28 minute read
FIRST READ
“They’re locking up my toothpaste.”
– Rev. Al Sharpton, referring to New York City pharmacies placing more items in locked cases due to theft, via MSNBC’s “Morning Joe”
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Hochul dropped requirements that New Yorkers wear masks in places that don’t require proof of vaccination, following cues from multiple other Democratic governors.
MASK MANDATE LIFTED
With the number of COVID-19 cases dropping around the state as the omicron variant surge dies down, Gov. Kathy Hochul announced the end of the statewide mask or vax mandate that required people to wear masks in public spaces where there was not a vaccine mandate enforced. Hochul put the mandate in place late last year and continued to extend it when its expiration drew near. But with a more positive outlook on the trajectory of the pandemic, and recent action by New Jersey and other Democratic states to ease restrictions, Hochul said that New York could drop the mandate. However, the requirement for teachers and students to wear masks at school remains in place, with the governor saying she would reconsider that decision in early March. The statewide
COLD SHOULDER
Public housing residents in New York City have long suffered from negligence by management and life-threatening conditions in their apartments, but a new report revealed the New York City Housing Authority has been leaving residents at one Rockaway building out in the cold for four months. New York politicians criticized NYCHA leaders for a hot water outage that has lasted since November, arguing residents should be entitled to free rent.
“This situation cannot fit into a TikTok.”
– former Mount Vernon Mayor Richard Thomas, on his 537-page letter asking for a pardon and describing a conspiracy to remove him from office, via the New York Post lifting of the mask mandate does not apply to public transportation and health care settings, and any requirements set forth by businesses or municipalities still must be followed.
MR. ADAMS (VIRTUALLY) GOES TO ALBANY
Local leaders from around the state made their budget demands before state lawmakers during the annual “tin cup day” as they testified at a joint legislative hearing. Up first, as always, was the New York City mayor, marking Eric Adams’ first time participating in his new role. He used the opportunity to once again demand changes to recent criminal justice reforms, most notably the bail law that eliminated pretrial detention for the vast majority of charged crimes. Adams requested state lawmakers get rid of cash bail completely, but allow judges the discretion to consider a defendant’s “dangerousness” to determine whether they should be jailed while awaiting trial. He also made the case to tweak “Raise the Age” in order to allow the state to try more teens as adults. Both legislative leaders in Albany have said they have no intention to revisit bail or make other criminal justice reform rollbacks.
CUOMO STILL MAKING HIS CASE
Ex-Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s attorney Rita Glavin once again took to the internet to assail the credibility of the women who said Cuomo sexually harassed them and to attempt to discredit the findings of the state attorney general report into those allegations. The latest press briefing came days after new reporting suggested Cuomo is considering a return to public life with a run for attorney general against Letitia James. Glavin didn’t speculate about her client’s political ambitions, but she did say he would file a complaint against James to the state Supreme Court Attorney Grievance Committee for her conduct in the sexual harassment investigation. The Sexual Harassment Working Group, which advocates for reforms to harassment laws, is filing a complaint with the same committee against Cuomo, asking that he lose his law license.
JUMAANE WILLIAMS GETS A BOOST
New York City Public Advocate Jumaane Williams’ long shot bid for governor got a boost with the endorsement of the Working Families Party. Members of the left-wing party can’t vote in the Democratic primary, but they can help provide progressive candidates with support and resources to get ahead. Their success rate hasn’t been great recently in gubernatorial and other statewide elections, with WFP-endorsed candidates losing primaries the past two cycles. That included Williams himself when the party backed him for lieutenant governor in 2018. The WFP joined a coalition of progressive organizations that had already endorsed Williams for governor, one very similar to the list of supporters who backed him four years ago.
The Working Families Party is supporting Williams for governor, sticking with him after he lost the LG race in 2018.
Hochul’s LLC backers
Gov. Kathy Hochul’s pledge to be “fully transparent” has become a target for her detractors seizing on a string of revelations about her fundraising practices – the latest of which found she didn’t adhere to the mantra when it came to recording some high-dollar donors.
An investigation by New York Focus and The City revealed elected officials in New York have continued to collect money from nameless donors in violation of a 2019 law that required the disclosure of limited liability company owners who gave money to political campaigns. Hochul was among the biggest benefactors of LLC money in 2021, and did not meet the new requirements for a majority of the donations, the investigation found.
Hochul raised a record-breaking $22 million for her reelection campaign in the five months after former Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s resignation. Nearly $400,000 of her fundraising total last year reportedly came from LLCs whose owners were not disclosed to the state Board of Elections by Hochul or the companies.
At least some of the LLCs who donated to Hochul have benefited from her policies, including more than 60 LLCs affiliated with nursing homes and other health groups who had many of their demands met in Hochul’s state budget proposal, The New York Times reported. Gambling companies and the hotel industry were also among the major Hochul donors who were helped by the state budget plan.
Hochul’s reported failure to meet the new requirements was revealed before she was set to host what was described as a “small, private” fundraising dinner on Feb. 10 with Lt. Gov. Brian Benjamin where guests paid up to $45,200 a ticket.
Her campaign declined comment to New York Focus and The City.
A 2019 disclosure law was intended to close what was referred to as the “LLC loophole,” which allowed companies to contribute up to $60,000 to candidates each year. Individuals could donate to multiple candidates multiple times by forming additional LLCs, which anyone can easily create. The reforms capped LLC donations to candidates at $5,000 and required companies to report the owners of the LLCs to the state Board of Elections, with donations attributed to ownership stake. Campaigns were also required to record the same information. New York Focus and The City found that the compliance rate with the 2019 law for the 2,600 LLCs that made donations to political campaigns in New York in 2021 was about 10%. – By Sara Dorn, additional reporting by Zach Williams
THE WEEK AHEAD
WEDNESDAY 2/16
New York City Mayor Eric Adams’ first preliminary budget is due, where he has pledged to make 3% cuts to most city agencies. THURSDAY 2/17
Gov. Kathy Hochul has to submit any 30-day amendments to her proposed budget by this day. INSIDE DOPE
State budget hearings are concluding and Albany Democrats are nearing the real budget talks before the April 1 deadline. FRIDAY 2/18
City & State and AARP New York host a 10 a.m. virtual state legislative forum on prescription drug pricing, featuring state Sen. Gustavo Rivera, Assembly Member Richard Gottfried and others.
NEW YORK POWER COUPLES
Celebrating Valentine’s Day for the first time in new elected offices.
By Jeff Coltin
There’s been a lot of change since last Valentine’s Day. For example, there are new people holding some of the most powerful positions in the state. But some of the people holding these offices have found some steadiness in their lives – with other political power players. Here are a few of New York’s new power couples that don’t just wake up with City & State’s First Read – they wake up together.
Gov. Kathy Hochul & William Hochul, senior vice president, general counsel and secretary for
Delaware North There was once a time when she was married to U.S. Attorney for the Western District of New York William Hochul. Now he is married to the governor. But Bill can’t talk to Kathy too much about work – she has recused herself from any dealings with the hospitality company he works for, which has state contracts.
New York City Council Member Lincoln Restler & Anna Poe-Kest, principal
at New Deal Strategies Even the Bill de Blasio haters can admit he did something good by bringing these two together, who met on his 2013 mayoral transition team. And Lincoln Restler winning office wasn’t the only recent big news – the Greenpointers just got engaged.
Lt. Gov. Brian Benjamin & Cathleen McCadden Benjamin, chief of staff at New York State Homes
and Community Renewal The second couple of New York state is also the first couple of Harlem. “Anyone will tell you in Harlem she’s more popular than me,” the LG said of his wife, who once worked for then-Assembly Member Keith Wright.
New York City Council Member Julie Won & Eugene Noh, Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union
political director Julie Won didn’t have to look far for a campaign manager for her run in Western Queens – her husband, who had recently worked on Rep. Max Rose’s race, did it. The pair were married in August 2020 and are expecting their first child in March.
New York City Council Member Crystal Hudson & Sasha Ahuja, national director of strategic partnerships for the Planned Parent-
hood Federation of America Get yourself a partner who will gush about you online – even your official council portrait. The couple were on different sides in last year’s mayoral race, but they’re starting the year seeing eye to eye with new jobs.
New York City Comptroller Brad Lander & Meg Barnette, president and CEO of Nonprofit New
York He may be the progressive darling in city government, but the comptroller also has a darling of his own. Barnette is the voice of mission-driven organizations in the city, while Lander is the voice of many dad jokes.
A Q&A with Tech:NYC Executive Director
JASON MYLES CLARK
What attracted you to Tech:NYC and led to you taking this job? I feel like we are at a flashpoint when we’re talking about technology and its relationship with New York City. If there’s one thing that we’ve seen over this past year during the pandemic, it is that the tech industry has really been doing a lot to bolster the economy and (making) sure that we have jobs and figuring out innovative solutions to issues we’ve been dealing with for a long time. Especially coming in at a time where we have Mayor Eric Adams, who has talked a lot about what we can be able to do with technology, with a governor (like) Kathy Hochul who has also expressed an interest in really being able to reach the potential that we see for the tech industry – it just seems like an opportunity where we can really be able to have a meaningful impact.
Is technology, or the issues facing technology companies, something you focused on in your previous jobs? Yeah, I have a little bit of a unique relationship when it comes to technology and getting to this point. Before this, I had actually been a partner at a litigation firm called HamiltonClark, where some of the work that I did was assisting with making sure that tech startups in the criminal justice space were able to reach their strategic goals. Likewise, one of the things that had always been important to me was education and knowing how the education I got here in New York City helped be able to give me opportunities that, frankly, a lot of folks in Southeast Queens just didn’t have. To that end, we started a program called DREAMChasers, which provides digital and virtual online learning to folks from low-income and underrepresented backgrounds so that they can be able to get into some of the top high schools and some of the specialized high schools here in the city.
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Tech:NYC’s work is pretty expansive – working with government leaders to bolster the sector, attracting new startups, advocating for tech-focused policies solutions as well as favorable regulations. Are you looking at any particular areas as initial points of focus?
I would definitely say workforce development. I want to make sure that we’re doing everything we can to build jobs out here. I want to make sure that the tech industry is something that’s accessible to all New Yorkers, regardless of your background. We need to do more to ensure that there are more entry points, so that folks can be able to have some of these software engineering jobs or have some of these IT jobs or be able to build the next startup out there. – Annie McDonough
Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie is one of the longest serving speakers in state history, and he’s still got his conference on his side.
Prince of the Assembly
By Rebecca C. Lewis
TO AN OUTSIDE observer, Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie can seem somewhat reserved. Publicly, he’s never been one for bouts of passion, generally opting to wait, listen and respond in due time, a calculated approach appropriate for a former accountant. His unassuming nature made his ultimate rise to power in the wake of former Speaker Sheldon Silver’s expulsion seem unexpected to some observers, though savvy politicos hadn’t forgotten Heastie’s successful bid to take control of the Bronx Democratic Party years earlier. It’s in this way that Heastie quietly made history as the first Black speaker of the Assembly, keeping his grasp on his conference for the past seven years during which Albany underwent monumental change. But Heastie is more than a reserved deal-maker who was likened to his predecessor when he took the position. He’s also a nerd with a love for the likes of Prince and “Star Trek.” His eyes lit up when I sat next to him at an airport while awaiting a flight to a legislative conference in Puerto Rico and asked him about the finer points of redshirt mortality. Heastie had dressed up as Prince on numerous occasions, and he regularly wears the late great artist’s symbol around his neck when dressed casually. More than one Assembly member mentioned Heastie’s dance floor prowess when Jay-Z (his favorite rapper) comes on. “I tell him that sometimes I wish that he would exude more of that in his public image,” said former Bronx Borough President Rubén Díaz Jr., a longtime friend and former Assembly colleague of Heastie’s. This other side to Heastie in many ways reflects his current status in the Capitol. Once a young, progressive upstart, the speaker has now become an Albany veteran, a member of an old-school class of lawmakers. This is not dissimilar to the original “Star Trek,” the only version of the franchise Heastie thinks is worth watching. Once a bastion for progress when it aired in the ’60s, it now comes across as dated to younger audiences as standards have changed. Prince too once
pushed the boundaries on concepts like gender in ways that have become far more commonplace. The world advanced around these pop culture phenomena just as Albany has evolved around Heastie.
His impressive staying power has made him the last of the “three men in a room” – the three state leaders who traditionally have made the most important legislative decisions and who, until just 2019, have always been men. Heastie now joins Gov. Kathy Hochul and state Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins in that room.
Beginning his eighth year as speaker, he’s already one of the longest serving Assembly
leaders in the chamber’s history. But interviews with over a dozen of his members from across the state and ideological spectrum painted the image of a well-respected leader doing an admirable job wrangling an enormous 107-member conference, currently only slightly smaller due to a handful of reliably Democratic vacancies. And despite the sea changes that have characterized the state Capitol the past several years, neither Heastie’s grip nor his member’s loyalty seem any weaker than when he first took on the role. In fact, after years of a Republican state Senate and an intransigent governor, he may just be hitting his stride.
WHEN ASKED ABOUT Heastie’s leadership of the Democratic conference, most members who spoke to City & State were quick to praise his accessibility (perhaps unsurprising given the speaker’s immense power), especially those who previously served under Silver. Although not all were willing to directly speak ill of the recently deceased Assembly giant, the consensus was clear: Heastie’s door is as open as Silver’s was shut. “I had the distinct opportunity of serving with the prior speaker and under the leadership of Carl Heastie, and it was totally different,” said Democratic Assembly Member Michaelle Solages of Long Island. “Now as members, we have an opportunity to have a dialogue, have an opportunity to shape and configure legislation.” She recalled that under Silver’s reign, she received a warning not to get pregnant because it would kill a woman’s career. “It’s quite the opposite under the leadership of Carl Heastie.”
A spokesperson for Heastie, who declined an interview for this piece, focused on the speaker’s dedication to his members during his years as leader and indicated that he doesn’t plan on going anywhere any time soon. “From day one he has been a consensus builder and is keenly aware of the needs of his conference,” Mike Whyland said in an email to City & State, attaching a list of accomplishments including landmark criminal justice reforms, the $15 minimum wage and fully funding foundation aid for schools. “There is much
– Assembly Member Jeffrion Aubry
more work to be done and the Speaker and his majority colleagues are looking forward to addressing these issues.”
The Democratic conference under Heastie’s guidance since 2015 could be compared to a rambunctious family of strong personalities, each wanting to get talking time during dinner. Heastie invites that dynamic, allowing his members to discuss with each other and with him in order to find the best path forward. “(He’s) more determined to find consensus … open to the debate that gets you to that consensus,” said Assembly Member Jeffrion Aubry, the longtime speaker pro tempore who leads debate on the Assembly floor. “Shelly wasn’t so open – I think when he saw that kind of debate, he would turn his stone face on, as we used to say.” Where Silver led from the top down, Heastie’s members describe a much more collaborative approach to the conference.
Members can access Heastie directly, each having his cell number to text or call him. “He does take the time to talk to all of his members when they have an issue,” said Assembly Member Maritza Davila of Brooklyn. “Imagine having all of these members having different thoughts, different ways they represent their own district. … He does do his job gracefully, and it’s not an easy job.” That sentiment also came up many times among his members: a lack of envy for the task of controlling such a large body. “I was the minority leader of the Monroe County Legislature, so a similar position – albeit I only had to deal with 14 members of my conference,” Assembly Member Harry Bronson of Rochester said with a laugh. “It was a lot easier than dealing with the number of members in our conference, but this speaker does it.”
SOMETHING OF AN old-timer now – he was first elected to the Assembly over two decades ago – Heastie was once the fresh blood in the Bronx, joining with a group of like-minded Black young officials like former borough president Díaz to form the Rainbow Rebels in 2008. At the time, Heastie already occupied his seat in the Assembly and fended off an attempt by county leadership, then largely controlled by Latino politicos, to unseat him. As part of the rebellion, he took over the party from former leader José Rivera – who still serves under Heastie in the Assembly – ushering in a new era for the Bronx Democratic Party. Unlike other political machines in New York City, the one in the Bronx has managed to quietly continue operating and evolving in ways that once powerful operations like the Queens and Brooklyn Democratic parties haven’t. It’s now led by state Sen. Jamaal Bailey, a well-known progressive advocate for criminal justice reform.
Managing competing Bronx interests in the diverse borough likely helped prepare Heastie for his eventual job as speaker of the Assembly. “You know the Frank Sinatra song ‘New York?’” Díaz asked before singing the famous chorus about making it in the Big Apple. “As it relates to politics, if you can make it in Bronx politics, you can deal with all kinds of personalities in the city of New York and throughout the state of New York.” According to his members, Heastie has consistently made it a point to ensure that each person, regardless of their ideology or geography, not only is heard, but feels listened to as sometimes debilitating divides like those between upstate and downstate constantly threaten conference harmony.
One way that plays out is Heastie’s visits to member districts far from his own
Heastie, posing with state Sen. Jamaal Bailey, nerds out on Prince, left, and “Star Trek,” right.
Despite immense public pressure, Heastie did not move to impeach then-Gov. Andrew Cuomo.
home in the Bronx. Assembly Member Donna Lupardo described one time he visited her Southern Tier District, saying he generally liked to get out and about beyond official engagements. “I brought him to a Prince tribute concert and I brought him to a brewery that was serving ‘Purple Rain’ beer,” Lupardo said. “He really wants to see and experience the place that we represent … It’s kind of unusual to see him enjoying the activities we have going on.” Asked how often Silver visited her district, Lupardo answered quickly. “Never.”
Even in times of turmoil, Heastie has managed to maintain a steady hand and keep both new and old members in line. Last year offered a good example as a new class of progressive insurgents took office during a pandemic that relegated nearly all interactions to Zoom. It was a recipe for misunderstandings, rising tensions and hot tempers that led to a number of public instances of disunity and discord.
A heated conference exchange that involved swearing and middle fingers between freshman Bronx Assembly Member Amanda Septimo and Westchester Assembly Member Tom Abinanti wound up in the news. Septimo said the speaker called her after the incident, when she said he essentially talked her off the edge and calmed her down as she expressed her frustrations with what she considered a lack of respect for new members. “But then, I was really pleasantly surprised and grateful about that the next day … he started conference by saying, ‘You know guys, I know tensions run high, I know that things are crazy, I know we’re all stressed, but we all have to find a way to be in this space and be respectful,’” Septimo recalled, adding that Heastie’s sentiments to the conference helped the overall temperature. “I was surprised then, but I’m not surprised anymore.”
In a somewhat similar situation, Westchester Assembly Member Amy Paulin said she felt supported by the speaker when she bore the brunt of attacks from fellow Democrats, including in her own conference, when she expressed some concerns during debate over the Excluded Workers Fund to give aid to unemployed immigrants who don’t have documentation. Protesters would call her out by name and criticize her for what they called xenophobic opposition to the fund. “There was a misunderstanding about my position on the issue of excluded workers and a couple of us were attacked,” Paulin said. “Carl was so supportive until those attacks ceased. So I continue to feel the support and the relationship and I’m a big fan.”
That’s not to say that members don’t have critiques of their speaker. After several leaks from the conference – including actual audio from a private meeting on impeachment that briefly halted voting on the chamber floor when it was reported – Heastie decided that he would temporarily split up the conference into multiple sections with different members. Newer and more progressive members got the short end of the stick with their group placed last in the order during which they met. The message was clear – the freshman and left-wing contingent of the conference got the blame even though, as Paulin would point out to Heastie in conference meetings, leaks are nothing new.
Although some members felt Heastie handled the situation as best he could – including veteran Assembly Member Richard Gottfried – others thought a different route would have been more appropriate. “With that situation, I felt that it shouldn’t have gotten tighter, it shouldn’t have gotten more paranoid and kind of clamping down,” said Manhattan Assembly Member Yuh-Line Niou, who was part of that last group to meet when Heastie split up conference meetings. While she respects Heastie’s commitment to learning about the district-specific issues of his members, Niou felt he could have handled this situation differently. “There’s always been leaks, and it was like people were blaming the younger progressives, which I felt was silly.” Septimo offered similar frustrations about the situation. “It didn’t feel punitive, but it didn’t feel like the solution to the problem,” she said.
BACK IN THE pre-pandemic times, Assembly members had an informal basketball team that would play when they gathered in Albany. Aubry, the longtime speaker pro tempore, took over coaching when a heart attack prevented him from playing anymore. That meant he also coached Heastie. “I’ve had to bench the speaker on occasion,” Aubry joked. Heastie’s role on the court can be compared to his role as speaker – he served as the team’s point guard.
But his participation in the recreational activity speaks to another part of his approach to governance that has made his leadership successful thus far. It offered an example of Heastie’s more personable side, one that members of the public don’t necessarily see as he checked his ego at the court and played a game with his fellow members. “I think a part of him feeling a part of us, is being a part of us more than just being a leader or someone in charge.” This doesn’t just materialize through friendly ball games. “I’ve seen him when he’s line dancing with the members,” Brooklyn Assembly Member Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn said, recalling antics at the annual Black, Puerto Rican, Hispanic and Asian caucus weekend that Heastie attends.
Bichotte Hermelyn offered a more sobering example of Heastie’s personal touch with members, speaking about his attendance at the funeral of fellow Brooklyn Assembly Member Phara Souffrant Forrest’s father. A freshman in the chamber, Souffrant Forrest ran an insurgent campaign against Walter Mosley, who Heastie worked to keep in his seat. “He waited,” Bichotte Hermelyn recalled. “I mean, we were like the first ones there.” Souffrant Forrest, who was not available for an interview, confirmed that Heastie did attend her father’s funeral last year. In a brief statement provided to City & State, she said the speaker works to communicate with members in order to build consensus. “Everyone can say that they’ve had a genuine personal conversation with him,” she added.
Everyone, that is, except maybe Davila. “There’s never” – said with emphasis – “been any personal conversation between the speaker and I,” she said when asked about what he was like when the cameras weren’t rolling. “Ever.” No small talk, no questions about how the kids are doing. But Davila wouldn’t have it any other way. “I
– Assembly Member Yuh-Line Niou
don’t want to be friends with anybody,” she said of lawmakers in Albany, preferring to keep things strictly business to deliver for her constituents. The dichotomy between Heastie’s very different interactions with the two members offers insight into how he deals with lawmakers with different personalities and likely different expectations from him as a leader. It also illuminates a degree of adaptability to meet the specific needs of those under his leadership.
That’s perhaps why, in his seven years as speaker, no challenge to his position has emerged, serious or otherwise. Some progressive freshmen indicated their support was not guaranteed after they won their primary elections. That included Souffrant Forrest. But when the time came, no viable alternative arose, and they voted for another two years of Heastie like the rest of the members. Those interviewed for this piece, old and new alike, recognized Heastie’s attempts to evolve with his conference as he welcomed an influx of new members.
HEASTIE’S TENURE HAS certainly not been beyond reproach among members though, with tensions in 2021 – the most recent and obvious example. The speaker got a lot of heat for the Assembly’s decision not to impeach former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, a sign of a leader willing to take the brunt of criticism for members of the Judiciary Committee to some, but a potentially damning decision to others. Septimo told City & State that if any consequences from that decision become apparent in the future, she would have to reevaluate her position on Heastie. She indicated that others who also thought the speaker erred may share her mindset. In that vein, freshman Queens Assembly Member Jessica González-Rojas – another who flirted with the idea of not supporting Heastie for speaker – offered overall positive sentiments on his job performance in a position she doesn’t envy, but that she continues to watch how he responds to new changes within the conference.
Heastie also faced criticism for not strongly speaking out against the governor when the scandal around COVID19 deaths in nursing homes really broke open. He stayed quiet, and statements he did issue came off as weak compared to the fire lit within his chamber. That stayed true even when Queens Assembly Member Ron Kim publicly came under attack from Cuomo, with Niou telling City & State at the time that she felt Heastie didn’t adequately stand up for Kim in the face of attacks. Though even then, most members didn’t break ranks, declining to discuss their opinions on the speaker’s actions, or lack thereof, on the matter of rescinding Cuomo’s emergency powers.
Even if critiques or mistakes were to begin to add up in the minds of progressive members, a key ingredient remains missing for a theoretical uprising against Heastie: a challenger. None of the new members have expressed any interest in taking over the leadership position, and none of the veterans would name anyone specific when asked who could potentially replace him. Not that there is a desire on Heastie’s part to leave nor on members to see him go – many said that he offered no indication he planned to give up his post in the near future, and they said that they would attempt to convince him to stay should such a conversation take place.
Also missing are the numbers required for any sort of rebellion. The new class of progressive Assembly members only began taking office a less than a decade ago, with the largest chunk elected just in 2020. “Culture shift takes time,” González-Rojas aptly pointed out, careful to add that she isn’t trying to say she’d like to see a new speaker. Each and every one could (in theory) want to see him gone and even find someone to run against him for speaker, but Heastie’s support among the vast majority of his 107-member conference likely won’t waver. “No matter who you are, first you’ve got to be able to count, as I always say to Carl,” Aubry said. “We have the votes. No matter what people say, we have the votes.” ■
