LATINO VOTING

The Latino vote in Pennsylvania is only growing

Politicians are quickly learning to court the Latino vote. But which side does it better?

By Harrison Cann

PENNSYLVANIA IS changing and politicians have to catch up.

The 2020 census results revealed more than just how voting maps can be drawn, but they also showed the growing influence of Latino voters in Pennsylvania politics.

“The truth of the matter is that from here on out, there is no candidate who can win Pennsylvania without courting the Latino vote,” state Rep. Manuel Guzman told City & State. “It’s not a community that you can kind of just brush aside anymore. It is a community that you actively need to engage with and actually get your hands on the ground and get feet on the ground.”

Within the last 10 years, the Keystone State’s demographics have changed significantly. The commonwealth’s white population fell by more than 500,000, while the Hispanic population grew by about 330,000. Latinos now make up the majority of the population in Allentown, 29% of Bethlehem, 69% in Reading and 15% in Philadelphia.

Luzerne and Lehigh counties also saw jumps in their Latino populations by 25,000 and 31,000, respectively. And a 45.8% increase in the Latino population in Philadelphia accounted for about two-thirds of the city’s overall population growth.

Following all those increases, Latinos now make up about 8% of the state’s population. Census data shows that the population accounted for just 3.2% of the state population in 2000 and about 5.7% in 2010.

Guzman, who represents the City of Reading, was the Latino constituency director for President Joe Biden’s campaign in Pennsylvania. He said that while both Democrats and Republicans will have to work for the Latino vote, he’s seen the Democratic Party ignore them before.

“The party has taken people of color for granted and taken our votes for granted,” he said. “I’m not surprised that many Latinos feel disenfranchised and feel left out of the political process, because quite frankly, I can imagine that no one has cared enough to knock on somebody’s door to ask them about what they care about and what they look for in a representative.”

Even though Biden received the majority of Hispanic votes in 2020, former President Donald Trump made gains among the group overall, according to Pew Research Center. Engaging with Latino communities is a must, but not every community is the same.

When talking to Allentown’s mayoral candidates and advocates last month, one message was clear: Latino voters are not a monolith.

“Latinos are getting more engaged now than ever. They’re tired of just sitting on the sidelines,” Tim Ramos, the Republican candidate for mayor, told City & State. “I think it’s about high time that both parties do the job and start recognizing that the Latino community is telling [them] that they need to start having real solutions and start listening to them if you want to earn their vote.”

Ramos, who said he cherishes his Puerto Rican heritage and has remained active in

Tuerk defeated Republican Tim Ramos in the Allentown mayoral race earlier this month.

his community for years, served as the vice chair of the Lehigh County Republican Committee. He said Latinos in Allentown care about real world issues over identity politics and that played a role in the gains Trump made in Pennsylvania. “At the end of the day, what people want is to provide for their families,” Ramos said.

Latino voters may not have liked Trump’s attitude or rhetoric, but keeping their businesses open and thriving were top priorities. In cities like Reading and Allentown, voters will be looking for candidates that don’t just pander to them but understand their community and work to properly represent them.

Allentown’s recent mayoral election resulted in the city’s first Latino mayor.

Mayor-elect Matt Tuerk is of Cuban descent. He said his ability to speak Spanish went a long way in connecting with city residents, many of whom said officials never attempted to reach out to them.

“They need to take Latino voters very seriously,” Tuerk said of Democratic candidates. “[The party] can learn from what is happening here and take that to places like Lancaster and Philadelphia and have a positive impact.”

But what exactly is happening in cities like Allentown and how can candidates engage with voters? Diana Robinson, civic engagement director at Make The

Road Pennsylvania, said it comes down to candidates actively listening instead of just talking, and more importantly, understanding the values and cultures of the communities they’re looking to represent.

“We make up such a big percentage of these communities, but oftentimes, we don’t see elected officials who represent us or our values,” Robinson said. “We are invested in supporting and elevating candidates that will not only look like us but support our values and our struggles.”

Make The Road Pennsylvania is a

Latino organization that helps low-income and working-class immigrants in

Philadelphia, Berks and Lehigh counties fight for change in their communities.

Robinson said they’ve been working on voter registration efforts to help communities get more involved. The issues that matter most to them are not uncommon. During the pandemic, many people were worried about health and safety, affording rent and utilities and quality education.

Will Gonzalez, executive director of Ceiba, told City & State: “this is not complicated.”

“It’s paying attention. It’s listening. It’s talking,” Gonzalez said. “If you think that only speaking Spanish is going to do it, [you’re] wrong. It’s not just speaking Spanish. It’s hearing what the needs are for that constituency.”

Ceiba is a coalition of Latino community-based organizations in Philadelphia. Gonzalez said the 2020 election proved Democrats need to do more to maintain the Latino voting bloc, but that the issues are not limited to either party.

Campaigns and organizations have numerous tactics to improve outreach to voters, particularly people of color. Although it may sound easy to engage with communities to understand their values, Guzman says cultural competence must be an integral part of campaigns.

“The number one thing is having cultural competence within these campaign structures, someone who understands what the situations on the ground are like, and can direct candidates in terms of the pitfalls to avoid,” he said.

In addition to his work on the Biden campaign, Guzman also helped Reading Mayor Eddie Moran get elected. He said past campaigns have failed to truly connect with Latino voters who can be transient in cities like Reading. Going out to meet them and getting your message across must go beyond just using Google Translate to print materials in Spanish, he said.

“We care about bread and butter issues just like everyone else,” Guzman said. “But you also need to invest the resources right and real dollars that are necessary to turn out these very hard-to-reach voters.” ■

”Latinos are getting more engaged now than ever. They’re tired of just sitting on the sidelines.”

–Tim Ramos

Fight Club

Josh Shapiro’s followers grow daily as he has framed himself the ‘fighter’ for the next governorship.

By Justin Sweitzer

AT EACH STOP along the campaign trail, Josh Shapiro sent a message to voters before ever stepping off his blue bus, emblazoned with an impossible-to-miss “Shapiro For Governor” decal on each side.

With “The Fighter” by Gym Class Heroes playing in the background, Shapiro wanted voters to know that he would never back down from a fight as the state’s next governor.

It became a common refrain throughout Shapiro’s time on the campaign trail in October, when he made stops in 18 Pennsylvania counties as part of his “Big Fights Bus Tour,” where he highlighted his vision for Pennsylvania. He trekked from Pittsburgh to Philadelphia and from Abington to Erie, and said the case for his candidacy is clear: he has the track record and the tenacity to tackle the state’s most pressing issues.

“I have a strong record of taking on big fights,” Shapiro said in an interview with City & State PA, reflecting back on his time as a state representative, chair of the Montgomery County Board of Commissioners, and now, Pennsylvania Attorney General. Throughout his time on the trail, Shapiro walked through his record as a public official, from his work to close Montgomery County’s financial deficit to an earthshattering investigation led by his office that revealed widespread sexual abuse within Pennsylvania Catholic dioceses.

But while Shapiro is happy to tout his record in public service, he also acknowledges that there are plenty of battles ahead of him. He listed education as a top priority, saying the state needs to develop a comprehensive blueprint for it and help students chart a pathway from pre-K all the way through college or vocational training.

He has also said the state needs to do more to protect the environment from the impacts of climate change, while simultaneously protecting union jobs. Shapiro said he would make a determination on the future of Gov. Tom Wolf’s plan to join the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative once elected to the governor’s office, but stressed that the state could reduce emissions and create jobs by developing a plan to cap Pennsylvania’s abandoned oil and gas wells.

The Democratic attorney general also said he wouldn’t shy away from rejecting proposals that would limit abortion access, voting rights or the ability of workers to unionize. “I won’t be afraid to use my veto pen,” Shapiro told City & State, echoing a common refrain he’s stressed to voters on the campaign trail.

But while Shapiro has been quick to show his fighting spirit in the early months of his campaign, he’s also hoping to be a unifier. “I’ve got a track record of bringing Democrats and Republicans together, both

Shapiro is the likely Democratic nominee for governor of Pennsylvania.

The Montgomery County native is entering the race with no primary opponent and $10 million in the bank.

electorally … as well as governing, and I’m prepared to meet this moment and tackle these big challenges,” he said.

During campaign stops across the state, Shapiro supporters said they were drawn to the candidate for his devotion to the causes he cares about, as well as his track record.

“Not only does he have the knowledge, but he has the courage to stand up and speak what needs to be said. Not all politicians are able to do that as well as he does,” said Maria Sweet, a retired Centre County college professor who spent time as an education policy analyst for former Gov. Dick Thornburgh, a Republican. “It’s rare to find somebody with those qualities [in] either party,” she said.

Marty Tuzman, a Montgomery County resident who owns the Philadelphia-based Jenkintown Building Services, was at Shapiro’s campaign launch event in Abington on Oct. 13. Tuzman said he has worked with Shapiro on reentry and workforce development projects and always found Shapiro to have shown passion, as well as having “a heart that is there for the people.”

Shapiro has made clear that there are a host of issues he wants to address as governor, but he’ll have to clear some more hurdles before he gets there, including some daunting political headwinds.

Shapiro is hoping to win a statewide contest in a midterm election year that could be precarious for Democrats. With a Democrat in the White House and Republicans nearly sweeping this year’s statewide judicial races, Pennsylvania politicos are in agreement that Shapiro has his work cut out for him.

“If you put him in a different cycle, I think he’s unstoppable,” said a Republican operative with experience working on statewide campaigns who agreed to speak on the condition of anonymity. “I think

he’s a really good candidate. He’s talented, he raises money, he’s very focused and deliberate on how he goes about things. The question is going to be, is that enough in a Biden midterm?”

Christopher Nicholas, a veteran Republican political consultant, agreed. Nicholas said that since the gubernatorial race will occur during a midterm election, and at a time when President Joe Biden’s approval rating is low, Republicans will have an advantage heading into 2022.

“When you look at the political environment, you have to put that now as a definite edge for the GOP, and that is primarily driven by something that Josh Shapiro or John Fetterman can’t control, which is what’s going on with the federal government and President Biden’s approval rating,” Nicholas said.

He added that Shapiro will likely have to fend off attacks about his tendency to leave positions before his term is up, as Shapiro left both the Pennsylvania General Assembly and the Montgomery County Commissioners to seek other elected posts.

That’s not to say Shapiro isn’t heading into 2022 in a favorable position. He’s entering an election year with no primary opponent and $10 million in the bank, while an ever-growing field of Republicans will have to make their case to voters as to why they should be the GOP nominee.

Chris Borick, the director of the Muhlenberg College Institute of Public Opinion, said Shapiro has put himself in the best-possible position to run for governor despite the political challenges facing him in the midterms. And for a candidate who is itching for a fight, Shapiro is going to get one.

“By all likelihood, Josh Shapiro, with all his attributes and assets, is heading into headwind in 2022,” Borick said. “And thus, he’ll need all those things to be able to win this race.” ■

”Not only does he have the knowledge, but he has the courage to stand up and speak what needs to be said.”

–Maria Sweet