’s knowledge about the U.S. is much greater than their U.S. counterparts’ knowledge about China. A Chinese businessman recently created a media mania in the U.S. His name is Jack Ma, President of China’s e-commerce Alibaba Group. Alibaba has just launched the world’s largest IPO on the New York Stock Exchange and all the American media were asking the same question: Who is Jack Ma? And what is Alibaba? According to a report by Reuters, a poll showed that 88% of Americans had never heard of Alibaba Group, although the firm handles more transactions than Amazon.com and eBay
combined. If American media had followed China’s Internet and e-commerce development, the American people would know that Jack Ma and his Alibaba Group are household names in China, just like Steve Jobs, Tim Cook, and Mark Zuckerberg are in the U.S. In today’s era of globalization, rapid development of the Internet and mobile devices has greatly reduced the physical distance between countries. The process of news gathering, releasing and spreading becomes much easier. People from different countries all want to know more about each other. The technology for effective cross-border, cross-culture and cross-nation communication is there, the need for more accurate global information is there, and the mission to create a new form international journalism is there. What should we do? China and the U.S. are strategic partners, and are the world’s two largest economies. As we are promoting political and economic exchanges, cultural and media exchanges should also be included. Only by frequently exchanging ideas and thoughts can we understand each other better and shorten distances between minds. Furthermore, the media of the two countries also have the responsibility to enhance mutual understandings among different cultures globally. Therefore, I call for the building of a new mechanism for international news reporting. Not only reporting the bad, but also reporting the good, in proportion of the reality. As members of the global village, we need to find better ways to cover cross-border events & cross-culture stories with the aim of promoting better understanding. A better understanding of different cultures and different ways of doing things has become all the more important for us residents of the global village, if we want to get along with our neighbors. Effective and accurate cross-culture communication is a must for people living in modern times when exchanges of ideas and goods with people from other countries have become a daily routine. We need to not only explain our ideas and sell our goods to others,
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but also to learn from others and get what we really want. Mass media have played an important role in the development of human civilization. Today, the media have yet a new mission: to promote the spirit of cooperation and to facilitate balanced social development worldwide, to reduce conflicts and enhance mutual understanding. Over the past decade, China Radio International has been dedicated to promoting media exchanges between China and other countries. We have invited journalists from various countries to come to China to form jointcoverage groups to cover major events around the country. By working together, reporters from different countries can easily exchange ideas and have a better understanding about modern China, as well as Chinese culture and history. We also welcome our U.S. counterparts to join us! Every culture is unique, but we can always seek harmony in diversity. Let’s keep our arms and minds open for each other. Let’s learn to appreciate rather than to be afraid of our differences. Let’s work to promote mutual understanding rather than create misunderstanding among us. Let’s join hands in making our earth a better place to live.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣)
Cross-cultural Communication Importance of Improving Cross-Culture Communications in a Global Village (提升地球村的跨文化傳播的重要性)
XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣) The Role of Media in Promoting Cross-Cultural Exchanges (媒體在推動跨文化交流中的作用)
PENDLETON, Alan New Mass Media Organizations and their Role in Global Public Policy (新大眾傳媒機構及其在全球公共政策之角色)
LAURIE, Jim
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Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣)
Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village (提升地球村的跨文化傳播的重要性) XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣) Vice-president of China Radio International
“W
ater, water, everywhere, nor any drop to drink.” This line expresses the poet’s dismay at the vast ocean from which he could not drink. Today, I am equally dismayed at the present situation of the media world, which can be described as “news, news, everywhere, nor any piece to believe.” My sentiment is actually an echo of Mark Twain’s remark when he commented on the newspaper: “If you don’t read the newspaper, you are uninformed. If you do read the newspaper, you are misinformed.” We all know that truthfulness, accuracy, objectivity, impartiality, fairness, and public accountability are the basic principles in news reporting. But, we cannot deny the longestablished problem of media reality deviating from factual reality. The public has long been critical of many aspects of the press’s performance. According to a research done by Pew Research Center in 2011, the American public’s negative attitudes are at record levels in a number of areas. The percentage of people believing that news organizations are often influenced by powerful people and organizations has reached an alltime high of 80%. 77% think the media lacks fairness; 72% think they are unwilling to admit mistakes; 66% agree media reports are inaccurate, and 63% think there is political bias in the reports. In international reporting, the problems
88
also widely exist. I did a survey recently among 100 people from 12 countries. One question was about their impression of China before and after their arrival in the country. More than half of them chose “Different”, a quarter chose “Somewhat different”, and only 7 chose “Not different”. Another question was about the media coverage of China in their countries. A quarter of them chose “Accurate”, a third chose “Somewhat accurate”, 22 chose “Not accurate” and 17 chose “Hard to say”. So you can see that people are not satisfied with media’s performance, as most of the media failed to provide an accurate picture of our world. And when I asked about the reasons behind the differences between the media China and the real China, two main causes were identified: First, insufficient cross-border, cross-culture and cross-nation communications; and second, the distorted mechanism of media industry. In today’s international journalism, English is by far the dominant language used in reporting. Nonetheless, in many cases, translation still plays a big role. Inaccurate translations are a leading cause of misunderstanding for people in other cultures. Although many words in one language can find equivalent expressions in another culture to express the same meaning, e.g. “樹” vs. “tree”, and “雪” vs. “snow”, words related to a nation’s culture and social life are difficult to
CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣)
XIA Jixuan at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) - A New Type of Major - Country Relations and The Roles of Media”
translate directly. One solution is to find similar expressions in another language. For example, the Chinese idiom “胸有成竹” can be expressed in English as to “have a card up one’s sleeve”; another Chinese saying “三個臭皮匠,頂個諸葛 亮” approximates the English expression “Two heads are better than one”. Occasionally, a word’s literal meaning can be translated into another language, but the implied meaning strikes a different chord in the ears of the listener. For example, “long”(龍) in Chinese vs. “dragon” in English. In both Chinese and English, the “dragon” is a legendary creature, but the Chinese “long” represents a benevolent, auspicious and divine figure, which is often related to royalty – blue blood; while in English “dragon” represents something malicious, vicious and evil, bringing disasters to people. Just imagine, when the Chinese proudly claim themselves as descendants of “long”, people in the west are wondering why the Chinese want to be offspring of a monstrous dragon. There are cases in which it’s impossible to
translate something from one language into another. Take Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) for example. “Xu huo”(虛火) and “Shi re”(實熱) are common symptoms recorded by TCM doctors, but we cannot find their equivalents in English. The wit and artistic value of puns, tonguetwisters and poems are often lost during translation, e.g. the phrase to “have as many phases (faces) as the moon” cannot be translated into Chinese. “Which table has no legs but grows in the fields?” (vegetable), you can’t translate that either. “She sells shells on the seashore. The shells she sells on the seashore are sea-shells.” These are just a few examples. We are all familiar with Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs. In the five-stage model, basic needs are easier to be satisfied, but spiritual and emotional needs are more difficult to be satisfied. The same is true in translation. Words related to people’s beliefs, morals and values, are the most difficult to translate or interpret correctly due to the differences in their literal
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Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣)
and implied meanings. The color red can mean different things to different people, or even to the same people with different moods or under different circumstances. When we translate novels or other literature works from a foreign language, the problem seems less obvious as it is ok to “re-create” parts of the novel. Yet, in news reporting, we cannot re-create but rather need to interpret events. And that leads to different interpretations of the same event. In news reporting, words are carefully selected to reflect the media’s editorial stance, e.g., an armed group can be described as “freedom fighters” in one case, and as “insurgents” or “rebels” in another. Besides cultural differences, another main cause of misinterpretation in media reporting lies in the present mechanism of news reporting, which also relates to our conception of news and the way we report the world. Firstly, traditional journalism has failed to meet the needs of cross-border & crossculture information. Media are not providing a whole picture of what the world is, because news by its nature is about the unexpected and abnormal. As journalists, we are familiar with sayings like “no news is good news”, “harmony seldom makes a headline”, or “the real news is bad news”. This is why, for decades, western media’s portrayal of China has been frequently negative. But by focusing only on negative issues, media have constructed a media reality, which is different from the actual reality of the world. If people read bad news on domestic issues, they can make the balance themselves because they live in the environment. When it comes to international issues, bad news creates stereotypes and re-enforces prejudices. That is why many westerners feel astonished at China’s modernity when they visit Beijing or Shanghai for the first time. However, if one wants to see another China or the “real” China, go to the rural areas. Two scholars from Indiana University School of Journalism have done a content analysis of 886 news stories about China published
90
in The New York Times during 2010. Their findings showed that 58% of the news stories were negative ones, and positive ones only accounted for 12%. Their study also showed that Americans want to know more about China, but those with more news exposure held more negative perceptions of Chinese foreign and economic policies, believing that China is a military threat against the United States, and thinking that Chinese economic growth will eliminate jobs in the U.S. Secondly, many of the news stories are superficial due to fierce competition among the media. At a time when people want to consume news 24 hours a day, and there are so many social media platforms for news to spread, nobody in the news field is willing or has the time to dig beneath the surface into facts for truth, especially when breaking news occurs. Take the missing flight of MH370 for example. During the first week after MH370 went missing, the traditional media provided little information on the progress of the search while the social media platforms both in China and overseas were flooded by conflicting reports such as “plane signals were detected”, “plane was found and passengers were alive”, “debris was found”. In haste to meet the need for more information from the public, many Chinese and western media helped to worsen the confusion by spreading fake information from social media, without proper checking. Like the side effects of fast food, fast news generates junk information and junk information affects people’s ability to make sound judgment. Sometimes, media even provide distorted news. Such cases can be found in western media’s portrayal of China. In 2008, the German magazine Das Bild put a picture on its website. The picture showed a monk lying on the ground. The caption read “Situation in Tibet escalated. Should we boycott the Olympics?” But it turned out that the photo was taken during an incident in Nepal, and not in China at all. Such kind of media manipulation is not an isolated case. Although we say “seeing is believing”, pictures taken from different angles
CHINA EYE‧Issue 7
Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣)
or edited differently can manipulate people’s point of view.
Thirdly, if we look at the information flows between China and the U.S., we see an imbalanced flow of news as well as cultural products. Most Americans receive information about China through their own media, and the media coverage about China is still limited and incomplete. But U.S.-related stories always account for a major part of Chinese media’s international coverage. In addition, the Chinese also have many other channels to learn about the U.S., such as watching American movies and TV dramas or reading American literature. As a result, Chinese people’s knowledge about the U.S. is much greater than their U.S. counterparts’ knowledge about China. A Chinese businessman recently created a media mania in the U.S. His name is Jack Ma, President of China’s e-commerce Alibaba Group. Alibaba has just launched the world’s largest IPO on the New York Stock Exchange and all the American media were asking the same question: Who is Jack Ma? And what is Alibaba? According to a report by Reuters, a poll showed that 88% of Americans had never heard of Alibaba Group, although the firm handles more transactions than Amazon.com and eBay
combined. If American media had followed China’s Internet and e-commerce development, the American people would know that Jack Ma and his Alibaba Group are household names in China, just like Steve Jobs, Tim Cook, and Mark Zuckerberg are in the U.S. In today’s era of globalization, rapid development of the Internet and mobile devices has greatly reduced the physical distance between countries. The process of news gathering, releasing and spreading becomes much easier. People from different countries all want to know more about each other. The technology for effective cross-border, cross-culture and cross-nation communication is there, the need for more accurate global information is there, and the mission to create a new form international journalism is there. What should we do? China and the U.S. are strategic partners, and are the world’s two largest economies. As we are promoting political and economic exchanges, cultural and media exchanges should also be included. Only by frequently exchanging ideas and thoughts can we understand each other better and shorten distances between minds. Furthermore, the media of the two countries also have the responsibility to enhance mutual understandings among different cultures globally. Therefore, I call for the building of a new mechanism for international news reporting. Not only reporting the bad, but also reporting the good, in proportion of the reality. As members of the global village, we need to find better ways to cover cross-border events & cross-culture stories with the aim of promoting better understanding. A better understanding of different cultures and different ways of doing things has become all the more important for us residents of the global village, if we want to get along with our neighbors. Effective and accurate cross-culture communication is a must for people living in modern times when exchanges of ideas and goods with people from other countries have become a daily routine. We need to not only explain our ideas and sell our goods to others,
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Importance of Improving Cross-culture Communications in a Global Village XIA Jixuan (夏吉宣)
but also to learn from others and get what we really want. Mass media have played an important role in the development of human civilization. Today, the media have yet a new mission: to promote the spirit of cooperation and to facilitate balanced social development worldwide, to reduce conflicts and enhance mutual understanding. Over the past decade, China Radio International has been dedicated to promoting media exchanges between China and other countries. We have invited journalists from various countries to come to China to form jointcoverage groups to cover major events around the country. By working together, reporters from different countries can easily exchange ideas and have a better understanding about modern China, as well as Chinese culture and history. We also welcome our U.S. counterparts to join us! Every culture is unique, but we can always seek harmony in diversity. Let’s keep our arms and minds open for each other. Let’s learn to appreciate rather than to be afraid of our differences. Let’s work to promote mutual understanding rather than create misunderstanding among us. Let’s join hands in making our earth a better place to live.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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The Role of Media in Promoting Cross-Cultural Exchanges PENDLETON, Alan
The Role of Media in Promoting Cross-Cultural Exchanges (媒體在推動跨文化交流中的作用) PENDLETON, Alan President, New World Radio Group
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ur company owns radio stations in Washington and Philadelphia, America’s seventh and eighth largest metropolitan markets respectively. For almost a quarter of a century, our business has helped those who cannot otherwise speak to an American audience or an audience composed of their own countrymen in America. Our stations have provided a broadcast home for dozens of international media outlets and organizations, delivering direct access to news, music, and cultural cohesiveness to populations in the cities we serve. Culture shapes a person’s values and identity. Cross cultural friendships are usually formed – like any friendship – around some shared interest or characteristics. But friendships form around the appearance of sameness, because individuals are never quite the same. With cross cultural friendship, it is important to maintain a double consciousness that acknowledges the importance of feeling both the same and different, and it is important to understand that friends need not transcend race or ethnicity, but can embrace differences and be enriched by them. Here’s an illustration of what I’m talking about. I watch CCTV, I listen to China Radio International (CRI), and I read Chinese newspapers in English translation from time to time, all with the goal of understanding our customers and their various points of view. At the same time, it is essential that our clients understand the role of the radio station and what
we should do as facilitators of their programs. Ideally we should be an honest broker, offering frank and sometimes critical review of all dimensions of their broadcast, from content to production values. But Americans and their international counterparts don’t always approach business in the same way. When doing business internationally we need to analyze why our international colleagues act in ways that are dissimilar from our own methods. Rather than engaging in tit-for-tat negativity and stirring up bad feelings, we should strive for a role that promotes good relationships. This is true not only of business partnerships, but also of the relationships between nations in a changing world. For our part, we are proud to have broadcast China Radio International English programming for over two decades. But our history with CRI is much longer than this latest initiative. We began our partnership over 22 years ago, when one of our stations in Washington was CRI’s first venture into direct placement radio. This means our company was the first terrestrial radio station to broadcast China Radio’s English service programming outside of China. Those early days were full of challenges that accompany such opportunities. Both of us – CRI and New World – were explorers in an unknown territory. There was no roadmap, there was no guide for what we were doing, and there was no best way for how we should do it. Of course, we made mistakes. But I’m happy to report that because we
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The Role of Media in Promoting Cross-Cultural Exchanges PENDLETON, Alan
worked together as partners – as friend to friend, as Confucius suggests – we were able to solve many different issues and achieve success by means of our constant cooperation, ever present good will and mutual respect. I’m sure we can agree that cultural differences are always challenging. Dissimilar cultures have varying values, perceptions, and philosophies. As a result, a certain idea may have very different connotations depending on the cultural context. For instance, it’s been my experience that Americans and Chinese tend to have a different view of the purpose of negotiations. Americans see the goal of negotiations as producing a binding contract which creates specific rights and obligations. The Chinese see the goal of negotiations as creating a relationship between the two parties. The written contract is simply an expression of that relationship. What the Chinese see as a reasonable willingness to modify a contract to reflect changes, Americans see as a tendency to default, or going back on one’s word. Conversely, the Chinese may perceive American insistence on adherence to the original terms of the contract as distrust. The key to effective cross cultural communication is knowledge. Many economic observers assume that international exchange will happen naturally, if only the correct governmental policies and structures are in place. Corporate leaders assume that they can simply extend their successful domestic strategies to the international setting. Both of these assumptions are wrong. Policies alone do not create agreements. People do. First, it is essential that people understand the potential problems of cross cultural communication and try to overcome these problems. Second, it is important to realize that our efforts will not always be successful and adjust our behavior appropriately. For example, one should always assume that there is a significant possibility that cultural differences are actually the root cause of communication problems. One should be willing to be patient and forgiving, rather than hostile and aggressive.
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One should respond slowly and carefully in cross cultural exchanges, not jumping to the conclusion that you know what is being thought and said. The key to improving communication is flexibility and trust. Better communication invariably leads to better cooperation and more efficient operations. The best way I’ve found to deal with any conflicts in cross cultural communications is to pause, listen, and reflect. And, if necessary, withdraw from the situation, step back, and ponder what is going on before you act. When things seem to be going badly, stop. Slow down, and think. Ask yourself, what could be going on here? Is it possible I misinterpreted what they said? Or, maybe they misinterpreted me? Often, misinterpretation is the problem. In my experience, I’ve found four elements which are common to all international cross cultural communications. The first is that in international discussions and negotiations the parties must deal with the laws, policies, and political authorities of more than one nation. And these laws and policies may be inconsistent or even directly opposed. The second factor unique to international cross cultural relations is the presence of different currencies. Different currencies give rise to two problems. Since the presence or relative presence of the value of different currencies varies over time, the actual value of the prices or payments set out in a contract may vary and result in unexpected losses or gains. A third element common to international relations is the participation of governmental authorities. The presence of often extensive government bureaucracies can make the international negotiation process more rigid that either party anticipates. This has happened to us on several occasions when dealing with the Federal Communications Commission. We have also faced unanticipated local governmental roadblocks that our Chinese partner could not understand. Fourth, international ventures are vulnerable to sudden and drastic changes in their circumstances. Events such as inflation or
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The Role of Media in Promoting Cross-Cultural Exchanges PENDLETON, Alan
changes in government policy have an impact on international business relations. We can achieve meaningful cross cultural communication by learning about cultures that we come into contact with. But first, it is important to understand our own culture, and then develop cultural awareness by acquiring a broad knowledge of the values and beliefs of other cultures. To accomplish this we should stop looking through the prism of cultural stereotypes. The vision in our company has been to build a radio company for the future, and that is exactly what we are achieving. Towards that end, we have strategically broadened the company’s scope and now have in place differentiated distribution channels of multiple content development platforms. The next step is to recommend to our international partners that they put in place the necessary organizational structure reflecting both of our strategic visions, bringing clarity, focus, and accountability to key leadership roles in both our stations and network groups. At the beginning of our CRI-New World relationship, I was having difficulty reconciling my expectations for speed or progress with the reality of how long it was taking to move things forward. The CRI Washington correspondent at the time wisely taught me a Chinese proverb. “You get sick by what you put in your mouth, but you can be hurt by what comes out of your mouth.” (病從口入,禍從口出) Reflecting on my career in the radio industry, I can honestly say that it has been my proudest accomplishment to help in the continuing and ongoing effort to bring international programming into American homes via the radio. Knowledge promotes understanding, knowledge dispels prejudice, and knowledge awakens the desire to learn more. May the years ahead bring much success to the mission of media promoting cross cultural exchanges and understanding, and may all of us who participate in working for understanding and dialogue between nations be informed and enriched by the experience.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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New Mass Media Organizations and their Role in Global Public Policy LAURIE, Jim
New Mass Media Organizations and their Role in Global Public Policy (新大眾傳媒機構及其在全球公共政策之角色) LAURIE, Jim Executive Consultant, CCTV America
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hen I was young in the 1960’s and 70’s, my hobby was trying to receive and identify distant radio signals on medium wave or shortwave. This was “DXing”. It would keep me up late at night – that was when I could hear best – with my earphones fixed in place and the antenna strung all over the room. When I left America in January 1970 and flew off to Japan, and then to the rest of Asia, I took with me my sturdy shortwave radio wherever I went, and I listened to BBC, Radio News Reel, and, on the VOA (Voice of America), Willis Conover and the Jazz Hour beamed into countries all over the world, especially to Russia. And then there was Radio Moscow, and something called Radio Peking – which is now, of course, China Radio International (CRI). It was a cross cultural combination of airwaves on shortwave. In the spring of 1970, I was en route to Vietnam, and a remarkable radio signal was heard at 20009 kHz on April 25th and 26th of 1970. It was the transmission of China’s very first Earth orbiting satellite, Dong Fang Hong I (東方紅一號). For twenty six days, a transmitter played a simple tune of the Cultural Revolution – Dong Fang Hong (“The East is Red”). It’s a tune that I can still sing today. It was China’s first projection of soft power from outer space, a long time ago. Needless to say, a lot has happened in China and to China in the years since. Forty five years later, there is a new global competition attempting to influence opinion, to protect and project national interests, and to
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communicate cross culturally in a new global media environment – a competition waged on the Internet and in global television. In 2001, after a 31-year career as an international journalist, I began to assist in the building of TV news channels across Asia. I was first sent off to India. There are more TV news channels in India than anywhere else on Earth – seven in the English language alone, three of which I worked on. In 2007-2008, while teaching at The University of Hong Kong, I began to study the growth of global television media organizations and began to consult for some – Al Jazeera at first, and then CCTV beginning in Beijing in 2009. I have contributed, I must say, in a very small way, to their global strategies. China’s efforts to join the global online and on-air English language news competition began about four and a half years ago. In that regard, it is a bit of a Johnny Come Lately to this global attempt. It was an attempt in Beijing to belatedly reform what everyone acknowledged at that time was English language news production lacking in international standards. China entered the game in April 2010, with the launch of China Central Television (CCTV) news. It entered in an ambitious but somewhat gradual way. In 2012, CCTV launched new operations in Nairobi, Kenya, and Washington D.C. In contrast to the vast financial resources poured into TV and online by others like Al Jazeera, China prefers a slow, more cautious approach, if you will. “Little by little” (一點一
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New Mass Media Organizations and their Role in Global Public Policy LAURIE, Jim
LAURIE, Jim at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) - A New Type of Major - Country Relations and The Roles of Media”
點地) is the philosophy of the organization. The emphasis is on producing TV shows of the highest quality. They are doing it in America and Africa, where China had never produced English language TV programs, and where it had never employed large numbers of non-Chinese staff before. Chinese TV has hired professionals from nearly all major players, from BBC, from ABC News, NBC, Bloomberg, South African Broadcasting, Kenyan Television, Al Jazeera, Russia Today, CNN, etc. And they have developed what did not exist previously – English language news bureaus across the Americas, especially in South America, Cuba, Brazil, and Mexico City. They employed at least four former BBC correspondents to staff their operations in places like Rio de Janeiro and Havana, Cuba. Believe it or not, two years ago CCTV English did not utilize in any way, YouTube, Facebook, or Twitter. You can understand why, perhaps, by the conditions on the mainland of China. However, they are doing that today.
Recently, one of the weekend feature programs that are produced by CCTV made its local debut in Los Angeles. It’s a wideranging talk program focusing on the arts and philanthropic efforts of celebrities, and it received considerable praise. It also doubled the audience ratings in its time slot at the local channel in America’s second largest media market. Now, that may be success in a very small way, but it is success, nevertheless, in terms of trying to reach a new American audience. The view of management is, if Americans in Los Angeles can sit up and say, “Hey, that was a pretty good show, I wonder who produced it? The Chinese produced it, wow!” That is quite extraordinary for this first stage of media development. China’s efforts to reach out must be put in context. It does not come in a vacuum. There was a lot that came before this. It comes towards the end of a remarkable trend in government subsidized, or partially subsidized online media. New media organizations have
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New Mass Media Organizations and their Role in Global Public Policy LAURIE, Jim
been building extensive global assets, and these internet and broadcast organizations did not exist before 2005. They reflect the aim of a number of nations to reach a broader audience and have more influence in social, political, and economic discourse around the world. The trend reflects a desire to challenge the English language news media environment, which was dominated for so many years by the Americans and the British – CNN and BBC. This all comes at a time when the Western media organizations are struggling from a financial point of view. The new initiatives include those of Al Jazeera of Qatar, begun in 2006 and 2007. They went further with their American rollout in 2013. Then we have, of course, RT, formerly known as Russia Today, which was founded in 2005, and enlarged – with a large presence here in Washington – in 2010. There are smaller initiatives in the US market, including NHK of Japan, and France 24, which begun in 2009. The question is, however, are any of these media players likely to have any impact on global audiences? Of all the players, Al Jazeera has been the most aggressive, investing in the last 18 months more than 1.4 billion US dollars in global and American operations. When I was there, Qataris were conspicuous by their absence in the organization. They weighed in mainly on budgets and spending. The head of the network then was a very inspiring Palestinian fellow. He defined Al Jazeera English’s mission as to provide a voice of the people that others were not providing around the world. The agenda for what was on the channel was left largely to British and American journalists. Al Jazeera’s content is serious and extensive, the quality is good – if sometimes dull – and it has excellent documentaries. Its dilemma is that, if impact is defined by numbers of viewers, it has not delivered very much. In North America, Al Jazeera reaches more than 56 million households, and yet, Nielsen audience surveys suggest that, on average, fewer than 20,000 people are watching the
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American channel during any given hour. By way of comparison, CNN reaches 98 million households and averages 300,000 viewers each evening, per hour. Fox News, the most popular television news channel in America, has the same reach, but pulls in, for every hour of its evening viewing, more than 2 million viewers each night. On the Internet it’s a similar story. The new players – whether Qataris or the Chinese, or the Russians – struggle for any sort of impact at all. Currently, the only global player ranked in the top 15 of top internet news sites is the BBC, with approximately 36 million unique viewers. Al Jazeera forfeited, in a way, its presence online. When they launched their American service, they took down their global YouTube channel and global website. The reason was – and it’s very complex – they had pressure from the American cable operators to jettison their online resources that existed prior to 2013. The Russians’ aggressive efforts are more in-your-face than most. Their management told me in 2012 that they want to present themselves like the Fox News channel, but with an alternative, anti-establishment agenda. They are very edgy and are heavy on opinion. There really is no pretense at RT of practicing conventional – balanced, if you will – oldfashioned journalism. But the channel has had some success. It was remarkable in its ability to be online with its YouTube presence. They boast 1.3 million subscribers and say that they are the number one news producer on YouTube. The Japanese and the French are worth noting briefly, because they have adopted a sound – if incomplete – strategy to influence the American market. Both have aggressively pursued hotels. A hotel is a captive audience. It’s a great place to put a TV channel because when you have nothing to do when you’re on a business trip, you have TV channels to flick through. CNN, of course, began its business model with hotels all across the world. Well, I was up in New York recently and the only TV channel of a global nature that is produced outside the U.S. that I could get in my hotel room was
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New Mass Media Organizations and their Role in Global Public Policy LAURIE, Jim
France 24. The Japanese have paid American public television to carry their programs. NHK says that it provides a comprehensive Asia perspective to PBS viewers. They are virtually the only Asian producer of broadcasting for public broadcasting. Al Jazeera is quite conflicted. Its global channel in Doha emphasizes, quite rightly, the news from the Middle East and North Africa. The American channel declares that it wants to be a commercial venture, reliant on advertising. It seeks out distinct American content to try to build those ad-sales numbers. But yet in my view, the hours of the day when it crosses to Doha, those programs seem to me to be the most compelling. Sometimes there is conflict between the two channels’ philosophy. Recently, for example, there were the Israeli attacks on Gaza. The Doha channel called the offensive a “war on Gaza”. But, mindful of more pro-Israeli American viewers, the American channel went with the more neutral “conflict in Gaza”. So there was a clear difference here. RT consistently takes a negative view of the American administration. In 2012, they ran a whole series on the Iranian leadership versus President Obama. The question was posed, “who is the greater nuclear threat?” You may understand what the answer to that question was. The question now is, can China Central Television’s effort compete with all of this? In some ways, with some programs, assuming quality, and in some places, I would say the answer is “Yes”. Take sub-Saharan Africa. Unlike affluent Americans, nine out of ten affluent Africans – and I would define that as earning about USD 35,000 a year – watch international TV channels. A 2014 EMS Africa survey ranked BBC, CNN, Al Jazeera and CCTV Africa as benefitting from Africans watching 2.5 hours a day of TV, and using their internet about an hour and forty minutes a day. Part of this potential in Africa lies in the absence of a native, pan-African channel system. Africa remains a growing media market. Growth in America, on the other hand, will
be exceedingly different and difficult. This is a mature, saturated market. 30 million US households have access to CCTV News and the products of CCTV America. That’s only half of Al Jazeera and only a third of CNN. Clearly there are also other obstacles. Specifically, there are two political considerations. There is, for example, the issue of suspicion of China. I was at a meeting with a Maryland public broadcaster recently, and he said, “Yes, there is a suspicion of China amongst us other broadcasters, but you know, it’s worse with the Al Jazeera folks. We would much prefer to have Chinese content on our channel than Al Jazeera – this suspicious Arabic content.” Another public broadcaster in Boston told me that in no way would he put CCTV content on public broadcasting in Boston. He said, “We already have the Japanese, we don’t need the Chinese.” Well, what do you do? The flip side of this problem, of course, is that the Chinese government’s constraints on coverage of issues that are deemed sensitive undermine the credibility of what is being attempted here. Clearly, these two dynamics – the perception and the reality of self-censorship – have to be changed over the long term. The fall-back position is to ensure that what is covered and what programs are produced are done with the highest professional quality. On most evenings, I would argue that the standards of what is produced at the American operation of CCTV are equal to, or better than, the long established TV channels. And I advocate pushing individual programs, as opposed to the whole channel. At the moment, CCTV America is focused on developing high-quality niche programming: a unique weekly hour on Central and South America, which no other English broadcaster is doing; a solid global business program every night; two highly marketable programs – The Heat and Full Frame. I would argue, though, that the future growth in audience will depend upon two things: aggressive and clever marketing, promotion and program distribution, and, increasing openness in covering all stories,
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no matter how sensitive, in a transparent and comprehensive manner. My observation is that China Central Television is in it. They are playing it for “the long game”. There have been many cases where the envelope has been pushed, and, success, I think, is being seen. To underestimate the possibilities of achieving anything would be wrong, just as wrong as those who, way back in 1970, doubted the possibility of Dong Fang Hong I becoming a major space program in the world we have.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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Social Networks and Public Diplomacy: Who is Influencing our “World View”? ZHOU Xiaopeng (周曉鵬)
Media and the Construction of National Image Social Networks and Public Diplomacy: Who is Influencing our “World View”? (社交網路與公共外交:誰在影響我們的「世界」觀)
ZHOU Xiaopeng (周曉鵬) National Perceptions and the Role of Media in Bilateral Relations (他國印象以及媒體在雙邊關係中的作用)
DALY, Robert The Role Media Plays in the Shaping of the New Model of Major Country Relationship between the U.S. and China: Evidence from major newspapers in the United States and China (論媒體在中美構建新型大國關係中的角色: 美國與中國的主流報章所顯示的證據)
SU Junbin (蘇俊斌) Why American Journalism in China Matter (美國在華新聞工作因何重要)
STONE FISH, Isaac
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Social Networks and Public Diplomacy: Who is Influencing our “World View”? ZHOU Xiaopeng (周曉鵬)
Social Networks and Public Diplomacy: Who is Influencing our “World View”? (社交網路與公共外交:誰在影響我們的「世界」觀) ZHOU Xiaopeng (周曉鵬) Deputy Editor-in-Chief & News Center Director, SINA Corporation
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n September 11, 2014, the Prime Minister of Denmark, Helle Thorning-Schmidt, visited the headquarters of SINA.com and interacted with Chinese netizens on SINA Weibo. It was the second time that year that the head of a foreign state interacted directly with Chinese citizens over Weibo. Prior to that, on April 11, when Israeli President Shimon Peres visited China, he set up his own Weibo account and had a half-hour dialogue with Chinese netizens. More than twelve million netizens watched the live video. So far, President Peres had attracted four hundred and forty thousand Weibo followers. Before that, the UN SecretaryGeneral, Ban Ki Moon, interacted with Chinese netizens on SINA Weibo twice within a year. Each time he captured the attention of tens of millions of netizens. These events highlight the significant role played by social media in public diplomacy in the era of new media. The concept of public diplomacy was first created in 1965 by Edmund Gullion, the Dean of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. He identified that “central to public diplomacy is the transnational flow of information and ideas”. Half a century later, with the emergence of social media such as Weibo, Twitter, and Facebook, information and ideas are flowing at an unprecedented speed and scope. Weibo serves as a platform for the Chinese people to communicate directly with the world. So far, there are over 500 verified Weibo
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accounts belonging to foreign institutions, such as embassies, media and international organizations, as well as senior foreign government officials. Their posts cover a wide variety of topics including history, politics, culture, education, the economy, environment, and social issues. For example, the official account of the United Nations, which has over six million followers, has a live stream of the General Debate of the UN General Assembly, with the goal of helping the Chinese public better understand the position of different countries. As a result, the meetings of the UN General Assembly no longer seemed mysterious, and the gap between international affairs and the Chinese public has been narrowed. Weibo has provided a new channel for the public to obtain international news. In the past, the public was informed of international news by government-run media like CCTV, Can Kao Xiao Xi (“Reference Information”) and the Global Times. As Weibo is becoming increasingly popular, the public has gained a new channel to access news and information about the world. For example, since 2012, there have been two very famous Weibo accounts about the Israel and Palestine conflict. One is “Israel Plan” and the other is in support of Palestine. These two accounts have become major channels for Chinese netizens to learn about conflicts between Palestine and Israel. These two accounts were run by two NGOs
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Social Networks and Public Diplomacy: Who is Influencing our “World View”? ZHOU Xiaopeng (周曉鵬)
respectively. Each time a conflict occurs, these accounts have posted news, photos and comments which were widely followed and discussed by Chinese netizens. Weibo has facilitated communication between China and the World. For example, the cultural department of the Korean Embassy in China used a Weibo account to enroll applicants for its various courses. These courses taught Korean cuisine, handiwork, music, dancing, and calligraphy. The courses were so popular that the enrollment became full five minutes after applications opened. Also on Weibo was the Swiss Government inviting experts and scholars and young leaders from various sectors to attend the St. Gallen Symposium. This symposium is very famous in Switzerland. Andrew Lewis maintains the account of the Embassy of Switzerland on the Chinese site, and the Embassy of Switzerland pays great attention to Chinese public interest in Swiss policy. The page was set up in the hope that the public may learn about the country’s efforts and achievements in culture, education, and other aspects. The former Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Giulio Terzi, wrote in the preface to the book “Twitter for Diplomats” that Twitter has two big positives effects on foreign policy: it fosters beneficial exchange of ideas between policy makers and civil society, and enhances diplomats’ ability to gather information and participate, analyze, manage and react to events. As a matter of fact, as far as public diplomacy is concerned, the role of Weibo in China goes beyond that. First of all, in China, Weibo has become the largest platform for public opinion. No other media platform can parallel it in terms of attracting wide attention leading to either positive or negative public opinion. Let me give you an example. A photo was taken of Gary Locke, the former United States Ambassador to China, as he bought a coffee with his six-year-old daughter while carrying a black backpack at the Starbucks in the Seattle Airport. This photo had gone viral on Weibo. A Chinese-American businessman
took this photograph and posted it on Weibo. This photo was reposted nearly thirty thousand times and received over seven thousand comments within three days. The photo has earned Mr. Locke more recognition among Chinese people than his Chinese appearance. In contrast, U.S. Vice President Biden was not that fortunate. During his visit to China, Mr. Biden spent 79 RMB on some local food at a famous family run eatery. However, this “noodle diplomacy” – obviously devised with care – incurred a negative response on Weibo. For example, some frequent customers pointed out that such a large meal would have cost more if it was not for Biden. Suspicion developed over Biden’s noodle diplomacy. In a common American criticism of his newly created image, “Biden eats noodles” become popular in China’s blogosphere overnight, and has come to mean using less money to gain things worth much more. Many netizens used it to mock unrealistic efforts such as winning Chinese hearts and minds through a single lunch. In the meantime, social media has become one of the most important platforms that shape Chinese views of the world. Take the IsraeliPalestinian conflict for example. In the past, Chinese media as well as citizens tended to report or to understand the conflict from a moral perspective. Therefore, the stronger Israel was labeled as the victimizer, while Palestine was the victim. Usually, in the past, CCTV and state-run media would put up stories and images of Palestine showing civilians being killed by Israeli bombings. These reports dominated the Chinese media. However, during this year there has been an interesting change. The voice defending Israel on Weibo is obviously louder. Some researchers explained this phenomenon as public opinion reversal. How did it happen? It turns out that on Weibo, the Embassy of Israel in China has nearly 1 million followers, ranking third among the accounts of all the embassies. In addition, Israel has opened several accounts in the form of President Peres’ mentioned before: the Consulates General in Shanghai and Guangzhou, the Times of Israel – Israel’s
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newspaper, and so on. If you search Israel and Palestine on Weibo, you might find that there are only two verified Palestinian accounts, compared to over twenty Israeli accounts. On SINA Weibo, Israel ranks among the top five in terms of national influence in China. Considering the scale of Israel’s territory, its ranking is all the more extraordinary. In contrast, the account in support of Palestine mentioned before appears overwhelmed by the voice given out by the Israeli accounts. Today, as social networks have become the main source of information, how the Chinese public sees the world depends to a large extent upon the text, images and video that they come into contact with on social media. In my personal view, the most notable change social media has brought to the Chinese is that we see a more diversified and complicated world, instead of a world with a single voice or a single perspective. For example, not long ago, after Malaysia Airlines MH17 crashed, there was a heated discussion on Weibo regarding who should be responsible, Russia, Ukraine or pro-Russian dissidents, and who should be held accountable for the military conflict in Ukraine. More than 1.5 million related messages have been posted on Weibo. This includes not only reports by Chinese media but also reports and opinions of the embassy of Russia in China, the Russian Information Agency and experts and scholars around the world. Ke luo liao fu (柯洛 廖夫) is a very famous Chinese blogger focused on the military. Bao bei bei (包蓓蓓) – another famous blogger, graduated from Columbia University and worked in New York City as a journalist. So you can see that there are a lot of resources for one to learn about these events. There is no doubt that such discussions have greatly enriched and deepened the Chinese public’s understanding of these events. To conclude, Weibo, as a form of social media, is the largest public opinion platform. It has changed the behaviors of netizens and media and the government in China. Thanks to the emergence of social media, China is becoming unprecedentedly more transparent. At the same
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time, social media has dramatically expanded the horizons of many citizens and helped them see a more diversified, complicated and real world. I think this is a good thing.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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National Perceptions and the Role of Media in Bilateral Relations DALY, Robert
National Perceptions and the Role of Media in Bilateral Relations (他國印象以及媒體在雙邊關係中的作用) DALY, Robert Director, Kissinger Institute on China and the United States, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
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he role of media in Sino-U.S. relations is not a new topic. It has been rehearsed and rehashed these last 35 years. I’ve been fortunate enough to participate in this discussion since the late 80s, when I was a diplomat working in media issues in Beijing. In these Sino-U.S. discussions of media issues – intellectual property rights, human rights, trade policy, whatever contentious issue we are discussing – I think the United States and Chinese sides have come to know each other very well. We know each other’s concerns, we are familiar with each other’s criticisms, we anticipate each other’s defenses, we know each other’s comebacks – we know the script. This is a rehearsed discussion. I think that most Americans, if they pay attention to these issues at all, understand the feelings of many Chinese that the United States media are biased in their reporting of China. Many Chinese also feel that the United States media lack balance in their reporting. They do not report on positive developments in China and put a negative spin even on positive stories. There are certainly many instances in which this is clearly the case – we see it quite often. There was a story in a prominent Washington paper recently that was about high-speed rail. High-speed rail is a very complex story and it touches on questions of land takings, safety, and speed of construction. But if you’ve been to China and you’ve ridden on high-speed
rail, you are glad that China has an extensive high-speed rail network. It’s wonderful. I don’t take the airplane if I can take high-speed rail, and I wish the United States had something comparable. And it’s benefitting a number of Chinese. There are a lot of positive things to say about China’s high-speed rail efforts, and yet, this story focused almost exclusively on the implications for Uyghur autonomy of the extension of high-speed rail through Xinjiang and beyond into Central Asia. This was a case where this was a legitimate concern, and that aspect of the story may not be reported in China, but this is not mainly what the high-speed rail story in China is about. Clearly you can point to cases which seem to be about accentuating the negative. Another part of the standard litany of accusations from China towards the United States media is that the American commercial media sensationalize stories about China, to sell newspapers and magazines, and to sell advertisements in the case of social media. Furthermore, the accusation against American media is not only that our reporting might be unbalanced or biased, but that through activities of American journalists in China, including interviews with free thinkers, American media actually create scandals or encourage splittism, or encourage this new crime: “the picking of quarrels and the provoking of trouble”. So, not only are Americans biased, they deliberately create
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DALY, Robert at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) - A New Type of Major - Country Relations and The Roles of Media”
negative stories, negative spin for China. Furthermore, the Chinese “indictment” – this may be too strong a word against United States media – stresses that the United States dominates world media in this anti-Chinese spirit. When China conducted a very in-depth survey of worldwide media in 2007, before it launched its big international efforts through CCTV and Xinhua, it found that Associated Press (AP), United Press International (UPI), Reuters, and Agence France Presse (AFP) produced 80% of daily news stories worldwide. It also found that 50 western media corporations held 90% of the world communications market, and that the US alone produced 75% of the television programs in the world that year. Therefore, the criticism is not only that the United States media is biased, but that this biased media dominates world media just as it dominates film, and, in some cases, academia and pop-culture. It is sometimes suggested in China, furthermore, that this dominance and the anti-
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China attitude and policies of some American journalists is actually the way that the United States government uses media. In other words, this is a policy of the United States government, using American media to “construct China’s image”. Their argument is that this effort denies China discursive power (話語權) in an anti-China effort. This is the China side of the equation. America understands these views, and, of course, China knows what America says in return. This is very much a two way street. The American answer, usually, is that Chinese critics of American media simply don’t know what journalists do or what media are for, and that this is the source of many of the criticisms, because – and again, this is the American response – China does not have true media and because Chinese journalists are not free, and in many cases, not even journalists, since they cannot report on China in its totality. They argue that it is this difference that accounts for a lot of the accusations of the Chinese side.
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The American answer is typically that it is a journalist’s job to be skeptical. This inclines them to report on the negative side of everything, and also inclines American journalists to report on facts regardless of how those facts make people or governments feel. So there is varied disagreement about what facts are and what they are for. The American response, again, tends to be that a journalist’s responsibility is to the truth, even if they must report that truth for editors and publishers who are responsible for profit, who then sometimes twist or emphasize those truths in ways that the journalists don’t like. So the American rejoinder to the Chinese accusation, in the script that we know well, is that we are really talking about two things. Even though we use the word “media” and “媒 體”, we are actually talking about journalism and propaganda. Because we are talking about the construction of national image, the Americans would conclude that China’s image in America is created not by U.S. reporting on China, but by Chinese actions – what China, in fact, does and doesn’t do. This has been the broad framework of the discussion for the past 35 years, starting from 1979. And you can tell there is a sort of “雞同鴨講” or “chickens talking to ducks” as the Chinese say – a “talking past each other” quality to all of this. But notice as well the lack of parallelism in these mutual critiques. China criticizes U.S. media for how they cover China, and Americans, again, criticize Chinese media for how they cover or don’t cover China. So we don’t have a parallel argument. Americans are not terribly concerned with how Chinese journalists cover the United States. There is very little evidence that we care about this at all. And just to editorialize on myself for a minute, there is a lot of good Chinese coverage of the United States and a lot of very good Chinese analysis of the United States, and I’ve learned things about the United States from Chinese journalist friends who not only report facts but also provide very good analysis.
Discussions of China-U.S. media relations are almost never about America. And they’re not, in the first instance, even about U.S.China relations. What these discussions are usually about, from the Chinese point of view, is how China is depicted and perceived in the United States. And from the American point of view, these discussions are about what China is and what it should become. So what we’re disagreeing about, really, is not so much how American and Chinese media compare to each other, but the political question of who is empowered to define, generate, investigate, transmit, receive, and interpret facts or information. This, I think, is what the true subject is. Therefore, I believe that most discussions of the role of media in bilateral relations actually turn out to be discussions about the role of information in human affairs, both domestic and international. I understand that China is a diverse, rapidly evolving place with a great range of opinion. But China, from the official point of view, maintains that its government should manage facts in order to ensure the stability needed to guarantee economic growth and other goods, and that the government should set up propaganda organs to transmit these managed facts to the public. That is, I think, broadly speaking, the Chinese position. Americans, on the other side, maintain that facts are best handled by a public comprised of free individuals. This public includes specialists we call journalists, who we pay to manage facts well. But these journalists have no special privileges or insights in relation to facts. They’re not a priestly, information class. So these discussions of media turn out like our other bilateral discussions of contentious topics. They bring us back to questions of culture and values. It’s about what the United States and China are; it’s about our beliefs about ourselves and others. So we return to fundamental and familiar cultural differences: American emphasis on individual liberty, now with relation to information; and China’s relative emphasis on state power.
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But now there’s another question. As China rises, it is not only projecting power. China is also beginning to project standards, including standards for the handling of information. This cultural difference now raises the question of whether policies that the Chinese government applies to information, institutions, and individuals domestically will be viewed as acceptable practices and standards when they are applied internationally. This is a new question and, in some cases, a new form of conflict between those who follow media issues. Once we arrive at the discussion of media, the discussion of bilateral issues often peters out when the discussants realize that we’ve reached this familiar impasse once again, and it’s very hard to say anything else. This is true whether we are talking about media practices, intellectual property, cyber and trade issues, or the Law of the Sea. Conversation tends to stop at this point because we are so deeply entrenched in our positions. Looking at this bilateral discussion and others very broadly, for the most part the United States is saying to China: the question is whether you, China, will accept modernity as it is commonly understood by developed nations. China replies to the US: the question is when will you accept China as it is, and not as you wish it to be? When will you accept China as it views itself, in its official representations as well as in the representations of some Chinese citizens? This is like a Mexican standoff in a Quentin Tarantino film, where we’re each pointing a gun and there’s not really a great deal more to say. In light of this, how can we improve our discussions, both of relations and of media generally? How do we get beyond this? In 2013, I said, in relation to other topics, I still think it is true that on the United States side, the challenge is to listen more attentively, to stop preaching for a while, and to try to listen with a genuine openness to Chinese influence, and a genuine openness to the possibility that China will have something positive to contribute to international norms and practices.
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On the Chinese side, it seems to me, to improve the discussion, the obligation is to speak more specifically. China complains a good deal about its difficulty in building discursive power (話語權). I don’t see evidence that anybody is trying to shut China up or shut down its channels. China Daily has supplements in the Washington Post and in the New York Times. If you want to build a beautiful CCTV studio, that’s fine. If Xinhua wants to establish itself on Times Square, this is not a problem. I think the problem has been mostly that China doesn’t make its case very well when it has the microphone. And this, more than the American media, causes difficulties in the construction of the national image that China would like. From an American point of view about China, I see China, in its attempts to build soft power generally, including in the media sphere, a conceptual problem which becomes a rhetorical problem. The problem I think is that the Chinese government tends to mistake effects for purposes. What do I mean by that? China sees the international dominance of English as having the effect of greatly increasing America’s soft power and influence. And it assumes that that effect is actually the purpose, a policy directed goal of the United States. And the result of that, when China begins to build Confucius Institutes, is that leaders on the Standing Committee announce that “this will greatly enhance China’s soft power”. And so, soft power goes south of the X-axis once again. When you announce that the Confucius Institutes are about soft power, you instantly call their academic credibility into question in the eyes of other nations. This is true with think tanks as well. China has begun a major push to build up its think tanks, domestically and internationally. In the past years we have had announcements from the central government that they are doing this to build up China’s soft power. Again, they look at American think tanks, which have helped build America’s soft power. But that is the effect of the think tanks and not the purpose
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of think tanks. The purpose of think tanks is to provide good analysis and good information. It may happen to have the effect of building soft power, but that’s not what it is for. And now when we hear China pushing to build think tanks, we have an announcement that “and of course this will help build China’s soft power”. This announcement only serves to call the credibility and the objectivity of China’s think tanks into question. I think we see it in the U.S. too, the same problem, in this rubric of media constructing the national image. It is true that America has a very powerful international media, and that media may help to project a certain image internationally, but that’s the effect, not the purpose. The purposes of American media are various. They’re doing things to make money, they’re doing things to provide good information, but not to construct a national image. In fact the suggestion of that to an American journalist is offensive, because it makes them sound like a propagandist. So I think that even in this notion of media constructing national image, there’s a problem that originates in mistaking effects for purposes, and then declaring purposes for Chinese efforts, which actually have negative effects. We see this repeated again and again. This may occur because China has seen itself in the historically weaker position, and is therefore very aware of American power. I think the major question is still this question of bias and imbalance – the major accusation that China throws at American media. If we’re looking at this question of national perceptions and national image, I think that if we judge American perceptions of China through American media presentations of China, we are using too narrow a lens. The media is important, but it’s not that important. Images of China, American attitudes towards china, can be found through other means. For example, even if, for arguments sake, we were to accept that all American media have an anti-China bias, what do we see in America today vis-à-vis China? This is the year that
Chinese foreign direct investment in America surpassed that of American investment in China. Chinese immigration to the United States continues to surge. In fact, China maxed out and closed down the EB5 Visa program in 2014. Students continue to be welcome in America, not only in graduate programs but now undergraduate, high school, middle schools, and elementary schools tell an underreported story of a surge of students to the United States. Chinese tourism to the United States is up and welcome. China’s media presence is increasing. Chinese purchases of American real estate are also soaring – they’re determinative in many communities, and, welcome. Confucius Institutes are spreading, despite a few recent setbacks. And Hollywood continues to add more Chinese content to its films. All of these things I would say are, mainly, very good things, which indicate something quite the opposite of an anti-Chinese bias. So I think we need to look more broadly. In China, to turn it around, even if, for arguments sake, we say that the Chinese media have no anti-American bias and that they’re completely objective, and even if we acknowledge – as I think we should – that the Chinese are very internationally minded and are certainly not anti-American generally speaking, what do we see between 2012-2014 from the Chinese government? We have seen a two-year campaign against American culture and American institutions that has been waged openly, pervasively, and aggressively at the highest levels of government. The new National Security Commission, which was formed and chaired by Xi Jingping, lists western culture (which is, largely speaking, a code word for American influence) as one of five unconventional security threats on par with terrorism and sedition. That ongoing, institutionalized accusation, I would say, far exceeds any anti-Chinese bias you see in the American media. It has been underreported. We see, from the People’s Liberation Army, products like “Silent Contest”, which was produced together with the Chinese Academy of Social
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Sciences, which attacks American influence, including American NGOs. We see regular suggestions from the Chinese government that American values, the American government, American NGOs, and media institutions are instigators behind things like the Hong Kong protests, violence in Xinjiang, unrest in Tibet, and the actions of Japan in the Philippines. And at the same time, we see American journalists and corporations and NGOs feeling under attack as they have never been before. So when I see an article about China that I think is biased, I share my Chinese friends’ concerns about that. And a lot of my Chinese friends are worried that the 2016 elections will see a lot of anti-China rhetoric. I think that is a fair concern. But I am also concerned about the Chinese government-orchestrated and institutionalized anti-American rhetoric that is so pervasive and so long established, and the fact that we never even consider it a factor in the relationship – it’s “理所當然” (taken for granted). I think we need to bring that out in discussions of national image, and I hope vigilance and objectivity will increase on both sides.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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The Role Media Plays in the Shaping of the New Model of Major Country Relationship between the U.S. and China: Evidence from major newspapers in the United States and China SU Junbin (蘇俊斌)
The Role Media Plays in the Shaping of the New Model of Major Country Relationship between the U.S. and China: Evidence from major newspapers in the United States and China (論媒體在中美構建新型大國關係中的角色: 美國與中國的主流報章所顯示的證據) SU Junbin (蘇俊斌) Visiting Scholar at Graduate School of Journalism, Columbia University
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n 2011, when I was a visiting scholar at the American University School of Communication, I attended a symposium on “Changing Chinese Views of American Society” held at the Wilson Center. This was the first time I recognized that there was a socalled “imbalance” existing between the mutual perceptions of the U.S. and China. I also read the collection: “the United States and China: Mutual Public Perceptions”, organized by the Kissinger Institute. A survey conducted by the China Academy of Social Sciences indicated that ordinary Chinese people have a very positive perception of American society. Some other recent surveys, including one by Pew Research Center in 2013, also indicated that the image of the U.S. in China is better than that of China in the American view. This situation of imbalance might be due to the impact of media in both countries. So how can a so-called new type of major country relationship be possible in this situation of imbalance? What role has the media played
in China-U.S. relations? I performed a search of news coverage by mainstream newspapers both in the U.S. and China from May 2013 through May 2014. This is shortly before President Xi Jingping met with President Obama. The media I selected included the New York Times, the Washington Post, and the Wall Street Journal in the U.S.; and the People’s Daily, Guangming Daily and Southern Metropolitan Daily in China. The result of the comparison indicated that there is a very significant imbalance between the media of both sides. The imbalance can be grouped into two aspects: one is in the news coverage and the other exists in the difference in opinion between netizens and traditional mass media. Looking at the number of times news relating to Sino-U.S. relations appeared in mainstream newspapers in China, and by also identifying articles sourced from Xinhua News Agency, we can see that the numbers are pretty high and most of these article are quite positive. All of these articles very much highlight the importance of establishing a new
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The Role Media Plays in the Shaping of the New Model of Major Country Relationship between the U.S. and China: Evidence from major newspapers in the United States and China SU Junbin (蘇俊斌)
model of major country relationship. Regarding the distribution of topics, these articles were mainly focused on politics, then culture, then economy and then military. On the other side, in American mass media, the number of articles on this topic was far lower than in China. During the same period, there were four pieces of news and no commentary appearing in the New York Times; there were four articles and two commentaries in the Washington Post, one of which was written by Yang Jiechi – State Councilor of China; and there were four articles that appeared on the Wall Street Journal, together with one commentary written by Wang Yang, who is Vice Premier of China. In addition, American media demonstrated a much more critical style. This can be seen by simply looking at the titles of these articles: “Obama and Xi Tackle Cybersecurity as Talks Begin in California”; “In China and U.S., Mutual Distrust Grows, Study Finds”; “Chinese Claim Forces Obama to Flesh Out His Asia Strategy”; “Obama Begins Summit with Xi as China Agrees to Cyber Framework”; and “Informal Summit Marked by Suspicion, Formalities”. As you can see, American media is more critical. Before 2013, there was even an editorial that appeared as headline news in the New York Times with a title that described the U.S.China relationship as “a touchy relationship”. This editorial described U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s trip to China as a failure in trying to seek agreement with China on issues such as the South China Sea and Syria. At the end of the editorial, it said, “Echoing Ms. Clinton, the Foreign Minister, Yang Jiechi, said that Beijing would work with Washington to build a ‘new type of major country relationship’. The two countries at least have the words right.” Therefore, I call the Chinese media “enthusiastic advocators” regarding the issue of forming the new type of relationship. As for the American media, I would call them “skeptical critics”. Then there also exists another imbalance between netizens and traditional mass media.
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I looked at the netizens’ comments on the New York Times website. All of these comments were posted by verified subscribers of the New York Times, and the sample was on an article entitled: “U.S. and China Move Closer on North Korea, but Not on Cyberespionage.” This article was posted on June 8, 2013, and has attracted 1037 comments. Readers of the the New York Times picked 46 among these comments, while the New York Times picked five. Of the comments picked by readers, 24% were positive, 24% were negative, and 52% of the comments took no position. But the New York Times picked out three critical comments and one positive comment, along with two comments without any significant position. One of the positive opinions by netizens was: “It is good to stay in touch. It is better than cold war. We need to work together to face global challenges.” One of the negative comments was: “We don’t need new approaches or protocols or studies or more meetings to get the Chinese to stop stealing our intellectual property.” Some were also critical of the United States. For example, one netizen said: “Most members of Congress are appallingly uneducated as to the realities of modern China today. Their opinions are formed from very provincial viewpoints. They should all be forced to visit China for at least one month to keep their jobs. Most members of the PRC are also uneducated about us in the United States. Since neither side deems it particularly necessary to truly learn about what makes the other side tick, how can the two countries really solve the problems between themselves?” In addition, there were also some comments that addressed detailed technical issues related to clean energy. On the other side, in China, netizens’ opinions also seemed to be a voice different to mass media. From my point of view, I would like to suggest a so-called media convergence. We need convergence between traditional media and new media, and we must invent approachs
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The Role Media Plays in the Shaping of the New Model of Major Country Relationship between the U.S. and China: Evidence from major newspapers in the United States and China SU Junbin (蘇俊斌)
to effectively involve netizens’ opinions. In conclusion, I would like to quote a saying from an ancient Chinese Confucius teaching. This sentence says: “與國人交,止於信”. This means that “XIN” (信) is the principle people stick to when they communicate with others in China. In China, “XIN” means information and faith, and this is what the media has to contribute.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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Why American Journalism in China Matters STONE FISH, Isaac
Why American Journalism in China Matters (美國在華新聞工作因何重要) STONE FISH, Isaac Asia Editor, Foreign Policy; Former Beijing Correspondent, Newsweek
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hen I was living in China from 2006 to 2011, one of the most frequent questions I was asked was, the very simple, “is China good or is America Good?” (中國好還是美國 好?) Such a simple question, like many simple questions, is nearly impossible to answer. I would like to talk about my experiences in the States and the questions that I have received since coming back. These questions were not “is China good or is America good?” and so on. The most common question I got coming back from China was: “what was it like living in a totalitarian state?” This question gave me pause. To many Americans, the question “is China good or is America good” is a very simple one. America is good, China is bad. What exactly do Americans think about China and why do they think that? On a very general level, I would like to talk about this issue and how it relates to national media. And I am going to start with a very extreme example. In April 2008, then CNN commentator Jack Cafferty was asked to describe how China had changed over the last few decades. Four months before the Beijing Olympics, American viewers wanted to know how China had evolved since the last time it had been a serious fixture in American news – the months in 1989 leading up to June 4, when Chinese troops fired on unarmed protesters in and around Beijing’s Tianamen square. Cafferty’s point was a simple one: China’s relationship
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with the United States has changed, but since the 1970s and 1980s, Beijing has not. Many of you might remember him saying, “I think they’re basically the same bunch of goons and thugs they’ve been in the last fifty years.” In a China excited to finally have its global moment, Cafferty’s remarks provoked outrage. Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu said at the time, “Cafferty used the microphone in his hands to slander China and the Chinese people, and seriously violated the professional ethics of journalism and human conscience.” While crude and offensive to many Chinese people, Cafferty’s remarks highlight a central tension about how people in the United States view the Chinese Communist Party and China as a whole, especially with regard to the issue of human rights. Is Beijing a brutish regime built upon the backs of its people? Defenders of this view – of which there are many in America – point to the worst excesses of the Mao Zedong era: the Great Leap Forward – the 19591961 campaign associated with a devastating famine that killed tens of millions of people; the Cultural Revolution – a ten year period of Mao-led anarchy that disrupted the entire nation. They say that the Chinese Communist Party, structurally, is remarkably similar to how it was in the Mao years, and that the name remains the same. Another view that is common in the United States sees China as an economically vibrant giant, whose people’s remarkable work ethic, determination, and efficiency will force Beijing
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to evolve into a government that is more accountable to those people. Think Singapore or Honk Kong. And that, in fact, was the lens through which many people viewed the protests that took place in Honk Kong. A columnist from the conservative Washington Times wrote: “In a rational world, it would be Hong Kong taking over China; we are witnessing the reverse.” Personally, I find that view absurd and I think many people probably do as well. But many Americans disagree and think that that is actually the way to think about China. So, very broadly speaking, those are the two different ways that Americans tend to view the Chinese Communist Party, especially in concern to the issue of human rights – as evil, or as a necessary evil. That is not as bad as it sounds. Many Americans view their own government as a necessary evil as well. But clearly, as we all know, the Chinese Communist Party in China has a perception problem in the United States. The Chinese view of how China – as it exists domestically, not how it projects power internationally – should be viewed in the United States is very different. That view is that China’s global contribution to human rights is – and again, I’m generalizing here – Beijing steadily improving the living standards of the hundreds of millions of Chinese still living in poverty, and many hundreds of millions who have slowly come out of poverty over the last few decades. It is best summed up by the remarks by Chinese officials who have said things like, “If we continue to lift 1.3 billion people out of poverty, isn’t that the best thing we can do to help the rest of the world? And isn’t that the best thing we can do for the global human rights situation?” Chinese officials argue that this is China’s greatest contribution to human rights and the world. If living in an economically developed society, if being able to send your child to a better school, enjoy better healthcare, to be free from malnourishment – if those are human rights, then yes, China has done much to improve the human rights of its people.
I’m not arguing for any particular viewpoint here, but I’d like to pose the question: why don’t Americans buy China’s view? And my theory is this: to Americans, the view that China lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty contributes to the global human rights campaign and should be lauded makes rational sense, but it does not make moral sense. And I think that because the moral calculus argued by the Chinese Communist Party in this case is more of a utilitarian one. Utilitarianism calls for acting in a way that allows for the greatest amount of good, for the greatest amount of people. So, by improving the livelihoods of hundreds of millions of people, the argument is that Beijing should be allowed a freer hand in other areas where it severely lacks on human rights issues – imprisoning and torturing dissidents, for example. In that argument’s case, the end justifies its means, and those should be considered a cost of progress, because, on balance, Beijing has contributed a lot to the global human rights effort by lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. That argument could also be construed as: “What are the rights of dozens, hundreds, or even thousands of people in the face of the hundreds of millions of impoverished Chinese who are only now standing up?” The prevailing moral theory in the United States, by contrast, is far more concerned with the human rights of individuals. It’s very influenced by the 18th century German philosopher Immanuel Kant, who argued against utilitarianism. He felt that morality was based on imperatives that must be followed categorically, that the means must be moral in themselves, regardless of whether or not they justify the ends. Kant felt that utilitarianism actually devalues the individual it is supposed to benefit. To Kant, murder was wrong, regardless of the justification. His moral viewpoint prioritizes the rights of individuals. Utilitarianism prioritizes the rights of the group. So, how can Beijing better sell the successes of China and the Chinese Communist Party
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internationally? The problem with the way that Beijing argues is that it argues on behalf of the Chinese nation, instead of on behalf of the individual. In other words, it argues in a utilitarian way, as opposed to arguing for the success of Chinese as individuals. Many Americans, frankly, don’t want China to succeed. They fear it as a competitor. It’s also an abstract political concept, run by a political party. Sometimes, they don’t see it as a nation of individuals. They see it as the Chinese nation, which is a difficult thing to grasp. But many Americans do want the Chinese to succeed. Jack Ma, the charismatic businessman who founded the tech giant Alibaba, is a great example. Ma, I would say, is very popular in the United States. He has a great “rags to riches” story that a lot of Americans really feel kinship with. Before starting Alibaba, Ma applied for jobs at thirty companies and was rejected every time. Along with twenty three other people, he applied for a job at Kentucky Fried Chicken. The other twenty three got jobs, he didn’t. Now he’s the wealthiest man in China. That’s a success story that appeals to Americans. Ma’s story really resonates with the American dream. And if you look at media coverage of Jack Ma, I would say it is almost uniformly positive. A lot of really nice things have been said about him. But the fact that Ma’s own personal story reflects China’s “rags to riches” ascent from an international pariah to the world’s second largest economy is not a story that’s as resonant to Americans as the story of Jack Ma. The more individualizing the story can be, the better. So whenever I think of difficult political issues with China and with explaining China and the Chinese Communist Party to Americans, I always think about North Korea, because North Korea is a much more extreme example and it’s a much more difficult thing to understand. Looking at the extremes can sometimes help highlight other more easy to understand examples. North Korea, as a nation, is far more opaque and misunderstood in the United States, and one of the reasons for that
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is that there’s only one North Korean that most Americans have ever heard of. And that’s Kim Jong Un. He is seen as a cartoonish dictator, and much more of a caricature than an actual human being. So, often times in the coverage of North Korea, Americans forget that North Korea is actually a country made up of people, and not a group of robots led by cartoonish dictator Kim Jong Un. There are plenty of North Koreans, I am sure, who have stories that would allow them to connect more with Americans and would improve the image of North Korea in American eyes, but all we see is Kim Jong Un. For China, it’s far better. The average American can probably name several or dozens of Chinese who are successful or have good stories to tell. The more they are able to tell their own story, the better. Americans, simply put, have a difficult time understanding the idea of China, which is immensely complex, or the Chinese Communist Party, which is also extremely complex. But they can understand the hopes, struggles and aspirations of individual Chinese. In your media, give them that.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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A New Type of Major-Country Relations and the Role of Media CHEN Ping (陳平)
Media and Public Governance A New Type of Major-Country Relations and the Role of Media (新型大國關係與媒體角色)
CHEN Ping (陳平) How National Security Issues can Close - or Widen - the Divide between the U.S. and China (國家安全議題如何拉近或擴大中美之間的分歧)
MEYER, Josh The Dynamic Role of Media in Shaping Bilateral Ties (媒體在塑造雙邊關係的角色變動)
REPNIKOVA, Maria
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A New Type of Major-Country Relations and the Role of Media CHEN Ping (陳平)
A New Type of Major-Country Relations and the Role of Media (新型大國關係與媒體角色) CHEN Ping (陳平) Deputy Editor, Global Times English Edition
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t is said that one of the biggest challenges we are confronted with in the 21st century is how to manage and shape the relationship with China and the United States of America. With this in mind, I would like to talk about my understanding of the new model of major country relations and what the media could do to promote the concept. Since the dawn of the new century the world has witnessed extraordinary events in China. The result has brought about great change in the economic strength as well as the international status and role of China. Thanks to the hard efforts by the Chinese people as well as the world community, China has surged to become the world’s second largest economy, and it is widely believed that it will take over the United States in the next decade to become the largest economy in the world. At the same time, China has moved so far and so fast up the international rankings in all dimensions of power that it has been in a position to play a very active role in international affairs. As a result, it is now inconceivable that any major global issue could be resolved without the active participation and support of China. Against such a backdrop, some people have begun to talk about the so-called “Thucydides Trap”. The term comes from the often-quoted line from the Greek historian Thucydides, who famously wrote that it was the rise of Athens and the fear that this inspired in Sparta that made war inevitable. The term is used to describe the phenomenon
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of a rising power provoking so much fear in a status quo power that it ultimately leads to conflict between the two. Unfortunately, China is wrongly perceived as such a rising power, even though it has no intention whatsoever to rival the United States as a ruling power. Why is there this perceived fear in the minds of some western scholars and government officials? In my view, the answer lies in two aspects. Number one: The lessons they draw from history tell them that, more often than not, subsequent competition between rising and ruling powers result in increasingly bitter conflicts, and, ultimately, all-out war. For example, in eleven out of fifteen cases since the year 1500 where a rising power emerged to challenge an existing power, war occurred. And what Athens did in the 5th Century BC and what Germany did at the end of the 19th century serve as very convincing examples. The second aspect is the United States’ own behavior in the late 19th century and early 20th century. Here, please allow me to quote a paragraph from a Financial Times article: “As the U.S. emerged as the dominant power in the western hemisphere in about 1890, how did it behave? In the years before the First World War, the United States liberated Cuba, threatened Britain and Germany with war to force them to accept U.S. positions on disputes in Venezuela and Canada, backed the insurrection that split Columbia to create a new
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A New Type of Major-Country Relations and the Role of Media CHEN Ping (陳平)
state of Panama, which immediately gave the U.S. concessions to build the Panama Canal. And it attempted to overthrow the government of Mexico, which was supported by the U.K. and financed by London bankers. In the half century that followed, U.S. military forces intervened in our hemisphere on more than thirty separate occasions to settle economic or territorial disputes on terms favorable to Americans.” And so when China is on its own way to the status of a global power following three decades of peaceful development, it is simply understandable that some people in the West, especially in the U.S., will ask the question: Will China, as the rising power, inevitably challenge the dominant position of the U.S. as a ruling power? Let me tell you what an ancient Chinese sage said – “One should never gauge the heart of a nobleman with one’s own mean measure.” China’s initiative of a new model of major country relations is the answer to the above question. Chinese President Xi Jinping initiated the concept of a new model of major country relationship with the vision of no conflict or confrontation, mutual respect and win-win cooperation. The consensus reached by President Xi and President Obama during their various meetings demonstrated the determination and the political courage of the two countries to break the old pattern of inevitable major country conflicts and confrontation. There is no reason that the U.S. and China should repeat the socalled “Thucydides Trap”. China aims to create and build a ChinaU.S. relationship where the two countries can coexist peacefully and compete peacefully, rather than confront in economy, military and other realms. A widely used word to describe current SinoU.S. economic relations is “codependency”, as the two countries are so dependent on each other in economy, finance and trade. So, confrontation in any form, in any realm, would
benefit no one. Then comes the next question: What kind of role can the media play? I myself have been in the trade of journalism for over twenty years, so it’s natural for me to ask what media in both China and the U.S. can do to promote the new model of major country relationships. In the context of the new initiative, media in both countries can play a much bigger role in improving and shaping bilateral relations. One of the media’s many functions is to inform. So, as far as the Sino-U.S. relationship is concerned, media in both China and the U.S. can inform and try to convince their target audience of the following points. First, We should never presume an inevitable conflict between China and the United States. China’s peaceful development will not threaten the United States. It will benefit the U.S. as well as the world. Looking back at the 35 years since the two countries established formal diplomatic relations, China-U.S. cooperation has not only brought benefit to our two countries and two peoples, but also contributed to peace, stability and the prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region and beyond. President Xi’s remark: “The Pacific Ocean is big enough for both of us”, is a convincing statement that China’s peaceful rise will not challenge the United States’ dominance in the world. Factors such as unilateral conflict and confrontation between great powers, such as territorial disputes and conflicts in grabbing colonies, do not exist between China and the U.S. Second, in the long term, the U.S. needs China just as China needs the United States. Both the U.S. and China are facing a series of global challenges, which cannot be solved by any country single-handedly. Even U.S. National Security Advisor Susan Rice tweeted recently that most major global challenges of the 21st century cannot be addressed effectively without China and the U.S. working together. By proposing the concept of a new model of
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A New Type of Major-Country Relations and the Role of Media CHEN Ping (陳平)
major country relations, China is confident that the two countries are fully capable of working together to make the world more peaceful. Only by close Sino-U.S. relations and by the two countries cooperating with other countries at the same time can joint development and lasting prosperity be achieved around the world. Third, the new model of major country relationship is a skyscraper, which should be built up slowly upon the foundation of strategic trust. The key to strategic trust is deeper mutual understanding and respect for each other’s core interests. The reality of China’s peaceful rise to a global power should be accepted. Although China is now only a partial power, it will become a truly global power, sooner or later. Fourth, Differences will always exist between China and the U.S. because of our different history, culture, social system, ideology and level of economic development. We must be aware of and respect our differences. We should respect each other’s development past; we should respect our respective choices; we have to search for common ground to seek the greatest common divisor in terms of common interest, which would create a foundation for progress between the two countries. Fifth, We should note the fact that it is not just China that is becoming stronger and stronger in the world. There are also other countries such as India, Russia, South Africa and Brazil. In the long run, the U.S. is going to have to accommodate this in a peaceful way. I noticed the different translations of the term (“新型大國關係 Xīnxíng dàguó guānxì ”). The official Chinese version is “the New Model of Major-Country Relationship”, but it is also translated as “New Type of Great Power Relations” in the West. It is interesting to compare the two translated versions. In the years ahead, when the U.S. has to deal with other rising powers, China-U.S. cooperation will definitely be a role model. This is, I think, why we choose the word “model” rather than “type”. The U.S. will not have to
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worry or fear every time it sees a new rising power jumping onto the stage if it successfully manages its relationship with China. On October 1, 2014, we celebrated the 65th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. The festive celebrations back home reminded me of an article I read recently. It is entitled “Misunderstanding China”, written by Michael Pillsbury for the Washington Journal. The author argued that after 35 years we don’t know what China wants because we haven’t truly listened to some of the powerful voices that undermine our wishful thinking. The author concluded that: “The answer that I have come to after studying the Chinese for forty years is that the problem is not China but us.” This raises the question, which I personally think has no ready answer – How did western policymakers and academics repeatedly get China so wrong? As a journalist myself I have my own question to ask – Are western policymakers and academics the only people in the West who get China wrong? How about the western media? Have they done their job to make China better understood? There is great discrepancy in the Chinese media’s coverage of the U.S. and the U.S. media’s coverage of China. Chinese media’s coverage of the U.S. is usually comprehensive. They report almost everything that is American. But when some U.S. media cover China, they seem to have a very limited vision. In most cases, they just focus on topics such as Tibet, Xinjiang, human rights and intellectual property rights. I am not saying it is not right to cover these topics, what I mean is that U.S. media, whether they have a presence in China or not, should keep in their minds that China has the largest population in the world. China is developing rapidly and great changes are taking place in a now pluralistic Chinese society. This means there are many more topics to cover. If they just focus on their favorite topics, how can they paint a bigger and more accurate picture of China? Even worse, a few U.S.
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A New Type of Major-Country Relations and the Role of Media CHEN Ping (陳平)
media outlets and a handful of U.S. journalists are prone to seeing China through colored spectacles, and their biased reports about China are detrimental to the sound development of Sino-U.S. relations. In the past three decades, while there have been twists and turns, Sino-U.S. relations have kept moving forward and achieved historic growth. We have read in the western media in general and the U.S. media in particular, about the theory of the coming conflict with China in the 21st century – the “China Threat Theory” and the “China Collapse Theory”. And we read about the U.S. policy debates between containment and engagement, which ended with a middle-road strategy called “congagement”. I think that the audience must have been confused by all these perceived theories and fancy coinages. The audience deserve to have access to substantial, better and comprehensive coverage on China. As the U.S. media enjoy greater discursive power than their Chinese counterparts – this is a fact I have to admit and respect, and this is also a fact that we are trying to change – western media can do much more than they have done to help the American audience as well as Western audiences understand China better. It is a matter of will rather than capacity.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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How National Security Issues can Close - or Widen - the Divide between the U.S. and China MEYER, Josh
How National Security Issues can Close - or Widen - the Divide between the U.S. and China (國家安全議題如何拉近或擴大中美之間的分歧) MEYER, Josh Director, Education and Outreach of the National Security Journalism Initiative, Medill School of Journalism, Northwest University
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want to talk about how national security issues can close – or widen – the divide between the U.S. and China, and, more specifically, what the media can do to improve public governance by promoting a greater understanding of China among Americans as well as America by people in China. More broadly, I wanted to talk about how good and thoughtful journalism, if done right, can help promote a better understanding worldwide, especially of the very serious threats that we all face in this truly globalized world. I’m going to include some discussion about the traditional security issues that you always read about such as cyber-crime and cybersecurity, military and defense spending. But I also wanted to focus more on the issues that many people do not usually think about when they think of national security, and that is climate change, food and water security as well as other “emerging” threats. I think that this is one of the issues where the media can and really needs to play a key role on public governance. At the National Security Journalism Initiative, our mission is to find better ways of doing and teaching these kinds of national security journalism across all digital platforms. I am also a working national security journalist, having spent 20 years before that at the Los Angeles Times covering national security and other issues. So I come to this topic as somebody who has reported on them but also who studies
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them for a living. I wanted to find out what some of the national security issues were that could really bring the U.S. and China together. If you read most of the mainstream media coverage, you don’t find a lot. Most of what you hear and read about is that China and its government and military are trying to steal all of our secrets, military designs, commercial intellectual property and the like. There are also issues of how China is trying to use its economic power to control global financial markets, or how it’s trying to exert too much control in the South China Sea, parts of Africa and Asia. On the other hand, I am sure that in China people are reading some of the stories about the United States, about how it is a bad actor on the world stage and doing things to jeopardize China and its people. In that sense, I think the media, certainly in the United States, fails in articulating a lot of the complexity. But as a veteran national security reporter, I have talked to people that I think really understand these issues, from the intelligence community and from the military. They had a different perspective in many cases. What they said is that national security issues in some ways can be used to close the gap between two countries and, by doing so, you need to focus not just on the news of the day or what is being reported – or at least being spun – but more on
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How National Security Issues can Close - or Widen - the Divide between the U.S. and China MEYER, Josh
MEYER, Josh at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) - A New Type of Major - Country Relations and The Roles of Media”
the broader issues that are not being covered by the media that impact security. I believe that by doing that you can help close the gap between the two countries. And journalists can help play a leading role in that effort by focusing on this different set of security issues – these emerging threats that are, in fact, becoming a global threat to us all. In a way, we are all in the same boat. What these intelligence officials said to me was that instead of looking just at these issues at hand and what is happening in the cyber domain and so forth, what we really need to look at are these threats that are posing an existential crisis of sorts and a threat to us all, including food, water and energy security. These are indeed accelerators of global instability that affect everybody. So, surprisingly, some of these deep thinkers in the intelligence and defense community are really rooting for China and think that China’s stability is good for everybody and something that we should all work toward.
So while you have the media creating adversarial roles between the two countries, I think that you have the intelligence and defense communities – at least some of them that I think are long-range thinkers – really encouraging the opposite, and focusing more on the issues such as climate change. Our initiative did a project in 2010 with the Washington Post on climate change as a national security threat. I was very surprised at how many former and current intelligence people were very eager to talk to us about that, to try to get the word out. They said that it was something that all nations need to work together to deal with. By extension, the kind of threats that the intelligence community does want to talk about is food and water security as well as energy security. While they never want to talk to me about terrorism and cyber security, it’s an irony that it hasn’t been lost to me that these intelligence officials do want to talk about these broader, emerging threats. I think that as journalists we should take them up on this offer
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How National Security Issues can Close - or Widen - the Divide between the U.S. and China MEYER, Josh
and we should all exploit their willingness to discuss these and to cooperate. Focusing more on these global issues than on the more narrow ones that divide our two countries, and, in some cases, demonize one another, is a way for journalists to not only help shape the security agenda going forward but also to have a real impact on public governance and help figure out the way forward. I am here, in some ways, to be counterintuitive as a journalist. I have spent my career mostly as an investigative reporter, but that is to urge everybody not to lose focus on the good news that sometimes occurs with regard to these threats, the positive developments that are occurring in the United States and China, and how those can be used to raise awareness of these critical issues that are important for the greater good. One example is that China’s efforts to become more green and more energyefficient are, in many cases, more aggressive and more successful than those in the United States. I think journalists here could benefit by finding out what is going on over there in these efforts and seeing how it applies here. We should, of course, aggressively investigate the failures of both countries when it comes to climate change and these other issues, and hold them accountable. We should also focus on the efforts to do the right thing, not only to encourage them, but to help spread the word about them and raise awareness of these issues. Wild life trafficking is one of these issues. It is a huge and growing problem that could result in the decimation or outright loss of entire species, especially what the experts call charismatic megafauna – elephants and rhinos. This is a huge problem that affects us all, and at this particular moment in time, is driven by demand in China. But this is also an issue where there are some bright spots. China, for instance, has acknowledged the problem and has promised to take concrete steps to fight it, and the media should take heed of that and try to raise awareness of that. What is more important is that, like many other threats, wild
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life trafficking is not a state-sponsored issue for the most part. It is a more of an organized crime issue, and thus it is an issue that both governments should be concerned about and should work together to fight because it is a growing problem that undermines stability everywhere. For that reason, I think it’s one of those national security areas like climate change, food and energy security, where both sides and their governments can and should agree to work together for their mutual benefit. It is also an area where journalistic scrutiny can have an extremely beneficial impact on those governments and in public governance. Furthermore, given their global importance, instead of U.S. journalists focusing on our government and Chinese journalists focusing on their government, I think that these are all areas in which we can work together as journalists, and I would advocate trying to establish more networks of cooperation and collaboration by journalists in both continents. I am on the board of directors of a group called Investigative Reporters and Editors (IRE). We have a global membership of more than 5,000 journalists, including some in China. We would hope that more journalists from China join IRE so that we can create these kinds of collaborative networks and work together on stories and share information. There are other groups that are doing similar things, such as the recently-started Global Investigative Journalism Network and another called the Investigative News Network (INN). These networks exist for the same reason and have sprung up all over the place over the past few years, in recognition of the fact that the world has become truly globalized and that the media’s efforts to have an impact on public governance need to be done on the global stage and not just within particular countries. I would argue that this is especially the case between journalists from the U.S. and China, given our power and position in the world and the emerging threats that are global and that can divide or unite us. I think journalists from both of our countries
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How National Security Issues can Close - or Widen - the Divide between the U.S. and China MEYER, Josh
can and should try to find more ways to work together, to identify these significant national security threats that override any particular bilateral problem between our two countries, and focus on finding solutions for the greater good. Again, that is not to say journalists should always focus on the positive. I believe strongly that when it comes to our impact on public governance, it is our watchdog function to focus on accountability-based journalism. But when it comes to these emerging threats, creating networks of collaboration and cooperation among journalists is essential, because of the global nature of the threats and because, in many cases, there is still time to focus on the positive efforts being made by governments and the private sector to help show the way forward. This is true solutionsoriented journalism, and the very definition of how the media can have a positive impact on public governance, especially in the national security sphere. In fact, I would urge people to not even think of the term “national security” anymore, but to think more in terms of “global security”. Once the issues are looked at in a broader way, it is easier to see why cooperation and collaboration are necessary both by the governments and private sectors, but also by the journalists whose job it is to keep them honest and on the right path forward. If more journalists in both countries have this mindset, their important work can be used to identify what can be done by both countries that is mutually beneficial. They should not only focus on issues that divide them and create conflicts, but on what can unite us. At Medill School of Journalism, one of the bigger journalism schools in the country, we are embarking on a very ambitious effort to try to bring more student journalists from China to study at Medill. We are trying to set up partnerships in which we can exchange faculty and students in order to gain a greater understanding of what is happening in China. We are doing the same thing in other countries like Pakistan. It is important to establish such
global networks and partnerships. In fact, I myself would personally like to travel over to China and see first hand the complexity of some of these threats and how energy and food and water security issues are being addressed, not only by the government there but by the journalists there. In conclusion, I think that when journalists in both countries have this mindset of helping to set the agenda by identifying problems and not just reporting on the news of the day, their important work can be used to identify what can be done by both countries. And by doing so, we can truly help forge a path that helps unite the two countries and helps journalists in both countries become more relevant in terms of impacting public governance.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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The Dynamic Role of Media in Shaping Bilateral Ties REPNIKOVA, Maria
The Dynamic Role of Media in Shaping Bilateral Ties (媒體在塑造雙邊關係的角色變動) REPNIKOVA, Maria Post-Doctoral Fellow, Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania
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want to talk about socio-political context, how that affects what roles the media should be playing in China and in the U.S., and how that relates to our perception of foreign reporting on one another. The roles of the media in terms of governance practices are very much context dependent. It really varies across democratic and non-democratic contexts and also across developmental stages, but also within democratic systems. There are many different political and governance roles that the media can play, but it can also be a big source of misunderstanding and friction. A simplistic notion of understanding Chinese and U.S. media can be that Chinese media is just propaganda and U.S. media is viciously critical or very biased, which is obviously a misperceived, misconstrued notion of the two sides. At the same time, this really influences how the two are reporting on one another and also how bilateral relations are being shaped. I would like to discuss very briefly the different types of governance roles that the media plays in the two countries and how that feeds into China-U.S. relations. In China, I would argue that the governance role of media is very much a partner within the system, working with the government to improve various issues. A Party-led governance mechanism is one way to put it. There are many different roles that the media plays but the overarching framework is working within the
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existing system and helping it prosper, focusing on solutions and on social progress. Whereas in the U.S., the “idealist” vision of the media is that it is the fourth estate overseeing the government as a kind of outside critic, as opposed to working with the system itself. In China, the role of media can actually be quite complex. Beyond the assumptions of propaganda there is the guidance of public opinion (輿論引導) and supervising public opinion (輿論監督), and trying to combine those two together to positively shape public opinion to work with the government’s initiatives. Whether it’s environmental issues, foreign policy or various complex issues that China is facing, the media really is necessary as a partner to help explain the complexity to the public opinion both domestically and internationally. It is very much a part of this process. The term that’s often used by Chinese journalists I’ve spoken to is that the media has to have a constructive role (建設性作用). The idea is to offer some sense of progress but also to explain and perhaps even provide some suggestions for how things could be improved. A lot of Chinese media reports that I’ve read offer conclusions that focus on suggestions and how things could be reworked and how people can cooperate both in foreign policy and on domestic issues. This is a very striking feature of Chinese journalism, and it is very fascinating to read and analyze it. If you look at the U.S., broadly speaking, exposing problems is the end as opposed to the
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The Dynamic Role of Media in Shaping Bilateral Ties REPNIKOVA, Maria
means. So, whereas in China exposing problems is one channel towards further improvement, in the U.S. it’s often just the final goal to expose or to reveal certain facts and problems, and their relationship with the government or authorities can be much more contentious than collaborative. The idea is very much to battle against a certain power, whoever is in power, as opposed to just working with authorities and officials. The watchdog role is really an idealist function of the press in a democratic system, particularly in the United States. The kind of fourth estate, the guardian of the conscience, is very much esteemed in democratic theories in this country. So there are very big differences and I think this also affects the mutual coverage of foreign policy reporting of one another. In Chinese media a lot of reports focus on progress and on how bilateral ties are improving. But oftentimes they also look at the U.S. as an example to learn from, taking these examples and putting them into the Chinese context. A lot of reports on China’s governance take into account U.S. experiences, trying to learn from them. Again, a kind of constructive approach to working with the U.S. is reflected in Chinese media coverage on bilateral issues. If you look at the U.S. media, oftentimes it looks at certain puzzles that are happening in the Chinese landscape, challenges and different kinds of phenomena. This could be interpreted as a positive thing but there is often a negative spin or at least some kind of unique characteristic that comes out in U.S. media coverage. This also has implications for how policymakers on both sides perceive media coverage and perceive how media coverage plays into their policy making analysis. Having spoken to a lot of top China experts in Washington in the past year, and looking at how they use the media to analyze events that are happening in China and in Chinese foreign policy, they really treat Chinese media as a reflection of official thinking about various
issues. It is oftentimes the starting point of all analysis that happens on foreign policy issues. What The People’s Daily or the Xinhua News Agency is publishing on these issues and how the discourse is changing particular concepts that define bilateral relations or other terms, or different conflicting opinions that are printed and published, I think, are quite influential in policy circles in Washington. This is in part because media is perceived as a governance mechanism. It is working with the regime, so it is important to look at it as kind of an official reflection. If you look at the U.S. media, I don’t think it is really treated as a reflection of the official opinion by Chinese policy makers. It is often a reflection of biased media objectives, of very conflicted public opinion, and of media’s commercial objectives. I don’t think that a lot of Chinese policymakers would see U.S. media as directly a reflection of the official opinion, because there are so many other channels of information that feed into the public opinion making process on the Chinese side. Beyond these bilateral engagements there are implications in terms of the differences of the media’s governance roles for global engagement between the two countries. There are also competing media governance models now between China and the U.S. in the developing world. If you look at the initiatives of China in Africa as well as U.S. initiatives of media democratization and media assistance in Africa or Central Asia, I think there are now competing governance models. The Chinese Government is training a lot of journalists in these countries, providing them with opportunities to come to China and learn. There are media exchanges and I think a lot of these exchanges involve some form of governance training as well – What role should the media play as a governance mechanism? This must also reflect the domestic, constructive role of the media, as opposed to the contentious or democratizing role of the media. These are very different discourses and I think that this will be an interesting space to
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The Dynamic Role of Media in Shaping Bilateral Ties REPNIKOVA, Maria
watch as it develops – how the two compete for influence in this space and how journalists are being trained, what the exchanges are like and how that affects bilateral relations globally. I have done some work on these issues in Central Asia – Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and I found that things are really shifting, with Central Asian journalists often looking at China as an example in learning about governance of the media, as opposed to, say, the U.S. or the western model. So, there is more diversity and more competition in this realm. To conclude, with regard to the challenges and opportunities that are facing the two countries in terms of media governance, although their models of media governance are strikingly different, the challenges that are facing the media in being an effective governance mechanism are actually quite similar. There are various shared challenges: The commercialization factor – Chinese media is actually very successful commercially but is also facing a lot of commercial challenges. Recently there have been probes into corruption in Chinese media (the 21st Century Business Herald) and various issues with bribery that the government is trying to control and contain, in order to improve the credibility of the media. The same is true in the U.S., although it may be more subtle and less heard of. Commercial factors really influence the coverage, especially advertising factors. Journalism education – How to train global journalists and global communicators is, again, a big shared challenge. How do we train them to engage bilaterally but also more globally as active thinkers and effective communicators beyond the media sphere, going to the industry and the government? The social media challenge – Social media is providing a new discourse of foreign affairs, an alternative way of thinking, more information, but also – and this is something that is not talked about as much – gives rise to a lot of nationalistic discourse on both sides. It gives new platforms for more extreme thinking as well. How do we incorporate that and how
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does one engage social media in a constructive way as opposed to giving way to more negative discussions that are maybe less constructive or even destructive for bilateral relations? International reporting – The U.S. is cutting down on funding in international global broadcasting, whereas China has a lot of money invested in this initiative, but, at times, perhaps lacks credibility. This is again a shared challenge in how to affect international audiences. Perhaps more funding is needed on the U.S. side and more credibility or different kinds of approaches to influencing public opinion on the Chinese side is needed, but it is still a shared challenge of communicating globally. Finally, there is a lot of room for cooperation and in many areas this is already happening: Crisis communication is a fascinating area where I think the two countries are collaborating in terms of media governance. A lot of Chinese journalists as well as Chinese officials are coming to the U.S. to learn about crisis communication. Harvard has a particularly fascinating program that trains Chinese policymakers and media professionals in how to deal with crises. Since SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome), China has really revamped its crisis communication approach. It is a lot more transparent now, but still faces various challenges with social media, breaking the news, breaking the crisis and engaging public opinion, while being credible at the same time. Also, having a government presence online is a big issue and is still very much in progress. Professional norms is another area for collaboration. When I was in Beijing and speaking to journalists at CaiXin (財新) magazine, I found that a lot of journalists have come to the New York Times and other publications here to learn about ethics. In fact, the ethics code at CaiXin is adapted from the New York Times. The idea of not accepting bribes and fighting corruption internally and having various restrictions and ethical morals, in some ways, was a result of collaborative efforts with American journalists. I think that
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this is an interesting development that perhaps will be expanded in some form. There is also international reporting on complex issues – the idea of tackling complex global issues together. Issues such as security and money laundering and all kinds of global challenges can be collaborated on between American and Chinese journalists. Social media engagements – I think that on this issue American counterparts could actually learn a lot from China, because the social media landscape is so dynamic there and is continuing to expand. There is so much more room for creative collaboration on the transformation of traditional media into the digital landscape and vice versa, and on how to engage in these platforms for government officials. This is very much a shared experience. At the same time it is important to note that much of this learning has been quite asymmetric. What we are seeing is a lot more learning by China from the United States. Most of the examples I have mentioned concern Chinese officials or journalists coming over here and learning, as opposed to the other way around. So I would hope that there’d be more shared learning, particularly in terms of this constructive role of the media. Not to say that everything has to be positive, but at least to include suggestions and ways forward. I think this is an interesting aspect in which the two could benefit from shared understanding.
* This article is excerpted from the author’s speech at “Sino-US Colloquium (VI) – A New Type of Major-Country Relations and The Roles of Media” held by the China Energy Fund Committee on October 5-6, 2014, at the National Press Club, Washington DC.
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The Dynamic Role of Media in Shaping Bilateral Ties REPNIKOVA, Maria
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