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New Yo
New York Next, the special pull-out section on what the economic crisis will mean for the future of the city begins after page 18.
sands nd thou the jobs—a r of l-sector epicente ways e financia economic in shaken and nds mor will be r. of thousa the geographic long term to make clea n the end s. At te and un s will be e will mea ancillar y field the immedia Ser vice only beg et alon ths has re in freefall. e from ther they Wall Stre k’s futu past few mon of thos well into le effect, whe Yor is ses top get on New ripp busines more over the The state bud l crisis, at their feel the atfinancia k market k is thre the red. kers will nues stack up global ng stoc New Yor ing into s. All New Yor rollicki er reve is dipp of life in l. that the expand budget ching slow quality But is as wel The city need for them ed homes, wat paid. Overall Yorker e robust. be clos le the every New nger and mor m may be cut whi in suddenly fore simply cannot -ter stro life for of long each lity g of city that world al qua are livin down at bills re—the rse of the rging out individu re, eme r the cou f not befo s, the policies alte s—i or staring same time that h times befo will year year s, ation the hin five d toug hin five five year ent situ ened at is not. Wit ic recovery. Wit Within k has face how the curr re d. Yor New futu faile ng New ict ediate econom un to work or improvi d. ng to pred the imm partial mises of er beg at least while tryi looking into evaluate es on pro have eith toward readily ble, r city offic can then be impossi be headed place today will that and othe in city will mayor records and the ussed and put s, with s next. races for being disc s the 2009 end of their term New York goe ewin re secr be at the out whe whoever to become as the ’ lives will rs, we will fint her hington Yorkers joining for Was five yea ng arting Within Reserve ges faci be dep 6 challen Federal of N?P )'(* or senator mayof the New York s not mean the The implosion . d doe Our juni serious the hea but that deeply state and the treasury, tary of less than etar y of are anything e new secr stat and the city
Vol. 3, No. 7
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Making sense of the last eight years
December 2008
D TO
G !HEA
,OOKIN
December 2008
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CITY HALL
From the policy prophets and political psychics Kevin Wardally
Senior Vice President for Political and Governmental Affairs, Bill Lynch Associates
What do you see happening in New York politics in 2009? I see two incumbents in the City Council going down to defeat, and I see a woman replacing Hillary Clinton in the U.S. Senate. What will be the surprise political story of 2009? Charlie Rangel staying as chair of Ways and Means. What will we realize about the 2008 election that we don’t yet? In the state election I think what we will realize is that there’s a whole pool of Democratic voters, especially in communities of color, that can be mined and caused to turn out if given the right motivation. What would be the book title to describe New York politics in 2009? The Return of Progressive Politics in New York City and State Who do you think should be our next senator? Carolyn Maloney. Prediction for 2008 that missed: The Democratic ticket will be Clinton/Richardson. Prediction for 2008 that hit: Rudolph Giuliani will not do as well as everybody thinks he will do. Giuliani will fall flat.
Norman Adler Founder, Bolton St. Johns
What do you see happening in New York politics in 2009? All of New York politics in 2009 will be overshadowed by the financial situation in the city, state and nation, and we ought to really be looking back to the ’70s for some hints about what we can expect. What will be the surprise political story of 2009? Well, it could be that one or more of our officials winds up in the Obama administration, like the borough president of the Bronx maybe, though I don’t know how much of a surprise that would be. Maybe the surprise would be that Bloomberg winds up in the Obama administration. If I were Obama I’d try to get him.
What will we realize about the 2008 election that we don’t yet? That our expectations of how good the outcome was going to be for New York City were greatly exaggerated. The Democrats captured the State Senate, so the whole expectation is that New York City will do better. We’ve got a huge majority in both houses of Congress and our New York people are very senior, Obama was elected president, he’s a progressive Democrat—that’s usually good for cities. My suggestion is that our hopes may not be realized. What would be the book title to describe New York politics in 2009? Let’s take a page from Dickens and say Great Expectations. Who do you think should be our next senator? Jerry Nadler, but he won’t be. Prediction for 2008 that missed: Clinton and Giuliani would be the presidential nominees. Prediction for 2008 that hit: There will be changes in senior staffing in the state executive branch.
John Faso
Former Assembly Minority Leader; Partner, Manatt, Phelps & Phillips LLP
What do you see happening in New York politics in 2009? I think a struggle at the state, city and local levels with government budgets, and I think it’s going to be a very, very difficult year for government at all levels.
the year we were consumed by it and we have been ever since. I think that should be a sobering caution for everyone who thinks they can so readily predict how thinks will work out. What would be the book title to describe New York politics in 2009? Maybe We Can’t, as opposed to Yes We Can. Who do you think should be our next senator? I think someone in the Pat Moynihan tradition. That person right now is not apparent, is certainly not in our congressional delegation. I mean, Pat Moynihans don’t come around too often. Prediction for 2008 that missed: Rudy has a very good chance of being elected. In a close election. Prediction for 2008 that almost hit: Book title to describe 2008 would have been Day 730: Everything Changes.
Ed Koch Former Mayor
What do you see happening in New York politics in 2009? The city, state and federal government will give 90 percent of their attention to the financial situation and their budgets. We are in for turmoil and sacrifice.
What will be the surprise political story of 2009? If I knew, it wouldn’t be a surprise.
What will be the surprise political story of 2009? India and Pakistan resolve their underlying problem by Pakistan going after Al-Qaeda and Taliban and rooting it out.
What will we realize about the 2008 election that we don’t yet? I think the unpredictable events that will happen that will wind up directing the focus of the new Obama administration. I remember in 2001, no one was talking about terrorism and the threat of Islamic extremism, and yet just nine months into
What will we realize about the 2008 election that we don’t yet? That the country has shed in large measure its prejudices against minorities including—in large measure shed its prejudices—against the minorities including blacks, Hispanics, Jews, gays and others. >> Continued on page 4
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December 2008
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CITY HALL just don’t see that driving things as much as some Thompson supporters would like or hope. What would be the book title to describe New York politics in 2009? From Here to Eternity, because this election season is going to sound like it’s going on for freaking ever. The budget fights are going to go on for freaking ever, the battle in the state is going to go on for freaking ever. I’m already sick of 2009 and it hasn’t started yet. And everything’s grim. Who do you think should be our next senator? I’m from Chicago, so I think I have to say it should go to the highest bidder.
From the policy prophets and political psychics >> Continued from page 2 What would be the book title to describe New York politics in 2009? The City Comes Through Who do you think should be our next senator? Andrew Cuomo. Prediction for 2008 that missed: I see Eliot Spitzer recovering from a lousy first year and going to new heights. Prediction for 2008 that almost hit: Democrats will elect a veto-proof Congress, but they won’t need it.
Mickey Carroll
Director, Quinnipiac Polling Group Institute
What do you see happening in New York politics in 2009? A lot. There’s going to be an unprecedented mayoral race. A few months ago it was illegal to seek a third term. Not to mention a fiscal disaster that the city and state are going to have to cope with. Who do you think should be our next senator? There are so many imponderables. Not trying to be cute—let’s name characteristics and not names. If I could figure it out, I could get paid as a seer. What will be the surprise political story of 2009? That our outgoing senator achieves peace in our time. It’s not easily done. What will we realize about the 2008 election that we don’t yet? We will find out who Obama really is. Is he absolutely sure of himself as he appears? So far, he looks good. He’s moving quickly and being very professional. He’s got the team set. Now they have to get on the field and play. What would be the book title to describe New York politics in 2009? How about just a great big question mark. Prediction for 2008 that missed: If Hillary Clinton gets knocked off, in Iowa or New Hampshire, I’ve got to believe it will be Gore. Prediction for 2008 that hit: Book title to describe 2008 would have been Unprecedented.
Tom Ognibene Former Council Minority Leader
What do you see happening in New York Politics in 2009? A gubernatorial run by Rudy Giuliani, who is absolutely the best choice judging by the job he did as the mayor of New York City. The Republican Party will control the mayoral race because of the eventual split between Independent Bloomberg and Democrat Weiner. When the smoke clears the mayor will be a fusion candidate seeking the Republican line.
What will be the surprise political story of 2009? David Paterson will nominate himself for Hillary Clinton’s Senate seat. He wants out of the governorship. What will we realize about the 2008 election that we don’t yet? We will realize that the Republican Party is adrift. They committed suicide versus being beat by the Democrats with the cooperation of the media. McCain was never the best candidate. Giuliani would have been the better candidate. What would be the book title to describe New York politics in 2009? Republican Party: More Powerful Than People Think in New York Prediction for 2008 that missed: Notwithstanding Dennis Haysbert on 24, America is not ready for an African-American president. Prediction for 2008 that hit: People are going to begin to see through Hillary Clinton. It’s not going to be determined early.
Adam Lisberg
City Hall Bureau Chief, New York Daily News
What do you see happening in New York politics in 2009? It’s going to be a tougher year for the mayor because you’re going to have Bill Thompson and Anthony Weiner, assuming both stay in, beating him up on substance, and the last time someone tried to beat up the mayor on substance was 2005. In retrospect the timing wasn’t right for Freddy Ferrer’s message, but maybe it is now. What will be the surprise political story of 2009? I’ve always had a soft spot for Tony Avella’s mayoral campaign. Guy’s got no money and he’s proud of it. Guy’s quirky, to be charitable, saying the city has been sold out to developers and saying the city has been sliced and diced by the big guys and someone has to look out for the little guy. … The surprise that I’d like to see, but probably won’t see, is Bloomberg and Tony Avella having a real debate on the merits. What will we realize about the 2008 election that we don’t yet? That it wasn’t about race. Bill Thompson, he’s certainly not saying that his strategy is about race, but he can’t avoid the comparisons to Dinkins winning the year after Jesse Jackson’s campaign. Bill Thompson is not out there saying, “I’m the black candidate,” let’s get that straight. Nevertheless, he is at the moment the black candidate and if you’re looking for a racial dynamic to play into that, I
Gerson Borrero Columnist, El Diario/La Prensa
What do you see happening in New York politics in 2009? Miguelito Bloomberg being rejected not by the court but by the voters, who in their infinite wisdom will give him the Bronx cheer. He’ll get a good lesson in life: money can’t buy you a city. What will be the surprise political story of 2009? Hillary Clinton won’t get the secretary of state position and we will still have Hillary to kick around in this state. What will we realize about the 2008 election that we don’t yet? That the change Obama spoke about is not about getting elected but about a new way of doing things. We have a U.S. president perceived as a global leader—that still hasn’t hit us yet. What would be the book title to describe New York politics in 2009? My, My, How We’re Still Learning Prediction for 2008 that missed: Presidential tickets: Edwards/Obama, Huckabee/ McCain, Bloomberg/Schwarzenegger
Dominic Carter Anchor, Inside City Hall
What do you see happening in New York politics in 2009? We will continue to see Gov. David Paterson reach out to all. It will be a bit rocky with Democrats in charge of all three branches. Senator Smith is up to the job in the Senate, but he certainly has his hands full. What will be the surprise political story of 2009? The surprise political story will be if Malcolm Smith can keep control of the Senate and be able to run it. What will we realize about the 2008 election that we don’t yet? The lesson of 2008 is that conventional wisdom can be wrong. In 2008 conventional wisdom was out the window. What would be the book title to describe New York politics in 2009? The Eye of the Storm Who do you think will be our next senator? Caroline Kennedy is the safe bet, or the governor could make a surprise pick from left field. Prediction for 2008 that missed: I think that we’re going to continue to see a kinder and gentler Gov. Spitzer. We’ll see a softer side, for the entire year, of the governor’s personality. Prediction for 2008 that almost hit: Conventional wisdom, when it comes to number two on the tickets, goes completely out the window.
Decent, Affordable Housing n o i t c A o t l l a C A
Affordable housing has been declining in New York City for years. The economic crisis now threatens a fullblown housing emergency for the City’s working families, disabled and senior citizens. Our single most important source of affordable housing is the New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA). Providing homes for over 400,000 residents, it is the nation’s largest public housing system. Today, after nearly a decade of federal cuts, the very future of NYCHA is at risk. Growing maintenance deficiencies and the declining condition of public housing cannot be fixed without the renewed support of the federal government. The Executive Board of Teamsters Local 237, representing nearly 9,000 NYCHA employees, invites you to join us in addressing this problem. Contact your U.S. Senators and Congressional Representative today and urge them to support funding for public housing. When Congress considers economic stimulus legislation — whether in a special session or in the new Congress — it is imperative that greater resources for the Public Housing Capital Fund be included in the list of critical infrastructure projects. While contributing to NYCHA’s $6 billion backlog of capital needs, this dedicated funding will also generate jobs and economic activity. According to the NYC Building & Construction Trades Council, $500 million in new capital spending would result in as many as 3,500 new jobs. But the most important reason to fulfill the government’s obligations is the health and safety of residents. Sadly, we have learned that deferring maintenance has deadly consequences. Two recent tragedies — the death of 5-year old Jacob Neuman and another incident involving the death of a baby — are linked to budget cuts and shortages of elevator maintenance staff. We welcome your help in providing quality, affordable housing for New York City’s working families, disabled and senior citizens. Thank you for taking action on this crucial issue. Contact your representatives today.
To learn more about Local 237’s Campaign to Save Public Housing, go to www.local237.org Teamsters Local 237 Executive Board Gregory Floyd, President Richard Hendershot, Vice President
Ruben Torres, Secretary-Treasurer Patricia Stryker, Recording Secretary
Evaristo Pablon, Jr., Noreen Hollingsworth, Edmund Kane, Trustees
City Employees Union Local 237, 216 West 14th Street, New York, NY 10011-7296
December 2008
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CITY HALL
Doubts on Thompson’s Mayoral Run Continue to Clog Progress in Comptroller Race Skepticism complicates politics across the city, down to Council candidacies By Andrew J. HAwkins
they must decide whether to run for a new office or for re-election. And for those who hey have been making the rounds, choose a race for comptroller, there will be traveling the five boroughs, raising money and no going back, though they all say that they corralling supporters, all while keeping an eye would not challenge him in a primary— on William Thompson, Jr. (D), the man they hope to although in the eyes of the Democratic consultant, Thompson would be vulnerable replace. But the three candidates for comptroller—City to a primary challenge from any of the Council members David Weprin (D-Queens), Melinda Katz prospective candidates if he reneges and (D-Queens) and David Yassky (D-Brooklyn)—are still seeks re-election. Weprin, for one, said he knows for a fact battling against the uncertainty surrounding Thompson’s run for mayor, as well as the fast-approaching deadline Thompson will run, since the comptroller when they will have to officially decide whether to seek appeared on the host committee for a Dec. 14 fundraiser for him. Thompson’s office or their own. “I don’t think he would be doing that if Then there is Bronx Borough President Adolfo Carrión (D), who might be skipping out on his own he was planning on running for re-election,” planned run for comptroller, with rampant speculation Weprin said. According to an aide to the comptroller, that he will be tapped to join President-elect Barack Thompson’s decision to be involved in Obama’s administration. Even as many expressed doubts, Thompson has been the Weprin fundraiser has less to do with painstakingly clear about running for mayor in 2009. supporting Weprin’s candidacy and more to But despite a campaign operation beginning to roll out do with silencing rumors that Thompson is not a serious and a website with clear intentions emblazed along candidate for mayor, an aide to the comptroller said. “I’m sure some people are reading into this, ‘Oh this the top launched, he still has not convinced many in political circles around the city. In the end, they insist, is an endorsement,’” the aide said. “The other flip of this the comptroller will eventually take a pass at running is people saying, ‘If he’s doing this for someone running against Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s (Ind.) popularity for comptroller, this must mean Bill’s definitely running for mayor.’” and millions, just as he did in 2005. Nonetheless, there is a ripple effect to the perceived “He’s put an exclamation point on his candidacy for mayor,” said one prominent Democratic consultant, indecision politicos claim to see beyond Thompson’s discussing Thompson’s recent efforts to squash the ever-more adamant words. Further down the ballot, doubts and the quandary this leaves his would-be resentment is simmering as prospective Council successors in for next year. “But it has been a problem candidates for seats that might be vacated by prospective for all three of the people who say they’re going to stay comptroller candidates look for a concrete no-turninguntil the bitter end of this race, because people feel that back signal from Thompson. “It’s been very frustrating,” said Dave Kerpen, a public if Thompson decides to fall back to comptroller, they’re relations executive who has been planning on running probably not going to run against him.” However, while the candidates hoping to succeed for Weprin’s seat. “I’m faced with the situation in which publicly I have an open seat, but privately everybody I talk to seems “It’s been very frustrating,” said to know better.” Dave Kerpen, who has been planKerpen said he will not campaign or raise money until he knows that ning on running for David Weprin’s Weprin will not be running for reseat. “I’m faced with the situation in election. which publicly I have an open seat, Isaac Abraham, a hardware store owner who hoped to be the first but privately everybody I talk to Hasidic Jew to serve on the City seems to know better.” Council, is facing a similar situation. Abraham said he has stopped him admit their campaigns seemed dead in the water actively campaigning for Yassky’s seat in Brooklyn. “I’m caught between a rock and a hard place,” immediately after the vote to extend term limits, they say things have picked up since Thompson has become Abraham said. The skepticism surrounding Thompson complicates more adamant about running. “Folks have slowly but surely started to acknowledge how the candidates can spend their campaign cash. that Billy is really running for mayor,” Katz said. “It’s All three have raised upwards of $2 million, but each is limited in the amount they can spend depending on becoming a little easier now.” Complicating things, Thompson does not officially have which office they seek. Both Katz and Weprin have spent more than the to file petitions for a mayoral run until June, while those seeking his job must declare their intentions by Jan. 10, maximum amount allowed for re-election, which is the deadline set by the Campaign Finance Board by which $161,000 for Council elections and far less than the $3.8 scott williams
T
million spending cap for the comptroller’s race. Yassky said the campaign finance questions are certainly annoying, adding that the debate over the extension of term limits—which he voted to approve— was a distraction that cast confusion over all the races in 2009. Only now is he starting to see some of that confusion lifting. “Right now it really is just insiders talking to others inside the echo chamber,” he said. Yassky made clear that even though he was planning on running in 2009, if Thompson does indeed decide to seek re-election, he does not believe his candidacy would be hurt by postponing until 2013. “I’m nimble enough to react to changing circumstances,” he said. Before Bloomberg went forward with his plan to extend term limits, the comptroller’s race was shaping up to be the marquee attraction for 2009, at one time expected to attract at least seven candidates. Now, with Carrión potentially heading to Washington, the field could have dropped to three, and in what seems to be the clearest sign of the doubts that Thompson will jump, no one else has so far emerged to seek a position with high profile and prime patronage opportunities. This is in contrast to the public advocate’s race, which has been attracting new candidates on an almost weekly basis since the news broke that Betsy Gotbaum (D) would not seek another term. But Thompson, who is the source of all this consternation, is trying to stay above it all. In recent weeks, he has come out in opposition to the proposal to toll the East River bridges and offered a plan to pump billions into the Metropolitan Transportation Authority’s budget gap, all while both Bloomberg and likely primary rival Rep. Anthony Weiner (D-Brooklyn/Queens) continue to outpoll him. And he is ready, his supporters insist, to move out of the way and allow the race to succeed him really begin. “Bill is not frustrated,” Thompson’s aide said. “He’s been coming out of the gate.” ahawkins@cityhallnews.com
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December 2008
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CITY HALL
Capano’s ’08 Loss Might Be His ’09 Gain in Bay Ridge Assembly race may prove precursor to Gentile challenge in GOP-friendly district By Dan Rivoli
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ob Capano lost his Assembly race this year by a nearly two-to-one margin. Yet Capano had reason to be optimistic after election night. He outperformed Assembly Member Alec Brook-Krasny (DBrooklyn) in the Bay Ridge-Dyker Heights portion of the gerrymandered district in which the Belt Parkway connects half of the Republican-leaning Bay Ridge to the heavily Democratic Coney Island. Capano scored 53 percent of the vote in his native neighborhood, which is home to the Italians and Irish Americans that keep Republicans competitive throughout the city. “I’m proud of what we did in Bay Ridge and Dyker Heights,” Capano said. “I got Democratic and Independent support. In many election districts I got more votes than there were registered Republicans.” Brooklyn Conservative Party chair Jerry Kassar took note of this feat, as did other local Republican and Conservative officials. The GOP is searching for a candidate to run against Council Member Vincent Gentile (D) in 2009 in a district that once elected Republican stalwart Martin Golden (R). The Assembly district makes up almost half of the Council seat. “He was able to do well in the part that happens to be in Councilman Gentile’s district? What a coincidence,” Kassar said coyly. Kassar, whose party endorsed Capano’s Assembly bid, said that Capano has made his Council intentions known throughout the Brooklyn political community. “People in politics are being made aware of it by him. I’m not making the calls,” Kassar said. “He has not indicated that he has a plan to do it. He indicated he wants to talk to me about the race against Gentile.” Republicans have yet to knock Gentile off the Council seat that belonged to them in spite a two-to-one enrollment
Capano, R, looks to emerge as a rare GOP stronghold in the city. victory. In that race—a nonpartisan special election—he won by 31 votes. Gentile has grown increasingly safe since, beating lawyer and former prosecutor Pat Russo in 2003, and increasing his margin of victory by 10 percent points in what was supposed to be a tight 2005 rematch. Though the district has a conservative tilt, Russo’s GOP registration was outmatched by Gentile’s past as a
groups and the Bay Ridge Community Council. In government, he has bipartisan experience as head of Staten Island Rep. Vito Fossella’s (R) Brooklyn operation and City Council liaison to Borough President Marty Markowitz (D-Brooklyn). Though Capano said he valued his experience as an Assembly candidate, he said his record on the city level makes him especially qualified for a Council seat—if he were to run. Though noncommittal,
“I would be uniquely qualified to reach out to those Democrats who have a willingness to cross over because of my experience working with top Democrats like Marty Markowitz,” said Bob Capano. disadvantage. Golden held the seat until he beat Gentile, then the incumbent state senator, for his legislative seat after the 2002 redistricting process. The defeated Gentile, in turn, ran for Golden’s empty Council seat. The district is one of the most competitive Council seats in the city. Republicans have come close to reclaiming the seat since Gentile’s first
community leader. Capano’s résumé, Kassar said, is on par with Gentile’s, making him a more attractive candidate than Russo and a better fit for the district. “He had more than being a Republican and a conservative,” Kassar explained. Capano built his name recognition through involvement with several community organizations, including his local precinct’s community council, youth
Capano admits he is entertaining the idea. “I will indeed take a serious look at the race early next year,” Capano said. “I would be uniquely qualified to reach out to those Democrats who have a willingness to cross over because of my experience working with top Democrats like Marty Markowitz.” Since the neighborhoods in Gentile’s
district favor the GOP, he has spent his first term reaching out to the burgeoning Asian and Muslim population in Bay Ridge, who tend to vote Democratic. Gentile curried favor with new immigrant groups through his office by funding Muslim youth centers and appointing Asian Americans to his staff and to Community Boards. “We still have our Dyker Heights Christmas lights every year,” Gentile said, referring to the neighborhood’s grand lighting displays. “That traditional aspect of my district still remains. But there’s clearly a change in demographics.” With the election under a year away, Gentile sits on over $115,000 for his reelection bid. He refused to speculate on his 2009 race, however. “With an election 11 months away, our concern is what we do today,” he said. Gentile, one of the few Council members for whom the general election is even a concern, said he welcomes the November competition. The races, he said, allow him the opportunity to better serve the district. “This one keeps everybody—both parties—on their toes,” he said. “And that’s not a bad thing.” drivoli@cityhallnews.com
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December 2008
ISSUE FORUM: construction
CITY HALL
Safe, Lawful Construction Requires a Revamped Department of Buildings By CounCil MeMBer Tony AvellA
A
ccording to the Department of Buildings’ mission statement in the New York City Green Book, “The primary responsibility of the Department of Buildings (DOB) is to ensure the safe and lawful use of buildings and properties by enforcing the Building Code and Zoning Resolution.” However, since I was elected to office in 2001, the number-one issue not only within my
district but throughout the City continues to be illegal construction and the lack of enforcement by DOB. When dealing with issues ranging from enforcing stopwork orders to ensuring that construction is conforming to the zoning and building code, DOB simply fails to properly interpret and enforce the code as well as respond in a timely
manner. Unfortunately, in many cases, by the time the agency acts, the illegal construction is already completed. DOB’s lackadaisical and unprofessional attitude is simply unacceptable and leaves me with no other choice than to demand that the agency be completely revamped. There are many ways to improve the operation of this agency. Earlier this year I
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introduced legislation to grant DOB the authority to refuse building permits to developers who have exhibited a consistent and pervasive disregard for the city’s building codes and zoning laws (Intro. 697/2008). As we are all aware, DOB issues a tremendous amount of permits every year, and while many of these developers are honest and follow the laws, there are many who flagrantly ignore those same laws on a consistent basis and leave poor construction and damage to adjoining properties in their wake. Yet these very same developers continue to be granted new permits on new projects year after year. It is time for the City to say “no more” and deny building permits to these unscrupulous developers. In addition, I have proposed a “Citizen Watch Affidavit Program” that would allow all New Yorkers to report building code infractions. After reporting a violation, any New Yorker could complete an affidavit attesting to what they witnessed and have their report given the same weight as if it were written by a DOB inspector. In June of 2006, I personally put this idea to test when I witnessed the illegal mechanical demolition of a one-family home in Whitestone. I immediately called DOB, but by the time the inspector arrived, the home had been completely demolished and the site closed and therefore no action was taken. As a result, I subsequently insisted that DOB take an affidavit from me and use that document to pursue an Environmental Control Board (ECB) violation. In the end, DOB finally agreed and an “A” violation was issued for “failure to carry out demo operation in a safe and proper manner.” An ECB hearing was subsequently scheduled and the Hearing Judge upheld the violation and issued a $2,000 fine to the developer. Earlier this year, I also introduced a resolution calling upon the New York State Legislature to make the illegal conversion or alteration of any property on which a serious injury or fatality occurs a felony. I developed this resolution as a result of the horrible fire that occurred on January 23, 2005, in an illegally converted building in the Bronx, which resulted in the death of two firefighters. DOB should also be prohibited from interpreting the zoning code—that responsibility should be the exclusive domain of the Department of City Planning. The selfcertification procedure must be abolished and the agency must be required to come to the aid of innocent adjacent property owners who have been victimized by unscrupulous developers and improper construction. These proposals are a few of the necessary changes that must occur within DOB. Much more needs to be done to enable this agency to perform its true mission.
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A Commitment to Capital Investment in Our City Public Schools By Sharon GreenBerGer
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uilding schools in New York City is much more than bricks and mortar. As president and CEO of the New York City School Construction Authority (SCA), I lead a dedicated, industrious team committed to strategic capital investment in the City’s infrastructure. Our mission is to design and construct safe, attractive and environmentally sound public schools for children throughout the many communities of New York City. We are dedicated to building and modernizing schools in a responsible, cost-effective manner while achieving the highest standards of excellence in safety, quality and integrity. Thanks to the historic agreement between the Mayor and the State Legislature in 2006, we will invest more than $12.5 billion through the FY 200509 Capital Plan and create 55,000 new classroom seats across all the boroughs by 2012. We just released the next proposed five-year capital plan for FY 2010-14, estimated at $11.3 billion, which will create 25,000 new seats and continue the necessary work in our buildings. In this latest plan, we have, for the first time, addressed school overcrowding within particular neighborhoods. Overcrowding is being addressed not only through the
construction of new facilities but also with a program to realign underutilized space in existing buildings to better meet the needs of our school children. This program will use capital resources when necessary to reconfigure classrooms or facilities to assist in relieving overcrowding. While the latest plan is smaller than the current plan because of the current economic conditions, our commitment to capital investment remains strong. Over the last three years, we have focused on improving our transparency, communication and customer service. As an example, the public review process of the capital plan has been enhanced to increase public input. Our annual updates and plan information is all available online, and we have created several brochures describing the construction process that are distributed to schools and other interested parties. In addition, every year we visit all of the Community Education Councils in the City to better understand their concerns and needs. We’ve worked hard to improve our business operations and have excellent working relationships with the City’s architectural and contracting communities. We allocate funds wisely. New building construction is approved only after careful consideration of demographic, immigration and housing
factors that influence enrollment trends. Our demographers assess where the need for seats will be greatest, and we make every effort to identify sites that will relieve existing overcrowding and accommodate projected enrollment growth. This commitment to build in areas of need is demonstrated by two major projects currently under construction: a 2,310-seat complex of schools in the Bronx and a two-school complex in Queens. Both are anticipated to be completed in 2010. The volume of work completed by the SCA is not limited to building new schools. We also focus on ensuring that
our existing buildings are brought into a state of good repair. Many of these buildings are 90 years old, and water infiltration is the single greatest cause of accelerated deterioration of these facilities; our annual facilities inspections ensure that we are addressing these critical projects. In addition, we are making improvements inside existing schools to meet initiatives under the Chancellor’s Children First reform, which include upgrades to gyms, libraries, science labs and wireless technology. Our accomplishments are significant. This past September, we opened a record 18 new buildings throughout the five boroughs, including a 1,664-seat school in the Bronx, a 1,659-seat high school complex in Queens, a new 492-seat school for the Gregorio Luperon High School in Manhattan, a 200-seat school for El Puente Academy in Brooklyn and a 1,664-seat complex for middle and high schools on Staten Island. Over the next four years, over 34,000 additional seats will open across the City. This incredible investment will make a difference in the lives of many children over the decades to come.
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Sharon Greenberger is president and CEO of the Department of Education’s School Construction Authority.
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15
ISSUE FORUM: construction
Rebuilding the Economy Through Preserving and Constructing Affordable Housing By State Sen. Liz Krueger
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s the nation’s financial capital, New York City has been hit particularly hard by the national recession. More and more people are losing their jobs, having difficulty paying their mortgages or rent, and almost all are worried about what is going to happen next. We are seeing the ripple effects of this crisis extend to all areas of peoples’ lives and all sectors of our economy. One of the sectors being especially affected by the economic downturn is the construction industry. The construction industry has been one of the major economic engines that has propelled New York City’s economy forward in recent years—directly employing more than 130,000 people and providing billions of dollars in tax revenue to the city and state. Unfortunately, as credit has all but disappeared, this trend is coming to an end—and fast. The New York Building Congress recently projected that more than 30,000 construction jobs will be cut by 2010. This past September, there were only three new building applications submitted to the Department of Buildings—compared to 23 the year before. But all is not doom and gloom. We need
to be creative and use this opportunity to truly improve our City for the long term and create a sustainable and thriving atmosphere for the future. So how do we stimulate growth in the construction industry, create jobs and improve the City as a whole? One key solution lies with affordable housing. There is enormous pent-up demand in New York City for both new affordable homes and the upgrading of the existing housing stock. The rental vacancy rate
is less than 3 percent—the lowest in the nation. All across the city, moderate- and middle-income residents are struggling to find apartments they can afford, seniors are being squeezed out of their homes and lowincome residents are being forced to choose between paying their rent and taking care of their other basic needs. Much of the city’s aging housing stock, both privately and publicly owned, is in great need of capital investment and upgrades. The New York City Housing Authority alone has nearly $6 billion worth of unfunded capital needs we can address immediately. The combination of the massive demand for the creation and preservation of affordable housing, tied in with our City’s sophisticated network of affordable housing developers, architects, planners and financial experts means that any money made available will be put to use immediately—creating thousands of new jobs, stimulating the economy and providing desperately needed housing to thousands of New Yorkers. And the cooling of our land values and real estate conditions increases the affordability of these projects. I know many are thinking that I hadn’t noticed that both the city and state face overwhelming deficits. There is no question that substantial additional public money will need to be dedicated to affordable housing. Fortunately, President-elect Barack Obama
recently announced that he plans to create or save 2.5 million jobs by investing billions of dollars in infrastructure projects. And while the Fed’s pledges of trillions of dollars to resolve credit market problems and fix our economy are daunting to even understand, surely some of that money can and should be used for some of our biggest infrastructure problems. Affordable housing is one of the most valuable and important pieces of infrastructure we have in New York City. Building it is also a proven and effective method for creating jobs. The National Association of Home Builders recently estimated that on average the construction of 100 new units of affordable housing generates 250 new jobs, $2.8 million in local wages and income and more than $2.4 million in new state and local revenue in the first year alone. By investing in the construction of affordable housing the federal government will achieve its goal of creating and saving jobs in New York and lay the foundation for serious economic growth and stimulus that will have a lasting impact for many generations.
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Sen. Liz Krueger, a Democrat representing parts of Manhattan, is the ranking member on the Senate Housing, Construction and Community Development Committee.
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Headed to the Minority, GOP Senators Mull Other Options Golden passes on run for mayor, Lanza discussed for Staten Island BP in 2009 BY DAN RIVOLI tate Sens. Martin Golden (R-Brooklyn) and Andrew Lanza (R-Staten Island) know aboutbeing in the minority. Before serving in the State Senate, they were in City Council, where the number of Republicans has never come close to double digits. They made the move to Albany believing they would be in a powerful majority. Now that it looks like the era of Republican dominance has ended, some suspect, they will soon start looking elsewhere for their political futures—which may get them involved with city- and statewide bids. Local and state Republicans touted the senators as viable candidates because of crossover appeal, proven fundraising abilities and past support from powerful unions. And their showings at the polls reflect this: Golden has yet to have a contested re-election campaign and Lanza has won each race with a sizable margin. Before the term limits extension made Mayor Michael Bloomberg (Ind.) a candidate for the third time, Golden was publicly considering a run for mayor. One of the few bona fide Republican officials left in the city, he was urged to run by local party officials. But with Bloomberg in the race, Golden took himself out, even if the GOP decides to drop Bloomberg. “I am actually a supporter of Mike Bloomberg,” Golden said. He insisted he would hold to that decision even if Bloomberg fails to gain Republican backing for his third run, a scenario the senator said he believes is unlikely. But with Gracie Mansion off the table for next year, Golden’s options are limited. A viable Republican candidacy for Brooklyn borough president seems far-fetched, as does one for public advocate or comptroller. He does, however, have some of the making of a statewide bid, with $415,515 already squirreled away in his campaign account. Moreover, he has become a regular presence around the city and the state, and this past campaign cycle held fundraisers for several GOP Senate candidates around the city and nearby suburbs. But the New York City state senator the party seems to now be more actively considering for a future city- or statewide race is Lanza, who has been known for his political ambition since his days on the Council: he considered a run for the open district attorney seat in 2003, ran for the open State Senate seat he now
EMILY BERL
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State Sen. Martin Golden (R-Brooklyn), a potential mayoral candidate, is increasing his role in the state GOP. occupies and for a long time considered running to succeed Rep. Vito Fossella (R-Staten Island/Brooklyn) this year. Lanza came to Albany in the majority and brought the state funds and landmark legislation on local issues. His law to create an independent judicial district for Staten Island, co-authored by Assembly Member Michael Cusick (D-Staten
The New York City state senator the party seems to now be more actively considering for a future city- or statewide race is Lanza, who has been known for his political ambition since his days on the Council. Island), was popular among voters who elected a homegrown jurist to the Surrogate’s court for the first time this year. “That automatically gives you a better angle at delivering for the district,” Lanza said of the majority. “I exploited that leverage in my first term.” That could make him a perfect fit for borough president, an office which sources close to the senator said he is considering seeking next year.
If Lanza did run, he would likely have a clear path to the GOP nomination: Borough President James Molinaro (C), who is leaning towards a third run and carried the Republican line in 2001 and 2005, has warred with the Staten Island Republicans, and Council Minority Leader James Oddo (R-Staten Island/Brooklyn), who was expected to be the leading candidate for the seat before the term limits extension, has said he will not run against Molinaro. Molinaro, however, has landed in the good graces of the borough’s Democratic Party by endorsing Michael McMahon’s House race and his wife Judith’s victorious State Supreme Court race. With McMahon, who had been planning to run for borough president, off to Congress, there
is no other major Democrat currently being talked about for the race. Lanza dismissed speculation of a run for borough president. “I’m not so sure Jim Molinaro is going to run. I think he’ll call it a day and Jimmy Oddo will be a candidate,” Lanza said. Lanza has said he would not challenge Oddo for the Republican nomination. If the Democrats can indeed become the ruling party in the State Senate, Lanza acknowledged that the minority will strip him of the largess that he has been able to bring for the district. “I’m in a good place to deliver for the people,” Lanza said. “That might change next year.” drivoli@nycapitolnews.com
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DECEMBER 2008
The End of the Affair By David Freedlander
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n June, Hillary Clinton spoke at the graduation of the senior class of the Pelham Preparatory Academy in the Bronx. The event marked the senator’s first public appearance in the state after the end of her epic presidential campaign, and local reporters and photographers were not about to let her escape—though she left before the ceremony was over, they had staked out the exit doors, ready to shout questions at the inevitable one as soon as she appeared. What was she going to do about her multimillion-dollar campaign debt? Did she plan on campaigning for Obama? What were her future plans? She hustled past in her teal pantsuit, cordoned off by aides as she climbed behind the tinted windows of her SUV, ready to speed off. “I’m very happy to be here,” she said. But was she really? Not six months later, and again hightailing it out of here, she is leaving behind her adopted home
and a million unanswered questions. For one, what did it all mean? Like a shy co-ed at a drunken mixer, New York was flattered when Hillary first pointed to us across the crowded dance and said, “You—you are where I will embark on my listening tour.” There were, after all, 49 other states, all vying for attention, even if they could not promise the same combination of media spotlight, easy residency requirements and a retiring senator. But she picked us, and though we knew we were special, and we knew we were the only ones who could give her the kind of love she needed, and we were used to obsequious pols coming to us to refill their coffers or for their second acts (see Nixon, Richard or Kennedy, Robert) she really seemed to want to dance. There was the house in Chappaqua. Bill’s offices in Harlem. On Letterman, soon after she announced, she knew the state bird (the red-breasted bluebird) and could name the state tree (the sugar maple.) She pledged allegiance to the Yankees. She visited all 62 counties and
even seemed to like most of them. But just like that, it is over. New Yorkers knew she wanted to be president and supported her doing it, supported her finding her voice. She cruised to reelection even as everyone knew she was plotting the beginning of a presidential campaign that would be kicked off less than three months later. And when the campaign did not work out, the state welcomed her back. Hillary Clinton, Senator from New York. It just felt right. Meant to be. And now we wake up again and she is gone, off to the State Department and Georgetown and Jerusalem and Dar-es Salaam and wherever else they need her to swoop in and set everything aright. But what about New York? Just when this relationship was starting to get serious again, she is gone. In her wake, there is an empty chair and a list of people looking to fill it who are not quite up to the star caliber. Names have been floated—nothing serious yet, just people maybe New Yorkers should meet.
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he story of the indomitable, indefatigable Hillary, the one that carried through all 17 months of her presidential campaign, was wellestablished long before she set her sights here. Ten years ago, when her husband was mired in a White House mess, Hillary barnstormed around the country for Congressional candidates, including Charles Schumer (D), who went on to upset Sen. Alfonse D’Amato (R). Then talk of a Senate campaign began in earnest. By February 1999, she was campaigning in Bed-Stuy—for the social programs her husband included in his budget, not for any office—and was greeted by rapturous crowds and throngs of press and was back at the White House conferring with retiring Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D), county and labor leaders and her New York consigliore Harold Ickes about her next move. Democratic political operative Basil Smikle got his start as an advance man in the Clinton White House and signed on to work on Hillary’s Senate campaign as
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soon as she did. He remembers working an event at Hobart College in Geneva. “I’ll never forget, it was a town hall meeting at the school with 2,000 people and she stayed and shook everyone’s hands until the last person left. And she shook the hand of all the janitors that were cleaning up. She made sure that she met every single person in the room. That was phenomenal. I’d never seen even a local elected official do that.” That kind of head-down, steely-eyed attention on people and their issues became her calling card. Hillary never needed attention. She needed to convince people that she cared, that the drama of her husband’s White House was his, not hers. “She came in in 2000 and people were highly critical of her when she was talking about going and listening to what concerned people,” said Geraldine Ferraro, who herself tried for the Senate twice. “I don’t know too many politicians who have ever done that before her—really listened to the problems. Most of us tend to like to talk a lot and require others to listen to us. She listened.”
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Listening became her calling card, the balm to soothe concerns that she wasn’t from here, that she was too radical, or that she was too moderate or too ambitious. It became an end unto itself, the perfect antidote to detractors who screamed around her. But listening worked. It kept her from answering questions. On that very first listening tour, in Pindars Corners, Elizabeth Kolbert lamented in the New Yorker, “So far, Mrs. Clinton’s candidacy is based on logic that is, quite frankly, circular, or, in its maddening topology, perhaps more like a Mobius strip … she has come to New York not to impose her view but to ‘listen to New Yorkers.’ She talked throughout the day about the issues she is committed to, which, she suggested, were the very same issues she is hoping to learn about.” In November she beat Long Island native son Rick Lazio, who campaigned on the idea that he was a “real New Yorker,” by 12 points. As she has prepared to resign, everyone seems to remember her as a hard-working, diligent senator who reached across the
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aisle and delivered for the state. Her time on Capitol Hill began roughly, though. There were stumbles. The hangover of the Clinton White House had not worn off. There were unsavory pardons. There were the nearly $200,000 in gifts the Clintons received in their final months in office. There was the huge advance for her memoir and the timidity, many diehard Democrats felt, in her opposition to John Ashcroft’s nomination, her tepid public support for gay rights. A month after she was sworn in, her approval rating had sunk to 38 percent in a Quinnipiac poll. A New York Times editorial at the time opined, “In most states of the union, of course, citizens can simply register their weariness with the Clinton era and go on to other matters. But in New York, questions about Mrs. Clinton’s involvement in her husband’s decisions and whether she will adopt his lax leadership standards now bear on the performance of a sitting senator. Mrs. Clinton has said she wants to leave the turmoil of the last eight years behind, but her behavior since the election and even since her swearing in has sent a different message.” Things got better. After the Sept. 11 attacks, she, like George W. Bush, found her footing. No longer hamstrung by being a junior senator in a closely divided body, she became a New Yorker and for once escaped her husband’s shadow, working to get air quality tested downtown and bringing aid to relief workers and area businesses. This kind of work she could do—no parliamentary procedure required, just hard
Malcolm Smith Leroy Comrie
work, an eager clump of microphones and knowing where the cash lay. She became the Hillary that marked her Senate career, growing into a fierce critic of Bush and a legislator who received high marks from one-time Clinton antagonists like Lindsey Graham and Bill Frist and Newt Gingrich. “When she was considering running, I had long talks with her and I told her she shouldn’t do it,” said Norman J. Ornstein, resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and a longtime Congressional watcher. “Not because I thought she wouldn’t win—I thought she’d win easily— but because then she’ll be elected and then you’ll have to be spinning your wheels in the Senate, for Chrissakes.” This was the Hillary that emerged later on the campaign trail, the one that downed boilermakers with the hardhats in a Scranton bar, the one that “works the late shift too.” This was the Hillary no longer entwined with Ron Burkle and Barbara Streisand but was the woman who won the “Friend of Farm Bureau” award for her work on behalf of state agriculture. This is the senator whose hard work and determination are her lasting legacies, not any specific legislative accomplishments. “The expectation in her case was that she was the wife of a former president and she was a star and you don’t expect stars to work that hard,” said Bob Kerrey, former Nebraska senator who, as former president of the New School, frequently worked with Hillary. “But she came in and worked her tail off. She wasn’t a show horse—she worked.”
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ore than any policy, though, her greatest legacy may be the political. Perhaps precisely because she was not a local Democrat, but she managed to do what no New York Democrat had: woo upstate. By eschewing big-city glitz in favor of a deep understanding about the region and its issues, she showed other Democrats how to do it. In some ways, the blue tide that has washed over the state in the years since her first election is the wake off of her campaign. “She went to upstate New York, which at that time was thought to be all Republican territory,” remembered political consultant George Arzt. “She won a lot of counties upstate, which set up the run for Eliot Spitzer and Andrew Cuomo and put a belief into people’s minds that a Democrat could win upstate.” Nonetheless, few were surprised when Hillary announced that she was running for president, or, as she put it in the softlit YouTube announcement made that day, “I’m not just starting a campaign though, I’m
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beginning a conversation.” Her listeningonly days were done. Her critics were incensed, since they had cast themselves as Cassandra, screaming that was going to happen all along—“I’m the only one standing here today that wants to be a U.S. senator for the next six years for the state of New York,” GOP challenger John Spencer said in one of their 2006 debates, landing his sole memorable line. (She trounced Spencer, winning 58 of the state’s 62 counties, and most New Yorkers greeted the suspicions about her presidential campaign with pride and her ultimate announcement with a shrug. This is the nature of stars—they burn out. Anyway, despite her enthusiasm for Fifth Avenue parades, she still belonged as much to the nation as to us. “She passed through,” said Doug Muzzio, political science professor at Baruch College. “She rented the state for eight years and then moved on. We knew what we were in for and we didn’t care. She was a national figure who lived in New York. So what? She was an effective advocate for the state, even if it was always considered a way-station or a fall-back.” As the presidential campaign wore on, Hillary’s no-nonsense image began to fade. The more she talked about the hard-working white Americans, or made comparisons to Bobby Kennedy’s assassination, the more her campaign got mired in the kind of backbiting and infighting her Senate office assiduously avoided. Insiders began to whisper that she might struggle to win the Democratic primary when she ran for reelection if the tone continued, and outsiders wondered what happened to the supercompetent senator they had known. As the primaries wore on into June, the prospects for a presidential library in Chappaqua dimmed, as did the romance. But New York welcomed her back, and loved her even more than before. Reunited, the love was stronger than ever. She was now a full-fledged national hero, and where else do superheroes live if not Gotham? That she had taken her lumps and come back bruised only made her seem more natural, more connected to New York. And she came back that drizzly June day in the Bronx and seemed genuinely relieved. Even her most ardent foes had to concede begrudging respect for her. She always had that quality that made people rush to her at the moment when she was at her lowest. Eight years before the tears in New Hampshire, there was Lazio looming over her, shaking a piece of paper in her face, and New Yorkers rushing to pull the battered candidate from the depths. That is at the heart of how Clinton works, said Susan Morrison, editor of
Thirty Ways of Looking at Hillary: Reflections by Women Writers. “The most interesting thing about Hillary Clinton, if you look at her whole career, the times when she’s most successful and gets the highest approval ratings is when she’s seen as a victim— after the Lewinsky thing happened, even after Obama really started pulling ahead, something authentic in her comes out and that’s when she connects with people,” Morrison explained. Even so, New Yorkers knew in their hearts that she would not stick around for long. Sure, there were those rumors that she would grow old in the Senate, maybe even become majority leader and steer so many Washington goodies back home. But even at that first dance, we could see her looking over our shoulder. It was part of that irascible Clinton charm, where they say one thing and mean something else, and everyone looks the other way—like when she reportedly was conferring with aides during the Democratic convention right around the time when she arrived on the convention floor at the center of a cluster of New Yorkers, formally nominating Obama. At the same time, though, she sunk back into the life of a junior senator, assessing damage done to upstate apple orchards after a heavy hailstorm, and secured $675,000 for transportation improvements in Oneida County. A month before election day, her office sent out a 16-page memo highlighting all her accomplishments in the Senate over the past year, even as she was busy stumping through Texas and Pennsylvania. In retrospect, the massive release seems a little like an extended Dear John letter. She did all that she said, but she was not really going to stick around and do all that forever. As soon as Obama called, she was ready to go, and off to Chicago she flew. And now we are alone again, Hillary-less. Like after all break-ups, we hope we have learned something. We know New York does not mind carpetbaggers or celebrities. In fact, the state seems to love them, deserve them, even, since they are the only ones who satisfy the need to gawk and since they are the only ones who make us feel important. But they better have something else too, some combination of pluck and grit and a willingness to carry the Quality Cheese Act (S. 530) through Congress. dfreedlander@cityhallnews.com
Gregory Meeks Shirley Huntley
Following through on one of the last bits of unfinished business left over from Eliot Spitzer, Gov. David Paterson (D) officially renamed the Triborough Bridge on Nov. 19 in honor of the late Sen. Robert F. Kennedy. Sen. Hillary Clinton (D) quickly joined in the chorus of those praising the move, issuing a statement declaring that “with every crossing of this bridge that now bears his name, travelers will be reminded of Robert F. Kennedy’s life and legacy. I am proud to celebrate him and his family today and prouder still to hold his seat in the United States Senate.” Kennedy served less than four years as senator before being gunned down at the Ambassador Hotel 40 years ago—half as long as Clinton will have served by the time she leaves to become secretary of state. How will New Yorkers commemorate Clinton? There are some decent options:
The “H” Line A lot of what Clinton got started in New York and D.C. will have to be finished by her successor and others—much as has been the case for every generation that has tried to complete the Second Avenue Subway, the city’s forever unfinished project. Current planning maps refer to the line as the “T,” but calling it the “H” would be a reminder that sometimes it takes a village—and even then, things do not always get done.
The Hillary Clinton Semi-Annual Ephemeral Art Project New York City has already been host to Christo’s Gates and Olaf Eliasson’s Waterfalls, two exhibitions created specifically to be temporary. What better way to keep celebrating the service of a senator who also made a splash but then was gone so quickly than by each year having a new artist create a bold project that is also gone in a flash?
Clinton Stadium The naming rights to the new Mets stadium were bought by Citi Group, but even leaving aside that the federal government has had to step in and save the company with yet another taxpayer-funded bailout, putting Clinton’s name on the home of the team that has a lot of fans at home but never quite makes it all the way to the championship seems more than fitting.
Clinton-Mark Penn Station Clinton traveled to the state to run for senator, then did quite a bit of traveling elsewhere while in office—so naming one of the city’s prime transportation hubs after her would only be fitting. The name of her predecessor, Pat Moynihan, will grace the replacement station, but in the meantime, her name could go on the current home of Amtrak and New Jersey Transit. Plus, in a move that she could claim was to avoid confusion but really was to barter her way out of some of her presidential campaign’s unpaid bills, she could agree to share the marquee with her famous consultant.
The Clinton Listening Tour Bandshell Hillary Clinton won her way into New Yorkers’ hearts and coined a term in the political lexicon by embarking on her famous listening tour across upstate in 1999. Renaming the historic bandshell in the heart of Central Park could be the perfect honor for a woman who made a historic run on the strength of her auditory abilities.
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DECEMBER 2008
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As a New Senator Steps In, Congressional Delegation Steps Up New roles for Towns, Velázquez and Nadler in key positions BY CLAIRE LEAVITT
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illary Clinton is out, but Washington’s biennial power shuffle has elevated three of New York City’s congressional fixtures to prominent positions in Congress—roles that may turn out to mean more in policy for New York than any former first lady turned senator could. Rep. Edolphus Towns (D-Brooklyn) is making perhaps the most important move. After two-and-a-half decades in Congress, Towns was the second most powerful Democrat on the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, but is moving up as Henry Waxman, a fiery Democrat from California, takes over the chairmanship of the Energy and Commerce committee. While Towns has not yet been officially named, Oversight’s gavel belongs to him, and what he does with it may go a long way towards helping New York bounce back from federal government shortchanging that dates back to the Sept. 11 attacks. The Oversight panel will lose some of its stature and high public profile in the next Congress—a Democratic president is unlikely to elicit as many “checks” from a Democratic Congress as George W. Bush did. Barring any out-of-the-gate abuses on the Obama administration’s part, the big question facing Towns will be: Keep dredging up the abuses of the Bush years, or simply take solace in victory and let the “healing” begin? Towns, for his part, does not think the conversation about Sept. 11 is over, specifically in regard to the government’s response. “He’s committed to focusing on the oversight of the federal response to the health impacts of the 9/11 attacks and the federally-funded programs that medically monitor and treat individuals who were exposed to the toxins of Ground Zero,” said Shrita Sterlin, a spokesperson for Towns. Sterlin added that Towns also plans to
Reps. Nydia Velázquez and Carolyn Maloney, both of whom are being talked about as replacements for Hillary Clinton, will have more power in the House if they do not get the appointment. initiate strict oversight of the Wall Street bailout and other legislative holdovers from the Bush administration, including the pursuit of outstanding subpoenas of administration officials. Towns can count on the support of his fellow New Yorker and Oversight committee member Carolyn Maloney (D-Manhattan/Queens), a contender for Clinton’s Senate seat, who has publicly supported his candidacy for chairmanship but stressed in a recent statement that if Towns were not a candidate, “I would be.” Maloney, though, will become the vicechair and leader of the House membership of the Joint Economic Committee, which serves as a research and advisory panel for Congress on economic policy. Already, they are getting a sense of what the committee agenda will be in the next Congress: Maloney and her Senate counterpart, fellow New Yorker Charles Schumer (D), presided over a Dec. 5 hearing on policy
Votes cast for her 2006:
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responses to the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ dismal November jobs report—losses that, according to Maloney, “take your breath away.” Maloney, who supported the Wall Street bailout, has also endorsed the rescue of the Big Three automakers, warning that the consequences of inaction “could be devastating.” Maloney is not the only potential Clinton successor on the rise in the House. Rep. Nydia Velázquez (D-Manhattan/Queens/ Brooklyn), is set to gain more power as well. Should she stay in the House, Velazquez will retain her chairmanship of the House Small Business Committee, which will play a key role in any economic stimulus package the Democrats bring before Congress. Notably, given her position, Velázquez is on record as favoring a repeal of the estate tax, which she has claimed would affect a growing number of minority-owned small businesses. And she will now have another role as well: In November, Velázquez was elected head of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus (CHC), at what she calls “an exciting and critical time for Latinos.” The CHC is comprised of 21 Hispanic members of Congress, all of whom currently happen to be Democratic. Velázquez plans to use her leadership position to advance the Hispanic community’s economic priorities in the next Congress, particularly in her overwhelmingly Hispanic district.
“By supporting the growing number of innovative business owners in the Latino community, we will start to rebuild the economy and bolster the nation as a whole,” she said. Meanwhile, Rep. Charles Rangel (D-Manhattan) will likely keep his chairmanship of the House Ways and Means Committee, despite Republican demands for him to step down in the wake of the tax-evasion scandal that engulfed him earlier this year. While Rangel’s advancement opportunities in the House are now undeniably limited, longtime colleague Rep. Jerrold Nadler (D-Manhattan/Brooklyn)was unanimously elected by his colleagues in the New York delegation as their representative on the Democratic Steering and Policy Committee. Nadler has also been mentioned as a contender for Clinton’s seat, but as the voice for New York on the panel that advises the House leadership (which was devoid of New York representation) and divvies up committee assignments, the congressman might be in a better position to advance his state’s interests by staying where he is. Then there is Rep. Steve Israel (D-Suffolk), also under consideration for Clinton’s Senate seat, but whom the Democrats would do well to retain in the House for the time being. Long considered a rising star in the Democratic Party, Israel has risen pretty high already, with his title as assistant majority whip, his seat on two powerful Appropriations subcommittees and status as one of only two New Yorkers on the Armed Services Committee. In addition, Israel is a member of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee’s (DCCC) recruitment team, and will play a key role in drumming up candidates to take on the few remaining Northeast. Israel was considered the heavy favorite to assume the DCCC’s chairmanship before Rep. Chris Van Hollen, the current chair, announced he would stay in for another cycle. There are other changes as well: four of the state’s 29 representatives will be new, and three of them helped flip seats from the GOP to the Democrats. So though the delegation may have less seniority, in terms of getting policy passed and dollars allocated, the state’s sway in the Democratic Congress may be boosted just from who is sitting in the seats. claire.leavitt@gmail.com
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Dan Garodnick
CITY HALL
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December 2008
Never Just the Other Senator, Schumer Gets the Spotlight to Himself and More Power Than Ever By Edward-Isaac dovErE
rived in New York specifically to run for the seat, and no one expected her to remain there long. Schumer, meanwhile, has become a New York institution in the 34 years since he first won his Assembly seat, and even as his profile has increased nationally, he has remained an intense local force. So as Clinton was preparing for her dinner at the Watergate with Condoleeza Rice to talk international policy, Schumer was holding court, as he always does at least once a week, in front of the cameras and in front of New Yorkers. “I know Sunday morning is your busy time,” he joked the weekend after Clinton’s nomination, putting his hand on the shoulder of Monsignor Alfred LoPinto, who had joined him for a press conference exposing mortgage refinancing scams. “It’s mine too.” Uncharacteristically, though, he has said almost nothing about the appointment of Clinton’s successor, though Gov. David Paterson’s (D) request that Schumer advise the decision is publicly known and Schumer’s power to vet the final choice is widely suspected among the chattering classes. Instead of holding forth on his opinions, Schumer read a prepared statement and resisted taking any questions on what he had said. “I will certainly miss Hill-
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he day after Barack Obama nominated Hillary Clinton as secretary of state, Sen. Charles Schumer (D) stood on a cold side street around the corner from his Manhattan office coining a new term—“predatory equity”—then outlined to the clump of reporters how the irresponsible borrowing worked. The issue could not be more serious, he said gravely. “We have uncovered something that I would call Subprime Crisis 2.0,” he said, ary,” he said, fingering the folded sheet of before bringing what he called would be paper on the podium in front of him. “We a national concern right back to the local were a great team, we had a great partlevel: 60,000 units of affordable housing nership, but I am excited about working in the five boroughs were at risk and hunwith a new partner during this exciting dreds of thousands of New Yorkers could and historic time for the country.” be put on the street. Clinton’s disappearance from the SenFew states have one national-profile ate will come precisely at the moment senator. With the exception perhaps of when Schumer begins to accumulate Massachusetts, home to both Teddy Kenreal clout in the seniority-based system nedy and John Kerry, no state has two. of Washington power. Already the vice That has been the odd predicament of chair of the Democratic conference—an Charles Schumer. Over the last eight agenda-setting position which was creyears, the senior senator has had to deal ated for him in gratitude for winning the with being the biggest deal around, exsix seats which tipped his party into the cept, of course, for the junior senator, majority in 2006—Schumer will ascend who had the advantage of being a politieven further. He is set to becal celebrity unlike almost anyone else in come the chair of the Senate the history of politics. Committee on Rules and AdAlternatively, Charles ministration, empowering him Schumer has competed with government oversight at a with Hillary Clinton for time when the government will the spotlight, shared the be changing. He will remain spotlight or sought out on the powerful Banking and another spotlight entirely. On Dec. 7, Sen. Charles Schumer, whom Gov. David PaFinance committees, both of And though the cool riterson has tapped to help advise the selection of Hillary which will have enlarged roles valry between their staffs Clinton’s successor, read a list of what he said were the 11 as a consequence of the counsubover the years is somepossibilities who he thought had generated the most no make would he said he try’s dire economic situation. thing of an open secret in stantive conversation, though endorsement. The options, as he saw it, were: And on the Judiciary Compolitical circles, their pubmittee, he will soon move up lic relationship has always two slots, with Joe Biden now been incredibly warm. He Nydia Velazquez Andrew Cuomo headed to the vice presidency was one of the earliest and Thomas Suozzi Kristen Gillibrand and Teddy Kennedy pulling most enthusiastic backers Byron Brown Brian Higgins back from those duties to of her presidential camAdolfo Carrion Steve Israel work on health care legislapaign and remained solidly Caroline Kennedy Carolyn Maloney tion before his terminal brain in her camp all the way to Jerrold Nadler cancer diagnosis forces his the end. own resignation. But the contrast between “These 11 names, it would be like the New York Giants,” Politically, he will be in the two senators’ overall apSchumer joked, “a great team if they could all be chosen.” a plum position as well: not proaches to the job could only does he have the gratinot be clearer: Clinton ar-
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tude of the 13 new senators he helped elect as the chair of the Democratic Senate Campaign Committee (DSCC), he also has the gratitude of the rest of his conference for bringing the Democrats from deep in the minority to within shooting distance of a filibuster-proof majority—a feat which seemed unimaginable after the devastating Senate elections of 2002 and 2004—providing him with endless chits to call in to help him move policy and pork. He has relinquished his post as chair of the DSCC to New Jersey Sen. Robert Menendez, but is still negotiating what role he will have for the party going into the 2010 cycle. Of course, in that cycle, he will also be running for re-election himself. In 2004, running for his second term, the GOP could not muster much of a candidate against him, and he won with over 70 percent of the vote. In 2010, a governor, senator and state comptroller will all be running in the first elections to the office, leaving Schumer, who remains popular and thick with campaign cash, far from the top of the GOP target list. Republican strategist Ed Rollins, who was involved with KT McFarland’s 2006 primary race, said that the natural GOP target will be whoever is appointed to Clinton’s seat, and that the only way Schumer could be threatened would be by a self-financed candidate willing to spend millions. Even then, “I don’t see anyone on the horizon who could beat him, with or without money,” Rollins said. “I think he has pretty much cemented his position.” As for what Schumer will use his new power and political free pass to accomplish, his office said it is too early to say. Nor were they ready to identify any new causes at home that the senator will use his status to support, as when he renewed the push for Moynihan Station this past spring. In the end, though, many political observers think that these days Schumer is feeling somewhat relieved. Except for Caroline Kennedy, none of those being discussed as a replacement for Clinton has anywhere near the star wattage or press acumen to match, and barring the appointment of Attorney General Andrew Cuomo, Schumer will not likely have to read more stories about being overshadowed anytime soon—always a sensitive topic for those close to him. Schumer himself declined to speculate much on the future for him or New York when the new senator is picked. “Hillary was a great partner,” he said, “but getting some fresh blood will be great.”
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DECEMBER 2008
CITY HALL
Clinton’s Departure Leaves Wide Range of Advocates Wondering Fate of junior senator’s agenda on education, energy and health unclear
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eyond the din of speculation over who her replacement will be, advocates for a host of local issues are wondering what the future holds for the policies that Hillary Clinton championed. She was widely seen as an effective legislator and advocate for New York. And although many of New York’s more progressive groups disagreed with Clinton’s vote to authorize the Iraq War and some of her other foreign policy decisions, most acknowledge she was a galvanizing force for many statewide causes. “It’s a tremendous loss for New York,” said Ethan Geto, a veteran liberal Democratic consultant and the state campaign manager for Howard Dean’s 2004 run. “I understand some people view her as more of a centrist, but the reality is, for most issues New Yorkers are concerned about, in terms of social services and health policy and housing policy, she remains as progressive as anybody.” There also was some concern about New York losing some of its political star power with Clinton’s departure, which may hamper the progress of some of the initiatives she had championed. “In the current context, if she were in the majority with a Democratic president, there’s every reason to expect she would have been a major force to help bring people together on an education agenda,” said Billy Easton, executive director of the Albany-based Alliance for Quality Education. “Her leaving the Senate may be some lost opportunity.” Jerry Kremer, chair of the New York Affordable Reliable Electricity Alliance,
said Clinton was not a leading force in the Senate on energy, another key issue for the state, But Kremer said she was receptive to discussions about energy policy, especially with regards to nuclear power and the questions surrounding the Indian Point Energy Center. “She recognized that nuclear was an option,” Kremer said. “She was never stridently opposed to new sources of power.” For some, though, Clinton will forever be thought of as too cautious to be an effective senator for the state, and they say she never can live down her vote in favor of the Iraq War in 2002. “To me, she’s been a mediocre senator if you look at the huge issues of the day,” said Jonathan Tasini, who challenged Hillary in an illfated 2006 campaign for the Democratic nomination and has never made a secret of his dislike for her politically. “Look at the cost financially, and the human cost of the Iraq War. That overshadows whatever bacon she brought home and all those kinds of issues. Anything we got from her we could have gotten from Chuck Schumer, or any other senator to be named.” And Tasini’s is not the only complaint. From the beginning of her time in the Senate, many activists insisted she never did enough for gay ANDR E W S C HW AR TZ
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“Her leaving the Senate may be some lost opportunity,” said Billy Easton, executive director of the Albanybased Alliance for Quality Education. rights either through public statements or policy. “You would have to prompt my memory to tell me how she was an aggressive advocate for LGBT rights,” said Kenneth Sherrill, a former political science professor at Hunter College and an expert on gay and lesbian politics. “She did what you would expect any Democratic senator from New York to do. Did she take the lead? I’m not sure.” Clinton was successful in securing hundreds of millions of dollars for new
Alan Gerson Dan Garodnick Deborah Glick
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monitoring and treatment for Ground Zero workers and had said she was looking forward to continue pressing for more money for Sept. 11-related health issues, and, obviously, health care was always the issue with which she was most associated. In the Senate, she pushed hard to pass legislation on health workforce issues, improvements in medical information technology and expanding the federally run State Children’s Health Insurance Program (S-CHIP). In her absence, health advocates are hoping the rest of New York’s congressional delegation will pick up the slack. William Van Slyke, vice president of communication for the Healthcare Association of New York State, said that he is particularly concerned about the fate of a bill she had sponsored on health information technology. “Certainly for her not being in there and fighting for it everyday, there’s a difference,” he said. ahawkins@cityhallnews.com
Eric Schneiderman
Ruben Diaz Jr.
Adriano Espaillat Robert Jackson Miguel Martinez Keith Wright Danny O'Donnell
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Maria del Carmen Arroyo Melissa Mark-Viverito Helen Foster
CITY HALL
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With two posts to fill, Paterson is in a political pressure cooker BY EDWARD-ISAAC DOVERE
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avid Paterson, the man who was never elected governor, is set to make a little more history as the first governor to appoint both a United States senator and the chief judge of the Court of Appeals. Paterson has said he will not make a Senate appointment until Hillary Clinton vacates the seat, expected to happen on or after Barack Obama’s inauguration Jan. 20, and must present a court nominee to replace Judith Kaye, who is being forced off by mandatory retirement, by Jan. 15. Making two choices for such significant positions would be difficult enough, but Paterson’s hands are tied in replacing Kaye by the law which requires him to choose from among the seven finalists presented by the Commission on Judicial Nomination. As Paterson has publicly lamented, the finalists are all male and, except for one, all white. Five of them are from New York City. That severely limits Paterson’s ability to use the Kaye replacement pick as cover for a Senate pick—faced with replacing the state’s first female senator and first female chief judge, Paterson may be reluctant to choose two downstate white men as successors. That will be complicated even more because one of the two judge finalists from outside New York City, Court of Appeals Associate Judge Eugene Pigott, was appointed by Republican Gov. George Pataki. The ongoing effort to lure the renegade Latino state senators into supporting the Democrats for the majority adds another complication. Court of Appeals Associate Judge Carmen Ciparick, a woman of Puerto Rican descent who has served on the court for longer than any judge but Kaye and was widely expected to be a finalist, was not on the list. Though Paterson initially asked Attorney General Andrew Cuomo to investigate going outside of the Commission finalists—perhaps to free him to pick Ciparick—he has since relented. That he cannot pick a woman or Latino for
As happened in the selection of Thomas DiNapoli (D), many expect that Silver, who would control 110 of the 212 votes in the Legislature, would be partial to picking one of his own members for a statewide opening. That could add yet another wrinkle if there is a leadership coup among the Senate Democrats and State Sen. Jeff Klein (DBronx/Westchester) becomes leader. An Assembly veteran who at one point considered running for attorney general in 2006, Klein might seem like a natural pick for the job if Cuomo vacates it, but Judith Kaye swore in David Paterson as governor in March, but now pick- that would set off even more turmoil within a conference that has had a very ing her successor has put him in a bind. difficult few months since election day. Clinton’s successor will serve at least him as a potential primary opponent to the Court may intensify the pressure to pick a woman or Latino for the Senate. Since the Paterson down the line. But if he is picked, until 2010, when there will be a special Court nominee must go to the State Senate then the search would have to begin for a election. Whoever wins will have to run for confirmation, though, the ultimate new attorney general. Not only would this again in 2012, when there will be the decision of the so-called Gang of Three on leave Sen. Charles Schumer (D) as the only regularly scheduled election. But despite whom to support for the majority could statewide official in the office to which he a sample group statistically too small to have a real effect on Paterson’s choice for was elected by the voters, but it could leave mean much, political history favors the this spot. Confirmations have rarely been Paterson in an uncomfortable position: the appointed senator, since no Democrat contentious—Kaye was reappointed in Legislature would be empowered to pick has ever lost statewide for Senate. Kaye’s 2007 for her final two years on the bench that replacement, but the governor might successor is technically eligible for a 13with just two dissenting votes—but if the be expected to weigh in, as happened year term, though several of the finalists Republicans are able to keep their grips on when Spitzer struck a short-lived deal would be forced off the bench early by the majority and want to flex their muscle, with Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver mandatory retirement at age 70. Spitzer, shaping the future of the state’s top court (D-Manhattan) over picking Alan Hevesi’s the last attorney general before Cuomo, could be a good place to start, potentially replacement as comptroller at the outset served eight years, and previous attorney increasing the chances of Pigott, given his of his term. Ultimately, that proved to be generals have stayed even longer (Robert the first battle in what became Spitzer’s Abrams spent 16 years in the job, Louis GOP credentials. Other factors might shape the decision as ongoing war with the Legislature, setting Lefkowitz spent 20). As if things were not well. Cuomo is seen as a leading contender a tone that crippled him for the rest of his intense enough already then, Paterson for the Senate seat, both because of his 15 months as governor, and undoubtedly has to face history: whomever he picks in proven electoral viability statewide and would have continued to had he made it these next six intense weeks will likely be with the state for many years to come. because an appointment would remove past Kristen.
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Carried In trading Senate for State, Hillary will have to leave behind her foreign gifts Date 3/3/2002 1/28/2003 1/28/2003 4/10/2003 1/1/2004 4/28/2005 7/29/2005 9/16/2005 1/1/2006
Donor country Luxembourg Liberia South Korea South Korea Afghanistan French Polynesia Kuwait India Bangladesh
Charles Fuschillo Howard Wietzman Dave Mejias Diane Yatauro
David McDonough
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The days of foreign nations raining moderately priced gifts on Sen. Hillary Clinton are over. In fact, as secretary of state, one of Clinton’s official duties will be publishing an annual list of gifts received by all federal employees in the Federal Register. While in the Senate, Clinton reported receiving 20 trinkets from foreign admirers, including two golden replicas of sailboats. By contrast, Senate colleagues such as Charles Schumer and Majority Leader Harry Reid received only one or two tokens in so many years. Of course, neither of them would have looked as good in a Hermes scarf. Clinton was allowed to keep anything that was valued under $335, and can take it with her to the State Department—where she will not be allowed to keep any gifts. Some of the most interesting items:
By Andrew J. Hawkins
Tom Suozzi Kate Murray
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The Kaye Factor
DECEMBER 2008
Item Hermes scarf Gold pin in the shape of a drum Small handbag by artist Geon Man Lee Copy of earrings in exhibition case for the 5th/6th century Afghan rug Carved wooden bookends from Tahiti Display replica of a Kuwaiti sailboat, a Sambuq, with gold plating Perfume oils in Taj Mahal presentation case Silver replica of a rickshaw
Kristen Gillibrand Marc Molinaro Teresa Saywood Elizabeth O’C. Little
Value $275 Not listed Not listed Not listed Not listed Not listed Not listed $400 $200
Caroline Kennedy
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www.cityhallnews.com
DECEMBER 2008
The Jump Seat H
illary Clinton never lived in New York before deciding to run for Senate, moving to Chappaqua and beginning her listening tour in an effort to win the seat which once belonged to Robert F. Kennedy— himself a non-New Yorker who arrived to run for an open seat in 1964. Though they lacked roots in the state, their political celebrity was enough to help them overcome the carpetbagger stigma and coast to what turned out to be easy wins. David Paterson must appoint a New Yorker to Clinton’s seat, but that new senator may not run for or win the necessary 2010 special election or 2012 regular election for the seat, leaving the option open for another highprofile person to parachute in for a run. Some of those non-New Yorker politicos who might consider the option:
Al Franken
The votes are still being counted in Minnesota, but doggone it, the creator of Stuart Smalley just does not seem to have been good enough to pull off a win over incumbent Sen. Norm Coleman. Franken narrowly lost to Coleman even though Barack Obama carried the state by 10 points on election day, and would probably not have done as well as he did without a third-party candidate who picked up more than 15 percent of the vote. A large part of the problem, many observers noted, was that Minnesotans were somewhat put off by his show-business sheen and his history of risqué humor over the course of his 30-year comedy career. His super-liberal positions on many issues probably did not help, either. Franken moved back to Minnesota, where he had grown up, to run for what had been the late Paul Wellstone’s seat—but he was born in New York and returned to the city to live after college, where he got a job writing for the original cast of Saturday Night Live. If he still has his hopes set on the Senate, he could pack up the moving van once again and come back to New York, where voters might be more willing to accept a man who both co-wrote the Coneheads movie and believes in creating universal health care.
John Edwards
Any future hopes for the career of the 2004 vicepresidential nominee were shattered over the summer, when the National Enquirer scored a rare journalistic scoop in breaking the news of John Edwards’ affair and possible love child. Or were they? Sure, cheating on your cancer-stricken wife with a woman who may or may not
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have received payments from your campaign may not play in Peoria or his home state of North Carolina, but in a state that has seen one governor go down in a prostitution scandal and another admit to a battle of revenge sex affairs with his wife, Edwards’ dalliances seem somewhat more tame. The one-time rising star of the Democratic Party already has two presidential runs under his belt, and he is still only 54 years old. That gives him more than enough time to stage a career resurrection—provided his baby face and hairline remain in good form—and a Senate race in New York could be a good place to spend a few years. Wooing voters from Staten Island to St. Lawrence County would take a lot of luck and a heavy helping of Southern charm, but, hey, Rep. Carolyn Maloney is under serious consideration for the Senate appointment, and she grew up in North Carolina, too.
Colin Powell
A decorated general, former national security advisor and chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, former secretary of state. Raised in the south Bronx, AfricanAmerican, in a solid 46-year marriage, speaks Yiddish. Moderate Republican, beloved by most Democrats. This is the kind of biography political consultants fantasize about when they dare to have absurdist, over-the-top dreams. Even after his vial-brandishing testimony at the United Nations in 2003, Powell remains one of the most beloved American political figures, as evidenced by the overwhelming response to his late-game endorsement of Barack Obama. But now that Hillary Clinton is taking over his old post at the State Department and Robert
Amount spent on HillPac salaries in 2008:
$462,531.60
Approximate money spent annually on government staff:
$3.1 million
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Gates is remaining on at Defense, the cabinet positions that some thought might go to Powell are taken. But the Senate seat is not. At 71, Powell is older than most freshman senators, but there seems little question that he would quickly be able to attract enough attention and gravitas to make him an effective force in Washington. This is a man, after all, who was once assumed to be a shoo-in for president, if he wanted the job. Especially in a state where the GOP is in perhaps its worst shape ever, Powell could be the force to turn the party fortunes around. As appealing as raking in cash serving on corporate boards and doing nonprofit work may be, a late-life tour in electoral politics might be even more of a lure.
Maria Shriver
Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. took his name out of consideration. Cousin Caroline Kennedy seems to somehow still be in the running, but there is another cousin, the first lady of California, whose experience in politics outstrips theirs. Maria Shriver, daughter of Eunice Kennedy and Sargent Shriver, the Peace Corps founder and 1968 vice-presidential candidate, is perhaps the most telegenic of the current Kennedy generation—or at least the one with the most experience on television. A former reporter for various NBC news shows, Shriver’s career in journalism was put forcibly on pause when her husband, macho movie star Arnold Schwarzenegger, won the 2003 California governor’s recall race, and she has not been seen by most outside California in the years since except for her cameos in tourism promos. But she reemerged this year as a political force, endorsing and campaigning for Barack Obama, even though that put her at odds with her McCain-loving husband. Returning to New York, where she spent a good part of her broadcast career, would be a challenge, as would raising her children as part of America’s first cross-country political power couple, but if anyone can do it, a Kennedy heir and the man who made Total Recall can.
Jay Leno
David Letterman may capture the spirit of many in the city, but it is Jay Leno who has demonstrated the kind of broadly based appeal that any candidate hoping to triumph in the widely diverse Empire State needs to have. If his new prime-time gig on NBC does not work out, he might see a future in politics. True, Leno has never been too political, but he has sat down with his fair share of politicians, including being the host of Arnold Schwarzenegger’s original campaign announcement and John McCain’s first post-election interview. His last signoff on the Tonight Show is scheduled for May 31, 2009, and he can even spend a few months testing out the new format at 10 p.m. before driving one of his many cars across the country and put together a campaign operation in time for the 2010 elections. —Edward-Isaac Dovere
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LITTLE SANDWICHES, BIG FLAVOR
FACES OF FRESHDIRECT Meet the folks who make it happen. Name Stanley Hall Department Catering Position Roundsman Favorite NY Place Shea Stadium What I do at FreshDirect: I started here three years ago as of this August, and I’ve always worked with catering. Now there’s nine people on my team. Before FreshDirect I spent 20 years in the food industry working with places like American Express, doing catering, working at a steakhouse...
What I love about my job:
Stanley’s Pick: Pulled Berkshire Pork Mini Brioche Sandwich Platter From farm-fresh fruits and vegetables to hand-made catering platters... from easy 4-Minute Meals to top-quality meat that’s cut to order just for you. We deliver delicious food at a good price — and more importantly — we deliver a few more free moments in your day.
Making the platters. You get to express yourself with the food. All the platters have set patterns, but every now and then you get to put a little extra touch in there. I make sure everything’s in just the right place.
In my community: My wife and I have two kids, one boy and one girl, and we’re active at our church in East Flatbush. I lead the children’s choir. It’s a bunch of kids from 3 to 12 years old. I love it. I’ve been singing at church from the first time I can remember.
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✶ Special Elections Preview ✶ For Monserrate’s Seat, Two Young Latino Activists Already Trading Barbs ulissa Ferreras was once seen as the heir apparent to Council Member Hiram Monserrate’s (D-Queens) seat. Then came the questions about Libre. The troubled Queens nonprofit, which Ferreras chaired while also serving as Monserrate’s chief of staff, has been under investigation for misusing taxpayer money steered to it by Monserrate. Ferreras, Monserrate’s longtime aide, claims no involvement in the group’s bookkeeping and has not been accused of any wrongdoing. “I wasn’t involved in the day-to-day operations,” she said. “It’s an issue I’ve answered, and many of my supporters feel comfortable with my answer.” Even as the allegations have surfaced, Ferreras has been diligently laying the groundwork for a run at the seat as soon as Monserrate resigns to become the new state senator. Her extensive political connections and roots in the district make her the favorite in the race. But the questions over her involvement in Libre linger—and her opponents would like nothing more than to keep them on voters’ minds. “This is something that is not going to go away,” said Francisco Moya, who is also seeking the seat. “It clearly shows poor judgment.” Moya worked for then-Senate Minority Leader David Paterson in Albany and Rep. Nydia Velasquez (D-Brooklyn/Queens/ Manhattan) on Capitol Hill. While there may ultimately be other candidates on the ballot by the special election, he and Ferreras are the only ones raising money and waging active campaigns for the seat. Moya, 33, and Ferreras, 32, have both been involved in the community for years, and both claim to represent a new generation of up-and-coming Latino political activists. Moya founded a community organization, the Corona Gardens Neighborhood Association, when he was 15. Ferreras ran a beacon school in Queens when she was 19. Those credentials will prove important in both their campaigns. The district covers a sprawling Hispanic community in some of the poorest neighborhoods in the city, and Monserrate has used the seat to act as an advocate for Latino issues citywide.
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“Being Hiram’s chief of staff allowed me to see the importance of having an advocate for Latinos here in the district and across the city,” Ferreras said. “But I also understand that my district is a very diverse district, and I’d like to do an even better job at including even more groups and understanding.” Moya, meanwhile, said the most important plank in his platform would be helping his constituents
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BY SAL GENTILE
through the recent economic turbulence. “In that district, where the average income for a family of four is $40,000 a year, we’re talking about people having to make some serious, serious decisions on what they’re doing,” he said. “We need someone who understands how to come up with creative solutions.” Within the accelerated time frame of the special election, Ferreras and Moya will face an additional challenge: marrying their political resources with a message that motivates a diverse and often fractured community in one of the most depressed pockets of the city. And if their rhetoric is any indication, they will cast themselves as purebred community activists, unaltered by their careers in politics. “I’m the one that stayed in my community and worked in my community my entire career,” Ferreras said. “I have not once gone to work for a corporate entity.” Moya, who is Cablevision’s New York City area director for government affairs, said his roots in the community were just as deep. “I have a lifelong record of community activism there,” he said. “I have the ability to live anywhere in New York City, and I just love my neighborhood.” sgentile@cityhallnews.com
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Hiram Monserrate has made no secret of the fact that he wants his chief of staff, Julissa Ferreras, to succeed him on The Council.
In Crowded Election for McMahon’s Seat, Candidates Each Lay Claim to a Different Base BY DAN RIVOLI hat was to be a packed 2009 primary for a termlimited seat has become an increasingly crowded special election to fill the end of the Council term which Congressman-elect Michael McMahon (D-Staten Island/Brooklyn) is about to leave behind. As of early December, six people have filed with the Campaign Finance Board to run, with more candidates expected to join the fray. Though the Staten Island Democratic Party is withholding an endorsement, there is only one candidate who is expected to reap the benefits of party support: Kenneth Mitchell, McMahon’s Council chief of staff. Mitchell had been eyeing a run to succeed his boss long before Capitol Hill
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was a possibility for McMahon. Mitchell’s campaign is already benefiting from McMahon’s new position as the borough’s top politician and de facto head of his party. Mitchell leads the pack in fundraising with $45,203 in his campaign account and
has tapped into McMahon’s Staten Island campaign operation, Mitchell said. McMahon also hosted Mitchell’s
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count on uncontested support from campaign kick-off party Dec. 6. the African-American community, “It will certainly be helpful that he’s with Rev. Tony Baker, a political the congressman,” Mitchell said. “Over newcomer, also entering the race. the past seven years, Mike and I have Baker, a pastor at St. Phillips developed a strong base throughout Baptist Church in Port Richmond, has the North Shore.” been a minister on Staten Island for If Mitchell wins the nonpartisan almost two decades. His career in the special election, he will continue military, and as a pastor, teacher and something of a tradition in the seat. community leader, has allowed him In 2001, outgoing Council Member to raise over $22,000—a sum that is Jerome O’Donovan backed McMahon, keeping him competitive against his then his long-time counsel, in the politically connected opponents. primary. And O’Donovan is throwing “I don’t come from the traditional Mitchell his support as well. political background,” Baker said. But Mitchell is a novice to electoral “Staten Island has the opportunity to politics, unlike his chief opponent, continue with the winds of change community activist Debi Rose, who ran in 2001 but lost to McMahon by 170 Debi Rose is running again for the that is sweeping our country. I want votes. Rose, who is African-American, Council seat she narrowly lost to to be a part of that change.” And they are far from alone. Rajiv has spent the past eight years building Michael McMahon in 2001. Gowda, a Democratic Party stalwart upon her relationship with the North and civil engineer, is making another board of several Liberian community Shore black community, which makes organizations in the borough. “They’ve attempt at elected office. He previously up 22 percent of the district. Rose said she has also made inroads been very vocal and active in the political tried to garner the borough’s Democratic Party nomination in the special election to with the North Shore’s exploding African process.” Rose’s name recognition grew succeed Assembly Member John Lavelle, population, which is predominantly Liberian. Staten Island contains the substantially this past presidential who died of a stroke in 2007. Gowda, a labor leader in the borough, largest diaspora center of Liberians, election, in which she was a convention most of them concentrated in the Council delegate for President-elect Barack has amassed $35,196 nearly exclusively from the tri-state area’s South Asian Obama. district. “That actually boosted my profile,” community. He also received a $150 The Liberians, Rose said, are cultivating Rose said. “It really took it through the donation from Assembly Member a voice in the borough’s political scene. Janele Hyer-Spencer (D-Staten Island/ “I enjoy a good relationship with the roof.” Rose, however, will not be able to Brooklyn). Liberians,” said Rose, who sits on the
In Race to Replace Addabbo, Some Familiar Faces, Some New n a chilly morning in Queens, Eric Ulrich, a candidate for Joseph Addabbo’s soon-to-be open City Council seat, posed with several former Council Republicans outside his newly-opened campaign office. Lining up the shot, the photographer asked them to move to the right. “We’re already too far to the right!” laughed Tom Ognibene, the former Council minority leader and a one-time candidate for mayor. Ulrich, a 24-year-old district leader, is probably hoping that voters in next year’s special election don’t see it that way, since the Council’s delegation has already thinned to two, and his district is known for being Democratic. To his advantage, though, candidates in special elections are not listed on the ballot by parties, putting him on officially equal footing with the three Democratic district leaders and one retired police officer hoping to replace Addabbo as he heads to Albany. Frank Gulliscio, a former teacher and district manager of Queens Community Board 6 who also briefly operated a roller disco rink in the 1980s, has the backing of
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most of the party apparatus. Gulliscio, who had been planning to run for Addabbo’s seat next year under the assumption that the incumbent would be forced out by term limits, raised over $32,000 as of July 2008 and spent over $5,000. He said that after campaigning heavily for Addabbo’s Senate race, he is ready to go ahead with his own bid for Council.
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also ready to pick up where Addabbo has left off. He plans to center his campaign around transportation issues, such as what he considers to be an illconceived proposal to toll the Cross Bay Bridge in the Rockaways. Simon said one advantage of his candidacy is his large base of supporters, all of whom have relied on him for assistance and advice for over a decade. “I feel that the love that I share in my heart will make the difference and the voters will come out,” said Simon, who currently works as a community representative for Senate Democratic Leader Malcolm Smith (D-Queens). Though he has not reported any fundraising numbers to the Campaign Finance Board, Simon said he is in the process of raising money. Also running are Glenn DiResto, a retired police lieutenant, and Geraldine Chapey, a Democratic district leader and CUNY regent. Neither could be reached for comment. Special election electorates can be fickle, and for Ulrich, the lone Republican newcomer Eric Ulrich Republican in the race, the case of thinks he can win Joseph Addabbo’s Council Member Anthony Como seat in the non-partisan special (R-Queens), who was elected in a election. special election in June, only to lose “They need an effective leader,” to Democrat Elizabeth Crowley six Gulliscio said. “Not someone who’s months later in the general election, coming in looking for a job, not somebody presents a clear lesson. “Como didn’t establish himself,” Ulrich who’s a carpetbagger, not somebody who’s just entering politics for the first said. “I’m running as an independent who will stand up to the political bosses. Como time in their life.” Lew Simon, another district leader and didn’t have enough time to do that.” a perennial Council candidate says he is ahawkins@cityhallnews.com ANDREW HAWKINS
BY ANDREW J. HAWKINS
DECEMBER 2008
Staten Island’s North Shore is home to a sizable South Asian community, most hailing from Sri Lanka. Like the Liberians, they are becoming a political force. Between 2004 and 2007, the district’s Muslim and South Asian voter registration rose 43 percent—the largest increase in the city. In a low-profile race where turning out the base is the key to winning, Gowda’s popularity among the borough’s South Asian community could be his path to winning. “It’s about time that people who are not ‘traditional’ will have a seat at the table,” Gowda said. Candidates like Paul Saryian and Tom Curitore have been building on their past positions—Curitore has ties to the small business community and Saryian is a retired police officer—to build together a coalition that they hope will surpass that of the frontrunners. Vincent Montalbano, a Staten Island Democratic political consultant, said that each candidate has an identifiable group of support. The winner of this race, he said, will be one who can motivate them to vote in a special election, which are notorious for low turnouts. “I think everybody has a piece of something,” Montalbano said. “Some bases are more significant than others.” drivoli@cityhallnews.com
“What he started,” Gulliscio said of Addabbo, “I want to finish.” In a year when many Council members will be running for re-election following the extension of term limits, Gulliscio acknowledged he was one of the lucky ones who gets to run for an open seat. That said, he said he was the best-suited for the job, given his experience working on budget and community issues with Addabbo.
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Hillary Clinton, meanwhile, looked to shore up support at home as her presidential campaign began to flounder…
Eliot Spitzer started the year well, though with the Troopergate investigation hanging over him….
Before long, Clinton’s campaign sputtered to a close and she called it quits…
So David Paterson was sworn in as governor, only to have the revelations about his own personal life dominate the news right away…
The day before the election, Michael Bloomberg signed his term limits extension into law, shaking city politics…
And at City Hall, Christine Quinn bowed out of the 2009 mayor’s race in her successful effort to corral Council members into extending their own time in office…
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Fellow New Yorker Rudolph Giuliani’s campaign, however, did not make it to February, and he immediately backed John McCain….
DECEMBER 2008
Then in the middle of it all, Eliot Spitzer shocked everyone by disappearing from the scene in the most unexpected of ways…
The
Year in Photos
ANDR E W S C HW AR TZ P HOTO S
Everything Changed
And while the temperatures were already high, the heat began to turn up on Paterson’s neighbor, Charlie Rangel, over his questionable financial decisions…
Meanwhile, back in Albany, Paterson began warring with Senate Majority Leader Dean Skelos over the budget crisis…
Also that night, Malcolm Smith and the State Senate Democrats appeared to capture the majority, only in the next few months to lose it, then get it, then lose it again…
Then the next day, Barack Obama won a decisive victory, shaking national politics and history…
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Meanwhile, Chuck Schumer masterminded a gain of eight seats by the Democrats in the United States Senate as it quickly became clear that he would soon be the state’s even more senior senator…
And not even the usually quiet Court of Appeals was safe from controversy, as Judith Kaye’s mandatory retirement sparked a firestorm over the list of nominees to replace her.
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EDITORIAL For the Next Senator, Eight Years Will Not Be Enough www.cityhallnews.com President/CEO: Tom Allon tallon@manhattanmedia.com
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hese days, eight years is a long time to spend in most jobs. In the United States Senate, though, eight years is just enough time to get started. There, where six years in office still makes you a freshman and six terms is far from unheard of, Hillary Clinton’s time representing New York comes off as a relative blip. She got some legislating done, drilled down into some choice committees and, at an accelerated pace thanks to her existing celebrity, made some progress in establishing herself as a decisive force within Washington. We all knew the bargain from the beginning. Even as Clinton embarked on her listening tour in 1999, admirably convincing New Yorkers in every corner of the state that she wanted to and should be their senator, no one really believed her plan was to turn gray in the seat. For many, having her as senator was a source of pride, and having her ability to get things done on account of her connections was a reason for respect. But like a summer fling, we all knew that she would be moving on before too long. Eight years was as much as it all could possibly have lasted. For whatever the good points in Clinton’s record as senator—and there are arguably many—by using the seat as a perch until a bigger opportunity came along, she has cost the state crucial years of building up seniority in Washington. Now that she is off to the State Department, her successor will have to start from scratch. Seniority is hard to come by in D.C., and even with so many new senators coming in (many of who
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owe their seats in part to our other senator, outgoing DSCC wizard Chuck Schumer), the new senator will be years away from having real clout in the capital. That is why, though there are many political factors that will be weighing on
Yorkers with a sound choice, a person able to start doing the job no more than 30 seconds after being sworn in and ready to do the job for the next 30 years. Of course, that means finding someone who might be able to keep winning on his or her own in coming elections, whether that means through fundraising ability or mass appeal. It also means picking someone of a relatively young age: picking a caretaker for the seat, as the governor of Delaware has to replace Vice President-elect Joseph Biden, should be out of the question. (In the chamber of seniors which is the Senate, though, this is not as big a cut-off as it might seem: picking someone in his or her early 60s would still be young enough.) That is not to say that the Republicans should cede the seat entirely to the Democrats. On the contrary, having an effective and responsive new senator will require that the GOP run a spirited candidate against Clinton’s replacement in both the 2010 special election and 2012 regular election. Perhaps, depending on how the appointed senator takes to the new office, he or she will not deserve to be re-elected. But what the state needs right now and for many years to come is someone who will look at the Senate as a final destination, not a stepping stone or a temporary perch. If Paterson wants to demonstrate that he is serious about the state’s future—especially to those who do not already know him well—then this is the type of person he must pick.
Prime on Paterson’s mind should be someone whose plan and goal will be to grow old in the Senate seat, with the political abilities to match. David Paterson’s mind as he makes the decision about replacing Clinton, prime on his mind should be someone whose plan and goal will be to grow old in the seat, with the political abilities to match. Paterson could understandably be tempted to choose the next senator based on his own campaign considerations for 2010. But the task at hand is far too serious for what would be such irresponsible governing. This is an important decision in important times: the country has rarely been in worse shape, and the state has never had a year with quite as much political and governmental turmoil as 2008. Especially given the circumstances under which he himself became governor, Paterson has an obligation to present New
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A Focused Agenda for the City and Federal Government Needed to Improve New Yorkers’ Lives BY COUNCIL MEMBER LARRY SEABROOK n the past few months the word “recession” has been heard so often some may be tempted to underestimate its impact, but make no mistake, our economy is in trouble. And in the Black and minority community, we have been in a crisis mode for a long time. The American economy has shed jobs for ten consecutive months. Data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics puts the national unemployment rate at 6.7 percent—the highest rate since March 1994. Black male unemployment in New York City is estimated at over 50 percent. However, there are opportunities imbedded in the challenges that we face. This was the basis for the convening of the Urban Agenda Summit. The crisis level of minority and Black male unemployment and underemployment in the City of New York called for a gathering of great minds and community advocates. Policy planners from over 100 nonprofits and university think tanks
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were invited to participate and to provide concise and reasonable approaches to the solutions we seek. The major focal points of the Urban Agenda Summit were to evaluate the Comprehensive Employment Training Act (CETA) and Job Training Partnership Act (JTPA) programs; review current workforce development modalities; and chart a new course of action for the 21st century. In this regard participants of the Summit looked to the Center for American Progress, the DuBois-Bunche Center for Public Policy and the Center for NuLeadership on Urban Solutions, Medgar Evers College, CUNY, for their vision and leadership. We worked together to develop legislative and advocacy strategies that will encourage the passage of federal legislation that authorizes the rebuilding of our nation’s infrastructure and the advancement of a new energy economy. The Center for American Leadership unveiled the Green Economic Recovery Program: Impact on New York, part of a
national program to create good jobs and start building a low-carbon economy, highlighting major areas of new job creation in New York and across the nation. The vast majority of jobs created through a green economic recovery program are in the same areas of employment that people already work in today, in every region and state of the country. Constructing wind farms, for example, creates jobs for sheet metal workers, machinists and truck drivers, among others. Increasing the energy efficiency of buildings through retrofitting requires roofers, insulators and building inspectors. Expanding mass transit systems employs civil engineers, electricians and dispatchers. More generally, this green recovery program will provide a major boost to the construction and manufacturing sectors throughout the United States through much-needed spending on green infrastructure. The goals of the Urban Agenda Summit were to construct a new workforce development paradigm; legislative
and advocacy strategies that will help: resolve the Black and Latino unemployment crisis; organize a progressive collaboration of workforce development partners; design and execute a Rebuild New York City Action Plan; organize a collaborative network that will advance a New Energy Economy and Green Economic Recovery Program in New York City. The signs are clear: the national economy is struggling; however, in our Black and Latino communities the problem is ten-fold. The Urban Agenda Summit provided an opportunity for us to work together as Americans who are focused on making a difference. By setting aside our cultural, class and political differences, we can seize the opportunities that are imbedded in the challenges that we will face next year and into the next decade.
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Larry Seabrook, a Democrat representing parts of the Bronx, is the chair of the Council Civil Rights Committee.
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OP-ED Preserving Affordable Housing Means Rethinking Our Approach to Labor BY BERNARD CARR ew affordable rental housing, always in short supply in New York City, is in danger of becoming another casualty of the current economic crisis. Affordable rental housing development depends not just on government dollars, but also on private investment. In fact, a dollar of public subsidy can generate as much as five dollars in private money, making affordable housing a great use of public resources. Unfortunately, the credit crunch and losses in the banking industry are making it increasingly difficult to secure this investment. Without a continued commitment of government resources to make up the gap, a critical need will continue to go unmet and tens of thousands of low- and middle-income families will be hurt. Even before the downturn, New York City had an affordable housing crisis.
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Between 2002 and 2005, median rents increased 20 percent while median income dropped. During this period, units affordable to households making less than $32,000 a year—which includes two out of every five New York City families—dropped by 17 percent. Every day more families need affordable housing, and yet every day more units are lost. Our economic downturn will only increase the demand. The Bloomberg and Paterson administrations have worked hard to arrest these trends. Governor Paterson and the Legislature added $200 million to the state’s affordable housing programs in the current budget, a substantial amount of which will go to New York City. Two months ago, Mayor Bloomberg’s 10-year plan to create and preserve 165,000 units of affordable housing reached its midpoint.
Even some forms of federal aid to the city increased this year. However, a new infusion of subsidies will not be enough to get us out of this
A prevailing wage requirement would result in additional cost increases of 30 percent or more for housing. Thousands of units would be lost. predicament if economic trends continue. Unlike the recessions in 1990 and 2001, which did not substantially change the economics of affordable housing development, the current crisis affects
Why Mayoral Control Needs Reform BY NORM FRUCHTER AND APRIL HUMPHREY n 2002, our school system was in crisis. The graduation rate was low, especially for Black and Latino students, teacher attrition rates were high, parent dissatisfaction was rampant. Of the 32 school districts, some did really well— while others did poorly year after year. The State Legislature, looking for a fix, changed the Decentralization Law to give Mayor Bloomberg unfettered power over the school system. The mayor now controls a majority of appointees to the Panel for Education Policy, once known as the Board of Education. He can remove his appointees at any time if they disagree with him, which happened in 2003 on the day of a vote over a controversial third-grade retention policy. In other cities under mayoral control of education, mayors share power with other elected or appointed officials. But Mayor Bloomberg has more power over schools than any other big-city mayor. And he has wielded that power. He followed the third-grade retention policy up with fifth-, seventh- and eighth-grade retention policies and has twice completely restructured the school system. Are the city’s students doing better as a result of the mayor’s reforms? The official word is that an education miracle has transformed the city’s schools. Test scores are up. Graduation rates are up. But the reality is more complicated, and less triumphal. City scores on state tests have gone up. But scores have risen statewide, suggesting that the increases may be an artifact of test construction rather than may-
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oral reform. The city’s race-based achievement gap on state tests has not significantly decreased since 2003. And the National Assessment of Educational Progress, the nation’s report card and the gold standard for testing, shows no significant progress for New York City’s fourth- and eighth-graders in math or English Language Arts since 2002. Though the city’s graduation rates have risen, almost all that increase is in local diplomas awarded. Yet the local diploma is being phased out by the state; the Regents diploma will be the only option for this year’s incoming ninth graders. Because only 40 percent of ninth-graders currently graduate with a Regents diploma in four years, the school system is facing a huge challenge with terrible costs for this continuing failure. Even worse, less than one in three Black and Latino students currently graduate with a Regents diploma, threatening the city schools with an enormous increase in the race-based graduation gap. Only one in ten English Language learners currently graduate with a Regents diploma in four years, and only one in twenty students with disabilities. These numbers represent shocking failures to educate our highest-need students, and challenge the notion that mayoral control has produced an education miracle in the city’s schools. Mayoral control has locked parents, students and educators out of the decisions that affect the quality of schooling students receive, by defining these critical constituencies as special interests irrelevant to decision-making or obstructions to reform. But no one person, with no educational training or experience, can know what reforms will reach each
and every one of our over one million students. Successful school reforms require participant buy-in and collaborative development with parents, students, educators and administrators. When mayoral control comes up for re-authorization, the Legislature should reform it to improve it. First, mayoral control needs checks and balances. No one individual should wield absolute power over such a large, diverse school system. Appropriate checks and balances will ensure that critical policies are developed in collaboration with key stakeholders and constituents. Mayoral control also needs greater transparency over school finances, as well as transparent, accessible and independent school and student performance data. The mayor and chancellor have celebrated a triumph of accountability, through high-stakes tests and a new school-grading system. But how can the mayor and chancellor be held accountable when, essentially, they evaluate themselves? We need a reliable professional group, similar to the Independent Budget Office, with full access to data, to annually evaluate school system performance. And finally, we need meaningful venues for public participation in decisions that affect our public schools. Without the involvement and engagement of parents, youth, educators and community we will not be able to improve our city’s failing schools.
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Norm Fruchter is the former executive director of the Annenberg Institute for School Reform. April Humphrey is the lead organizer for the Alliance for Quality Education.
many of the private funding sources that developers have learned to tap over the years. The value of financing received from investors through the federal lowincome housing tax credit program has dropped almost 20 percent. The interest rate that developers must pay for tax-exempt bond financing has skyrocketed. Bank construction loans are becoming much more expensive and difficult to find. These new challenges come on top of old ones, such as the soaring costs of land and construction materials. While these may stabilize in an economic downturn, there is no reason to think that they will decline. Meanwhile, political pressures to impose new mandates, such as the payment of prevailing wages on affordable housing jobs, continue in both Albany and City Hall. A prevailing wage requirement would result in additional cost increases of 30 percent or more. Thousands of units would be lost, while many of the small, communitybased subcontractors who do much of the affordable housing construction in New York City would be displaced at the worst possible time. Inevitably, the need to reduce government spending will threaten the city and state programs that subsidize affordable rental housing development. Cutting these programs now will do little to help the current budget, since they are paid for out of long-term capital funds. Instead, we would end up with fewer construction jobs for New York City residents and more families compelled to paying half or more of their income just for rent. New York is fortunate that it has an experienced and creative affordable housing community of developers, government officials, lenders and investors. The challenge they face is huge, but so is the need. This is the time for government at all levels to renew its commitment to provide the affordable rental housing that New York City families so desperately need.
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Bernard Carr is the executive director of the New York State Association for Affordable Housing (NYSAFAH).
City Hall welcomes submissions to the op-ed page. A piece should be maximum 650 words long, accompanied by the name and address of the author, and submitted via email to cityhall@manhattanmedia.com to be considered.
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December 2008
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Candidates Begin Eyeing Lappin’s Council Seat
Quart has registered for an undeclared race with the Campaign Finance Board with $30,445 still left in his account. “I have some standing in the community, name recognition and something to build on as I ask for support in 2009,” he said. Manhattan Community Board 8 chair David Liston is considering a run as well. Liston, an attorney at Hughes Hubbard, said his time on the board showed him how an effective Council member can improve the community. “I’m certainly considering pursuing the vacancy, if there is one,” Liston said. “I’ve enjoyed the community board and seeing the impact I’ve had on the community through my work as chair of the board.”
Helping the Environment and Economy is as Easy as ABC, Quinn Says Council Speaker Christine Quinn (D-Manhattan) used her keynote speech at the New York League of Conservation Voters cocktail fundraiser Dec. 2 not to comment on the irony of the gilded fake bucks’ heads mounted above her on the ceiling of the Russian Tea Room, but to
kath ryn k ir k
Although Council Member Jessica Lappin (D-Manhattan) has yet to make an official announcement of her run for public advocate, there are already two candidates prepared to run for what they believe will be an open seat representing the Upper East Side. Dan Quart, the former chair of Community Board 8’s Transportation Committee, said he would make his second bid for the seat. In 2005, Quart came in second in the Democratic primary, losing to Lappin, who was then chief of staff to term-limited City Council Speaker Gifford Miller (D-Manhattan). At the time, Quart said he would not run again, but he said he would reconsider that choice in light of Lappin’s unexpected decision to run citywide instead of pursuing what would likely be a safe run for a second term. “There’s a continuing need for an advocate to go down to City Hall and fight for basic progressive values,” Quart said. Quart, an attorney, stressed his community ties, and said he regularly offers pro bono legal work in the district for matters concerning transportation, disabled veterans and housing. Quart said he lacked political support in his first race for Council and will seek to change that for his return. However, he is going to continue the grassroots campaign he built in 2005.
On Dec. 3, JJ Byrne Park in Park Slope, Brooklyn, was renamed Washington Park. Breaking ceremonial ground to commemorate the renaming were Parks Department Deputy Commissioner for Public Programs Kevin Jeffrey, playing the part of Nathaneal Greene, Brooklyn Borough President Marty Markowitz, Parks Commissioner Adrian Benepe, Old Stone House Executive Director Kim Maier, City Council Member Bill de Blasio and Parks Department Brooklyn Borough Commissioner Julius Spiegel, playing the part of George Washington.
whip up support for the effort to get Gov. David Paterson (D) to allow the city to put a tax on plastic bags. Doing so, Quinn insisted, would be a demonstration of how certain approaches to public policy can help the economy and the environment. She knew this commingling of efforts worked, she joked to the crowd, because of the environmentally conscious food delivery service run by several characters on the ABC Sunday-night drama Brothers & Sisters, a favorite of hers. “If Greenatopia can be a big story on Brothers & Sisters, it can be a big boost to the economy right here in the city of New York,” Quinn said.
McMahon Braces for Vito’s Encore Incoming Rep. Michael McMahon (DStaten Island/Brooklyn) has yet to be sworn in, yet he is already keeping guard over his 2010 election—and over Vito Fossella, whose seat McMahon is about to take over. McMahon’s campaign sent out an email blast to supporters highlighting his glowing post-Election Day coverage, including his unofficial swearing in ceremony and tapping Christopher McCannell as his Washington, D.C., chief of staff. The last item of the email asks supporters to “keep me and the campaign we all worked so hard for in mind as we gear up for future elections.” The reminder is followed by a link to a news story on his disgraced predecessor’s 500-person “thank you” party, largely seen in Republican circles as Fossella’s way of beginning to plant the seeds of a comeback.
“Everybody in elected office should be mindful of the Boy Scouts motto: be prepared,” said Evan Stavisky, McMahon’s campaign consultant. “There’s been speculation and we will always want to make sure Mike’s constituents who worked so hard on this successful campaign are aware of developments within the community.”
Political Consultant Picked as Elector Richard Fife has been in politics for over 30 years. He assisted in gubernatorial campaigns from coast to coast and runs a public relations and political consulting business. Fife, 53, can add member of the Electoral College to his résumé. Fife was selected to cast his vote as an elector for Barack Obama, officially electing the president and vice president. “I feel very honored and excited casting my vote for Obama,” Fife said. Despite the honor, Fife called the system outdated. “There’s a side of me that thinks about how ridiculous the electoral college is,” Fife said. Fife, a native Upper West Sider and son of former Dinkins Deputy Mayor Barbara Fife, was selected to be in the electoral slate after Labor Day by the New York State Democratic Party’s executive committee. Fife worked in the past for Sen. Hillary Clinton (D) but, along with his client State Sen. Bill Perkins (DManhattan), threw his support to Obama during the primaries. With a slate designed to strike a balance between Clinton and Obama supporters, the electors will meet in the State
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Senate chambers on Dec. 15 to cast their votes, which will then be reported to the United States Senate. “June O’Neill made an effort to be very inclusive and diverse,” Fife said of the state Democratic Party chair. “The selected slate will be very unifying.”
GCA Publishes History of Building Most of New Yorkers are not old enough to remember the year 1917, when the IRT line being constructed in Sunnyside, Queens, stretched forever into the horizon, flanked on both sides by dirt and a few scattered buildings. Today, 800,000 cars and trucks pass through the five boroughs, 1.3 billion gallons of water flow through 6,000 miles of pipes, and 50 million megawatts of electricity are used every day. To Build New York: 100 Years of Infrastructure, a new book published by the General Contractors Association of New York, reminds current generations of the remarkable and perilous effort that went into installing and building the underground wires, subway lines, highways and water mains needed to power, move and hydrate a city of 8.3 million. “The construction industry is a different world from where we were in the past. The business was very different then. We took huge risks. We lived from hand to mouth. There was a lot less planning and almost no safety, like the wild west,” Robert Koch, president/CEO of Skanska Koch says in the book. By Edward-Isaac Dovere, Andrew J. Hawkins, Clark Merrefield and Dan Rivoli.
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December 2008
: Big McMahon on Campus
ouncil Member Michael McMahon is about to replace Vito Fossella, the city’s last remaining Republican congressman. But if that seems cause for bravado, McMahon does not show it. He is headed to Washington at a time when both the city and the country face some of their greatest challenges—and when budgetary constraints will make it difficult to bring money back to the district and the state. What makes his job even more difficult is that everyone—the governor and legislative leaders especially—seems to be clamoring for more money from Washington. It remains to be seen whether McMahon can deliver, but he took some time from his transition down in Washington to discuss his chances for success—as well as the political implications of his arrival— with City Hall. What follows is an edited transcript.
CH: Are you getting a sense yet of what the differences are going to be, legislatively, between the Council and Congress? MM: I mean, I think that, you know, certainly the legislative process in the City Council was more direct and more narrowly focused. You know, for instance, I passed a bill that put more ferry service, or put nurses in every school. … And that type of single-focus, narrowissue legislations is not part of the process. Where, on the other hand, we did a 20-year solid waste management plan in the City Council, and that was much more the nature of the type of legislation that you do here. It’s much more broad-based and less far-reaching, and you’re dealing more with, you know, tides and currents rather than, you know, small waves in the ocean. CH: And are you getting a sense of what your first policy priorities and committee assignments will be? MM: Yeah, I mean, you know, for me, a priority of course for my district are the transportation initiatives and the infrastructure issue. And I think that that will be—for the nation and for New York and my district—very timely, because I think not only will there be a six-year transportation funding bill next year, most likely the new administration is going to make infrastructure investment very much a part of their long-term economic plan. So I hope to be part of that process, working with the city and the state, as well as folks like the MTA and Port Authority, in developing a long-term strategy for the region. … It’s an issue that’s strong in everybody’s mind and it’s certainly one that I’m—given my background in the sanitation committee and a program we set up
a shift in political structure. But I think it’s not only limited to Staten Island and Brooklyn, you also see it nationally, where the Democrats are in the ascent and Republicans are retrenching, and they are in the decline. But I think it’s a shift that certainly can shift back the other way. So I don’t foresee any longterm effects yet. They may be there, I just don’t know if they’re there yet. […] And I certainly expect the Republicans to regroup. CH: In August, former Republican Congressman and Staten Island Borough President Guy Molinari told City Hall that the Republicans were concerned that you would do as he did two decades ago and use your win of the Congressional seat to go after Republicans that are holding seats. Is that the case? MM: As I said, I haven’t looked at things at all through that very political prism yet, at all. Right now, I’m just concerned with setting up offices that have a meaningful impact on the district and getting to work in Washington for the folks. I think the politics has yet to play itself out. andr e w s c w ar tz
City Hall: So, how is the transition going? Michael McMahon: Believe it or not, there’s a lot of logistical work that has to be done. Each member has to do a lot of their own internal logistical work, more than I encountered in the City Council or the State Legislature. So you know, we have to find office space, we have to get leases, we have to get information technology systems, both the hardware and the software. We have to get staff, we have to get all those things that we need to have our offices up and running, both in the district and in Washington. They don’t really help you with that except, “here’s your budget,” and we have to go figure it out.
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there, the infrastructure, the intermodal program that we set up there, which is now actually already operating in the Bronx and in Staten Island and will come to the other counties, the other boroughs—you know, that’s something that I intend to focus on. It’s also, listening to the leadership of the Congress speak, it’s an issue very much on the tip of their tongues as well, the need to invest in science, technology and infrastructure. CH. Are legislative leaders, including Republicans, putting pressure on the congressional delegation to do more than you think is possible given the economic climate? MM: Well, I think there are shortfalls everywhere, and I do believe that aid to the state’s federal localities is going to be part of a package that we put out early next year. So, even in my [freshman] delegation, there’s about 50 of us, and many come from local government, and they are keenly aware that the local governments
CH: Are you confident that you will get a slot on the transportation committee, which you’ve said you want? MM: No. I am optimistic. Or, I am working on it very hard. But it’s not something that I totally control. There are a lot of factors. But it’s—what I can say is, it’s very much the focus of my efforts, and whatever happens, I will do my best on all these issues to serve the people in the district. CH: Any other committees you’d be interested in serving on? MM: I also, in the campaign, realized just how marvelously diverse the district is. The growth in the new immigrant population is stunning, and so Foreign Affairs is a committee that I’m contemplating. Committees that have budget powers are something that I aspire to, but as a freshman, you have to wait a term or two until you get to that.
“Looking a bit in the rearview mirror now, I do get a sense that there was a bit of a shift in the political structure.” are hurting and that if we don’t help them out, then that’s going to be a strong impact on the people back home. I think that’s why they came down yesterday, to have that talk, but I think it’s something that we’re all very, very much aware of. CH: You are a Democrat, elected to a seat that has been held by Republicans for 16 years. Do you see your election as a bellwether for the way Staten Island is changing politically? MM: You know, I never thought of that when I looked through the windshield of the campaign. Certainly, looking a bit in the rearview mirror now, I do get a sense that there was a bit of
CH: You mentioned the demographic changes. That seems like something many elected leaders are grappling with. How do you adjust to those shifts, and how do they change your legislative priorities? MM: Well, first we have to break down the language barriers. As with the campaign, where I had people who could speak Russian, and Chinese, and the other languages that are prevalent, we have to work on that. I think the focus of our work will be shifting a little bit for the constituents from dealing with municipal problems like potholes, and street signs, and noise, to things like immigration, social security, long-term health care and health care in general. So I think that’s where the shift will be. —Sal Gentile sgentile@cityhallnews.com
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BUILD BETTER • BUILD SAFER • BUILD UNION
CONSTRUCTION IS THE ENGINE THAT DRIVES THE ECONOMY! Thank you to New York City’s political leaders for recognizing the critical role that construction plays in the health and vitality of our City’s economy.
2008 • • • •
West Harlem Rezoning Willets Point Redevelopment Fitterman Hall Staten Island Courthouse
Now more than ever we need to move forward with these important projects and issues.
2009 • Downtown Brooklyn Redevelopment • Coney Island Revitalization • Extension of the School Construction Authority Project Labor Agreement • Responsible Contractor Language in Housing Preservation & Development Contracts
Greater New York Laborers-Employers Cooperation & Education Trust A jointly managed trust fund, charged with supporting and promoting the interests of 1,500 signatory contractors and the 15,000 members of the Mason Tenders District Council. Its four point mission: marketing and promotion; legislative and governmental affairs; research and business development; and prevailing wage monitoring.
Mason Tenders District Council of Greater New York, LIUNA General Building Laborers Local 66 Asbestos, Lead & Hazardous Waste Laborers Local 78 Construction & General Building Laborers Local 79 Waste Material, Recycling & General Industrial Laborers Local 108
Contractor Associations Associated Brick Mason Contractors (ABMC) Building Contractors Association (BCA) Contractors Association of Greater New York, Inc. (CAGNY) Environmental Contractors Association (ECA) Interior Demolition Contractors Association (IDCA) The Cement League (TCL) Wall & Ceiling Contactor Association, Long Island (WCC) Independent Contractors
266 West 37th St. Suite 1100, New York, NY 10018 Phone: (212) 452-9300 | Fax: (212) 452-9318 E-mail: lecet@gnylecet.net | www.masontenders.org
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Looking Ahead to 2013
Why 2013?
Our junior senator may be departing for Washington to become secretary of state and the head of the New York Federal Reserve joining her as the new secretary of the treasury, but that does not mean the challenges facing the city and state are anything less than deeply serious. The implosion of
Wall Street alone will mean the end of thousands more financial-sector jobs—and thousands more on top of those from ancillary fields. At the geographic and economic epicenter of the global financial crisis, New York’s future in the immediate and long term will be shaken in ways that the rollicking stock market over the past few months has only begun to make clear. The city budget is dipping into the red. The state budget is well into freefall. Services will be cut while the need for them expands. All New Yorkers will feel the ripple effect, whether they are living in suddenly foreclosed homes, watching slower revenues stack up at their businesses or staring down at bills that simply cannot be paid. Overall quality of life in New York is threatened at the same time that individual quality of life for every New Yorker is as well. New York has faced tough times before, emerging out of each stronger and more robust. But while trying to predict how the current situation will alter the course of the city long-term may be impossible, looking into the immediate future is not. Within five years—if not before—the world and the city will be headed toward at least partial economic recovery. Within five years, the policies being discussed and put in place today will have either begun to work or failed. Within five years, whoever wins the 2009 races for mayor and other city offices on promises of improving New Yorkers’ lives will be at the end of their terms, with records that can then be readily evaluated. Within five years, we will fint out where New York goes next.
Those Who Predict New York’s Future Are Bound to Be Wrong By DaviD ReiD
I
t’s a mug’s game, but confronted with the sheer physical and world-historical fact of New York City, everyone from the jumped-up developers to politicians, sociologists, journalists, novelists, filmmakers, architects and poets have been tempted to play the prophet. With all that has come before, what can possibly come next? As William C arlos Williams, w atching from across the river in Paterson, N.J., slyly confessed in the l930s: or years I’ve been tormented by F that miracle, the buildings all lit up unable to say anything much to the point though it is the major sight of this region.
The problem with prophecy, especially about a place as bustling and dynamic as New York, is that the prophets rarely hit the target, or even come close. Right next to the city that actually is sits the even more grandiose and weird city that never was, its streets littered with failed prophecy: all the huge schemes never realized, the alternate futures that never arrived, the follies avoided, the radioactive dooms thus far averted. In the New York that might have been, banker Otto Kahn actually succeeded in building the new Metropolitan Opera House of his dreams in 1926. In turn, Rockefeller Center, whose original raison d’être was the opera house, never would have been built. Instead of Times Square, the commercial and entertainment hub of Manhattan is Hearst Square, formerly Columbus Circle, just as William Randolph Hearst and his partner Arthur Brisbane planned in the 1920s. The East River between 42nd and 48th streets boasts the grandeur of Zeckendorf City. This vast skyscraper ensemble was built just after World War II by the master developer William Zeckendorf, who
shrewdly bought up the lots then occupied by slaughterhouses (in those days, First Avenue was known as Blood Alley). In this alternate world, Nelson Rockefeller never did manage to persuade his billionaire father to buy the property from Zeckendorf and donate it as a site for the United Nations Headquarters, but in the end John D. Rockefeller, Jr. balked at the $8.5 million price tag. So Zeckendorf reverted to the immense plans his architect Wallace K. Harrison had already drawn up for what was provisionally called X City. (Rebuffed, the UN moved its headquarters from Flushing Meadows to Philadelphia, which started calling itself “the capital city of the world.”) Stop off in the New York that might have been in Central Park to watch the jousting matches between teenage boys, which Mayor Norman Mailer (Governor Mailer after his successful drive to make New York City the 51st state) prescribed back in the turbulent 1960s as a cure for juvenile delinquency. Of course, in this town of the imagination, the mile-high apex of Buckminster Fuller’s gigantic geodesic dome can be seen from anywhere in midtown. In the city that might have been, Fuller succeeded in petitioning the city to let him build his architectural wonder in the midst of that same giddy moment of the ’60s. In the New York once predicted, Ellis Island is a great tourist attraction, but not for the Romanesque “castle” through which the huddled masses once passed. An unsentimental city sold the ruins to a pair of real estate speculators who tore them down and, in 1959, hired the 92-year-old Frank Lloyd Wright to design “The Key,” a fantastic dream city featuring such marvels as a spherical nightclub and a futuristic yacht harbor. It was the old maestro’s last commission, and he lived only long enough to pencil a few sketches, but his vision was profitably realized. One could go on adding to the imaginary
cityscape for days. Superimpose, for example, Robert Moses’ Mid-Manhattan Expressway, originally proposed in 1946, which would have destroyed SoHo, tearing from the Hudson through to the East River and passing through the Empire State Building at the sixth floor. Instead of the Twin Towers or the Freedom Tower, stick Antonio Gaudi’s thousand-foot-tall 1908 Grand Hotel at the southwest edge of Manhattan. But though the skyline may be impossible to predict, the general feeling of NewYork has been somewhat easier to see—or at least was for Thyra Samter Winslow, who published the classic story A Cycle of Manhattan in 1919, telling the story of the Rosenheimer clan, who progress by stages from a hovel on MacDougal Street to Riverside Drive, then Park Avenue and the East ’60s, only to be led back, a prosperous generation later, to their original rooms above a stable by an artist grandson who condescendingly introduces them to a “real” neighborhood. Meanwhile, the turbulence on Wall Street has people pulling out the erasers for their sketchbooks once again, revising what was certain just a year or two ago. “Brooklyn (like it or not) will get a shimmering Frank Gehry Crown,” New York magazine headlined in its “New York in 2016” issue in 2006. Now the opponents of Bruce Ratner’s $4-billion Atlantic Yards project are ecstatically declaring it dead. Gehry’s original 600-foot Constructivist Slinky design for the “Miss Brooklyn” has been abandoned, and now belongs to the imaginary city along with Gaudi’s
tower and Philip Johnson’s various plans for Times Square proposed during the 1980s— including the one with four mansard-roofed skyscrapers. As for prophecy: when Norman Mailer actually was running for mayor in 1969, he ventured, as reported by the Times: “The only way to end smog is for the citizens to get muskets, get on barges, go to Jersey and explode all the factories.” That didn’t turn out to be necessary. The more New York changes, the more it remains, as Walter Winchell used to say, New Yorky. davidgreid@earthlink.net
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David Reid’s next book, The Brazen Age: New York City and the American Empire in the 1940s will be published by Pantheon. He lives in Berkeley, CA.
Looking at the City’s Future Through the Eyes of City Futurists By PatRick tuckeR
W
hat Is the future of New York? Ask a futurist. In times of uncertainty, the stock of the futurist, the man or woman willing to traffic in worst- and best-case scenarios, tends to rise. The futurist’s job is not magic. We look at the trends other people ignore, explore how the unknown might play upon the known, and from these observations create pictures of possible outcomes. While some in the popular press would have you believe that the financial crisis has turned New York into a veritable Chernobyl, spewing toxic assets in a massive—and surely fatal— hemorrhage, the city that never sleeps does indeed have a future, a bright one, if her people choose. Businesses, governments, artists and scientists are creating this new future right now. So what does the Big Apple look like in five years? In 20? I asked several New York– based members of the World Future Society: Arnold Brown of the firm Weiner, Edrich,
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new York nexT
Brown, Inc.; Lisa Brown of the FutureThink consultancy; Michael Rogers, former New York Times futurist in residence; and Mike Treder, head of the Center for Responsible Nanotechnology. All agreed that the city has short-term, but absolutely surmountable, obstacles. And they had more than a few suggestions to help us reach the horizon we all want. For decades, the Big Apple has served as a magnet for the idealistic, the eccentric, the creative—and most especially the young. Artists and recent college graduates were willing to put themselves at economic disadvantage by working low-paying, unstable jobs in galleries, publishing houses, studios and theatres in an increasingly expensive city. They did this in order to be part of a broader cultural phenomenon that is the American publishing business, the SOHO art scene, Broadway and even Wall Street. Revitalizing New York’s finances, cutting expenses in smart ways and marketing New York more aggressively abroad are the first and least challenging steps New York can undertake to secure its short-term
future. Remaining an attractive city to an ever more savvy, international and networked class of young people will be harder and much more important. First, the easy part: there is some consensus among the futurists I spoke to that New York’s biggest adjustment over the next five years will be the erosion of its status as the world’s financial capital and a resulting drop in tax revenue. New York, gateway to the American consumer market, will still be among the world’s top financial centers, but regional powerhouses like London, Hong Kong, Shanghai and Dubai, bolstered by the rise of sovereign wealth funds, will compete for cash and clients. The world, quite simply, is looking beyond Wall Street for financial advice, especially now that the city’s reputation as the leading inventor of exotic investment products has proven to be so toxic. To revitalize the city’s finances, many futurists say that Mayor Bloomberg could embark on an ambitious greening of New
York—issuing incentives for retail stores and food service companies to give more back to their communities and encouraging new building that conforms to the highest standard of environmental design, as certified through the Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED). Unproductive rooftops could become solar or wind farms, which could boost the value of commercial real estate. To offset deficits, some tax increases will be necessary, but these too can be targeted to encourage sustainability. Garbage could be taxed by the size and occupancy of the buildings that produce it, which would prompt real estate owners to make less trash. Research grants to turn the city’s waste into biofuels could lead to a reliable source of revenue, or at least partially offset the cost of services. The city will continue to be a shopping and retail destination, futurists agree. Europeans, Asians and Latin Americans remain drawn to the city by the weak dollar www.cityhallnews.com
A New Deal for New Yorkers A Plan for Good Jobs and a Better City By Mike Fishman, 32BJ President
A
fter
years
of
stretching
their budgets to cover basic expenses, New York City’s
working families are at the breaking point. Despite long hours and multiple jobs, too many hard working men and women still find themselves struggling to pay the bills, take their kids to the doctor and put aside a few dollars for holiday gifts. In fact, more than three
and could be creating an economic boom for the city for years to come if they become regular return visitors and buyers. Beyond these ideas, and beyond the short-term revenue problems resulting from the shuttering of Wall Street, the city still faces a fundamental identity challenge that will affect its long-term future. Long after the fallout from AIG, Bear Sterns and Lehman Brothers has been written into Wikipedia, after the protestors have left the lower tip of the island and Mayor Bloomberg has at last abandoned City Hall, New York will still face perhaps the greatest challenge of its existence: reinventing Gotham for the new technological age. Information technology and global broadband are creating a generation of gadget-hooked workers who put a low premium on face time. New York, with its astronomical rents, crowded subways and ever-more competitive atmosphere, may not appeal to future generations the way it did to Gen X. Many creative workers in New
Meanwhile, medium yearly income for a college grad has barely budged since 1974. The result: A college degree that’s more expensive but doesn’t result in a higher-paying position. That debt comes on top of having to pay for the public sector portion of their parents’ retirement. By 2030, there will be three Americans of working age for every person over 65, compared with a ratio of five to one today, meaning Social Security and Medicare will become incredibly expensive. Keep in mind, too, the city no longer serves the purpose for which people originally flocked to it. New York rose to prominence as a port town; it’s a by-product of the era of transatlantic ocean-going vessels—just as Chicago rose to significance when commerce was dominated by rail; Los Angeles ascended during the reign of the automobile and passenger jet; just as the Internet and outsourcing have given us modern-day Shanghai. If New York remains a high-priced enclave of million-dollar studio apartments,
New York, with its astronomical rents, crowded subways and ever-more competitive atmosphere, may not appeal to future generations the way it did to Gen X. York City are there only because they must be physically next to their industries. If that need dissipates, the city must emphasize quality of life to retain its creative element. The Millennial Generation is more likely to have traveled abroad than young people in decades past, and they are more inclined to believe they’ll spend at least part of their adult life in another country. Also, life is a lot more expensive for young people today than it was when the baby boomers were just starting out. In the past few years, several books have emerged to document the mounting financial challenges for today’s recent grads. Economist Tamara Draut, author of Strapped: Why America’s 20- and 30-Somethings Can’t Get Ahead points out that the average debt for a college student in the U.S. is $19,000 in loans, up from $12,000 a decade ago. The medium consumer debt for 25-to34-year olds is $12,000, or three times what it was 20 years ago, due in large part to deregulation in the credit industry. www.cityhallnews.com
velvet-roped parties, high taxation but no industry, it will lose these creative-class workers to rising world capitals. Given these challenges in both the short and long term, one might reach the conclusion that New York—as a city, as a lifestyle, as an ethos—is unsustainable. But this pessimism ignores history. The city first named by the English Duke of York and Albany has survived gangs of rioters during the Civil War, the reign of the robber barons, the Great Fire of 1835, the crash of 1929, and reemerged stronger and prouder after the worst incident of terrorism in the history of the United States. The future presents obstacles, opportunities and challenges. But the city of LaGuardia is not going to be done in by bad loans or broadband. It’s just going to have to change. And no place does that better.
million New Yorkers are trying to make ends meet on low incomes. There has never been a greater need
Creating a livable City for working
for making the most of our tax dollars
families will help New York thrive
and
again.
promoting
smart
economic
Mandating
inclusionary
development. New York City must put
zoning in housing developments will
forward new policies that will help get
ensure working New Yorkers can
working families through these tough
find affordable apartments without
times.
leaving
the
City, and
improving
transportation service will help New To start, tax money spent on City
Yorkers get to work. Increasing child
development and public contracting
care and pre-K programs will help
should create good jobs that come with
give our kids a head start and give
family-sustaining wages and health
parents the opportunity to hold onto
care benefits. A City-wide policy
steady jobs.
mirroring the requirements at Willets Point and Hunters Point, which set
Good jobs are the foundation for
wage and benefit standards for new
healthy families and communities,
jobs, would ensure developers cannot
and without the wages and benefits
make their money off City-funded
their families need, many New Yorkers
projects without providing the good
remain on unsteady ground. New York
jobs New Yorkers desperately need.
City can turn this economic crisis into an opportunity by redefining the
Creating a green, sustainable New
City’s economic development agenda,
York City will also provide a long-term
investing in the future – and giving
investment in our City’s future. With
New Yorkers a New Deal. Creating
existing buildings projected to contrib-
good jobs and making our City
ute more than 85 percent of the City’s
prosperous for all is a winning way
carbon emissions and energy usage by
to get through these tough times and
2030, mandating green retrofitting as
provide the framework for a healthy
well as requiring new developments
future.
to follow environmental standards is a win-win solution. We should create
Representing
good new jobs in this growing indus-
property service workers in New York
more
than
70,000
try, while reducing wasteful energy
City, 32BJ is the largest private sector
usage and helping the environment.
union in New York.
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Patrick Tucker is senior editor of THE FUTURIST magazine and director of communications for the World Future Society. Learn more at www.wfs.org. new york next
CIty HALL
Cross-Atlantic Rivalry
In New York-London Battle, a Winner Is No Longer Clear By Sal Gentile
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new York nexT
s c ott w illiams
L
AST YeAr, LONDON and New York each brandished dueling studies demonstrating its status as the world financial capital. The Big Apple’s, produced by the Partnership for New York City, showed Gotham leading in financial clout, transportation and cultural diversions. London’s, produced by Z/Yen, a London-based consulting firm, showed that the British had looser financial regulations and were better positioned to grow in the years to come. Strength in the present versus potential for the future. The race to be the 21st-century global center was closely contested. But now with the economy in turmoil on both sides of the Atlantic, experts here and in england agree that the question may well be answered in large part by how each town manages the fiscal crisis in the next few years. New Yorkers like Partnership president Kathryn Wylde remain optimistic, while urging the city to attend to some looming problems. “We’re long-term confident in New York, but short-term there are some big challenges that, if we don’t address, we are in danger of losing our stature as a center,” Wylde said. The Partnership’s 2007 report (an update will be issued at the end of this year) divided its analysis into eight separate categories. New York won in three, London in one. The remaining four were won by other cities around the world. But the areas in which New York dominated have proven particularly vulnerable to fluctuations in the world markets, even as other cities’ chief attributes—like London’s top ranking in intellectual capital—leave them better positioned going forward. And New York’s top ranking in transportation may also seem downright anachronistic given the dire financial state of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA) and the potential for substantial service cutbacks and fare hikes. And if the state is forced to downscale some of MTA’s upcoming mega-projects aimed at improving the city’s transportation infrastructure, such as the Second Avenue Subway project or east Side Access, things could look especially bleak. But both NewYork and London are down on their heels at the moment, with nervous backers of each wondering how smoothly and swiftly governments in both places react to changing economic circumstances. The cash flow has slowed, and the flow of credit from one pocket of the global market to the next has been arrested by the collapse of banks. And the regulatory framework through which that credit flows is likely to tighten dramatically in the coming months. But regardless of what regulatory changes are made, the things that London leads in, like intellectual capital and technological innovation, will likely become only more important indicators of economic success. “It is not the institutional base, but rather it is the intellectual capital, and being positioned to be the first to develop and apply new technology” that will be important in the long term, Wylde said. Meanwhile, it seems all but certain that
the city’s other global competitors will begin to catch up. Mark Yeandle, an analyst with Z/Yen, a
London consulting firm that produced the city’s rival 2007 report on the New YorkLondon competition, said the race between
the world’s two global centers would likely remain stagnant in the next few years, while their emerging competitors gain ground. “Overall, I don’t think the current crisis will radically alter the competitiveness of London and New York over the long term,” he said. “I do think that other financial centers—such as Singapore and Hong Kong, and places like Dubai in the medium term—are likely to close the gap.” Many of the new and untested financial instruments that fueled risky but high-yield growth, such as credit-default swaps and other mortgage-backed derivates, snowballed in New York and London. As investors in those cities continue to reel, their emerging competitors have not suffered wounds nearly as deep. So Yeandle and Wylde agree that Washington and Westminster should provide the needed capital to unfreeze the financial markets and fund infrastructure projects. But they echoed an argument that has been advanced by investors and business leaders in both London and New York: give us the money, and then stay out of the way. “The underlying dynamics of competitiveness will not be altered greatly,” Yeandle warned, “unless the regulatory authorities in either center implement a knee-jerk regulatory reaction that has unintended consequences.” sgentile@cityhallnews.com
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Crime/Homeland Security
Worries of Crime Increase Abound As Thin Blue Line Goes Into the Red By Benjamin Sarlin
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AST YeAr, THere were 496 murders in New York City, down from a peak of 2,262 murders 18 years ago—a drop which in itself tells the story of the transformation of the City of Fear into the safest big city in the country. Now with the police facing budget cuts of $95 million this year and $192 million next year, the economic boom that changed the city and the increased revenues that paid for the new policing tactics, which helped make the crime drop happen, are gone—and confidence that crime will remain low seems to have gone with them. While Police Commissioner ray Kelly has said that he believes that crime is not necessarily linked to difficult economic times, a recent NY1 poll had 15 percent of New Yorkers citing the possibility of higher crime as their biggest concern about the economic downturn, ranking behind only education cuts (22 percent) and increased homelessness (16 percent). At the heart of the question of what New Yorkers should expect is ongoing confusion
over what exactly was responsible for the original decline in crime. “I still consider it something of a mystery,” said James Lardner, a former Washington, D.C., police officer and co-author of NYPD: A City and Its Police. “The Giuliani administration and Bill Bratton are proud of what they did, but they never fully explained why other cities saw similar declines in crime—though New York’s was unusually steep and early.” To Kelly and other officials involved in the years of dropping statistics, better policing was the key. The NYPD boosted its numbers to a peak of about 40,000 officers in 2000, up from about 33,800 in 1991, and employed innovative strategies in crime fighting like improved community policing, increasing arrests for quality-of-life crimes and using new technology to track which neighborhoods needed resources the most. Others cite cultural factors as crucial in the city’s turnaround—the end of the crack epidemic, for example, or kids being scared straight by the older generation’s criminal downfall.
Some criminologists and economists, however, attribute the gains in large part to low unemployment and rising wages. If this is true, the city is likely to suffer from an uptick in crime during the coming years. Bruce Weinberg, an economics professor at Ohio State University, said that while better policing tactics may have contributed to crime reductions, New York will not be immune to new increases as unemployment rises. “If you take someone who might have a heart attack and tell him to watch what he eats, it’s going to help—but it doesn’t prevent heart attacks entirely,” Weinberg said, “and when the guy is under a lot of stress, his probability of having a heart attack will still go up.” Some of those who attribute the lack of crime to non-economic factors do warn, however, that the city must be careful not to squander the gains by cutting budgets. “I don’t think there’s necessarily a direct correlation between the economic downturn and people engaging in criminal activity,” said richard Aborn, a former president of the Citizen’s Crime Commission who is www.cityhallnews.com
Nonprofits
Facing Money Shortages, New Generation of Nonprofit Leaders Look to New Strategies By Dan Rivoli
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n the ’60s and ’70s, baby boomers founded the first major wave of nonprofits, and went on to dominate the sector for decades. But a generation later, boomers are retiring in droves or leaving the sector in search of more lucrative, less stressful jobs. nowhere will this be felt more acutely than new York—70 percent of nonprofits in the metropolitan area anticipate an executive turnover by 2013. Increasingly, the field is in the hands of leaders who are younger, more diversified in race and gender and arriving on the jobs with an array of tailored knowledge thanks to the rise of master’s programs tailored to nonprofit management.that will mean more and more big changes in these organizations and how they provide services. “the whole notion of telecommuting, the virtual office and online case management; you got the Millennials who can step right up to the plate, who are very comfortable in that world,” said Gordon Campbell, president and CeO of United Way new York City. In the five years since becoming executive director of the Drum Major Institute, 31year-old Andrea Batista shlesinger has transformed the think tank—a relic of the civil rights movement which was re-launched in 1999—into a progressive policy leader. As the executive director, Batistia schlesinger quickly harnessed the Internet to build the organization’s brand. she pushed for a greater investment in an interactive website, which is now armed with two blogs, online videos that use storytelling to advance policy and online advertising that reaches a national audience. the strategy is reflective
David (the beetle) beadle running for Manhattan district attorney. “What does concern me, however, is if the recession becomes deep-seeded … we could see cutbacks in the police.” George Kelling, the criminologist often credited with pioneering the “broken windows” theory of policing that helped guide Giuliani’s approach to crime, said that maintaining sufficient numbers of uniformed police was critical, but that his research suggested that crime could actually decrease because of higher unemployment, given that fewer jobs meant more able-bodied men staying at home, there to prevent robberies. “Most of the people who lose their jobs are responsible working people who www.cityhallnews.com
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of Batista schlesinger’s motto: “If it wasn’t read, it wasn’t written.” “It’s a combination of trying to keep up with what’s there and be one step ahead,” she said. Forward-thinking executive directors like Batista schlesinger are using new technology as a means to stay relevant as well as financially solvent. new fundraising sources and more interaction with clientele are necessary in a slow economy with tax dollars doled out more carefully in the new processes enacted since the City Council’s slush fund scandal in the spring. With traditional revenue streams dried
up, Batista schlesinger said that the days of relying on a few wealthy benefactors are over. Perhaps, she said, numerous individual donations will be a necessary component to raising funds, even working with other nonprofits to build a base of small-dollar donors. “new York is the lab where this stuff plays out,” Batista schlesinger said. In the economic downturn, however, nonprofit executives are looking for opportunities to consolidate in order to run efficiently. Integration throughout the sector will eventually help nonprofits weather the economic crisis, according to Campbell,
wouldn’t turn criminal under any circumstances,” Kelling said. street crime is not the only concern facing the nYPD, of course. the threat of terrorism remains very much on officials’ minds, and new preventative tactics are constantly being introduced. the city recently secured $29 million in federal funding to add a new system of nuclear de1939 tectors around the metropolitan area, and has already begun to implement a new camera system known as the “Ring of steel” to track license plates. Federal funding for homeland security—the primary source for local antiterror measures—is not likely to be reduced by the downturn, although politicians like senator Charles schumer (D) have long argued that the allocated money even in the best of times has been inadequate. how a Barack Obama administration may change the funding formulas that affect this and other city priorities remains to be seen. however, tim Connors, a partner at security firm PJ sage, said that the nYPD’s counterterrorism efforts are susceptible to budget cuts in a worsening city economy due to the department’s size, which makes
its training operations for dealing with terrorism expensive and difficult to coordinate. Less money for operations means fewer hours to put on payroll, which Connors described as having a ripple effect on training procedures. “Any time you do an education or training event, you take people offline from being on the street,” Connors said. “that is a vacuum that has to be filled with overtime and by putting other bodies in there.” to maximize resources, he recommended the police department focus on expanding its relationship with other police organizations to gather intelligence on foreign threats including not just terrorists, but drug smugglers and transnational gangs as well. the department currently has liaisons in several foreign cities working with local police. But the main burden rests on the shoulders of new York’s own police, which will be struggling to defend the hard-earned gains against crime as the city weathers what is expected to be one of its most difficult economic periods in decades. how they will do depends on that great unknown: the human factor. “People always say the most unpredictable thing is human behavior,” said shaun Gabbidon, a criminologist at Penn state. “It’s always somewhat unknown, especially in economic times that keep getting tougher and tougher.”
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the president and CeO of United Way new York City. At a time when the fiscal mess is hitting everybody, nonprofits need to “wrap their arms around their mission” and have a “laser focus” on providing service without worrying about burdensome administrative problems, Campbell argued. that, he said, can be solved by mergers with larger organizations which can bring benefits without significant risk of reduction in services. “Large groups would take over administration. small grassroots groups don’t lose the feel of the neighborhood,” Campbell said. With a shortage of money to donate to nonprofits, large private corporations have been a valuable asset, donating volunteer time even when money has been short. Campbell recalled corporate volunteers, along with the United Way, assisting families prepare tax returns to receive the earned Income tax Credit. the corporate volunteers offered advice to families in need of a financial plan. “Particularly during these challenging periods is an opportunity for people to give back,” Campbell said. “there is a real desire.” the possible silver lining in this financial crisis is that state and local governments will rely on nonprofits to deliver crucial services at a time when the city and state are slashing budgets. the more successful nonprofits over the coming years will be those which rely on data to deliver services more efficiently and emphasize results, according to Don Crocker, executive director and CeO of the support Center for nonprofit Management, a group dedicated to providing consulting, transition management and training services to nonprofits. “there’s an intentional and conscious use of data,” Crocker said. “they’re getting a lot of feedback from their clients and community and making decisions based on that.” Crocker said young nonprofit executive directors are more likely to collaborate with the private and public sector for funds, volunteering and shouldering administrative burdens. “they talk about including both business and government as part of the work they do,” Crocker said. “there’s an entrepreneurial quality about them.” In the middle of the two worlds of nonprofits and private corporations is scott talbot, chairman of CharityChex. the company’s merchant system will facilitate a partnership between retail businesses and nonprofits by creating a new system which would enable a retail company’s customer to make a charitable donation as part of a purchase, much in the way one would leave the waiter a tip when paying with a credit card. talbot’s strategy of catching potential donors in the middle of a separate financial transaction is a step outside of the current fundraising model of solicitation, a necessity for nonprofits to meet the demands of their customers and clients. “there’s more pressure put on charities to provide services that are being cut back,” talbot said. “nonprofits have to think of unique and clever ways of providing their services.”
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Michael O’Laughlin Director, Campaign for New York’s Future The failure of congestion pricing may have been a body blow to Mayor Bloomberg’s PlaNYC, but the Campaign for New York’s Future— a coalition of nonprofit and community organizations assembled to support the plan’s goals—has not yet ground to a halt. If anything, Michael O’Laughlin, the Campaign’s director, sees the city’s recent financial troubles as an opportunity to crystallize the organization’s message. “A lot of the things that the Campaign advocates for in terms of, let’s say, expanded transit infrastructure, increasing energy efficiency—those are also exactly the kinds of investments you want to make when the economy starts to go down,” he said.
13 Leaders Already Carl Heastie Assembly Member, Bronx Democratic Chair
Fresh off a court victory that installed him, Carl Heastie is the Bronx’s new boss, and if he has his way, the city’s poorest borough will look much different, and very quickly. Heastie also chairs the Assembly’s redistricting committee, which will redraw the state’s district lines after the 2010 Census, giving him a power to shape the state and city’s political makeup for decades to come that he sees no reason to relinquish to a nonpartisan process. “The problem that I have with the so-called term of ‘nonpartisan redistricting’ is, I don’t believe that there’s a person that has any knowledge of politics that’s non-partial,” he said.
Jennifer Jennings
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Vice President for Biosciences, Economic Development Corporation People come to scope out New York as a place to innovate and do business—and Lenzie Harcum’s role as the vice president for biosciences at the Economic Development Corporation is, in part, to get them to stay. “We have all the raw elements in place,” he said, “but certainly one thing that has prevented us from growing is a lack of commercial lab space.” He will have his hands full over the next five years, as the Bloomberg administration hopes to ease those concerns by getting some major biotech developments— such as the Brooklyn Army Terminal and Phase I of the $700 million East River Science Park—under way.
Hiram Monserr
Education Blogger
The administration’s next major battle with Albany will be over mayoral control of schools—a topic that keeps Jennifer Jennings pretty busy. In addition to her graduate work on education at Columbia University’s Department of Sociology, she keeps a regular blog on New York City schools at Education Week, known online as “eduwonkette.” She takes the myriad statistics offered by the administration in support of its policies and tries to poke holes in the spin. “No one is really talking about teaching and learning,” she said. “I think the model has become a model where we talk about identifying places that aren’t doing well and cutting them out.”
Lenzie Harcum
State Senator-elect
Michael Hickey Executive Director, Center for New York City Neighborhoods
The alphabet soup of nonprofits and community organizations can often be difficult to parse for homeowners under threat of foreclosure. And predatory lenders seem to lurk around every corner. So the Center for New York City Neighborhoods tries to make it easy, coordinating the activities of those groups, helping fund them and steering homeowners away from unregulated lenders. “The core part of our work is that interaction between a homeowner and their bank,” said the Center’s executive director, Michael Hickey, who just took over this summer. “How do we get in there and make that go as well as possible?”
Edith Hsu-Chen Manhattan Director, Office of City Planning
The political fireworks over the Bloomberg administration’s development plans may go off at City Hall, but the actual blueprints get laid out in Edith Hsu-Chen’s office. Hsu-Chen has been the Director of the Office of City Planning’s Manhattan Office since September, overseeing growth in Manhattan as the economy continues to tumble. “We have to keep planning through this period, and we have to keep encouraging growth, affordable housing,” she said. “Some of the most robust times of planning are when there is an economic downturn.” The next five years, should keep her busy, with major rezonings planned for Northern TriBeca and the Lower East Side.
Love it or hate it, the Willets Point redevelopment proved by the City Council in November may well becom for controversial development projects, and will certain one of the city’s most depressed neighborhoods. The ad said Hiram Monserrate, who will leave the Council in Jan become the area’s next state senator, “has set a new ba set a pattern that we can do major developments and s a significant percentage of housing to working-class an poor New Yorkers.” Personally, as the first Latino Counc from Queens and now first senator, Monserrate is positi a community growing larger and more prominent.
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plan apme the model nly reshape dopted plan, nuary to ar, and has still provide nd workingcil member ioned to lead
Shaping 2013 Greg Floyd
President, Teamsters Local 237 Greg Floyd’s first conversation in May of last year with then-candidate Barack Obama was about public housing—fitting, since Floyd has become something of an expert on the issue. As president of the Teamsters Local 237, the largest in the nation, Floyd has many members who either live in, or work on, public housing projects. “He wanted to talk about his candidacy,” Floyd said of his conversation with the presidentelect, “we wanted to talk about public housing.” Aside from playing a potential role in an Obama urban agenda, Floyd has been mentioned as a possible choice for the next president of the Central Labor Council.
Jeff Zupan
Senior Fellow for Transportation, Regional Plan Association In addition to his work on three transportation “mega-projects”— the Second Avenue Subway, East Side Access and a new rail tunnel under the Hudson River— Jeff Zupan has been trying to get policymakers and transit officials to think creatively about ways to keep money for transportation projects flowing. “If there’s one thing that’s more important than anything else at the moment, it’s filling the gap that the MTA has,” he said. And then, of course, there are other projects, like a new initiative Zupan is planning to decrease congestion at the city’s airports. His proposals—from building new runways to cutting service—are likely to irritate plenty of people, he admits.
Jan Gehl Urban Planner
If “Summer Streets” seemed like a foreign concept—no cars on Lafayette Street?—that is because New Yorkers have a foreigner, in part, to thank for it. Danish urban planner Jan Gehl has been consulting with the Department of Transportation since the fall of last year on how to make New York a more pedestrian-friendly city—think esplanades on Broadway and bike paths on 9th Ave. “I do think that New York has started to turn around toward a path that is much more people-friendly than the previous path,” he said. “We have become tired of having the totally auto-dependent cities.”
Michael McMahon Representative-elect
Ronnie Lowenstein Director, Independent Budget Office
The barbs over the proposed budget cuts have already started to fly, with tense exchanges bubbling over in committee rooms and the Council’s and mayor’s respective budget directors mired in the back-and-forth—all of which makes the role of referee more crucial. As the director of the Independent Budget Office, Ronnie Lowenstein supplies independent information to policymakers while questioning the administration’s projections, such as when Bloomberg exaggerated the deficit during the term limits debate. “The city, ironically, releases reams of data, but the data is nearly incomprehensible unless you know what you’re looking for or how it works,” she said. “And for that reason, that makes people like us particularly useful.”
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“For what the political ramifications are, we’re going to have to just wait and see,” said Michael McMahon, reflecting on the meaning of his win as the first Democrat elected to Congress from Staten Island in decades. But the policy implications are clear: McMahon will be in the majority, which will help him get things done, especially in the form of transportation funding. “I think that that will be—for the nation and for New York and my district—very timely, because I think not only will there be a six-year transportation funding bill next year, most likely the new administration is going to make infrastructure investment very much a part of their long-term economic plan,” he said.
Dina Levy
Organizing and Policy Director, Urban Homesteading Assistance Board The State Legislature may pass a bill in the next few years to give New York City more authority over its own rent laws, in which case Dina Levy’s portfolio is going to get very thick, very fast. Levy, the director of organizing and policy at the Urban Homesteading Assistance Board (UHAB), directs efforts to preserve distressed public housing projects and increase access to affordable housing. “Part of that,” she said, “is to sort of strengthen and reinvigorate the opportunities for city government to do things that are more proactive.”
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Housing
Downturn Could Leave New Housing Plans Out in the Cold T
By Benjamin Sarlin
rAppED BETWEEN A credit crunch, a foreclosure crisis and a deflating real estate market, city efforts to expand public and affordable housing have been thrown into flux by the economic downturn. At the center of the city’s housing policy is the Bloomberg administration’s $7.5 billion plan to add 165,000 units of new or rehabilitated affordable housing stock to the city by 2013. This fall, city officials celebrated reaching the completion of 82,500 units—halfway to their goal. Completing the other half, however, may not be so easy. The plan relies heavily on financing from the very banks and institutions that have been most affected by the Wall Street crisis, and with financial institutions racked by liquidity issues keeping a tight hold on credit and scuttling affordable housing proposals throughout the city, big question marks have been scattered all over the administration’s projections. Already, people are feeling the effects. Michelle Neugebauer, executive director of the Cypress Hills Local Development Corporation, said that her nonprofit recently lost a lender for a mixed-income development in East New York that would have included 23 condominiums and nine small homes, even though all the pieces have been in place for months. “We can’t get the construction financing,” she said. “These are projects where we have site control of city-owned land, projects where we’ve sunk a lot of money in, and we have no more financing.“ The NewYork City Housing Development Corporation has held off for weeks on plans to issue $45 million in bonds for a 182-unit mixed-income housing development on 124th Street in Harlem due to skyrocketing interest rates caused by investors pulling out of the stock market. The rates have since stabilized somewhat and the corporation president, Marc Jahr, says he expects the project to go forward. But overall, development plans have become touch-andgo for HDC in the unstable economy. “It’s a complex kind of situation because you have a lot of moving parts,” Jahr said, “I think this is kind of a period where we take it one step at a time.” According to some observers, with one million more people expected in the city by 2030, the failure of official efforts to provide enough affordable housing could lead to an underground market to fill the void: landlords out to stretch their profits could convert property into illegal single-room occupancy hotels and multi-family tenements. The 60percent jump in foreclosures citywide this year that is pushing thousands of families from their homes will only increase the stock of abandoned property which could be put to this use. officials are taking steps to try to either keep families in their homes during the new wave of foreclosures, or quickly sell the property to a responsible owner if they have to leave.
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Row of tenements, 260 to 268 Elizabeth St., N.Y. Despite the difficulties in securing financing for new construction, experts say that New Yorkers might see some benefits from the economic downturn in terms of making housing in general more affordable. “There certainly are going to be challenges in the coming years in getting affordable
housing built, not the least of which is the availability of credit,” said Ingrid Gould Ellen, a professor of urban policy at New York University. “The silver lining is that when housing prices fall, it’s a bit cheaper to acquire properties you want to develop and turn into affordable housing.” While plans to expand affordable
housing may still be viable, public housing in the city faces more urgent problems. Chronically underfunded even before the economic downturn, NYCHA may need to raise rents and cut services in order to deal with mounting deficits and budget cuts, officials are warning. The housing authority has come under fire for failing to keep its buildings safe and faces a $195 million operating deficit this year. NYCHA Chairman Tino Hernandez has said that the housing authority plans to raise rents on some tenants and consolidate community centers in order to meet the gap. Many are calling for the city and state to step in, warning that NYCHA could face serious consideration of privatization effort if the economy worsens significantly and its operating grow. 1912 deficits Its best hope may be the federal government riding to its rescue—the Senate and House are currently considering stimulus packages that would provide $500 million to $1 billion in new funding for housing authorities around the country. More may be on the way next year, depending on how the new president and new Congress approach these questions once in office.
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Transportation
Massive Shortfalls Endanger Present Service and Future Projects By Sal Gentile
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oW-EMISSIoN, rApID-transit buses whipping down Fifth Avenue. ribbons of high-speed rail laced along the northeast corridor. Sparkling new subway cars pulling in and out of freshly tunneled hubs along Second Avenue. Some will even run on time. That 21st century vision of the city’s transportation infrastructure, stitched together with the discarded blueprints of previous administrations, has been forestalled by crippling budget shortfalls for decades that are clearly only about to get worse. Budget crunches and ideological battles have arrested the flow of federal transportation dollars during the Bush administration, which has tried at various times to cut off money for Amtrak and other inter-city transportation systems, with less of an eye toward city transit in funding formulas. Meanwhile, skyrocketing fuel and construction costs have slowed efforts by the MTA to upgrade its equipment and improve service. Even the “core program”—basic infrastructure improvements and operational upgrades—has suffered as subsidies lag behind rising costs. Add a dash of sustained economic turmoil, and the outlook for the city’s transportation system looks grim—a reality the
MTA acknowledged last month with its proposed “austerity budget,” featuring service cutbacks to regional rail and subway lines, as well as draconian fare hikes for even the disabled. All of which means that the future of the city’s transportation system boils down, very simply, to dollars, which will be in much shorter supply and much higher demand in the years to come. New York’s congressional delegation, led in part by. rep. Jerrold Nadler (D-Manhattan/Brooklyn), who serves on the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, is pushing for at least a $325 billion capital investment in transportation infrastructure nationwide over the next five years from Washington. That would be a huge jump: the last national transportation bill amounted to less than $300 billion, with president George W. Bush threatening to veto anything more. “It will certainly make our economy less competitive with other countries who have invested in their infrastructure properly,” Nadler explained, pointing out that since 1980, the United States has spent only 1.8 percent of its GDp on infrastructure, as opposed to nine percent in China and five percent in India. Without that kind of cash infusion, officials say, New York’s transportation future
looks grim. “It would be a matter of when we turn the lights off,” said Lee Sander, chairman and CEo of the MTA. Apparently, he plans to flip the switch in June 2009, when the MTA’s proposed service cuts are scheduled to take effect. To avoid service cutbacks and fare hikes proposed by the MTA, the ravitch Commission proposed a payroll tax and tolls on bridges, including those over the East river. Whether any of this will come together—especially the East river tolls—could hinge in large part on politics, as the city goes into an election year. The cash flow problems will undoubtedly lead to the slowing or stopping of capital programs and expansion projects. But long term, said regional plan Association spokeswoman Neysa pranger, that could have much more devastating consequences for the city’s economy and growth. If the Second Avenue Subway, for example, was delayed for the fourth time in its history, she said, it could be decades before another reboot. That would hamper the city’s ability to handle a growing population. She called on Albany to get involved to save this and other threatened transit expansions in the city with an understanding of www.cityhallnews.com
Labor
Unions United in Pessimistic Views of Their Future in the Downturn
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By Michelle FriedMan
n 1989, neARLy 40 percent of the city’s workforce living within the five boroughs was unionized. In 2007, just above a quarter of the city was, according to the Fiscal Policy Institute. The combination of this drop-off in members and the recession settling in makes the fate of organized labor in new york, in a word, bleak. Private building trade workers stand to suffer the greatest losses, while public sector employees are expected to fare better, relatively. With the anticipated loss of funding for building initiatives, it will be difficult for unions to ensure the job security of members in the public sector as projects become scarce. However, Mayor Michael Bloomberg (Ind.) has vowed not to lay off city employees, though his hiring freeze will leave many jobs unfilled. not even construction, for so much of new york’s history one of the city’s most reliable sectors for union employment, is safe. A recent report released by the new york Building Trade Congress predicts one more year of the current building boom before development decreases, with an anticipated loss of 29,850 construction jobs between 2008 and 2010. According to ed Ott, executive director of the AFL-CIO new york City Central Labor Council, some of these jobs may be lost permanently. In the economic slump of the mid-1980s, projects were delayed for years, only to eventually be cancelled. edward Malloy, president of the Building and Construction Trades Council of Greater new york, represents many of those whose
jobs are at risk. Asked for his view of what happens next, he gave a very simple lament. “People will go on unemployment,” he said, adding that government locally and nationally needs to invest in construction to soften the blow. Both Malloy and Ott agree that the city should invest in rebuilding programs of major infrastructure projects to keep workers on the job. That is not the only proposal on the table to try to keep organized labor in the city strong. Mike Merrill, dean of the Harry Arsdale Center for Labor Studies, proposed that leaders follow the example of history in planning for the future. “In the past, trade alliances have imposed a work-share rule, so that no member works for more than six months, and every member works,” he said. While this may seem more detrimental than beneficial, work-share would ensure at the very least that workers in volatile fields attain some form of employment, Merrill explained. Layoffs are less of an imminent threat for civil service employees, but they face their own unique set of challenges in the coming years. nearly all labor contracts with the city or state cover a span of four years at the most, so most unions will be forced to negotiate settlements in the midst of this economic downturn. “As city revenues contract, there’s going to be more pressure on whoever is in office to try to hold the line on pay increases and more generous benefits,” said David Fischer, a project director at the Center for an Urban
New York Central Bldg. & tracks how much these will define which future the city faces. Much of what the city will be able to accomplish over the next five years depends on a wide set of variables. If the real estate market does not recover, the MTA may need to adopt its most austere budget yet. It may even need to sell its own Madison Avwww.cityhallnews.com
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enue headquarters, as some politicians have suggested. By some estimates, the building could fetch as much as $200 million on the open market. Other moves toward privatization may be ahead. The state, for example, is exploring ways to cut deals with private entities to operate public assets like the Tappan Zee
Parade of unemployed Future. “There will also be a countervailing pressure on unions to moderate their bargaining position.” The reality of the situation is that everyone is going to suffer. Historically, parties bargaining with the city have experienced reduced benefit packages in rough economic times, and with the cost of living steadily on the rise, it is going to become even more difficult for public employees to remain residents of the very municipality that employs them. One benefit that is safe, according to Stuart Lebowitz, president of DC 37’s Retirement Association, is existing pensions. While forthcoming contracts will likely see a reduction in benefits, retroactive and past settlements will remain intact—a guarantee which will likely be a major weight on the city and state budgets going forward, but one that is required by state law. The upside is that contract negotiations tend to match Bridge. Another outlier: Whether or not Mayor Michael Bloomberg (Ind.), if he wins a third term, can marshal his renewed political clout to revive his congestion pricing plan, powered by some significant horse-trading, and expend considerable political clout to consolidate outer-borough and suburban support. “One would think that congestion pricing is now back on the table,” said Jonathan Greenspun, a political consultant and former commissioner of the Community Affairs Unit under Bloomberg. “Bloomberg, having done it already, knows where he came up short, namely the State Legislature, and now has more time on his side to go back and resell Albany.” even then, fare hikes are considered inevitable. The only question is how much new yorkers will be forced to spend to get around their city. A 2006 report from the conservative Manhattan Institute advocated increasing tolls to $4 per ride—how much it now costs the MTA each time a straphanger swipes a Metrocard. Officials hope money from Washington staves off that eventuality. “It is impossible for new york to compete with Shanghai and with London,” Sander said, “just from Albany and just from City Hall.” sgentile@cityhallnews.com
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the times, so when the economy eventually turns around, so will the conditions. Stanley Aronowitz, a labor expert and CUny professor, warned that the salary cuts, layoffs and wage freezes public sector employees experienced in the 1970s and ’80s are “entirely possible.” He pointed to the late 1970s when DC 37—the city’s largest municipal public employee union— saw 50,000 members lose their jobs. “I don’t think the public sector has job security at all,” Aronowitz said. “This is going to be a very long recession.” Others, though, maintain a more optimistic outlook. James Parrott, deputy director and chief economist at the Fiscal Policy Institute, believes that if sound economic procedures are followed, the impact on workers will be less severe. “The city can be quite smart about how it balances the budget so it doesn’t adversely affect services and quality of life,” he explained. “If the city enacts a budget with steep cuts, it will worsen the downturn.” Looming state budget cuts will also almost definitely cause major problems for labor, with many unions already strongly fighting the proposals which have been coming from Governor David Paterson (D). nationally, many are hoping that the next administration in Washington will be more of a friend to labor and the middle class by passing the employee Free Choice Act, which would make it significantly easier for workers to organize. President George W. Bush took little interest in this legislation over his time in office. But the realities of the economic situation already have many predicting that Barack Obama will be forced to move more slowly than promised on prolabor initiatives once in the Oval Office. As the country gropes for a new economic model, a set of local and national policies that encourage more equitable living standards and benefits is necessary to the survival of a healthy workforce, according to experts. new york State AFL-CIO president Dennis Hughes stressed the importance of higher education, health care and retirement benefits, as well as affordable housing and public safety, in preserving the city’s middle class. “Workers in new york really take a disproportionate hit,” he said, noting that the city’s place as the financial capital is problematic when times get tough. “We have to preserve the city to preserve their jobs.”
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With Finances Low and Mayoral Control in Question, Major Tests Ahead for Schools
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By Andrew J. HAwkins
arly next year, the State legislature will take up the question of whether to reauthorize one of Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s (Ind.) key legacies: mayoral control of schools. Unlike in 2002, when mayoral control was first enacted, the debate will be set against an alarming economic backdrop, with growing concerns that the city’s expanding budget deficit will soon begin to take a heavy toll on the education system. as city officials point to improving graduation rates and test scores as evidence that mayoral control is working, some see the opposite. Opponents cite overcrowded classrooms, chronic absenteeism and fewer opportunities for parents to have their voices heard as proof that mayoral control lacks accountability and must be overhauled. But now that Bloomberg intends to run for a third term, many on both sides of the debate are recalibrating their positions in order to come to terms with what four more years of Bloomberg will mean for the city’s 1.1 million public school students. For new york City Schools Chancellor Joel Klein, the renewal of mayoral control is essential to the future success of schools, both in terms of accountability and the continuing trend of introducing ambitious ideas. “If you look around the country at places like Washington, D.C., and Boston and Chicago, cities that all have mayoral control, those are the cities where big things tend to be happening,” Klein said. But new york is unique in the take-noprisoners style of governance concocted by
Bloomberg and Klein, whose big ideas have had mixed success. On one hand, he ended social promotion, but on the other, he failed to tie teacher tenure to school performance. But with all eyes on the economy, many parents are worried that the meltdown will send a huge influx of private school students to public schools, some of which are already filled to capacity. add to that increased residential development and an expected spike in population by 2030, and school overcrowding may fast be approaching its tipping point. Klein said that the data is vague in terms of how the economic crisis will affect class size, but that he understands why the growing number of students per teacher is a concern for many families. He pointed to efforts underway to integrate new school construction into development projects throughout the city, and stressed that overcrowding should be seen as a testament to the quality of public schools. But many studies show that overcrowding can contribute to retention and truancy problems, and new york schools already are gaining a bad reputation for chronic absenteeism. Klein noted that 60,000 seats were added under the Department of education’s current $13 billion capital plan. But according to leonie Haimson, an outspoken critic of Bloomberg and the executive director of Class Size Matters, at least twice that amount is needed. “there’s room for huge amounts of private development, for stadiums, for commercial development, for everything else,” Haimson said. “there’s clearly room
for schools.” More and more students are attending classes in mobile trailers, and if enrollment continues to grow over the next five years, the system could buckle, Haimson said. the dips and spikes of school enrollment have made many education observers worry about the long-term capacity of the system to handle more students—but the greater concern remains with the barrage of testing students face. the state and the federal government have increased pressure to improve test scores, leading many schools to narrow the curriculum to teach toward those tests, which critics say leads to shortterm thinking on education. assembly Member Catherine nolan (DQueens) remembered how public school students like her were left holding an empty bag during the fiscal crisis of the 1970s. “a lot of the extracurricular activities were taken away from us,” recalled nolan, who now chairs her chamber’s education Committee. “at this point, making sure there are enough resources is far more important than governance.” How the school system absorbs the obvious budget cuts that are coming down the pipeline will determine the future of education in new york, said Diane ravitch, a former assistant secretary of education and frequent critic of mayoral control. “When Mayor Bloomberg came into office, the annual spending was in the neighborhood of $12.5 billion—and now it’s around $21 billion,” ravitch said. “there’s a lot of things the schools are budgeting for at tweed that are going to be unsustainable.” Over the past year, state lawmakers have
Boy wearing coat with attached bag covering feet, seated at table, outside of classroom, reading, New York City Circa 1920 held hearings all across the city on school governance. they have been told by both parents and teachers that the reauthorization of mayoral control should include more transparency and great scrutiny of test scores and graduation rates. But with Bloomberg likely to retain his grip on the schools if he is re-elected, those hoping for a sea change in the city’s education policy are now expecting to wait a little longer. “I have heard the mayor say that this is his greatest legacy. But what I’ve heard is problems have been swept under the rug,” ravitch said. ahawkins@cityhallnews.com
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Demographics
Tough Times May Change the City’s Faces and Turn Growth Spurt to Growth Sputter By dAnielle douglAs
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eoPle from Beyond the five boroughs—and in some cases beyond america’s shores—have always poured into new york City, and the stream stayed strong throughout the last decade. But the economic tide has turned, eroding revenues and saddling the city with a budget deficit that may impact the quality of life. the steady migration of the ’80s and ’90s sent the Big apple’s population soaring to a record eight million in 2000. By 2010, the population is expected to increase by 4.9 percent, but growth will decline to 3.5 percent in the following decade, according to the Department of City Planning. “the severe economic problems of the city, particularly if they are drawn out, could actually cause people to leave in large numbers,” said Jonathan Bowles, director of the Center for an Urban Future. “It puts into question whether the city will see the type of population increase over the long run that the Bloomberg administration is predicting.” Officials from the Planning Department contend that the population forecasts for continued growth should stay on track despite the fiscal crisis, pointing to the Great Depression, when the city actually added roughly half a million residents. ebbs and flows in migration are to be expected, but new york’s position as a world-class city will continue to attract
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a cross section of ethnicities, incomes and interests, the agency argues. “after the attack of Sept. 11, people were predicting new york would lose its appeal as a place to live. It turned out to be quite the opposite; we’ve added 300,000 people since the 2000 census,” said Mitchell Moss, a professor of Urban Policy and Planning at new york University and occasional advisor to Mayor Michael Bloomberg (Ind.). Much of new york City’s recent population growth has been fueled by immigration. Some three million city-dwellers are foreignborn, and more than 20 percent have arrived in the past eight years alone. However, Bowles said, that trend may be about to change.
“If there are no longer jobs or decent paying jobs for immigrants, you might see fewer of them coming to the city,” Bowles said. While immigrants are employed at every level of the city’s economy, many make their living in service industries or as low-skilled labor, which are some of the hardest hit sectors. and the effects are beginning to be felt. David Dyssegaard Kallick, a senior fellow at the Fiscal Policy Institute, has observed a leveling off in immigration since the onslaught of the economic downturn. the rebirth of many of the city’s neighborhoods has been tied to a rise in immigration. But should this trend of decline continue, these gains may hit a plateau. Meanwhile, better economies at home may slow the influx of immigrants from South Korea and India, but people from those countries’ South asian neighbors like Pakistan and Bangladesh have been arriving in greater numbers, settling into areas like Flatbush and Jackson Heights. Dominicans, Chinese, russians, Guyanese and Mexicans have been flocking to the five boroughs in droves and will likely continue to do so. Dominicans have eclipsed the Puerto rican population in the Bronx, while russian migrants are taking over the once solidly Italian area of Bensonhurst. In recent years, many middle-income families began settling in gentrifying neighborhoods throughout Brooklyn and Queens. But as increases in housing and health care costs outpace wages, this group may have a
hard time remaining. Homeowners may have the option of becoming renters, but the city’s excessive rents can be just as prohibitive as a mortgage. Over two thirds of the city’s residents are renters, the majority of whom spend more than half of their income to keep a roof over their heads. as a part of Plan nyC 2030, Bloomberg promised affordable housing for 500,000 city-dwellers by 2013. But two years after that pledge, the city now faces a $2.3 billion budget shortfall, with even larger deficits anticipated in the ensuing years. Spending cuts are expected across the board, making service expansions and housing increases unlikely. that could lead to a demographic shift in itself, with an acceleration of middle class families headed to the suburbs. a deeper stratification between the classes could be coming as well, with the number of middle-income jobs being created in the city essentially at a standstill. Whatever their ethnic or geographic background, though, those who choose to live in new york have one thing in common: being new yorkers. and that, at least to Moss, is cause for hope. “We are going to certainly see some painful economic times,” he said. “But the one thing that people forget is that new yorkers are accustomed and skilled at adapting to difficult times. the people who are here are committed to being here.”
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New York Psychics Tell What They See in the City’s Next Five Years “The city is not going to be that different in five years. Overall, I feel like things are going to be more decentralized, specifically related to schools and social services. People are going to be a little more civic-minded. It will be subtle, but you’ll notice that shift in consciousness. The only visual difference I’m seeing is that the cars will be smaller, but they’ll be streamlined and roomier inside. I wouldn’t be surprised if the materials we use to make cars are less bulky somehow. The Amtrak-type trains will also look different, I feel. They will be faster, easier and smoother. I feel like the UN is going to expand out and build a second building into the East River. If you’d asked me what the city is going to look like 20 years from now, I would have told you there will be piers or floating apartments or added land: Manhattan will be bigger.”
“If the economy continues this frightening downswing—and chances are it will get worse in the next 18 months before it gets better—New York City will see a dramatic increase in crime. This includes crimes of all types: murders, robberies and rapes. Our next mayor will be a disappointment and a loser by comparison to Mike Bloomberg. I don’t see Bloomberg getting his third term, so there will be hostile feelings all around toward the next New York City leader. The City will see the death of at least one very prominent movie star, sort of along the lines of Heath Ledger. There will be controversy around the death, but it won’t be a murder. We will see at least three unions strike. We will have another blackout by next summer, but no later than 2013. One of our notorious, mean, wealthy ‘celebutantes’ will die by 2013. It will be a drug overdose, but there will be a cover-up. It will be Anna Nicole Smith-like, only more interesting.”
Judi Hoffman, Celebrity Psychic www.judihoffman.com judi@judihoffman.com 212-534-6279
Peering Into the
Stacey Wolf, psychic, medium www.staceywolf.com
“If Bloomberg will win, the next two years are going to be a bit touch-and-go with Wall Street. Eventually, a new order will emerge that will be healthier for all concerned. As Wall Street gets better, real estate prices will go back up. The World Trade Center could be done in five years; however, there will still be red tape. They may still find remains. The new building will always be in the shadow of its former self. The emotional energy attached to the building is slowing the process. New York is still healing from Sept. 11— and this city has been going through some problems now—but New Yorkers are very resilient people. New York has always survived.” Linda Orhun (“Destiny”), psychic www.psychic-destiny.com destiny188@aol.com 212-737-8681
Crystal
Ball If you really want to find out what the future holds, go to the experts. That’s what we did, checking in with some of New York’s best storefront fortunetellers. With palms extended, the results follow. —Compiled by Michele Hoos
“I think things will go generally well in the next five years. This economic stress is going to subside within six months. There is going to be a strong atmospheric change in the New York political landscape. I see a woman as a leader—a prominent woman. There’s also an iconic building that goes up. It’s a new icon. For the city, it will be revolutionary in the way it performs. It’s aesthetically stunning. And overall, there’s lots of innovation. That’s what I’m really seeing to the city’s success. If Bloomberg goes for national office, I don’t think he’ll make it to the presidency.”
Derek Calibre, psychic readings, New York City www.derekcalibre.com 646-351-6159
www.cityhallnews.com
“Architecture will be revitalized considerably in 2013, with creativity reaching its peak. I see slanted buildings, asymmetrical design and tinted windows. In New York City politics, voices from the ‘fringes’ of society will emerge—perhaps gay or transgendered ones. Pomp and circumstance surrounding celebrities will be toned down. The paparazzi will have perhaps crossed one too many lines, and we’ll be a little more discerning about who we choose to put up on a pedestal. At Ground Zero, the spirits and energies of those who died on Sept. 11 are still being released. Unbeknownst to the professionals involved in the new construction, they’re channeling a lot of this spirit energy into this most successful project.”
Joshua the Psychic www.psychicjoshua.com 646-784-3628
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CITY DEVELOPMENT SHOULD BENEFIT WORKERS TOO Too often, the City has provided financial incentives to real estate developers who create low-wage, dead-end jobs for New Yorkers. It’s time for a change. Mayor Bloomberg and the City Council must require developers to provide the workers who clean, maintain and protect their properties, the wages and benefits their families need to get by.
We need a City-wide policy to ensure all developments benefit working families. 32BJ SEIU 101 Avenue of the Americas New York, NY 10013 212.388.3800 www.seiu32bj.org