e d i s t r o p T ON M RE A L C
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staff + editor’s note
STEPHANIE STEINBRECHER
editor-in-chief
JAYA WILLIAMS
publisher
SAAHIL DESAI
campus editor
RAE BROOKSHIRE
international editor
COPY EDITORS ASSIGNMENT EDITOR
MARYL EVANS
national editor
BEN ANDY WRIGHT HACKENBERGER web editor web editor
FEATHER FLORES, NINA POSNER, KRISTI SUN, ALY MINAMIDE + JENNA HUSSEIN FRANCES WANG
EDITORS-IN-CHIEF EMERITI
TIM REYNOLDS + SAM KAHR
ART STAFF
CHELSEA CARLSON JEWEL MENSAH (photographer)
Editorial: Feminism in a Modern Context Feminism. I never tire of the subject. As an informed and mindful member of society, neither should you. Today’s dominant social paradigm perpetrates a deep misunderstanding of feminist goals and intentions. This attitude is maintained by those who deny, ignore, fail to recognize, or fail to grasp the concept of feminism in its modern context. To establish a bottom line for this issue, let’s put some common misconceptions to rest. Feminism does not elevate women above everyone else. It doesn’t seek to threaten or antagonize particular groups (i.e. men). Rather, it works to break apart oppressive systems that suppress certain segments of society and privilege others. Feminism is not limited to only helping women reach their fullest potential — it’s about shattering the glass ceiling for everyone. Social, political, and economic parity among all people, regardless of gender, race, or any other aspect of identity — this is what feminism stands for, and this is where progress begins. In a world riddled with the oppression of certain population subsets (8), unequal access to opportuni-
ties (14), and disparities in political representation (10), can we afford to treat feminism as anything but a legitimate means towards progress? Feminism aligns with progressivism especially where matters of justice and equality are concerned. We believe that these values not only have intrinsic worth, but are also important in a healthy democracy.
if we want leaders elected who can accurately understand and represent their constituents (4), if we hope to end sexual abuse (17), if we really believe every voice should be heard (13), and if we intend to address countless other social justice concerns that we all should care about, then we must continue facilitating discussions in our campus, national, and international cultures.
As the Port Side emphasized last semester, we should look to make changes in the future while remembering how we arrived at the present. Our focus as modern feminists has shifted dramatically, when we compare today to the days of suffrage, the postwar era, The Feminine Mystique, the age of reproductive rights. Yet, without this historical progress, would we connect the fight against systematic sexism to classism, racism, and ableism, as we do today? Would we be as concerned with LGBTQ rights, sexuality, or questions of femininity and identity?
This calls for honest and open dialogue. Herein lies the beauty of journalism.
With feminism extending into an intersectional discussion, more voices are coming forward, adding to the growing din. This is how change happens. But by its definition, progress doesn’t stop; when looking to the future,
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While recognizing that feminism works to take down all kinds of oppression, this issue centers on the experiences of individuals who identify as women. As student journalists, we at the Port Side are especially interested in the ways these issues are framed, observed, discussed, and activated in political discourse. The topics broached in the next few pages reflect our approach to these questions.
Letters, Questions, Comments? editor@claremontportside.com
table of contents
the
compass international
campus
national 4 | WENDY DAVIS kristi sun + rae brookshire 6 | THE REAL WAR ON WOMEN kevin wu 10 | SEXISM IN THE MEDIA giselle garcia 16 | FEMINIST CONSUMERISM frances wang
5 | TUNISIAN CONSTITUTION julian rippy 8 | UGANDA GAY RIGHTS emlyn foxen 13 | “FIFA, PAY MY FARE” jenna hussein 14 | GENDER IMBALANCE QUOTAS genevieve agar + julian rippy
9 | FEMINEDUCATION becca marx 12 | FAITH AND FEMINISM emily long 17 | THE CONSENT CONUNDRUM nina posner 18 | TUITION AT THE 5Cs sam kahr + cosette dwyer 20 | CLITERACY/PHALLUSY kristi sun
ABOUT US: The Claremont Port Side is dedicated to providing the Cla-
remont Colleges with contextualized, intelligent reports to advance debate among students and citizens. We are a progressive newsmagazine that offers pertinent information and thoughtful analysis on the issues confronting and challenging our world, our country, and our community. Each article in the Claremont Port Side reflects the opinion of its author(s) and does not represent the Claremont Port Side, its editors, its staff, or the Claremont Colleges.
Generation Progress works to help young people—advocates, activists, journalists, artists—make their voices heard on issues that matter. Learn more at genprogress.org.
[SINGLE COPIES ARE FREE. TO PURCHASE ADDITIONAL COPIES, PLEASE CONTACT PUBLISHER@CLAREMONTPORTSIDE.COM]
claremontportside.com | volume XI issue 3 | march 2014 | page 3
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Lone Star Democrat
Why Texas can’t handle Wendy Davis By Kristi Sun, Copy Editor, SC ‘16 & Rae Brookshire, International Editor, CMC ‘16
In June 2013, Texas state senator Wendy Davis made feminist history with her 11-hour abortion bill filibuster. Standing tirelessly in her bright pink running shoes and riding on the proud cheers of feminists streaming her filibuster live around the world, Davis’ courage and eloquence launched her into the political spotlight. “I was at Scripps when [the filibuster] happened, and I was really proud because even though there are Democrats in Texas, they don’t really get a lot of publicity. This was a good way to show that women can stand up for themselves in Texas,” Dallasite Caroline Porter SC ‘16 described. Though the anti-abortion legislation ultimately passed and Governor Rick Perry declared the victor, Davis is now running for Texas governor as a new type of Texas progressive. Her qualifications and spirit have many predicting that she will win the Democratic nominee and face off against current Texas Attorney General Greg Abbott in the general election. The biggest challenge Davis will face in the coming months is crafting a campaign narrative that captures her unique tenacity and political prowess under close media scrutiny. Since announcing her run, journalists have discovered some discrepancies and overstatements in her teenage-mother-to-Harvard success story. Conservative critics have been quick to capitalize on these discrepancies to undermine her legitimacy as a political leader. Such allegations began when Rush Limbaugh and other conservative outlets began reporting that Davis was in fact 21 instead of 19 when she divorced her first husband. Others have combed through divorce court records to question why Davis’ husband had retained parental custody after the couple separated.
Texan media outlets The Texas Tribune and Houston Chronicle published long-form investigations, reporting that it was her second husband who payed for her Harvard law degree from a cashed-out retirement fund. Regardless of how contested, and in many cases, corrected, these reports have been, the insinuations about her personal character so early on in her campaign overshadow the bright beacon of Texan feminism Davis embodies. Many voters hope Davis will live up to the legacy of previous Texas governor, Ann Richards, who was widely regarded as one of the most outspoken proponents of feminism in the state. The strategic questions now entail how much Davis’ platform will shift to accommodate more bipartisan lines in hopes of capturing the essential vote of suburban women. Her campaign website includes commitments to the issues of education, economy, government accountability, and veteran affairs. Notably, her website provides no mention of the filibuster, which shot up her name recognition over 40 points in Texas practically overnight. Stripped of its feminist, body-positive message, Davis’ “Texas Story” is one filled with “tough fights,” but none on the behalf of women’s clinics. As a self-identified liberal Independent, Porter “really wishes” that Davis will win the gubernatorial race, but sees it as unlikely: “the more liberal side of Texas [is] growing in Austin… and we have 50-50 in Dallas at least, but I think the stronghold is still in the Republican-conservative camp. We’ve had Rick Perry as our governor for literally my entire life. He’s a staple figure… and I feel like we’re going to have another Republican governor.” As Davis experiences an outpouring of support from women (the demographic that the staunchest conservatives struggle
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to reach), it’s no wonder the Republicans are desperate to slander Davis’ character. As a woman in the unforgiving limelight of the political world, Davis’ gender sometimes seems like an insurmountable hurdle. By virtue of her being a woman, Davis endures far more scrutiny than male politicians. Beyond criticizing her political stances, the public believes it also has a right to cast aspersions on her looks, clothing, parenting skills, and even her sex life. Former Executive Director of South Carolina’s Republican Party Todd Kincannon went on a Twitter rampage against Davis, slandering all aspects of her character. His insults ranged from insinuating that she performed sexual favors in exchange for campaign donations to straight out calling her a “hooker,” “whore,” and how she has done “even more damage to modern feminism than Monica Lewinsky.” An ambitious woman threatens men. Thus, it is no surprise that the attacks on Davis are so extreme. After studying every female candidate running for governor in the past, the Barbara Lee Family Foundation discovered that women running for executive office often are placed on an ‘Ethical Pedestal,’ and that the discourse surrounding their candidacy often “distract[s] from what really matters — the policies, priorities, and platforms of each candidate,” according to the Foundation’s website. “Male opponents often strike early with attacks questioning a woman’s integrity. It’s a well-worn strategy.” Ultimately, the conservative backlash against Davis may be grounded largely in sexism may be pervasive enough to significantly impact the gubernatorial election. It may have been pro-choice policies that launched Davis’ political career, but it may not be the policies that sustain her as a viable political candidate in Texas.
The feminist subtleties of democratic transition are rooted in identity By Julian Rippy Staff Writer, PO ‘15
Tunisia, the birthplace of the Arab Spring, has issued a new constitution. Under the rule of its dictatorial ruler, Zine Ben Ali, Tunisia was one of the most secular countries in the Middle East and North Africa. Secularism affected all elements of society, including women, who were banned from wearing the veil in public (which has since been lifted). Men are also banned by Tunisian law from marrying more than one woman, but they are permitted to do so in other countries in the region, including Libya, Morocco, and Algeria.
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You can’t say that Islam itself is anti-modern or oppresses women. These are decisions people make, how they interpret Islam.
CGU Researcher studying Islam
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Ayat Agah
curtailing women’s freedoms in the future, including forcing women out of the workforce or reinstating polygamy. This draft of the constitution was ultimately rejected, leading to the current draft.
like the UK and Sweden, define a state church,” he said. Further, the US Department of State reports that Tunisia is 99 percent Sunni Muslim, which Agah said the Constitution should reflect.
The new constitution explicitly mentions women six times, including in two articles: Article 33, which states that “the state seeks to guarantee women’s representation in elected councils,” and Article 45, which makes explicit the state’s commitment to women’s rights, political representation, equal opportunity in all fields, and eliminating violence against women.
Agah explains that because the constitution commits itself to protecting both the sacred and the rights of women, there is legal space for women in Tunisia to use more progressive theories of Islamic jurisprudence to expand and protect their rights in the future. This, she believes, is key because “modernity includes this religious identity” for many Tunisians.
In part due to its strict protections for women, the constitution has been hailed by much of the left in the West as one of the most progressive in the world, including by the president of France, Francois Hollande. Ayat Agah, a researcher at CGU studying Islam, said that these exclamations show that the West is trying to “validate” the new constitution, which she believes to be ultimately unnecessary.
After the Tunisian revolution that removed Ben Ali from power, a transitional government was formed, later giving way to a Parliament elected in October 2011. Enhada, a moderate Islamist party, won a plurality in these elections and sent a delegation of members to parliament that was nearly half women.
The constitution has also received attention for the role Islam plays in the document, which declares that the religion of the Tunisian state is Islam, that the state is responsible for “protect[ing] the sacred and prevent[ing] it from being attacked,” and that its president must be a Muslim. Agah notes that some western observers might view a state preferentially mentioning a religion in its constitution as antimodern, but it in fact is not.
However, one of the first drafts of the new constitution, released in 2012, contained language that defined a man and woman’s roles as “complement[ing] each other in the household.” Tunisian women reacted strongly to this attempt to formally codify gender roles, with opponents of the language charging that the passage could be used by hardline Islamists to justify further
Michael Boduszynski, Professor of International Relations at Pomona College, agrees. “I don’t think [mentions of Islam] are contradictory, unless they are hijacked or interpreted by ultraconservatives. Most Islamic countries have some provisions in their constitutions protecting the central status of Islam, and of course even some Western countries,
“It’s not religious versus secular,” Agah explained. “You can’t say that Islam itself is antimodern or oppresses women. These are decisions people make, how they interpret Islam.” It seems, then, that the new constitution is a major step forward for Tunisian women, who have codified in the document the rights they fought for in the Tunisian revolution. Further, these rights can be expanded in the future, both under the auspices of civil law and possibly Islamic interpretation, making Tunisia a proving ground for progressive Islamic democracy. Tunisia has distinguished itself as one of the most progressive states in the Arab world with its new constitution, particularly so in the field of women’s rights. Could Tunisia’s model be exported to other states in the region? Professor Boduszynski believes it could, with reservations. “Yes, it could spread, and I think Morocco is another country in the region where legal reforms under King Mohammed VI have improved the lot of women. But each country is different, and I don’t see Libya, for instance, which is a much more conservative society, adopting such a forward-leaning constitution when it comes to protecting gender equality.”
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Tunisia’s Modernity Through Religion
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The Real War on Women Republicans need to change their policies, not just their tone. By Kevin Wu Senior Staff Writer, CMC ‘16 In the United States 2012 presidential election, Obama won by 12 percent among women, and by 36 percent among unmarried women. Considering the fact that women made up 53 percent of the voters in the election and that Republican candidate Mitt Romney won the men’s vote by only 8 percent, the Democrats arguably won thanks to the votes of women. The impact of the women’s vote cannot be understated, especially because Republicans faced similar struggles trying to earn the votes of women in the 2012 congressional races and in other 2013 elections. These struggles are particularly illustrated by the Virginia governor’s race. Unmarried women voted for Terry McAuliffe over Ken Cuccinelli by a margin of 42 percent. Fears that Cuccinelli would enact politics restricting abortion and contraception were a large factor in the massive support McAuliffe received from women. Other Republican candidates who held extremist views on abortion also lost election bids and a record number of women were elected to the Senate and House of Representatives. Over the last few years, the Republican public image has suffered as the party seems to become increasingly out of touch with women. A poll conducted by CNN and ORC International revealed that 59 percent of women feel that the GOP does not understand women’s interests; the number rises to 64 percent when only women above the age of 50 are considered. Republican policymakers’ positions regarding women’s health have been especially outrageous to many women. In one glaring example, Todd Akin, 2012 Republican nominee for the Missouri Senate seat, infamously made the remark, “if it’s a legitimate rape, the female body has ways to try to shut that whole thing down.” Favored to win prior to these remarks, Akin lost the Senate election by 15 percent. Democrats have criticized Republican policies and accused them of waging a “war on women.” In a 2013 editorial published by the Daily
stay on parent’s health care plan until age 26
free preventative care
no rejection for pre-existing condition
counseling for domestic and interpersonal violence
WHAT OBAMACARE DOES FOR WOMEN
no co-payment for birth control
$ maternity leave coverage
medicare for incomes up to $16,000 and other government discounts
Beast, Center for American Progress Action Fund senior fellow Buffy Wicks attributed this “war” to the notion that the Republican Party has become overrun with extremist conservatives. Wicks explained that these Republicans fight against legislation that supports pay equity, earned sick days, and the ending of pregnancy discrimination. Wicks also predicted that the Party will lose the votes of women for many elections to come, including in 2016. Democrats have tried to use negative campaigning to feed off the backlash against Republican candidates by nominating female senators in certain states and placing gender-related issues front and center in those competitions.
Republican Strategy The Republican Party has become increasingly aware of its failing to garner support from women voters. In the “Growth and Opportunity Project” published by the Republican National Committee, the Committee noted that without innovative new ways to appeal to mi-
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women and men are charged the SAME amount
norities, namely women and younger voters, “it will be increasingly difficult for Republicans to win another presidential election in the near future.” Additionally, The report specified, “our candidates, spokespeople and staff need to use language that addresses concerns that are on women’s minds in order to let them know we are fighting for them.” The report concludes that the lack of women’s support for the Republican party is not a problem of substance but a problem of tone. Some Republicans have taken it upon themselves to help guide conservative campaigns in order to avert gaffes and send messages that resonate well with women. Romney’s deputy campaign manager and consultants formed Burning Glass Consulting, a company promising to help craft Republican campaigns to appeal to women. In an interview with Slate, the Burning Glass founders emphasized the importance of appealing to unmarried women, younger women, collegeeducated women and women of color. They also suggested that Republican campaigns
national
should shift their focus to economic issues rather than social issues.
Abortion Despite the change in focus and tone of campaigns that Republican strategists and leaders are advocating, Republican social policy will not necessarily change. With the fight over gay marriage nearing its end, Republicans have once again taken up abortion as a main societal problem. On both issues, though particularly the former, Republicans have slowly begun to withdraw their opposition. “It’s not that a large number of officials are endorsing same-sex marriage, but they’re less energetic in their opposition,” said John Pitney Jr., the Crocker Professor of Politics at Claremont McKenna College. It was only with the support of six Republicans that the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy was repealed a few years ago. Similarly, Republican votes in the Senate allowed the Employment Non-Discrimination Act to pass the Senate last year. Have the recent actions of Republicans been indicative of a renewed emphasis on abortion? Abortion is an issue that women — especially young women — consider more important than debates over gay marriage, marijuana legalization or even, according to some commentators, economic matters. Already, there are signs that the RNC may pass a resolution calling for candidates to abandon their current “strategy of silence” on the topic of abortion and instead assert their pro-life view. The RNC feels this is necessary to ensure that Democrats do not dictate the positions of Republican candidates in an unfair manner. The Republican-controlled House of Representatives passed a bill at the end of January that placed stricter limits on federal payments for abortions. Though seen as a move to please their socially conservative base, the vote was held ten months ahead of this year’s midterm elections, on the same day as the State of the Union. Perhaps this is an indicator that the party wants to show its com-
mitment to anti-abortion policy but does not want the stance to be a focus for its critics as the elections get nearer. Democrats are aware that Obamacare and abortion are huge targets of the Republican Party and have planned to respond in kind. Working with organizations like NARAL Pro-Choice, Democrats have passed national laws, such as the Women’s Health Protection Act, as well as state acts, among them the New York Women’s Equality Act, that either preserve or expand the right to access abortion. The religious right-wing, traditionally strong supporters of abortion restrictions and a significant factor in the successful election of former president George W. Bush, is facing a decline in its influence. According to The Week, the religious right has changed its focus from enacting change on a national level to preserving state-mandated secularism. Rather than promoting policies that overturn long-held freedoms, “the remnants of the religious right have been reduced to playing defenses.” The focus has been on enacting laws that prohibit later-stage abortions and laws that prevent abortions purely because of a preference for one sex over another. Not only have the religious conservatives taken a step back, but studies have shown that public opinion regarding abortion has largely remained the same, though support for Roe v. Wade has been growing. Pitney noted that “positions on abortion are entrenched” and that Mark Shields was correct in remarking that Americans are “pro-choice and antiabortion… [they] don’t support an overall ban on abortion but do support restrictions.” A Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll indicated that 7 in 10 Americans believe Roe v. Wade should remain in effect, a number that represents the highest level of support since the polls started tracking in 1989. Instead of supporting the dissemination of contraceptives, the increased use of which has arguably led to fewer unintended pregnancies and less subsequent need for abortions, Republicans hold an equally staunch view against the
affordable access of contraceptives. As a stipulation to end the recent government shutdown, House Republicans demanded the addition of a conscience clause to allow employers to opt out of including preventative health care coverage to employees. Similar actions will lead to more unintended pregnancies and poorer overall health for mothers and children.
Obamacare Republicans have held the repeal of the Affordable Care Act, colloquially known as Obamacare, as their Holy Grail ever since it was passed. Recently, they have taken steps toward creating a replacement bill to offer to Congress, but drafts of the alternatives have so far lacked the depth and breadth of the ACA. One of the key elements of Obamacare is its stance on preventative services. ACA mandates the expansion of preventative services to include coverage for women with Medicare in addition to those with private health insurance. These preventative services have shown to be effective and range from mammograms to domestic violence screening to contraceptive services. However, Obamacare also includes many other policies that are hugely beneficial to women. Women between the ages of 19 and 25 who were previously uninsured now have coverage under the health insurance plan of either of their parents. Maternity coverage is guaranteed — a massive improvement over the inclusion of maternity coverage in only 12 percent of health plans previously sold on the market. Additionally, a “preexisting condition” cannot disqualify an applicant from obtaining insurance. Continued Republican support of abortion restrictions and opposition to Obamacare and the expansion of Medicaid will only further isolate the Republican Party from female voters. The Party needs to accept the wishes of the public and work together with Democrats to continue the expansion of health services for men and women or face greater troubles down the road.
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The cross-cultural debates over gay rights in Uganda By Emlyn Foxen Senior Staff Writer, PO ‘16 The virulent controversy surrounding the passage of the Anti-Homosexual Bill by the Ugandan Parliament last year may seem to be an issue primarily concerned with the construction and discussion of what constitutes “Ugandan” or “African” identity, and whether or not homosexuality is a valid expression of these identities. A closer look at the patterns of continuing codified political oppression reveals, however, that at heart this horrific degradation of equal rights is nothing new in terms of the politicization of minority rights. The Ugandan Parliament first took up consideration of what has been called the “kill the gays bill” in 2009 after Evangelical Christian groups in Uganda lobbied for increased criminalization of same-sex relationships. The first draft of the bill included provisions that sanctioned the death penalty as punishment for certain homosexual acts. Since 2009, the death penalty has been moderated to life in prison for homosexuals who violate the law. President Museveni of Uganda is currently attempting to revise and further temper the drastic measures of the bill. Meanwhile, Ugandan gay rights groups like SMUG (Sexual Minorities Uganda) are striving to dispel homophobic notions such as the “Western” or “foreign” nature of homosexuality in Uganda and the idea that it is somehow “unnatural” or a mental disorder. These organizations also encourage public solidarity among gay people within a socio-legal atmosphere often dangerous for the expression and living out of nonheterosexual gender norms. According to Ruti Talmor, anthropologist and Professor of Media Studies at Pitzer College, the violence and oppression surrounding the question of how same-sex and LGBT relationships and identities fit into the political sphere of the Ugandan nation-state are no
surprise. The issue of the politicization of gay rights, she said, is a “claiming of public space that… pushes a lot of buttons for people who are conservative in different ways.” The issue of gay rights, she said, is a cross-cultural “question of national belonging.” The political backlash that often results from this claiming of public space, from the transition of “private” matters such as sexuality into the public sphere and the assertion of the right to national belonging often garners oppressive results. This phenomenon, Talmor asserts, is not unique to Uganda or Africa. A domestic example comes in the form of recent anti-gay legislation passed in the Kansas House on February 12 in response to the Oklahoma Supreme Court’s striking down of several anti-gay state laws. The proposed Kansas legislation would authorize a series of laws permitting government employees the right to explicitly discriminate against gay couples or individuals. Talmor posits that anti-gay legislation like this is an issue of “who gets to be American, to call upon the state to keep its promises of protection to its citizens?” in the same way that the “place-specific narrative of what is the nation, who is a citizen” is being disputed today in Uganda. “Many media portrayals of the issue still focus on the ‘backwardness’ of Uganda and Africa more generally,” said Harmony O’Rourke, Professor of History at Pitzer. The politicians who drafted the bill are practitioners of the same “divisive politics of today” played out in Western countries, she said. These Western countries, however, seem to hold specific notions of a “primitive” Africa.”[These politicians] know exactly what they’re doing,” O’Rourke said. The reasons behind the passage of the bill might have as much to do with political strategy as with homophobic ideology, remarked O’Rourke. After the British granted Uganda its independence in the early 1960s, different individuals and parties vied for power until current President Musev-
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eni gained power in 1986, after which he helped Uganda establish itself as a democratic presidential republic. “Because of this move toward semi-democratization [during the 1990s], a lot of political leaders have been working hard to create more divisions within society,” O’Rourke stated. But a parallel need, as Talmor puts it, is to create more cohesive “voting blocks” that transcend these differences. Thus politicians should engage in policymaking that encourages ethnic, religious, or ideological unity among certain groups in order “to exclude or create divisions but make others feel incorporated in some way,” as O’Rourke said.
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The political backlash... from the transition of ‘private’ matters into the public sphere... is not unique to Uganda.
Ruti Talmor
Professor of Media Studies & Anthropologist, Pitzer College
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international
Uganda: the Question of National Belonging
The most important thing to keep in mind, Talmor urges, is the question “what do the parties — both national and foreign — who have come together stand to gain” from the passage of this bill? A constituency united over a certain ideology? The power to sustain heteronormative and patriarchal gender norms in Uganda? Keeping the shroud of taboo over issues of sexuality and sexual pluralism? The answer to each of these questions may not be readily apparent, or even discernable. Still, rather than becoming merely an item of Western condemnation, it can be hoped instead that gay and lesbian communities in Uganda play the primary part in defining the future of both social and political action.
campus
Femineducation
Pitzer professor helps reinvent online education By Becca Marx Staff Writer, SC ‘16 Despite rising costs in higher education, online education has boomed in recent years. However, there is no consensus about the modus operandi on how these courses should be run. “Online education” has become synonymous with MOOCs — Massive Open Online Courses. Coursera, Udacity, and edX, MOOCs backed by world’s most prestigious universities, are the newest leaders in online academics. While MOOCs currently dominant the online education landscape, they are certainly not the only model in the burgeoning field. FemTechNet, a group of feminist artists and scholars, recently collaborated to create an alternative, called the DOCC (Distributive Open Collaborative Course). The DOCC was born right here in L.A., partly through the work of Alexandra Juhasz, Professor of Media Studies at Pitzer College. Juhasz stated that the project was inspired by a conversation she had with New School Professor Anne Balsamo about “the lack of sophisticated building and ongoing conversation about feminist participation in technology, as artists, as makers, as users, and as theorists.” Juhasz and Balsamo decided to convene a meeting of several top feminist educators to discuss the reasons for this lack of feminist representation and what they would need in order to remedy it. “At that meeting, we built a network,” said Juhasz, “and it’s composed of hundreds of people now.” Eventually, the network solidified into what is now FemTechNet. Applying their feminist ideology, Juhasz and Balsamo decided they wanted to completely reinvent how technology intersects with higher education. Unlike a MOOC, a DOCC “is focused on being distributive and puts less emphasis on the idea of being massive,” noted Taylor Jade Ulrich SC ‘14, who interned with FemTechNet. “DOCCs are committed to being open, and not merely online. Integral to DOCCs is their collaborative aspect, something that is nowhere tied in to the pedagogy of MOOCS.”
mass production: professors lecture to students and there is virtually no interaction between the two parties. The major universities that are investing heavily in MOOCs—Harvard, Yale, and MIT among them—are hoping that the internet will fundamentally change global education in the coming decades. Balsamo and Juhasz see this strategy as elitist and fundamentally flawed. Balsamo believes that who you learn with is as important as what you learn. “Learning is a relationship,” Balsamo told Inside Higher Ed, “not just something that can be measured by outcomes or formal metric.” The ideals of free exchange and community are at the heart of FemTechNet and the DOCC it produces. This contrasts sharply with the majority of MOOCs, which are primarily run by large, for-profit organizations. The DOCC allows feminists to talk to and learn from each other, in addition to using technology in an integrally feminist way. “The inspiration was to teach students about feminism involvement in technology,” said Juhasz, “and to allow feminists who are involved in technology to talk to and learn from each other.” As technology progresses and society evolves, the dialogue relevant to cyberfeminists is constantly changing. Feminist ideology has fundamentally changed since the emergence of the internet in the 1990s. In 2013, there were fifteen schools who participated in the creation of FemTechNet’s first DOCC, Dialogues on Feminism and Technology. This eclectic group of ‘nodal’ institutions —including schools from Colby-Sawyer Col-
lege to Yale University — added a version of the Dialogues on Feminism and Technology as a new class. While most of the iterations of the DOCC take place at the undergraduate level, some institutions used them as graduate-level seminars. “FemTechNet is an international network that hundreds of feminists use,” said Juhasz. “There’s a node here at Pitzer, but it’s really not about this local space. It’s about the world we’ve created that’s outside of it.” At Pitzer, the Dialogues in Feminism and Technology class had just 15 students last semester, but those who took the class were heavily invested. The network promotes academic activity, and students from the 5Cs have set up meetings with other DOCC students and have given presentations about their experiences. Those who take the DOCC are satisfied to see that their work has real world applications and that the course includes lots of “experiential learning,” says Susanna Ferrell SC ‘14. “The DOCC is accessible to everybody… it is valuable in not only understanding a personal opinion, or view of feminism, but in understanding different individuals.” This new technological development in online education gives students another opportunity to find inspiration in feminist studies. The brilliance of FemTechNet and its DOCC is that the model rethinks the status quo of online education, ameliorating the impersonal aspects of MOOCs and their operation of “trickle-down education.”
Alex Juhasz and Anne Balsamo introduce the DOCC 2013 Workshop July 2013 Photo courtesy of Professor Alex Juhasz
A common criticism of MOOCs is that they are extremely hierarchical by the very nature of their
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the Knee-high Boots & Pant Suits: a Media Fixation Sexism and the media representation of women in politics By Giselle Garcia Staff Writer, SC ‘17 The Academy Award-winning film The Contender centers on the fictional story of Laine Hanson, the first female Vice Presidential nominee, played by Joan Allen. The film depicts attacks on Hanson about her past that arise simply because she is a woman. In short, the film revealed the double standard that exists when it comes to the media’s portrayal of women in politics. Unfortunately, women running for office today still face an uphill battle when the media decides to represent them using decadesold stereotypes. In order for both men and women to view female leaders as competent and hard-working, the media must become a more politically correct news medium. “Female politicians face more barriers than male politicians because of a tricky double bind that [exclusively women leaders] face,” Meghana Ravikumar SC ‘17 said. “If politicians are feminine, they are often viewed as incompetent.” In fall 2013, Ravikumar spent weeks researching how women are represented in the media for a class research paper. Former Governor of Alaska Sarah Palin dominated media attention when she ran for vice president alongside presidential nominee John McCain on the Republican ticket of the 2008 Presidential Election. Targeted by several late night comedy shows, Tina Fey’s infamous impersonation on Saturday Night Live anointed Palin as comedic gold. Depicted as unintelligent and as an incapable national leader by the media, less importance
was given to her qualifications and political strategy than to her $150,000 wardrobe. Stories about Palin’s now-famous knee-high leather boots, snakeskin heels, and signature glasses became front page news. The sexual objectification Palin faced was made explicit with her appointment as “America’s Hottest Governor” by Alaska Magazine. The media’s portrayal of Palin became clear: not brilliant, ambitious, or aware of national issues, she was not to be taken seriously. The media also shifted its attention to Palin’s personal family affairs. Reports questioned her ability to care for her children and lead the country at the same time. Malicious comments surfaced with Palin’s teenage daughter Bristol’s pregnancy announcement. Attention was drawn to her infant son with Down syndrome. News sources often discuss the families of high-profile politicians, but Palin’s children were used to undermine her abilities to carry out the role of vice president. Ravikumar remarked that during the 2008 bid, Palin “made some really silly remarks, but part of [her negative image] was also due to the double bind” women in politics experience in the face of media representation. On the other end of the political spectrum, however, “Hillary Clinton is not seen as feminine enough.” Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton continues to be criticized for lacking femininity. Drawn as broad-shouldered in political cartoons, consistently accused of being cold and calculating, and always talked about for her choice to wear pantsuits, she
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has long been the subject of media critique. A 2013 Republican Convention distributed buttons that read “KFC Hillary Special: 2 Fat Thighs, 2 Small Breasts… Left Wing.” Such demeaning discourse serves to trivialize Clinton and divert attention from her political accomplishments. The pressure unfairly placed on Clinton to be more feminine contrasted with the media’s popular disapproval of overly emotional women in politics, portraying them as weak leaders. “A newscaster stated, ‘Is she going to be able to make comments on national security while she is on her period?’ and yet there is a paradoxical message about women present in the media to be sexy but not too sexy,” said Mary Ann Davis, Visiting Lecturer at Scripps College. Sexist attitudes are blatantly manifested in the ridiculous questions journalists ask Clinton regarding her favorite clothing designers. “Would you ever ask a man that question?” Clinton famously retorted to one such inquiry in a 2010 interview. She called the question out for what it was: a trivializing and irrelevant poke at Clinton due to her gender. Journalists have also continually asked Clinton about her husband’s affair with Monica Lewinsky in attempts to embarrass or humiliate her. Even worse, Clinton’s leadership abilities are downplayed when the media calls her “too ambitious.” Remarkably, male politicians are rarely criticized for their ambition; in fact, this quality is often admired in men. However, women in politics are forced to walk a fine line between confident leaders and overly ambitious candidates. In light of a potential 2016 bid, the media is
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already circulating questions about Clinton’s candidacy. Some articles have even asked the public if they are ready for a “president mom.” By relying on outdated female stereotypes to cast doubt over her capabilities, the media response to Clinton’s Democratic popularity demonstrates the media’s unease about a powerful female politician. Much of this may be attributed to the history of traditional women’s roles in American culture. Designated as homemakers and mothers, domestic roles are consistently applied to women. Even today, American culture condemns the notion that women can have both family lives and lives in public office. It appears to be a lose-lose situation — overwhelmingly, women in public office are either construed to be overly “feminine,” motherly, and not suited for demanding political careers, or they are seen as having placed their careers ahead of their family lives. The fact that domestic responsibilities default to women rather than to men creates a huge obstacle for women attempting to build political careers. The media frequently investigates into personal and professional lives of female politicians, propagating this cultural stereotype. The question of “can she be successful once in office?” plagues female politicians who face a culture that continues to stack the odds against them. Media representation constantly reminds women that their every move is being scrutinized, and that they live in a culture that does not have full faith in their capabilities. The media’s proliferation of gender stereotypes also extends to Representative Michele Bachmann. Bachmann has been portrayed as unintelligent and more importantly, frenzied and demonic. During her 2012 presidential campaign, the media extensively covered Bachmann’s claim that wearing high heels gave her migraines. Such media emphasis paid to this statement may have influenced the public to believe that Bachmann’s mi-
graines could impede her work in office, or that she was incompetent. “Stereotypically feminine attributes — being indecisive, bad decision makers and unintelligent, having the facts wrong — Sarah Palin was ridiculed for clearly having the facts wrong, Hillary Clinton is pilloried for being a bad decision maker… Michele Bachmann makes sweeping generalizations,” Melinda Herrold-Menzies, Professor of Environmental Studies at Pitzer College, said. “So being uninformed is one of the images that is overlapping in the images of these women.” The bias inherent in mainstream media was also apparent in Newsweek’s cover photo of Michele Bachmann, in which she appeared to look crazy with bulging eyes. “The Queen of Rage,” as Newsweek’s August 15, 2011 cover called her, was caught in the middle of political and gender bias as the cover symbolizes an indirect attack on both female politicians and conservatives. The sexy Republican stereotype was also brought back with Miley Cyrus’s Bachmann impersonation in a skit on Saturday Night Live. Research shows that the sexism women face in the media hinders their opportunities to attain leadership positions. In fact, research has proven that even if the media describes women in positive ways by focusing on their femininity, people will continue to believe that they are not credible or prepared to run the country. “Researchers performed an experiment in which two groups of people read articles about a hypothetical female candidate named Jane. The group that read articles about her shoes or her hair were significantly more likely not to vote for her,” Meghana Ravikumar said, recalling her previous study about responses to media’s representations of political women. The media plays a huge role in influencing the success of female candidates running for office. However, both men and women can work towards ending the gender discrimination that has become normalized in the media.
For starters, reporters for major news sites and cable stations could begin by using a woman’s title rather than her name to reinforce her demonstrated capability as a leader. “In an experiment, researchers showed college students an image of a female professor and an image of a male professor. When [the researchers] only referred to the female professor by her name and not by her title, people did not respect her opinions as much. However, when the researchers referred to the male professor by only his name, they still assumed that he was important and knowledgeable,” Ravikumar added. Additionally, in a test of six different news sources, researchers found that men referred to Hillary Clinton by her last name 11% of the time, but referred to President Obama by his last name only 2% of the time. This significant difference highlights a subtle form of media sexism. Acknowledging someone by their title is a psychologically important way to demonstrate respect for someone’s rank. Respect for women in power is significantly diminished when people refer to them solely by their last names. We can respond to this media sexism by recognizing when sexist language and images undermine a woman’s power. If we, as consumers and voters, are aware and challenge the media representation of women, perhaps we can recenter political dialogue to create a more equitable culture for future female candidates. Overt or not, sexism is deeply imbedded into American culture, media, and attitudes towards female politicians. Regardless of their political ideologies, women in public office face intense scrutiny that serves as an extra obstacle to their political success. As the 2016 election season picks up pace, both men and women will need to be more aware of gender politics in the media to prevent sexist biases from clouding their political judgments.
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How spirituality and progressivism intersect at the 5Cs By Emily Long Staff Writer, SC ‘16
Secularity may predominate student culture at the 5Cs, but religion still plays an integral role in the lives of many students. Each campus hosts a variety of faith groups, and the 7C McAlister Center for Religious Activities hosts services throughout the week for Muslim, Christian, Mormon, Jewish, and Buddhist students. Additionally, McAlister sponsors student faith groups and offer panels, workshops, and events for students to explore questions of faith and spirituality. One such question involves reconciling progressive feminism with the conservative doctrines of various religions. For example, many faith groups within Christianity, Judaism, and Islam traditionally oppose gay marriage. The Bible and the Qur’an preach that women should submit to their husbands, and religious groups are often outspoken critics of the liberal political agenda. At the 5Cs, where many students and faculty identify as politically liberal, religious students and faith organizations must search for an intersection between faith and progressivism. For many students, combining their faith and their feminism marks that intersection. “For me, faith and feminism are inseparable,” said Sravya Vajram SC ‘16. “Hinduism has always been a huge part of my life… I grew up in a very religious family and I learned through my mother that faith can be a very powerful weapon to fight for women’s rights if used correctly.” Vajram views her Hindu faith as malleable. “We don’t all have the same principles or values within Hinduism, and I think that’s the beauty of it,” said Vajram. “I have always been given the freedom to customize my beliefs.” For many progressive students, religious adaptability is key, and college can provide a unique environment for discovering that adaptability and merging spirituality and social issues.
Amelia Hamiter SC ’16 has not found all expressions of Christianity as compatible with feminism, but that has not changed her fundamental beliefs. “I grew up in churches where I never felt fully comfortable with how women were ‘placed’,” she said. “We’re all created in God’s image; there just happen to be different versions of us [men and women], but we’re equal.” 5C faith groups seem to achieve the oftenelusive balance between religion and progressivism because they inherently need to cater to many liberal students. “Here [at the 5Cs], everyone is very secure in that God made us not only equal to men but that we are individuals, and because of this, we are not subjugated or confined to the role of a woman,” Hamiter said. Like Vajram and Hamiter, Grace Miel Jasper SC ’16 sees her faith and her feminist views as compatible. “I identify as a feminist,” said Jasper. “But I don’t feel tension between that feminism and my religion.”
compatible with feminism. Hamiter and Jasper hope to spark more conversation about the overlap of feminism and faith on campus, and to encourage students to see the two as complementary rather than mutually exclusive. Despite this optimism, not all students see faith and feminism as necessarily compatible. For Ali Goss PO ‘16, the intersection of religion and feminism is less important than the intersection of feminism and social justice. “Faith-based organizations... play a large role in alleviating structural violence within our society,” she said. Goss sees social justice-minded organizations as points at which faith and feminism can intersect. “As a feminist, I am skeptical of faith in a traditional sense,” Goss said. “Any organized thought until this point has been born in a time when women were considered second rate citizens. Even today, our culture and justice systems view women as such.”
However, Jasper and Hamiter both noted the lack of conversation regarding how feminism and religion intersect.
However, Goss still sees the potential for faith and feminism to coincide in some contexts. “I do believe that certain faiths’ emphasis on self-respect and self-autonomy can be extremely valuable in order to pursue feminist ideals,” she said.
Faith can be a very powerful weapon to fight for women’s rights if used correctly.
Although religion and feminism are sometimes treated as mutually exclusive, students from various religious backgrounds actually view the two as inextricably linked. Secularists on campus have the tendency to blast religion as conservative and anti-feminist, when for some, the freedom to choose religious beliefs can actually be a liberating and feminist act.
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Sravya Vajram Scripps ‘16
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Faith and Feminism
“There’s a stigma on campus so that it’s difficult to talk about feminism and Christianity at the same time,” said Jasper, considering that some Biblical passages about the submissive status of women make Christianity seem inherently in-
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5C students are finding ways to use their faith as a vehicle for promoting feminism and social justice. By searching for the junction between faith and feminism, we can each redefine what it means to be religious and what it means to be feminist.
Protests escalate in the months leading up to the world’s premier sporting event
By Jenna Hussein Senior Staff Writer, CMC ‘15
College. “You begin to demand more from the government because you know that the government has already given you something.” Sometimes, as in this case, the implementation of social welfare programs can lead to a sense of entitlement to the government’s money.
When a country is selected to host an international event on the scale of the FIFA World Cup or the Summer Olympics, it is lauded as both a great accomplishment and an exciting opportunity to showcase the country to the world. Brazil will host both the FIFA World Cup in June 2014 and the Summer Olympics in 2016, but many citizens have in turn taken to the streets in protest. Among them this past summer was Gustavo Pires de Oliveira Dias CMC ‘16. As he recounted watching videos of extreme police brutality he felt compelled to move; “I, and most people in Brazil, realized that our fundamental right to express ourselves was at stake and that’s when the manifestation grew… It was like people went to the streets and said everything they wanted to say for the past 10 years.” Holding signs with slogans like, “Don’t come to the World Cup,” “World Cup for whom?” and “Wake up Brazil, a teacher is worth more than Neymar [the soccer player],” hundreds of thousands of Brazilians currently feel that the government should prioritize improving social programs such as healthcare and education before they set aside large sums of money to host these kinds of events. “I can’t explain enough how dreadful the conditions of public services are in Brazil. Instead of investing [in these events], the government is again using their self-interest to host a World Cup and enrich themselves,” explained Pires de Oliveira Dias. To pay for the soccer stadiums and Olympic venues, different city governments have begun raising the prices of public transportation. As reported in Rio, a single bus fare increased from 2.75 reais ($1.20) to 3 reais ($1.30). This incremental change nevertheless has resulted in huge uproar. In one case, Brazilians chanted “FIFA, pay my fare!” as they jumped over barriers at the Central Station in Rio de Janeiro and refused to pay for public transportation.
Professor Sinha suggests that the revolution of rising expectations may explain why Brazilians are unhappy with the amount of money their government is spending on the World Cup and Olympics. Likely, it is because they do not feel that they are benefiting from an adequate share of these funds through social services.
Brazil will spend approximately $14.5 billion on preparations for the World Cup, and the economic benefits of hosting the event are expected to be about $59 billion. From these predictions, it seems that the benefits of the event will exceed the costs. However, it is unlikely that the long-term gains of hosting the event will be felt in ordinary Brazilians’ lives. Some of the money will be lost in corruption, and otherwise, the main benefits will be felt in the hospitality and tourism industries. As measured by the Gini coefficient, Brazil is one of the most unequal countries in the world. In recent years, the government has taken measures to address inequality by investing in social programs such as Bolsa Familia, a welfare program that supports the poorest Brazilians and their children. Bolsa Familia gives cash incentives to parents who schedule medical checkups for their children and send them to school. In 2011, it was estimated that 26% of Brazilians benefited from this program. “This has created a revolution of rising expectations,” says Aseema Sinha, Professor of Government at Claremont McKenna
Sinha notes that it is not simply about the bottom line costs and benefits of hosting events like the World Cup. Rather, “it is about the location of the costs and benefits.” Brazilians help pay for the World Cup and Olympics through their taxes, which are coupled with cuts in social programs and increases in public transportation fares. The benefits of hosting these events are largely to the hospitality industry, government, contractors and businessmen, so it is unlikely that the benefits will be extended to those who paid to host the events. It is possible that current protesters are inspired by their country’s past success in civil uprisings. For many years, Brazil has had an active civil society with urbanized and educated people who want to hold the government accountable for its actions. While Brazilians have a right to protest the World Cup and Olympics, the root of their dissatisfaction goes far beyond the bounds of goal posts and interlocked rings. As Pires concluded, “the truth is that the laws need to change. We need more transparency, more accountability, and no mandatory voting. We also need a big ‘clean up’ at the federal level, and that means firing every single politician that has what we call a ‘dirty record.’”
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“FIFA, Pay My Fare”
Do quotas adequately address gender imbalances in government positions? By Genevieve Agar Contributing Writer, PO ‘17 & Julian Rippy Staff Writer, PO ‘15 Around the world women constitute just over 21% of participation in national governments. Many progressives argue that this massive underrepresentation leads to legislation that discriminates against women, further perpetuating gender inequality. To address this unignorable discrepancy, many countries have implemented gender quotas. Essentially, gender quotas mandate that a certain percentage or number of seats in a country’s government must be filled by women. There are three primary types of quotas: the first reserves certain seats for women in a government, the second demands that a minimum amount of political candidates must be women, and the last type, called a party quota, ensures that there is a minimum representation of women within individual political parties, though the exact means of this often vary. Around 40 countries, starting with Argentina in 1991, have implemented gender quotas for national elections. Latin America tends to use candidate quotas whereas parts of Africa, South Asia, and the Arab region typically reserve seats specifically for women. 50 countries, many of which are found in Europe, have introduced party quotas. Rwanda, a country that employs candidate quotas, currently has the highest amount of female parliamentary representation in the world, at 64%. Unexceptionally, the United States currently ranks 82nd in the world in terms of women in national legislature. Jean Schroedel, Professor of Politics and Policy at Claremont Graduate University and specialist in women in politics, summarized the major trends: “[the US has] been increasing, albeit slowly, but actually has
fallen a few positions back over the past 5 years as other countries have adopted various forms of quotas.” Acknowledging the differences between the US and other countries, Schrodel concedes that such quotas “would never be adopted in the US, and might even be found unconstitutional.” Still, Schrodel finds that trends of representation are shifting significantly, particularly along party lines. “Forty years ago the two parties were equally likely to elect women. Now in all levels of elected office, Democrats comprise roughly two-thirds of all women,” Schrodel concluded. Quotas of every kind have demonstrated increased female participation and representation in national politics, yet there are some key problems with this new system. Enforcement of quotas is difficult to measure, and the actual percentage of women in high levels of government is lower in some countries than gender quotas call for. Even if gender quotas have resulted in greater female participation in national governments, this does not always necessitate change. “If the goal is create greater equality, then merely electing women will not make that possible. Not all women politicians advance causes that advocate for women’s rights,” said Audrey Bilger, Professor of Literature at Claremont McKenna College. Others who are skeptical about the implications and long-term effects of quotas argue that mandates might challenge women’s empowerment, much in the same way as other affirmative action policies. According to this argument, winning a political position on preferential characteristics undermines any claims to merit.
relating to gender studies and feminism encourages a more nuanced approach to highlight the critical difference between resulting policy that promotes gender equality and mere gender essentialism — the idea of just being a woman in office rather than being a woman standing for feminist policy. If we acknowledge that both women and men can work together for gender equality, then we must also acknowledge that opportunities to work together will only come when women, and all other political minorities, have the opportunity and means to enter the political discourse and process. As an expert in narratives and the identities that they promote, Bilger concludes that integrating more women into public office “changes the stories that we tell about what is possible for women” and can positively benefit how “young people looking at the world around them” imagine their futures. The intent of this article is not merely to illuminate the methods and theories of gender quotas, but to represent the quantitative situations spanning all different political systems. If a progressive paradigm shift towards parity of representation is our ultimate goal, then taking stock of where gender breakdowns stand and evaluating the options for forward motion mark a key first step in changing our current political culture. As Bilger wrote in a recent blog post for the feminist publication Ms. Magazine, “as a prelude to change, paying attention [to gender representations] ensures that gender equity becomes a genuine priority and not merely a hypothetical one.” Data retrieved from The Quota Project
Bilger, who writes extensively on topics
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Mandated Parity in Representation
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Real Beauty in the Media Feminist consumerism in today’s culture By Frances Wang Assignment Editor, CMC ‘16 A female subject is photographed in a highprofile shoot. The photo is transferred to an editing program where it undergoes massive transformation. Her neck and legs are lengthened, eyes enlarged, waist trimmed, and skin tanned. The morphed image is eventually submitted for publication. In time, the picture of a woman who transcends worldly standards of beauty is disseminated across billboards and magazines throughout the country. There is very little that consumers can do to avoid being bombarded with these unrealistic images. This happens daily — this is our culture of media consumption. The images we receive in everything from advertisements to celebrity magazines, and thus the expectations we have for what reality looks like, often rely heavily on Photoshop. At some fundamental level of consciousness, these distorted images can easily become misconstrued as accurate reflections of reality. Just as Barbie dolls purport wildly inaccurate body proportions, so too do carefully staged and edited pictures in magazines. Producers create an irrational image of beauty in the minds of their millions of consumers, frequently without their awareness or without disclosing this tactic. This can have long-term negative repercussions for consumers who measure themselves (and others) against these false images. “People are used to seeing these perfect images and aspiring to be just like the perfection we see,” Milly Fotso CMC ‘16 said. Proponents of touch-ups have claimed that these advertisements use the human body as an art form. They say photography has always been retouched and staged to be as flattering as possible. “Looking nice for the camera” is a strategy even in pedestrian photography. By this logic, companies claim to be simply exaggerating common characteristics of regular photography. However, many consumers disagree with
this perspective. Countless feminists have been fighting to keep such false images from dominating the media for almost a decade. They work to raise awareness through videos, posters, and opinion articles. A new trend called feminist consumerism has recently gained traction in pop culture. People have taken a more active stand against the unhealthy and unrealistic body image expectations for women. The movement asks for people to buy products from companies that do not misrepresent the body and works to reverse the representation of women in advertising campaigns. “This new group is trying to mobilize women to put pressure on producers and marketers. They are using their money to become more activist in their approach. It sounds like something they should do. It is just like voting during election campaigns. We can take a stand based on what companies we buy from,” said Ken Gonzales-Day, Faculty Chair of the Art Department at Scripps College. Professor Gonzales-Day teaches courses on photography and ideals of beauty. It is still unclear how efficient this new feminist group will be at effecting change. One thing they are currently lacking is the unity to boycott certain products. “Not enough women are galvanized yet to make a dent. In order to make consumer pressure felt by producers, you need to be able to command support of a large amount of people and have them work in concert. They would need to agree on the goal and articulate to producers what they are boycotting,” said Stephanie Muravchik, Professor of History at Claremont McKenna College. Muravchik teaches American family studies. Some large corporations such as Dove have already responded to this new demand. Dove’s Campaign for Real Beauty features women of a variety of body types and races in commercials and ads.
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Given the pervasiveness of edited photos in the media, the big question today is whether switching over to more realistic subjects in ads will hinder the profitability of companies. Companies that disseminate Photoshopped images of models profit from the association of their products with universal standards of beauty and appeal. By playing on and perpetrating these singular standards, corporations have both the power and the capital motivation to maintain what is normalized as “beautiful.” Because the media is an inescapable presence, the fact that it both sets and maintains this standard gives it incredible power over consumers. “We buy things because we want to look a certain way — the way that the companies are [depicting] their models,” Fotso said. Our conditioned expectations of the images we receive from the media form the greatest barrier to the mainstream adoption of feminist consumerism. In her experiences organizing her non-profit organization Sustainable Healthcare Alliance for Recycled Equipment (SHARE), Fotso has found it rewarding but difficult to stray away from the norm. “Thinking about our marketing strategy, I found even myself, as a feminist, wondering who would be the best to model for us and how we need someone who is skinnier and taller or prettier. I had to stop myself and ask if this was how I wanted to portray my company and the answer was no. We are choosing to include people of all different races and body type… so when we are selling our scrub tops, women can identify more with the images they are seeing,” Fotso stated. Arguments have arisen claiming that the recent trend of feminist consumerism is merely a step major corporations are taking to access the growing feminist population. Regardless of their motivations, companies should make more efforts to show beauty as it really is — accepting of every person, every body type. To create this demand, more awareness will be needed from consumers first.
Profiling the consent movement at the Claremont Colleges By Nina Posner Copy Editor, SC ‘17 There are no grey areas in the realm of sexual violence and consent. According to the discrimination and harassment policies of the Claremont Colleges, consent is “clear, knowing and voluntary. [It is] active, not passive. Silence cannot be interpreted as consent. Consent can be given by words or actions, as long as those words or actions create mutually understandable and clear permission regarding willingness to engage in (and the conditions of) sexual activity.”
and programming. Reese Gaines PO ’16 spearheads the organization’s consent campaign. After working with Title IX legislators in Washington D.C. last summer, Gaines felt that “enough wasn’t being done on campus to combat these issues.” BLOC’s consent campaign is “willing to work with anyone who… wants to make campus a safer place” by reach a broader spectrum of people,” said Gaines. BLOC leaders aim to raise awareness and better integrate the male population into consent culture.
In April 2011, Vice President Joe Biden and Secretary of Education Arne Duncan sent out a “Dear Colleague” letter, an official government correspondence to remind colleges of their legal obligations to address allegations of sexual assault on campus. The public has since taken a stand against sexual violence on college campuses. The Pomona Advocates for the Survivors of Sexual Assault was unofficially founded in 2004. Since then, the organization has grown and developed into one of the most prominent, well-respected groups on campus. With their own physical space and resources on campus, the Advocates also work with and receive support from the Pomona administration. Based on the success of Pomona’s program, Scripps College founded its own version of Advocates in the spring of 2013 that was put into effect last semester. Both Advocates groups offer support to all 5C students. Olivia Buntaine SC ’15, vice president and founding member of Scripps Advocates, said that the organization “is more structured toward the Scripps community. We work really closely with the administration… and we have a programming branch, which puts on consensually-focused, sex-positive events.” Additionally, Buntaine thinks there is “mobilization on… the other [5C] campuses to get their own Advocates too.” Building Leaders On Campus (BLOC), is an all-male organization dedicated to leading and serving the community through service
Determining the method of consent awareness that is most conducive to reaching the general populace can be difficult. Recently, the 5Cs have hosted a slew of consentthemed parties, from the Pitzer Feminist Coalition’s Diva Dance to weekly consentfocused TAP with TIXC, Pomona’s unofficial student-led Title IX coalition. Though BLOC parties are not marketed specifically as consent-oriented, “we tell each [BLOC] member that we want [the party] to be a safe space,” said Gaines. “We are on the lookout for things that might make somebody feel uncomfortable, and when we see that we go up to the person and… [tell them to] cut it out or leave.” This active policy of ‘see something, say something’ promotes bystander action as well as a sense of solidarity and community among students, both of which encourage a healthy pro-consent culture. However, does the promotion of these consent-themed parties take away from the real issue at hand? Buntaine says that in its most basic form, consent is “an intimate decision
between two people… and that communication should be what’s [prioritized].” Nevertheless, she commends these various organizations for “trying to take party culture and make it [pro-consent].” The topic of consent is not discussed as frequently and vehemently as it should be among those who participate in party culture. Continued awareness may help create a safer and inviting party culture at the 5Cs. Pomona was the first college to start completely overhauling their sexual violence policies. Daren Mooko, Pomona’s Associate Dean of Students for Student Development and Leadership, advises the all-student judiciary council (J-Board) as the Title IX coordinator. In 2008, when J-Board started examining its procedures for sexual assault hearings and found that they were not “conducive to a good hearing,” the council revamped its procedures to ensure the students would be more considerate to any potential sexual assault complaints. Pomona’s administration, Dean Mooko said, “looked closer at [its] policies and thought they [seemed] kind of disjointed.” The “Dear Colleague” letter in 2011 was precisely the “added momentum” that was needed for Pomona to critically examine its sexual assault policies. What are the Claremont Colleges’ next steps towards a completely pro-consent culture, in terms of both student and administrative efforts? Buntaine suggests that people simply need to keep talking about the issue on campus. We are trying to “give everyone the tools to be able to have more successful and less inherently violent relationships with each other,” she said. Dean Mooko said that the Pomona administration is now focused on “being vigilant in checking in with the students to see how [the new policies are] going,” and getting feedback about how policies are changing student behavior. With continued healthy dialogues, these endeavors will hopefully promote widespread consent culture on campus.
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The Consent Conundrum
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Rising Costs, Rising Inequality CMC hopes to defray costs with Student Imperative campaign By Sam Kahr, Editor-in-Chief Emeritus, CMC ‘14 & Cosette Dwyer, Staff Writer, SC ‘17
As some of the best institutions in the world to receive an undergraduate education, the Claremont Colleges are not shy about charging students through the nose for tuition. Look at any list of the most expensive colleges in the country and you are guaranteed to see at least one of the colleges in the top 20. While not unique to the 5Cs, the effects of the high cost of higher education in the U.S. has people concerned from Claremont to the White House. At the beginning this semester, CMC announced the launching of the Student Imperative aimed at reducing the cost of CMC and improving access of the college to students from diverse backgrounds. Can the program work, and is it the appropriate course of action to increase CMC’s access to students from low income backgrounds? White House Student Initiatives Recently all five presidents of the Claremont Colleges, along with leaders of over 100 other colleges and universities, traveled to Washington to meet with President Obama, the First Lady, and the Secretary of Education to focus on expanding higher education opportunities to low-income, underrepresented and first-generation students. “The premise that we are all created equal is the opening line of the American story,” President Obama said at the Summit. “We don’t promise equal outcomes, we strive to deliver equal opportunities — the idea that success does not depend on being born into wealth or privilege but depends on effort and merit.” Currently, only 1 in 10 people from low-income families have a bachelor’s degree by
age 25. By contrast, half of all people from high income families attain college degrees by the same age. The result of this discrepancy has caused the U.S., since 1990, to drop from #1 to #12 in world rankings of four-year degree attainment among 2534 year olds. “We need to make sure we are giving students a good value for what they are paying,” said Brian Stewart, Communications Director at Generation Progress, a national organization affiliated with the Center for American Progress that works on political and social issues affecting young people. “We need to find ways for make higher education accessible for [low income] students or else get them some sort of training to help them be successful in the workplace or middle class life.” The Federal Government has done much in recent years to defray the cost of higher education, such as increasing investments in Pell Grants and other scholarships for students, but improving access to higher education for all income groups continues to be problematic. “In order to address these issues, Congress can’t just pass a law that will be able to fix our system or state governments will be able to give a little more money and everything will be fine,” said Stewart. “A lot of the challenges are very complex and.. [fixing them requires] all the players involved taking a stake in the issue.” Stewart believes the White House summit is a step in the direction in the issue of the cost of higher education. “At the summit we got the sense… that this is not something that is going to be tackled solely by Congress,” said Stewart. “I think that is a new theme that is starting to emerge.. that people can’t rely on changes at the federal level [to solve the problem] and there is going to have to be efforts
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from [individual] institutions to keep the cost of higher education down.” CMC’s Student Imperative In the same manner as Obama’s initiatives to increase college accessibility, CMC President Hiram Chodosh recently announced the launch of the Student Imperative. The goal of the program is threefold: the reduction of costs, including for low- and moderate-income families, the enhancement of value, and the development of thoughtful, productive, and responsible leaders. Currently providing $27 million in combined financial aid resources, the initiative also hopes to create a $100 million endowment for CMC financial aid resources. However, the specific details of how the program will affect financial aid still remain to be determined. “We are still in the planning stages on some of the aspects,” writes Jefferson Huang, CMC Vice President for Student Affairs, Admission & Financial Aid, in an email to the Port Side. “It’s important to remember that we haven’t actually received the additional funds we hope to raise for financial aid. We’ll have to be patient for a little while before we can actually begin to dispense new money in financial aid.” Huang also pointed out that the Student Initiative would not initially have any major effects on the recruiting strategy of the college. “Something that is important to everyone at CMC is that we continue to receive applications from talented high school students regardless of their family’s income level,” wrote Huang. “[Throughout the course of the Student Imperative], if we can do some things on the Admission recruiting side to underscore how much the College cares about access to a CMC education, then we should examine those messages and the
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way we socialize those messages to high schools and applicants.” Is this the Right Course? Last March, CMC announced to students that it was going to end its “No Packaged Loan” financial aid policy. Prior to the announcement, CMC was on a short list of schools that offered the no packaged loan policy to students. When Vice-President of Student Affairs and Admissions and Financial Aid Jefferson Huang spoke before ASCMC, he stated that the Financial Aid Office had overspent by about $900,000 the previous year, even after exhausting both a $14 million financial aid fund from the college’s own pockets and about $4 million more in state and federal government grants.
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For many students, CMC’s generous financial aid was a major reason they chose the college over other elite colleges and universities. “A huge factor for deciding which school I wanted to ultimately end up at was financial aid,” said Hannah Bewsey CMC ‘14. “Without the No Package Loan policy, I probably would have gone to a different school.” Pointing to data collect by the Admission Office, Huang believes the No Loan Policy did not actually have an important impact on many student deciding whether to attend CMC. “When I asked the Admission staff what kind of reaction they got from high school students when they talked about CMC’s no-loan program, I was stunned by the response: most high school kids didn’t understand it,” wrote Huang. “Once you really start to understand what it means to have a no-loan program, you can see its value. But among applicants, most of them were more
focused on other things, and so it wasn’t a factor until much later in the financial aid and enrollment processes. The change was especially poignant as it was closely followed by the announcement informing students the college had exceeded its $600 million campaign drive, the largest in the history for a liberal arts college. “In the last Campaign, the College attempted to raise $100M for support of students and student programs. Using a 5% spending formula, that would have added about $5M per year, forever,” wrote Huang. “Although the College raised several million dollars to support students in the last campaign, we need more. That’s why we’re going out again with the Student Imperative.” For many students from low-income families, this announcement was a slap in the face. “When I heard about CMC getting rid of the No Package Loan policy, my first thought was, ‘thank god I’m graduating soon,” said a CMC senior who wished to remain anonymous. “From my perspective, CMC has a disproportionate focus on recruiting students who will be future financial backers rather than wellrounded students.” While it can be mutually agreed that CMC needs to update its infrastructure, why does the college need flashy new buildings costing tens of millions of dollars when that money could be invested in financial aid programs that attract high caliber students from different socioeconomic backgrounds? President Chodosh deserves praise for the Student Imperative and for putting money where the college’s mouth is. However, going forward the college needs to emphasize the importance of providing access to students from all backgrounds rather than building a country club campus.
claremontportside.com | volume XI issue 3 | march 2014 | page 19
the 5C Feminism vs Phallic Vandalism
Gauging the on-campus climate towards cliteracy By Kristi Sun Copy Editor, SC ‘16
In our society, a strange dichotomy exists between women and sexuality. A woman is allowed to look sexy and passively submit to the male gaze, but once she strives to take control of her own sexuality, she is branded as impure.
Nestled between Pomona and CMC along 8th Street, Walker Wall is a vibrant center point in the 5C community. Touted by Pomona as a “highly visible forum for free public expression,” Walker Wall has become a place where 5C students paint messages, announcements, and art. Sometime before Thanksgiving in 2013, the Scripps College chapter of Choice USA asked its members to help paint three panels along Walker Wall. As a reproductive rights organization focused on birth control, abortion, sex education, and sexual assault, Choice USA planned to use art to spur discussion about sex education. The group was inspired by Cliteracy, an art campaign that went viral nationwide in 2013. Sophia Wallace, the New York-based artist behind the project, wanted to make the general public “cliterate” about the clitoris and its physiology, a topic largely unacknowledged within our culture’s sexual zeitgeist. One of Wallace’s installations, “100 Natural Laws,” featured thought-provoking insights about female sexuality. Inspired by Wallace’s art, Choice USA painted three panels on Walker Wall: “Solid Gold Clit,” “Democracy Without Cliteracy? Phallusy,” and “The World Isn’t Flat and Women Don’t Orgasm from their Vaginas.” “We thought it aligned with our pro-sex goals within Choice USA,” said Jade Ulrich SC ‘14, the President of Scripps’ chapter of Choice USA. “It’s mainly about bringing awareness to women sexuality in the way that most of our culture ignores.” However, after winter break, an unidentified individual or group had spray-painted nonsensical words and random blotches across Walker Wall, rendering most of Choice USA’s work completely unreadable. A lopsided penis was also added on top Choice USA’s artwork. “Because other parts of the wall were vandalized
Most people identify with feminist values, even if they do not self-identify with the feminist movement. At the 5Cs, where progressivism is the norm, feminism is still sometimes used as a pejorative.
as well, I don’t want it to seem like the vandalism was an intense targeted attack, [but] I don’t think it was a coincidence that a penis was drawn on our [section of the wall],” said Ulrich. Ellie McElvain SC ‘14, the Vice President of Scripps’ Choice USA, agrees with Ulrich. “It did seem like the penis in that particular portion [of Walker Wall] was pointed,” said McElvain. “I’m less inclined to see it as a political attack and more of a moment of convenience for whoever decided to come vandalize all parts of the wall… but it doesn’t make it any less offensive.” Susan Castagnetto, Professor of Philosophy at Scripps College and coordinator of the Intercollegiate Feminist Center, saw the uproar among Choice USA members as a potential “teachable moment.” “If you’re doing something that challenges an entrenched system or power, you’re going to get blowback,” said Castagnetto. “That kind of goes with the territory, and it means that you’re doing something that’s important and has some power.” Even though the painting was a fairly passive art piece, it was provocative enough to elicit a reaction from the Claremont community. To understand the visceral reaction, one must consider the roots of feminism. Feminism grew from a scene of dominant societal sexism in which many women were not treated as autonomous human agents, but as objectified sex objects.
Opponents of the movement “don’t know what feminism is. It has been maligned,” said Castagnetto. “The image of feminists as angry man-haters is out there because feminism actually has done a lot of work to challenge the status quo,” said Castagnetto, “one in which men have more power and privilege than women. Anti-feminist messages are a reflection of the power feminism has to make a more equitable world.” While implicit in its name, feminism is not just a women’s issue. At the 5Cs, “a lot of people associate feminism with Scripps,” Ulrich said, “which I think is unfortunate, because feminism is more than just a women’s issue, so that the fact that it’s associated with the women-only institution is pretty problematic.” Choice USA launched its Bro-Choice campaign last semester to try and better integrate males into the feminist movement by reaching out to organizations comprised of mostly men, such as Pomona’s Building Leaders on Campus (BLOC). Ulrich said that they “were really open to hearing us and participating in our campaign for justice for folks of all genders.” Even though the Walker Wall incident was the first kind of destructive counterattack that Choice USA has faced, the chapter is undeterred from spreading its message. Besides opening the club to all of the colleges, Choice USA intends to continue escorting students to health clinics and will host an event about Obamacare’s effect on women and reproductive justice.