In Freedom, In Solidarity Civil Resistance in Poland and the Philippines 1980–1990
In Freedom, In Solidarity Civil Resistance in Poland and the Philippines 1980–1990
Edited by Clarinda E. Calma
Kraków–Manila, 2016
In Freedom, In Solidarity. Civil Resistance in Poland and the Philippines 1980–1990 Solidarni w Wolności. Opór obywatelski w Polsce i na Filipinach 1980–1990
Table of Contents
© Copyright: Language, Culture and Politics Association / Stowarzyszenie Język, Kultura i Polityka ul. Westerplatte 11, 31-033 Kraków, Poland www.lcp-a.org, contact@lcp-a.org Reviewer: dr hab. Monika Banaś Edited and English translation by: Clarinda E. Calma Polish translation by: Elżbieta Polańska, Andrzej Wadas Cover illustration by Juan Alcazaren Design by Zuzanna Łazarewicz, DodoDesign Printed by Inkwell Publishing Co., Inc. 8 San Pablo St. Barrio Kapitolyo, 1603 Pasig City, Manila, Philippines.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. This catalog has been generously funded by the Minister of Science and Higher Education under program Initiatives Promoting Science under contract no. 675/P-DUN/2016 under project title ‘Solidarni w wolności Polska Filipiny 2016’.
By Way of Introduction: There is no Solidarity without John Paul II-ness Michał Łuczewski
I
Revisiting Moments of Solidarity in Poland and the Philippines Solidarity as People Power: Similarities and Differences between the Democratic Revolutions in Poland and the Philippines Franciszek Czech Solidarity for the Philippines? Corazon Toralba Spirit (in) Motion. The Influence of the Papal Visit to the Philippines: Role of the Ninth Pilgrimage in the Dynamics of the People Power Revolution Piotr Pardyka
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15 27
33
II Facing the Challenges to Solidarity today Solidarity, Mercy, and Justice Zbigniew Stawrowski
45
The Person and Freedom in the Thoughts of Pope John Paul II / Karol Wojtyła 57 Dean Edward Mejos Solidarity and the Dignity of the Human Person Gerard Kilroy
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63
Epilogue The Shoes of Pope Francis Tadeusz Sławek
73
Authors List of illustrations
83 85
7
Michał Łuczewski
There is no Solidarity without John Paul II-ness1 We know only too well that John Paul ii created Solidarity and led the fall of the Communist Regime. But the road taken from 1980–1989 continues to be practically unknown. Should we want to re-invigorate Solidarity, we must follow Karol Wojtyła’s path. There is no other way. The Author
“The screws are being tightened, and the struggle has taken a more violent turn. What the results of such policies will be, we already know. Success will be on our side”. When an official of the Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Security read these lines written in the report of one of the Communist secret informants, he must have snickered a sarcastic smile. It was September 1953, the worst month in the history of the Catholic Church in Poland. The process of incriminating priests of the Archbishop’s Curia in Kraków, accusing them of being spies for the enemies of the Communist Government, had grown intensive. Terror and fear were in the air. The verdicts of death sentence, life imprisonment or long-term imprisonment were pronounced again and again. Never—during the eight-year long term of the reigning Communist government—had Catholic priests been subject to so much repression. When Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, the Primate of Poland, objected, he was simply arrested. It had seemed that all hope was lost and that no one would be able to prevent the progress of revolution. And yet it was precisely at that moment when the Communist government implemented an unprecedented and impressive demonstration of force never seen before, 1
This article is based on an article that was first published in Rzeczpospolita under the title “The Prophet of Solidarity” on 02 April 2015, 77 (10106) A4.
8 Michał Łuczewski
There is no Solidarity without John Paul II-ness 9
that a young Catholic priest began preaching the victory of the Catholic Church!
Polish philosopher—Józef Tischner (1931–2001), everyone spoke of the “ethos of
The Officer of the State Office of Security—after having read the entry on Karol Wo-
Solidarity”.
jtyła—must have thought that it was either a joke or simply madness. They couldn’t
A similar path to success would be taken by another of Wojtyła’s concepts: con-
have known that it would only take a quarter of a century more and that young priest
science. In his postdoctoral thesis, Wojtyła provided a very subtle philosophical
would become the Pope, John Paul ii, the very same man who would lead the victory
analysis and successfully proved that the conscience has the power to evaluate one’s
against Communism. They couldn’t have known that. For Wojtyła would not only
acts, which entails human autonomy and the human capacity to do good and avoid
become a serious threat to the leaders of the Communist Party but as their Russian
evil. If one were to contradict the formulations made by his conscience, he will be
colleagues would soon discover, they were, in fact, dealing with “the greatest danger
judged by his conscience as guilty, whilst if he complies with what his conscience
for Communism”. An eloquent symbol of this would be the fact that Plac Zwycięstwa
tells him, then he feels peace and fulfillment. Roughly thirty years later, this con-
[The Victory Square] which was meant to celebrate the Communists’ Victory, would
cept would be revived by Józef Tischner, and once again become the center of public
be the very same site of the first Holy Mass celebrated by John Paul ii as Pope in 1979.
debate. In March of 1981, Tischner spoke to the members of the Solidarity Labour
In this way, the heart of the capital of this atheist country would be the same site
Union in the Wawel Cathedral in Kraków, where he delivered his sermon on the “Sol-
where John Paul ii would celebrate that historic Holy Eucharist and become the place
idarity of Consciences”, which would later form chapter one of this book, “The Ethics
of defeat of the Communist Government.
of Solidarity”. Wojtyła thought of solidarity long before it became a reality. And it was hardly
A New Language
a popular concept; it was semantically loaded with the official government propa-
Wojtyła would prepare himself for the task throughout his whole life. As he worked
ganda. Contrary to this, however, in a prophetic gesture as Archbishop of Kraków,
on his philosophical treatises, though still unaware of it, he was creating a language
the young Cardinal dedicated the final chapter of his most important philosophical
that would be preached to crowds. From the dusty books of philosophy, he would
work “Person and Act”, published in 1969, to factory workers. It was in this book that
extract concepts which for the decades that would follow, would become part of our
Wojtyła defined solidarity as an authentic attitude of the human person which can
language: ethos, conscience, and solidarity.
only be defined in an act of dissent. Only specialists and clerics most probably read
But it was not only a question of concepts, it was also the understanding of them.
this book and there was a joke that went around saying that it was the kind of book
Contrary to the existing tradition in Polish historical sociology, as represented by
that was read in purgatory. Despite this, within a couple of years, solidarity became
Maria Ossowska (1896–1974) and Feliks Koneczny (1862–1949), Wojtyła defined ethos
a household word and also one of the “most popular Polish words”. So, when the Sol-
as a moral, mobilizing, and active concept. Using the philosophy of Max Scheler, Wo-
idarity Movement was formed, Wojtyła could find in it the personification of one of
jtyła referred to the hierarchy of moral values, as it was strongly felt by the individ-
his most important values. Even if those factory workers never read a single page of
ual and his environment. The transformation of ethos was to him the main axis of
Wojtyła’s works, they were essentially speaking his language.
human history. Here we have eminent figures, who personalize ethos and represent a higher order of love, drawing to themselves social groups who willingly sacrifice
Local Solidarity
lower values for higher ones. Wojtyła was precisely such a man, who showed the Pol-
Long before the Solidarity movement was born on a national scale, Wojtyła support-
ish people that they could have a different, better, and more respectable life.
ed the local solidarity movement. Before 1976, different students from Kraków had
Wojtyła first wrote on ethos at the beginning of the 1950s, thirty years later,
come to the Cardinal and spoken to him of their idea of forming an independent
everyone was talking about ethos. One could read about “group ethos”, the “ethos
student organization. They were drawn to him and became very attached to him,
of underground groups”, “the ethos of the leftists”, the “Polish ethos”, the “Workers’
calling him either their “Master (Teacher)” or “Karolek (Charlie)”. After the murder
Defence Committee Ethos”, and lastly—thanks to his friend and closest collaborator,
of the student activist Stanisław Pyjas, Wojtyła committed himself to the Student
10 Michał Łuczewski
There is no Solidarity without John Paul II-ness 11
Committee of Solidarity, promising them he would never abandon them. He spoke
beloved and imprisoned Country. Defend those who here in Poland would like to live
to thousands of Cracovians at a Holy Mass celebrated in memory of the murdered
the life of free men”. Świton’s appeal was heard all over Poland and solemnly read on
student, in a peaceful march mourning the memory of Pyjas and organized by his
the anniversary of the December strikes in Gdańsk.
friends. In 1976, Wojtyła defended the students of Kraków but two years later he left
John Paul ii empowered the then growing workers’ movement during his first
his Kraków, and so it seemed that he had left them and broken his promise. Members
pilgrimage to Poland in 1979. Anna Walentynowicz returned from that pilgrimage
of the Student Committee of Kraków were proud that their chaplain had become the
“inspired and empowered. I found the confirmation of what I had been involved in, in
Pope, although at the same time, they were overwhelmed with a feeling of great loss
the words of the Holy Father. So, from then on, I decided to go against the grain and
and sadness. At least for a moment. A year later, in 1979, Karol Wojtyła came back
move forward, not minding anything else”. It was difficult not to think that amongst
to Kraków, as Pope John Paul ii. At Holy Mass celebrated by the Pope in the Błonie,
the persecuted workers and John Paul ii, a new kind of dialogue and conversation
those same students would later remember, “Each one of the million present in the
had begun. As a reply to Świton’s appeal and to all Poles who had yearned for free-
Błonie felt intense joy and had a glimpse of greatness, though they knew that the
dom, the Holy Father answered in an even stronger and more profound voice: “I call
Pope was not greatness himself. He built from the lost and scattered particles a com-
from the depths of this thousand years, on the eve of the Descent of the Holy Spirit,
munity. Not a community united in fear and hate, for that is a community easily built
I call on all and everyone of good will”. It was to this yearning of Walentynowicz to go
in any playing field, we and them. The community that had gathered in the Błonie
against the grain, that John Paul ii wrote in the “Roman Triptych” his challenge to go
were filled with a feeling of common pride and greatness […] Everyone straightened
to the very end of the trail, “Should you wish to find the source // you must go up to
themselves up. This became evident even in our body language, in our looks and
peaks, against the current. // Tread the paths and search, do not go back”.
attitudes.”
Polish Solidarity
A New Form When the strikes of 1980 erupted, Anna Walentynowicz demanded that the local
The memorable conclave of 1978 was a foretaste of the first pilgrimage, the pilgrim-
Bishop inform John Paul ii of the postulates that they had formulated with the work-
age a foretaste of the Solidarity movement.
ers on strike. She demanded that the Pope had to be informed, that they would not
When Wojtyła assumed office in the Holy See, the founder of the Free Associ-
leave the shipyard, no matter what and no matter what provocation of use of force
ation of Labour Unions received a strong impulse to move further on. “It all began
was to be implemented. Wojtyła, of course, knew about everything. In order to de-
that fateful night, we all had to go out in the streets, as our joy could not be contained
fend themselves from external displays of violence and force, the workers decorat-
in our hearts and houses. We went out to the streets with screams of joy, with songs
ed the gates of the city with flowers and pictures of the Saints. The entire specta-
even though, at that time, we still nurtured much distrust for each other”.
cle seemed like a Corpus Christi altar. Next to the image of Our Lady, the image of
John Paul ii became therefore, despite everything, the patron and promise of the
the Divine Mercy and Sacred Heart of Jesus, was a picture of the Holy Father. Why?
newly born Solidarity Movement. Kazimierz Świtoń, who had been arrested, wrote
“A Polish soldier will not shoot the Holy Father, a tank will not bulldozer an altar” they
the following appeal to the Pope from the prison in Katowice: “They are using every
repeated to themselves. The Pope divided the two worlds: the external world of fear
kind of force and repression against us, extrajudicial arrests, invigilations day and
and the internal world of freedom. The more the State tried to eradicate religion
night, we are deprived of the right to work, they are limiting our right to free move-
from the public domain and demobilize society, the more religion became an inter-
ment in the streets, etc. We have become slaves in our own country. That is the sad
nal force and energy that mobilized the community.
reality in this country, and so I call on you—from behind the bars—I call on you
The workers on strike repeated the formula they had first learned during the pil-
and on all men of good will in this world […]. I call on you, dear Brother, Friend, and
grimage of John Paul ii in 1979. On the first day of their strikes, Holy Mass would be
Countryman, John Paul ii, please do not abandon us in your prayers and pray for our
celebrated, which seemed to have been the source and peak of their protests. One
12 Michał Łuczewski
journalist recalls, “I, for one am not a believer, but attending Holy Mass was something important and extremely necessary for me. After the tension that reigned during those moments, the Holy Mass gave us peace and a sense of safety. A couple of thousands standing shoulder to shoulder with each other gave us all a sense of community. The Holy Masses celebrated at the shipyards were significant in building the atmosphere of trust and a sense of human dignity. The men in the shipyard found in it a kind of meaning and significance which they wanted to serve”. The Holy Mass brought peace and unity contrary to the principles which Communism propa-
I
gated—violence and disintegration. It was common to see cars with the inscription “Pastoral care”, which carried priests who attended to the workers in their small foldable chairs, hearing their confessions. It was a powerful image that made an impact on observers and bystanders. The road which Wojtyła trod from Stalinism to the August strikes, shows us why today we no longer have that kind of Solidarity. We have rejected the language on which Solidarity was built. Concepts such as ethos and conscience have been ridiculed if not forgotten. We no longer have leaders, who can empower us. We no longer have anyone who can hear our desperate cries. The production of those cars made for “pastoral care” have ceased and more importantly, the progressive secularization, year after year, is depriving us of the most important source of social mobilization.
Revisiting Moments of Solidarity in Poland and the Philippines
15
Franciszek Czech
Solidarity as People Power: Similarities and Differences between the Democratic Revolutions in Poland and the Philippines
If anyone should be tempted to write a textbook on authoritative regimes, he would undoubtedly consider one of the key rules formulated in Ancient Rome, Divide et impera, divide and conquer. Many dictators have built their empires by introducing divisions amongst different social groups in order to inflict fear amongst citizens and turn them against each other. This is the reason why the strength of every oppressed nation has always been in solidarity. The overturning of any tyrant cannot succeed without the basic sense of community and a willingness to sacrifice oneself for the good of Others. This has proved itself to be true in examples of many different kinds of dictatorships found in numerous different cultural contexts. One of the best testimonies for this can be seen in the civil resistances which took place in the second half of the twentieth century in Poland and the Philippines. Despite the many differences, many similarities can also be found, such as the strength of spirit and sense of community and its power to liberate. The oppression of the Philippines and Poland took on completely difference forms. In Poland, shortly after World War ii ended, the Communist Regime installed itself. A government apparatus built on fear was implemented, supported by Soviet tanks, which at first aimed to crush all criminal underground resistance, only to later suppress any form of independent political initiative. The Communist Party, called the “Polish United Workers’ Party”, with the help of censorship and highly developed surveillance structures, run by officials of the Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Security which harassed and suppressed citizens based on a system of reward and punishment in a completely State-run economy, controlled the entire
16 Franciszek Czech
Solidarity as People Power: Similarities and Differences 17
society. In the decades that would come, new versions of this ideology were fur-
in the predominantly Muslim Southern Mindanao, where in the years 1972–1976 an
ther implemented, an international copy of the Soviet models was adopted after
estimated 80,000 people were killed.2
the death of Stalin in 1953 in the form of the Socialism of the Władysław Gomułka
Because this was the center of armed conflict in the Philippines, the army under
government, which turned out to be ineffective and unproductive whilst, after 1970,
the Marcos government did not have any qualms in killing—sometimes even bru-
a more technocratic Communist Government took power under the leadership of Ed-
tally, all those who opposed the government. Alfred McCoy estimates that during
ward Gierek. And yet the mechanism of terror continued to function. Explosions of
martial law, about 3,500 people were killed with neither proper judicial process nor
civil resistance which took place, such as in Poznań in 1956 or Gdańsk in 1970, were
just verdict, about 30,000 were illegally arrested, whilst many more were cruel-
cruelly suppressed.
ly tortured.3 In such conditions, if one were to add censorship, there was no room
The political situation in the Philippines looked different – bayonets were not
for any democratic opposition. Any critic simply disappeared without a trace, just
used to install the new political order. One can even say that Ferdinand Marcos, to-
like during the Dirty War in Argentina in the years 1974–1983, and the bodies of the
gether with his wife Imelda who was more than just the dictator’s wife, practically
murdered victims of “unknown culprits” were left on the streets, as a warning to
built his position as a dictator on his own. Marcos, a Senator educated as a lawyer,
others. Deprived of any form of control, Marcos could demand bribes from interna-
gained the support of the financial elite of the country and successfully led a pop-
tional companies which invested in the Philippines or wished to sign such contracts,
ulist campaign which won him the seat as president when he was democratically
and could easily ask for money to be transferred to his account from internation-
elected in1965. He was not only an effective speaker but also a skilled political player
al loans. In this way, he was able to amass an estimated fortune worth 10 million
and this earned him re-election in 1969, making him the first Philippine president
dollars, making him one of the most corrupt dictators of the twentieth century.4 In
to have ever been re-elected. During these two terms of office, he succeeded in ap-
such conditions, the Philippine economy could not develop and so, from its post-war
pointing his closest and most trusted collaborators to key positions in government
position of being the “second economy after Japan” as the inhabitants of this archi-
and the military, making himself less dependent on his protectors. When the sec-
pelago liked to see its past, it quickly became the “sick man of Asia”. The Philippines,
ond term of office was coming to its close, an assassination attempt on Juan Ponce
together with Poland, during the second half of the 1970s, became not only countries
Enrile, the then Secretary of the Department of National Defense, was orchestrated
oppressed by dictatorship but also countries engulfed in serious debt, with no obvi-
(a fact which Enrile himself would admit many years later). At that time, extreme
ous solutions for overcoming this crisis nor any real perspectives for improving the
leftist groups were on the increase and Communist beatings were intensifying.
lives of ordinary citizens.
Marcos knew only too well that by blaming the Communist groups, he would earn
The solidarity which comprises the source of the people’s power may grow so
the support of the United States which was involved in the Vietnam War at the time
gradually and slowly that the despot who holds absolute power may enjoy a relative-
and also the acceptance of the breaking of democratic principles in the name of the
ly peaceful rule and may not even notice the tiny cracks spreading along the walls
“war” against Communists. Martial Law was declared after the coup d’état allowing
limiting civic liberties. And yet solidarity may also explode suddenly, even if there
Marcos to remain in power beyond the second term of office and quickly leading to the destabilization of the country. The Communists who were deprived of the opportunity to function legally went underground and, with financial support coming
2
from abroad, quickly evolved to become the New People’s Army which continued to engage in armed conflicts with the military. At the same time, the introduction of martial law in 1972 led to a deepening of the earlier conflict with Muslim separatists and irresponsible, provocative policies of Marcos. A civil war ensued, particularly
3 4
See Franciszek Czech, “Evolution of Conflict in the South of the Philippines”, in Asia in the 21 st Century: Conflicts and Disputes, eds. Łukasz Ho Thanh and Przemysław Łonyszyn (Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, 2014), 76. Alfred McCoy, Closer Than Brothers: Manhood at the Philippine Military Academy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 206. See Luke Hunt, “End of 30-Year Hunt for Marcos Billions?”, The Diplomat, 8 January 2013, http://thediplomat.com/2013/01/end-of-30-year-hunt-for-marcos-billions, accessed online 4 September 2014.
18 Franciszek Czech
Solidarity as People Power: Similarities and Differences 19
is not even a minute chance for a better life and the tyrant continues to throw his
gave birth to Solidarity. Quite unexpectedly, much more was achieved from what
weight about arrogantly, convinced that he is free to do absolutely anything. A kind
was originally premised in the official documents. The optimism which resulted
of courage is built on the conviction that there is nothing else at stake, that leads not
from the signed agreement resulted in a euphoric carnival of solidarity—public lec-
only to an armed rebellion but also to gestures of the solidarity that rests on a sense
tures were organized, concerts, and celebrations of the Holy Mass, a liturgical cele-
of community. It is this sense of community which is the real threat to every dictator.
bration of freedom. All of which disoriented the entire Communist apparatus and
In Poland, political solidarity grew slowly in reaction to the Communist govern-
even overcame censorship. Poland suddenly became a completely different country,
ment, it grew as quietly as an underground river current which runs unnoticed even
especially when compared to all those countries which found themselves within the
to the human eye. In the 1981 Polish film, Man of Iron, one of Andrzej Wajda’s most
political orbit of the Soviet Union. That euphoria would last a year and a half, until
important films, a statement is made that in 1968, the students who went on strike
it was put to a cruel stop when, on 13 December 1981, the Polish General Wojciech
were not supported by the workers, and during the 1970 Polish protests which took
Jaruzelski implemented martial law. As a consequence, some 10,000 persons were
place in the towns of Gdańsk, Gdynia, Elbląg and Szczecin by the Baltic Sea, the intel-
incarcerated, strikes were cruelly suppressed, hundreds were fired from their jobs,
ligentsia did not support the workers. Even if there were gestures of solidarity, they
and armed soldiers were introduced into many factories. In effect, any attempt to
were not institutional in nature, however, such kinds of institutional support clear-
go against the law now meant being faced with a military judicial process. So, from
ly appeared after the 1976 suppression of the workers’ protests in Radom and Ursus.
a brief moment of euphoria, Poland then turned into a country of desperation and
Within the circles of the intelligentsia in Warsaw, financial and medical support for
a deep sense of hopelessness for any possibility of change in this situation embraced
workers who were incarcerated and made redundant was organized. It was in these
all. It seemed that hope was lost. To be convinced that this was not the case, one had
circumstances that the Workers’ Defence Committee emerged, a Committee which
to wait eight more years when, in 1988, another wave of strikes was organized by
concentrated on providing support to workers and had no political aims. Another
workers who had become desperate with the seemingly hopeless economic situation.
initiative was the Movement for Defense of Human and Civic Rights, established in
No solution could be seen on the horizon and so the Communist government then de-
1977 and, as its statutes declare, aimed at reminding all of the importance of respect
cided to propose to the opposition negotiation talks on how changes could be made.
for human rights according to the established laws of the People’s Republic of Poland.
During the Round Table Agreement which took place from 06 February to 05 April
A greater consciousness emerged which held that different oppositionist groups had
1989, elections were proposed in which 65% of the mandate in the Polish Parliament
to work with each other, as was best articulated in the title of the book by Polish
was to be reserved for the Polish Communist Party, whilst the remaining 35% along
journalist, Adam Michnik, The Church, the Left and Dialogue. This book thus became
with the Senate would be reserved for the opposition. The plan of the Communist
the established principle of the tactical alliance of representatives of the Church
government was that—once the new government was installed—all the blame for
and the leftist intelligentsia. When, in 1980, another wave of protests took place in
the existing economic crisis would be placed on the criticizing opposition without
the town of Gdańsk, the workers were being assisted by well-educated profession-
granting them any real mandate for power.5 For the opposition, the achievement was
als. What is more, the Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee was formed and various
that a free press—not threatened by censorship—would be allowed to operate. No
strike committees from different factories all over Poland started their strikes in
one then would have thought that in the elections organized on 04 June 1989 the
solidarity with the workers, who were on strike in the shipyards in Gdańsk. In doing
representatives of Solidarity would gain all the possible seats in Parliament and
so, more pressure was put on the government who feared that its economy, founded
99 out of the 100 seats in the Senate. Even members of the Polish Communist Party
on predominantly state-based industries, would only fall into even deeper economic crisis. Thanks to these commonly organized strikes, an agreement between the government and the workers was signed in August of 1980, which resulted in permission for the foundation of the Polish Trade Union “Solidarity”. And hence solidarity
5
For a more exact description of the plan of the Communist government and the particular events that led to the elections of 1989 in Poland see, Andrzej Dudek, Reglamentowana rewolucja. Rozkład dyktatury komunistycznej w Polsce 1988–1990 (Kraków: Arkana, 2004).
20 Franciszek Czech
Solidarity as People Power: Similarities and Differences 21
voted for candidates from the opposition. The lack of faith in the Communist system
inspired by a Filipino version of the Theology of Liberation joined these groups. In-
had become so deep and widespread that in the new Parliament, the oppositionists’
terestingly enough, the New People’s Army was financially supported in part by the
candidate for prime minister, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, was even elected by members of
financial elite, who experienced (and perhaps feared) different forms of repression,
parliament from the Communist Party. Mazowiecki was the first non-Communist
corruption or the takeover of entire companies and industries by Marcos’ cronies.
Prime Minister in any country of the Soviet Bloc.
That is how the Filipino version of the collaboration between different conservative
What followed was a long process of democratization and the dismantling of
and leftist groups, who worked together within an ideologically different and unor-
the Communist power apparatus, a process which had also embraced other satellite
thodox front, evolved. However, due to the military and partisan character of these
countries of the Soviet Union and ultimately led to the fall of the Berlin Wall and
activities, it would be difficult to speak of any real dialogue between the Church and
the fall of the Soviet regime itself. It has to be clearly stated that this long process of
the Left. Nonetheless, it would seem that this lack of democratic opposition did not
democratization did not begin with the strikes of 1988 nor with the negotiations of
have any alternative to the Communist movement thus making the intensification
the Round Table Agreement, but rather much earlier. Without the solidarity with the
of an armed conflict inevitable. Many were reflecting on such a political scenario, ag-
workers in Radom and Ursus in 1976, the agreements reached in August 1980 would
gravated by the fact that the democratic opposition was deprived of its icon as Senator
not have been signed, without those moments of euphoria of solidarity, neither the
Aquino, who assumed this role for many years from prison, was succumbing to his
Round Table Agreement nor the elections of 04 June 1989 would have been organized.
failing health. Yet, he had not been lost completely and was even granted permission
Without solidarity, there would not have been liberty and freedom.
to travel to the States for medical reasons. The Marcos regime could thus boast of
A completely different dynamism of events took place in the Philippines. It is
its humanitarian policies and show that even the leader of the opposition chose the
difficult to find specific moments of the gradual process of building solidarity based
comfortable life abroad to be medically treated. Marcos was, of course, hoping that
on the solidarity of various democratic collaborating movements, which unexpect-
the ever-popular Aquino would eventually choose to remain in the States rather than
edly consolidated themselves and suddenly surprised their opponent by standing
return to prison. He was proven wrong. After completing his medical treatment, Ni-
up against the regime. In the Philippines, after martial law was introduced, the only
noy began to intensively integrate the Filipino community in the United States and
signs of opposition were the armed movements of the Communist and separatist
worked to win the support of different organizations and politicians through public
Muslim groups. Faced with such a situation, Marcos tried to unite all citizens against
lectures and public gatherings. During these gatherings, Ninoy would clearly voice
those enemies and every modest attempt to criticize the government was punished
his intention of returning to the Philippines where he was needed, especially in times
as a form of collaboration with these separatist organizations, policies which could
when the dictator himself was aging. In reply to observations that the best of his op-
hardly be described as peaceful and pro-democratic. As is evident, dictators only ac-
tions would even be to choose to return to prison, Aquino was wont to have said many
cept that kind of solidarity which is in solidarity with their ideals. It is for this reason
times that the Filipino nation is worth dying for. Despite the growing fear of many in
that the Filipino journalist and oppositionist senator, Benigno ‘Ninoy’ Aquino Jr. was
Manila, Ninoy did return. On the day he was supposed to land the city was decorated
incarcerated without judicial process; he was arrested on account of breaking the
with yellow banners because Ninoy had once said in an interview that he loved an
principles of democratic order as early as 1972. Because any form of criticism, even
old popular song which spoke of a prisoner who, before returning home, asked his
a modest one from a democratic point of view, was threatened with cruel suppres-
girlfriend to decorate a tree with a yellow ribbon should she want to see him again.
sion, the growing number of oppositionists—even the mildest ones—decided to col-
Ninoy, though, did not see the yellow banners nor the ribbons that filled the city, for
laborate with the Communists and in varying degrees supported the armed conflicts
as soon as he left the plane, after taking barely a few steps, he was shot in the head. In
against the military forces of the government. And so, in the early 1980s whilst the
the tightly secured area of the airport, guarded by army special forces, an unidenti-
euphoric carnival of solidarity in Poland was taking place, the largest oppositionist
fied man suddenly appeared and, after firing some shots, would himself be killed by
group against Marcos was the underground Communist group. Even nuns and priests
one of the soldiers accompanying Aquino in the plane. The murder of Ninoy Aquino
22 Franciszek Czech
Solidarity as People Power: Similarities and Differences 23
did what martial law had done for Poland in 1981. In 1983 the general sentiment of
faithful to go out on the streets and surround the two Army Camps, Camp Crame
civic helplessness had reached its apogee, the hope which had earlier been awakened
and Camp Aguinaldo, where the conspirers against Marcos sought refuge. On 22
was brutally suppressed, even if it had been connected to something so immaterial as
February 1986, hundreds of thousands of unarmed priests and laymen went out on
the return of a senator. Perhaps no one ever believed that Ninoy’s murderer had been
the streets, particularly gathering on Epifanio de Los Santos Avenue (edsa) which
a lone gunman and the death of Aquino in the eyes of so many television viewers was
divided the two Army camps. They gathered together, recited their rosaries, and
rather perceived as a symptom of the arrogance of a dictator who felt so self-confident
listened to the illegal radio station aloud. Soon other groups of soldiers would join
that he was licensed to do practically anything.
this peaceful demonstration. After three days, Marcos, realizing that he had lost the
Marcos, however, realized that this wasn’t the case. The distrust in the Marcos
support of the Army, decided to seek political asylum in Hawaii, offered to him by the
administration only deepened which soon led to an economic crisis and the rising
United States who feared that Marcos would resort to all possible means to defend
popularity of radical solutions. In addition, the United States was beginning to see
himself. These dramatic events, which took place peacefully and without the spill-
that Marcos’ policies were hardly solving the problem with Communism, but rath-
ing of any blood, led to Marcos’ removal from power and the democratization of the
er they strengthened it all the more. To reinforce the legitimacy of his government,
Philippines, sometimes called the Rosary Revolution but more commonly known as
Marcos organized the 1986 presidential “snap” elections earlier than they were sup-
the People Power or edsa Revolution.6
posed to take place. He was hoping perhaps—as Wojciech Jaruzelski had in Poland
As has been mentioned above, one of the conditions for the success of the democ-
before the elections in 1989—that he would win and would be able to call all the shots
ratization process in Poland was patient persistence, which lasted despite the lack of
and control the entire administration. It soon turned out that Marcos’ main oppo-
hope for any political change and gave many the strength not to give up and to bear
nent would be a woman with no experience in politics, Corazon Aquino, the widow
the struggle step by step, to do what was necessary even if it only meant change in
of Ninoy Aquino. She would be convinced to run for president by her husbands’ ear-
a very limited way. In the case of the Philippines, what seems to have been essential
lier political collaborators and many others who were longing for change, and this
more than persistence was the willingness for self-sacrifice. Such self-sacrifice as
even though many were aware that obstacles would stand in their way. Ultimately, at
was shown by Ninoy Aquino, who decided to return home to the Philippines despite
the beginning of February 1986, the Commission on Elections (comelec) officially
warnings and advise against it. Such self-sacrifice was further shown by Corazon
declared—in accordance with the well-orchestrated plan—that Marcos had won the
Aquino, who agreed to run in the presidential elections. And lastly, such self-sac-
presidential elections. Soon after, however, news of the falsified elections gradually
rifice was shown by hundreds of thousands when they went out on the streets in
flooded in and ultimately no one believed the comelec results. Tens of its employ-
response to Cardinal Jaime Sin’s appeal. This difference does not mean that the Phil-
ees walked out of the commission in protest against the falsification of the elections,
ippines did not need persistence in its struggle for freedom, which was, for instance,
made this information public, and then sought refuge and safety in churches. In such
demonstrated by Aquino faithfully remaining in prison for many years—nor does it
an atmosphere, the Reform the Armed Forces Movement, which was in the process
mean that Poland did not need self-sacrifice. It must be said, though, that if solidar-
of establishing itself, started to make preparations for an armed takeover of power
ity means the power of the people against a regime which limits their freedom, both
from the dictator. It was to this group of conspirators who gathered in the army bar-
these elements are necessary, although one may never know which of these two ele-
racks that many of Marcos’ trusted men, such as the head of the Philippine National
ments would be needed most when faced with a particular political situation.
Police, Fidel Ramos and the Minister of Defence, Juan Ponce Enrile, switched their
I do realize that, from the point of view of a more systematic study, these cate-
allegiance. Marcos was soon informed of their plans and he quickly made plans to
gories of patient persistence and sense of self-sacrifice are quite controversial. They
mobilize army divisions to prepare themselves to suppress the opposing forces. Civ-
rest more easily on the operationalization level and it is difficult to demonstrate that
il war was expected to erupt at any moment. Then, the charismatic Archbishop of Manila, Cardinal Jaime Sin, spoke on air at Catholic radio and appealed to all the
6
See Franciszek Czech, “Klany, media i siła ludu”, Miesięcznik Znak 4, no. 731 (2016): pp. 36–43.
24 Franciszek Czech
such imponderables are, in a more extensive way, present in a society faced with a ty-
Solidarity as People Power: Similarities and Differences 25
was closed by Marcos during the People Power Revolution, the current events were
rannical regime rather than in other kinds of governments. The aim of this essay is
brought to the public by Radyo Bandido, a radio run clandestinely by the Jesuit, James
not to build a general theory of peaceful revolutions nor the identification of specific
Reuter sj. One also has to remember the role played by the Church in building the Na-
factors which lead to a situation of revolution. It takes as its aim a comparison of two
tional Citizens’ Movement for Free Elections (namfrel). It was undoubtedly thanks
self-limited democratic and peaceful revolutions. And if at this point only particular
to the commitment of priests and bishops, which allowed for the building of such
differences have been accentuated—differences which deal with the dynamics of the
a network of half a million volunteers, who in particular regions of the Philippines
events, be it in the cultural and political context or even in the examination of the de-
would conduct their own ballot count independent of that provided by the govern-
sired attitude, it is worth ending by accentuating one similarity of a slightly different
ment-run comelec, and it was namfrel which would later reveal the many cases of
character which can be found in these two cases; the fact that, despite all attempts
abuse and falsification of the electoral votes. An important role was likewise played
by dictators to assume absolute control in all spheres of life in both societies, there
by the priests and bishops, such as Cardinal Jaime Sin, who prudently supported the
existed institutions which preserved their autonomies and which at a certain point
civic initiatives organized for the sake of freedom. Lastly, it would be difficult to ig-
proved themselves a catalyst for change. Such an institution—both in Poland and in
nore the role played, particularly in Poland but also in the edsa Revolution in the
the Philippines—was the Catholic Church. Its importance would be difficult to ig-
Philippines, by John Paul ii. His visits to Poland in 1979, 1983 and 1987 and to the
nore here when one analyses the democratization process of both countries. In both
Philippines in 1981 not only inspired but also forced both national governments to be
countries, the Church gradually evolved in its relationship with the government in
open to compromise as both governments wanted to look good in front of the foreign
power, from one of critical collaboration with the government to a more decisive
press. Before the Papal visit to the Philippines, Marcos lifted martial law and slight-
supporter of the forces of the opposition. Critical collaboration was shown in the tol-
ly loosened the corset of his regime, whilst in Poland, in keeping with agreements
erance of the new political order, even one which was decisively aggressive against
made earlier, martial law was formally lifted and many political prisoners were re-
religion, as in the case of Poland. This was in exchange for maintaining its autonomy
leased after the Pope’s second visit to Poland in 1983.
as an institution and keeping its right to its own world-view. That autonomy would
I do not claim that the Catholic Church is the only organization which, in mo-
prove crucial in a later moment, when the weaknesses of the regime emerged and
ments of oppression, influence the conditions to serve as a catalyst which allows for
when the Church became a catalyst for the progress of the oppositionist movement.
the building of a community which could effectively fight an oppressive government.
Such was the case in Poland, when the Catholic University of Lublin was, in princi-
There are examples which certainly prove that this is not the case. But the example
ple, the only university and only such center of academic thought in all countries
of Poland and the Philippines does demonstrate that the role of the Church can be
of the Soviet Bloc. Yet that intellectual autonomy came with the price of allowing
important in such crucial moments. Its strength, aside from a spiritual one, comes
itself to be vulnerable to infiltration by Communist agents of the Ministry of Inter-
from its autonomy from secular governments, an autonomy which has been defend-
nal Security. However, this small space for freedom allowed the Church to support
ed from the earliest history of Roman Catholicism. This peculiarity of the Catholic
and be a haven for many from the oppositionist Catholic press, such as, despite its
Church was best demonstrated during the Great Schism of the eleventh century,
many restrictions, Tygodnik Powszechny [The Catholic Weekly]. Lastly, there was
when the Orthodox Church decided, like many other religions, to remain closer to
the enormous role played by many of the priests and bishops, who on the one hand,
the court, whilst Catholicism chose what was then the rather provincial city of Rome,
clearly stood for solidarity and later the Solidarity movement, and on the other hand,
and has since then, to a greater or lesser degree, maintained its autonomy from the
worked as mediators between members of the opposition and the Communist gov-
governments that would come thereafter. That autonomous space is the convenient
ernment. Similarly, in the Philippines it was precisely the Church which nfluenced
subsoil—particularly when such similar values to Christian ethics as willingness
the infrastructure which made organizing such a huge gathering of people possible
for self-sacrifice and patient persistent work—upon which solidarity grows and on
in such a short period of time. Aside from the Catholic Radio station “Veritas”, which
which rests the enormous strength of the power of the people.
27
Corazon Toralba
Solidarity for the Philippines?
Much has been said about the parallelism of the political developments in Poland and the Philippines. It began when both countries “gained their independence” through peaceful means or “People Power” in the second half of the 1980’s—The Philippines in 1986 and Poland in 1989. In addition, it seems that both received encouragement from their religious leaders: Cardinal Jaime Sin in the case of the Philippines while for Poland it was Pope John Paul ii, the first Slavic Pope. Both events were the result of spontaneous movement born from discontent. The similarity stops there, however, because the historical and socio-political circumstances by which both countries were liberated differ: Poland from the claws of Marxist inspired communism and the Philippines from the grips of the Marcos “dictatorial government”. Moreover, it is paradoxical that Poland was freed from an ideologue that Marcos claims threatens the stability of the country.7 The political instrument, martial law, that Marcos and the communists used to have a hold on the government has been lifted in the Philippines while the same remains in force in Poland. There is a visible leader in Poland who took the reins of the call for “independence” through an organized movement called Solidarity, Lech Walesa, the leader of the Solidarity Movement—while for the Philippines there was none until the then Cardinal Sin called on the people to rally behind the two most visible members of the Marcos government who joined the people on the street.8 7
8
http://www.gov.ph/1972/09/21/proclamation-no-1081/; https://thevieweast.wordpress. com/2015/07/29/the-evolution-of-the-polish-solidarithttps://www.nonviolent-conflict. org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Poland%E2%80%99s-Solidarity-Movement-1980-1989. pdfy-movement/, accessed online 10 September 2016. http://www.philippine-history.org/edsa-people-power-revolution.htm; https://www. nonviolent-conflict.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Poland%E2%80%99s-SolidarityMovement-1980-1989.pdf, accessed online 10 September 2016.
28 Corazon Toralba
Solidarity for the Philippines? 29
Since this joint activity is to examine the role or contribution of Karol Wojtyła’s
person`s touching base with his interiority or inner world. The quality of such en-
thoughts on the “gaining of independence”, this paper will focus on the spirit that
gagement results in greater self-knowledge and of the external world around him
led the people to be on the streets and fight for what they think is their right—the
and is based not solely on awareness of the self or something but on an understand-
spirit of solidarity. It will begin with the discussion of Wojtyła’s concept of solidarity,
ing of the meaning of one’s life and the essence of the reality around him.13 Both
followed by the narration of historical events that led to the “gaining of independ-
sources of knowledge contribute to the person’s meaningful engagement with the
ence”, and lastly relating the events of “People’s Power” to the concept of Wojtyła’s
external world and the persons around him.
solidarity. Some discourses of John Paull ii’s visit to the Philippines in 1981 may be
The person is a self-determining entity, an acting person that is, who is the author
used but the author is aware that the thoughts of Karol Wojtyła in his philosophical
of his destiny. For Wojtyła, acting rather being acted upon, to be a subject rather than
writings and the teachings of John Paull ii are not an integral whole. Perspectives
an object is what characterizes the person. It is in acting in solitude and with others
sometimes seemingly differ between the philosopher as a teacher and the Pontiff
that the person discovers that he is and “recreates” himself through those actions to
when he pronounces the Church’s teachings on faith and morals.9 While the man is
make him be the person who he is. If the person simply goes with the flow—being sim-
the same and the activity he was engaging in—teaching—is the same, the reasons
ply a part of a group without that self-determining attitude then he is simply being
and circumstances of their publications differ. Such nuances will be explained as
acted upon, an object rather than a subject. As part of the community, engagement
called for.
could be authentic or not depending on the level of understanding and commitment
1
to the goal pursued by the members of a community. Solidarity together with opposition is an authentic participative attitude while conformity and indifference are not
The thoughts of Wojtyła on solidarity are found in his book “The Acting Person”10,
even though in the latter people could be physically present in the same undertaking
a sequel to his “Love and Responsibility”11. Solidarity is found in the last chapter
as those who were exhibiting the attitudes of solidarity and opposition. Participa-
dealing with the notion of authenticity of personhood in the community setting.
tion entails going out of our comfort zone, being part of another person’s life without
The definition of person is in Love and Responsibility.12 An important feature of the
losing ourselves in the process, and having a change of heart.
person is an active engagement with the external world, which is founded on the
Persons acting in solidarity see each other as another “I”, another subject acting together with another subject; hence they have a sense of community where com-
9
See Uzochukwo Jude Nyuko, “Discourse on the foundations of solidarity in the social encyclicals of John Paul ii”, http://www.ethical-perspectives.be/viewpic. php?TABLE=EP&ID=1030, accessed online 11 September 2016. 10 Karol Wojtyła, The Acting Person (Analecta Husserliana) trans. Potocki Andrzej, ed. AnnaTeresa Tymieniecka (Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company, 1979), pp. 261–300. The book clarifies the notion of the person he discussed in Love and Responsibility. Karol Wojtyla, Love and Responsibility, H. T. Willets, trans (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1993), p. 23. 11 Wojtyła describes his reasons for writing the book as being “born principally of the need to put the norms of Catholic sexual morality on a firm basis, a basis as definitive as possible, relying on the most elementary and incontrovertible moral truths and the most fundamental values or goods” – Karol Wojtyła, Love and Responsibility, trans. H. T. Willets, (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1993), 16. 12 “The person is an objective entity, which as a definite subject has the closest contact with the whole (external) world and is most intimately involved with it precisely because of its inwardness, its interior life”, ibid, p. 23.
munion of persons is the foundation. Solidarity for him is participating in the humanity of another human being to be one with them not in a class struggle against each other but with others to struggle against injustice against unjust structures. Solidarity is compatible with opposition because one without the other degenerates into conformism or non-involvement.14 Are the features of solidarity present in the 1986 “People Power Revolution?”
13 14
Karol Wojtyla, “The Constitution of Culture through Human Praxis”, [in] Person and Community Selected Essays (New York, Peter Lang, 1993), pp. 263–275. Donald de Marco, “The Virtue of Solidarity” http://catholicexchange.com/the-virtue-ofsolidarity, accessed online 11 September 2016.
30 Corazon Toralba
Solidarity for the Philippines? 31
law was restored. Non-governmental organizations are essential partners in nation
2 The Philippines’ 1986 “People Power Revolution” (1986 ppr) was a peaceful reaction against the perceived human rights violations and excesses on the exercise of power by the Marcos “dictatorial” administration. Prior to the so-called 1986 ppr, there was a growing discontent among the members of the military who were once loyal to the Marcoses because of generals overstaying their service, leaving the younger ones on the waiting list for too long. The once “economic stability” gained in the early years of Martial law was slowly waning and the peso’s value against the dollar was plummeting very fast.15 The 1986 ppr was preceded by a series of spontaneous events triggered by the assassination of Benigno Aquino Jr. on the Manila International Airport tarmac. A succession of events led to the “spontaneous uprising” which ousted the Marcoses from Malacañang and into their exile in Hawaii. It began with the perceived irregularities in the snap election held in 1985 where Marcos was declared winner while an independent election watchdog, National Movement for Free Election (namfrel), showed Cory Aquino as the duly elected President. Rebellion among the ranks of disgruntled military was neutralized and the rebels holed up in Camp Crame along Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (edsa). Admitting that the namfrel tally was the correct one, Cabinet members Fidel v. Ramos and Juan Ponce Enrile joined the rebels. Cardinal Jaime Sin called on Catholics to protect these “break away” groups and for four days, people surrounded the military tanks that were stationed in edsa until news reached those gathered there that the Marcoses had left Malacañang.16 Assessment of the gains of the 1986 ppr yields mixed results. On the one hand, the hoped for democratic process that was suspended by the imposition of martial
building and private-public partnership infrastructure projects are rising in numbers. Whereas on the other hand, political observers have noted that the same oligarchs that were prominent during the pre-martial law era are back in power, the ousted Marcoses are again active in the political scene, political dynasties are very much entrenched in the local government units, and poverty alleviation is still a major challenge for those in power. Those who were elected to government posts at all levels are still there based on popularity and not on track record of positive contributions to community development. However, with the restored democracy comes the trust of foreign investors but the corruption that has haunted Philippine society since its birth as an independent nation still plagues it in all governmental agencies, deterring many investors from employment generating activities.17 Those who actively participated in the 1986 ppr still hold on to the narratives that propelled them to leave their offices and join the people on the streets, while other commentators reason that the fiesta-loving attitude of the Filipinos made them hold on so long during those four days of “wait and see” scenario and some even point to divine intervention producing the “bloodless revolution of the 1986 ppr.18 To complete our assessment of these events, are the features of solidarity present in the people who joined the 1986 ppr?
3 What are the key features of those who are working in solidarity with others? As discussed in the foregoing, the key features are an awareness of others as others who are working together for the same goal, knowledge of the goal being pursued, and the willingness to pursue that goal. The confluence of happy coincidences—the secretly planned coup that was dis-
15
http://www.philippine-history.org/edsa-people-power-revolution.htm, accessed online 4 September 2016; http://www.sfgate.com/news/article/30-years-laterLessons-from-the-People-Power-6854572.php, accessed online 4 September 2016; R.S. David, “Re-democratization in the wake of the 1986 people power revolution: Errors and dilemmas”, http://www.journals.upd.edu.ph/index.php/kasarinlan/article/ viewArticle/854, accessed online 14 September 2016; http://www.getrealphilippines.com/ blog/2016/02/the-philippines-is-worse-off-30-years-after-the-1986-edsa-people-powerrevolution, accessed online 9 September 2016; Rommel Curaming and Lisandro Claudio “A Historicised (Re) Assessment of edsa People Power 1986”, http://www.ari.nus.edu.sg/ wps/wps10_134.pdf, accessed online 10 September 2016. 16 Ibid.
covered, the call to be in edsa, the switching of allegiance of some military personnel who were manning the tanks, etc.19 all snowballed into an unimagined scenario that resulted in the restoration of democracy in the Philippines. First-hand accounts of the people who participated in those days’ events recall their awareness of what 17 18 19
Ibid. http://www.gov.ph/27th-anniversary-of-the-people-power-revolution/, accessed online 14 September 2016. Raul Lejano, “Problematizing the People Power Revolution” http://journals.ateneo.edu/ ojs/budhi/article/viewFile/417/409, accessed 10 September 2016.
32 Corazon Toralba
33
they were fighting for and of heeding the call to be in edsa but they did not discount
Piotr Pardyka
the fact that Divine Providence played the greater part in the decisions of several key persons, the unknown soldiers who did not fire at the crowd and the countless people who flocked to edsa. While reluctant at the start, the presence of people who gathered in edsa gave the courage needed to be one with the crowd. Strange coincidence indeed that those who were considered arch rivals—the students of the Ateneo and De La Salle, were in the same street united by the same cause. Political rivals of dif-
Spirit (in) Motion. The Influence of the Papal Visit to the Philippines: The Role of the Ninth Pilgrimage in the Dynamics of the People Power Revolution
ferent ideologies meeting and assessing the situation, coordinating the different initiatives that spontaneously erupted in the midst of uncertainties, helping each other in bearing the heat of the day. People protesting handing bottles of water to the armed military personnel who were keeping the protesters at bay.
20
Those who participated in the 1986 ppr stunned the world not by their rhetorical prowess but through the peaceful rallies that changed the course of Philippines history. As one of the scholars wrote: “what we may glimpse from this was the shift in the perception of the people about themselves away from being inconsequential or powerless towards the rediscovery of their ability to make a difference, something that is encapsulated and reinforced by the very notion of People Power.”21 Such is the message of Karol Wojtyła in his notion of solidarity that people take charge of their lives not in isolation but in the company of others, acting with others.
The aim of the ninth pilgrimage of John Paul ii was to visit the Far East. During this trip, the Holy Father visited Pakistan, the Philippines, the Island of Guam, and Alaska. As the Holy Father himself acknowledged in a general audience which summarized the trip and which was given in Polish, the deepest and most moving part of that trip was the visit to Hiroshima and Nagasaki—cities which suffered from nuclear bombing. Even from the point of view of Marek Skwarnicki (1930–2013), who summarized this ninth pilgrimage for the Catholic Weekly, Tygodnik Weekly, it was Japan in particular which emerged, at least from the Polish perspective, as the most “intriguing”. To decipher Skwarnicki’s perceptions after thirty years may seem unnecessary. Nor would it be necessary to examine whether this was more a question of his journalistic style or political guardedness. For undoubtedly, the journalist from Tygodnik understood perfectly that in terms of its long-term consequences, the trip to the Philippines was much more significant, if not from the point of view of the Roman Catholic Church. John Paul ii spoke of his special message to Filipinos during the Angelus after his return to Rome on 01 March 1981. In a very particular way, he made use of the
20 http://cnnphilippines.com/news/2016/02/23/edsa-people-power-revolution-lessons. html, accessed 14 September 2016; http://defenders-philippine-sovereignty.blogspot. com/2014/02/edsa-revolution-1986-first-hand-account.html accessed 9/14/2016; http:// www.positivelyfilipino.com/magazine/2013/2/77-hours-the-behind-the-scenes-at-the1986-edsa-people-power-revolution accessed 9/14/2016; http://8list.ph/tell-childrenabout-edsa/, accessed 14 September 2016. 21 Curaming and Claudio, op. cit.
image of the Santo Niño, a much-beloved image which is venerated by Filipinos, especially on the Island of Cebu. The Holy Father made use of the image of the young baby Jesus as a metaphor for the early phase of Catholicism and the Catholic Church in Asia. This comparison made Filipinos the obvious caretakers, on whose shoulders rests the responsibility of “bringing the Catholic faith towards maturity in wisdom
34 Piotr Pardyka
Spirit (in) Motion. The Influence of the Papal Visit to the Philippines 35
of years and grace before God and men”. It is, therefore, without doubt that that trip
conservative Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (cbcp), which united
was particularly significant for John Paul ii. The concern for the Philippines was, in
a group of 76 bishops, and the Association of Major Religious Superiors in the Philip-
fact, synonymous to the concern for the entire Catholic Church and for the whole of
pines (amrsp) to which belonged 2500 priests and 7000 members of different reli-
Asia.
gious orders. There was also disunity within the cbcp itself. Church scholar, Robert
The Pope spent five intensive and carefully planned days in the entire archipel-
Youngblood, identified three different circles within the Church hierarchy, one of
ago from 17–22 February 1981. The official reason for the trip was the beatification
them being the liberal wing which was headed by the Jesuit Francisco Clavera and
of Lorenzo Ruiz and of 14 other martyrs, which took place on 18 February 1981. It is
gathered together around 13–24 persons.22 The fact that, within that which is the con-
perhaps for this reason, that John Paul ii stressed repeatedly during this trip that
servative branch of the Church, the Church hierarchy lacked any understanding or
his stay was purely religious in character. That certainly was the case, however,
unity, gives a picture of the situation in which the Catholic Church in the Philippines
the question must be asked if, in the case of the Papal visit, it would be possible to
found itself.
separate the religious character from its political context. In this case, the political
It would be worth remembering two important elements necessary in under-
context was both powerful and evident, which Skwarnicki emphasized, and gently
standing the Philippine context; firstly, the fact that both the bishops in opposition
grumbled that his colleagues out of “volo papale” stressed the religious character of
and the young priests were under the influence of the Theology of Liberation, an un-
the entire pilgrimage.
orthodox movement, of which John Paul ii was very skeptical and secondly, because
The author of this paper would like to reflect on this ninth pilgrimage of John Paul ii. A particularly interesting question to raise is the possibility of perceiving
some members of the Church hierarchy and Catholic activists formed part of the opposition, the Church became a victim of political repression.
through, or perhaps of listening to, the echoes (without echoes) of the Papal message
From the beginning of this visit to the Philippines, the Holy Father tried to be
in the just cry of the People Power Revolution. Did John Paul ii’s pilgrimage have an
gentle and pacify the tense atmosphere within the Church. He spoke of the need to
influence, albeit indirect, on the dynamics of this national and powerful movement.
care for the poor and the disabled, saying that it formed a fundamental part of the
It is worth noting that it would be impossible to refer to the entire message of John
tasks of the Church, which cannot be separated from the spiritual care of society
Paul ii to the Filipino nation in this short article and, for this reason, the author has
which is the basic obligation of the Church. Identifying these boundaries was a cru-
only chosen to analyze certain elements of this message, these being the fragments
cial problem which affected all the parts of the Catholic Church in the Philippines.
addressed to the Church hierarchy and those messages dealing with the value of
The Holy Father referred to this question during the first few days of his visit,
human work, which John Paul ii spoke of in his sermons to the lay members of the
in all his scheduled gatherings. When he spoke to the representatives of religious
Catholic Church. John Paul ii, during his trip to the Philippines, met with practically all the repre-
orders at a gathering in the National Sanctuary of Our Lady of Perpetual Help on 17 February 1981, he outlined two essential tasks: the need to give a Christian testi-
sentatives of all branches of the institution of the Catholic Church from seminarians,
mony and the need to work in the service of Christian families, mentioned in the part
the religious, priests, and bishops.
which dealt with the need to follow the teachings of the Church. He also stressed the
The aim of those gatherings was to recall the initial meaning of concepts con-
significance and meaning of a contemplative life.
nected to pastoral care by carefully outlining all the tasks that belonged to the mem-
The Holy Father also met with priests and other members of religious orders in
bers of the Church. This was intended to provide pastoral support and reinvigorate
the Manila Cathedral on 17 February 1981. He reminded all those who were gathered
peace in the delicate and tense situation within the Catholic Church itself.
there of their obligation of fidelity to the Church, the Gospel, and to their respective
After Filipino President, Ferdinand Marcos (in office 1965–1986), declared martial law, its violent repercussions led to the division of the Catholic Church in the Philippines into two camps. The two main wings were comprised of the more
22 Robert. L. Youngblood, “Church opposition to martial law in the Philippines”, Asian Survey 18, no 5 (1978): 506.
36 Piotr Pardyka
Spirit (in) Motion. The Influence of the Papal Visit to the Philippines 37
foundational charisma. He told both priests and the religious of the importance
with the coming, which was perhaps instinctively felt by the Holy Father himself, to-
of their vocation, which was much more than just a personal decision but was an
wards the much-expected political changes. This essentially came soon afterwards.
act of love for God. He reminded the seminarians of the University of Santo Tomas
John Paul ii, who advised against political involvement, also knew that this
that “the priesthood was a vocation to service, which does not lead to a career nor to
would eventually entail the need to support, even the need to enter into a collabora-
honors”.
tion, with those in opposition with Marcos and hence with representatives of Com-
During the gathering with the representatives of Catholic organizations, he
munist circles or those leaning towards Communism. Such circles offered solutions
spoke of the value and significance of the family and of the need to take special care
to social problems which were already well-known to the Holy Father and, aware of
of it. As part of the task of personal apostolate, John Paul ii spoke of the important
the many obvious shortfalls, he warned against them repeatedly. He also reminded
obligation of providing catechism to children, especially within the family. In the
all those in the Philippines of the many dangers of Communism, such as during his
eyes of John Paul ii, the real battle for shaping the community was to be fought at
meeting with the residents of the Tondo district: “The road towards your total libera-
home, in the heart of the family and not on the streets of the country. It was specifi-
tion is not the way of violence, class struggle or hate; it is the way of love, brotherhood
cally in the homes, within families, that the Pope called on Catholic activists to act,
and peaceful solidarity”.23
and not in the front lines of anti-government protests.
Aside from this, John Paul ii also had his own vision of societal harmony which
Turning to the bishops, the Pope spoke of the unity to be lived within the Uni-
grew out of the tradition of the social teachings of the Catholic Church. In that form
versal Church, these spoken words, taking into consideration the situation in the
of political involvement, which had been proven effective by the Philippine clergy,
Philippines, must have sounded like an appeal. Aside from this, he also pointed to
one can see the obstacle to the implementation of the concept so dear to the Pope. In
the responsibility of priests to be bound in fraternal love to their subordinate priests
keeping with the social teachings of the Second Vatican Council, the Church “should
and to nurture this sense of responsibility for the lay members within the life of the
not be tied to any particular form of culture nor any political, economic or social sys-
Church.
tem”.24 It should rather play the role of the mediator in dialogue, which aims to work
In this brief presentation of the motives mentioned above, one coherent thought
for peace “We are only sent, to preach peace to this world, but we must first live in
can be observed. It is comprised of a special program for the renewal of the Catholic
peace, […] it is only then that we can effectively preach and pass on peace to the poor,
Church in the Philippines. It should be understood as an effort to revive unity within
the elderly, the youth, the sick and suffering, the imprisoned and the weeping” as
the hierarchy of the Catholic Church in the Philippines and the curbing of the polit-
John Paul ii said during his homily preached in Quezon Memorial Circle on the third
ical activism of some of its members. One can also observe that John Paul ii, instead
day of his visit to the Philippines.25
of supporting the right cause and the need for heroism, was instead encouraging loy-
One can also risk saying that John Paul ii showed a great deal of intuition and
alty towards the institution of the Church and the warning addressed to some of its
properly formulated his program for the clergy of the archipelago. The Catholic
clergy not to cross the boundary of their spiritual competence. One must realize that, in the difficult times of martial law, the influence of local priests, particularly in the rural areas, grew in importance and more often than not expanded to the role of a community leader. The sense of responsibility and need to intercede for farmers who had been deprived of protection, tended to move those priests who were more sensitive to social issues towards radicalism. The Holy Father meant first and foremost to prevent the process of acceleration of the conflict and prevent the chain of violence. He longed to channel the energies of the Church towards more spiritual affairs. The rightness of that correction was revealed together
23 John Paul ii, “Address Of His Holiness John Paul ii To The Poor People Of The District Of Tondo” Manila, 18 February 1981, http://w2.vatican.va/content/john-paulii/en/ speeches/1981/february/documents/hf_jp-ii_spe_19810218_manila-poveri-tondo.html, no. 7, accessed online 19 November 2016. 24 Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution On The Church In The Modern World Gaudium Et Spes, 42. http://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ii_vatican_council/documents/ vat-ii_const_19651207_gaudium-et-spes_en.html, accessed online 20 November 2016. 25 John Paul ii, “Homily of John Paul ii in the Holy Mass for Peace”, Manila, 19 February 1981, http://w2.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/homilies/1981/documents/hf_jpii_hom_19810219_pace.html, no. 8, accessed online 20 November 2016.
38 Piotr Pardyka
Spirit (in) Motion. The Influence of the Papal Visit to the Philippines 39
Church in the Philippines did not turn towards leftist theologies and remained faith-
During his five day stay in the Philippines, John Paul ii spoke of work four times.
ful to the traditional teaching of the Church, which was not without importance in
Indirectly though, he encouraged representatives of various professions in the
the shaping of the identity of the People Power Revolution. That movement could
crowd gathered in the Araneta Colosseum on 18 February 1981, to contribute to the
have been dominated by the radical leftists. And yet, it did not happen that way.
building of the Kingdom of God on Earth, and through their creative work direct all
Rather they spoke clearly for democratization, and yet tried to steer clear from any
human and Christian virtues to make use of all their talents so that they may bear
ideological affiliations. The Communist Party of the Philippines was excluded from
fruit for all their brothers and sisters in the Philippines.
the Movement and this is despite its involvement in the opposition against the Marcos administration. Another important contribution of the Catholic Church was the maintenance of the peaceful character of the popular appearances. That aspect of the influence of
A direct reference to the problem of work may be found in the homily directed to the nations of Asia and pronounced in the auditorium of Radio Veritas on 21 February 1981. “Human labour, while promoting social and economic development, must also promote the total well-being and true advancement of the human person”.27
the spiritual clergy was raised by writer Jeff Boyd, although he did not relate it to the
In the same way, in the homily addressed to plantation owners in Legazpi, John
influence of the person of John Paul ii.26 It is, however, difficult to imagine that the
Paul ii likewise turns to work. The Pope speaks of the great value of the profession of
message of John Paul ii, his charisma and authority, did not have any influence on
the planter, “to be, by the work of your hands, his collaborators in the continuation
the condition and character of the Philippine clergy in the 1980s. On the contrary,
of the work of creation”.28 But he also spoke of the value of work, which may bring
one can even speculate that it played an important formational role.
with it as a result of original sin, the “sweat of the brow”, and yet in itself preserves its
Let us now turn to the second interesting aspect connected with the message
liberating dignity. He also reminded those present that land, which was the gift of
addressed to the wider social class. When he met with the lay members of the Church,
God, should benefit all, and not a chosen few. Such a situation is unacceptable, par-
the Holy Father tried to take into consideration in his tight schedule meeting with
ticularly when the vast majority of society suffer from hunger and are condemned
different representatives of Philippine society. Amongst those he met with, one can
to poverty.
enumerate representatives of freelancers, the pauperized citizens of the slum areas,
The Holy Father spoke most strongly in the sermon which was delivered to the
the socially excluded (lepers), asylum seekers or refugees, and minority groups: both
sugar plantation owners and the planters, pronounced in Bacolod. The Holy Father
ethnic (the Chinese) and religious groups (Muslims). The very choice of such a wide
appealed to plantation owners to create respectable conditions of life and work so
spectrum of audiences was for John Paul ii an attempt to integrate and build an un-
that the inhabitants of the rural areas could have their basic human rights guaran-
derstanding towards a sense of co-existence within a true community.
teed. He also reminded those present that Christianity demanded from those who
Although for each of the enumerated groups, the Pope had a separate message, it
own land and have control over it.
is possible to formulate a short catalog of the constant themes. These included work,
To the planters, he spoke with the words, “never forget the great dignity that God
family peace, and the dignity of the human person. These concepts are deeply set
has granted you, never let your work degrade you but remember always the mission
within the context of the Papal teaching, however, their entire explanation is beyond the scope of this paper. Nevertheless, in keeping with what was mentioned at the beginning of this paper, I will discuss the concept of work.
26 Cf. Jeff Boyd, “The Role of the Church in the Philippines’ Nonviolent People Power Revolution”, https://pacificador99.files.wordpress.com/2012/01/philippines-jeff-boyd.pdf, accessed online 20 November 2016.
27 John Paul ii, “Address Of His Holiness John Paul ii during His Visit To The Auditorium Of Radio Veritas Asia” delivered in Manila on 21 February 1981, http://w2.vatican.va/content/ john-paul-ii/en/speeches/1981/february/documents/hf_jp-ii_spe_19810221_manilaauditorium.html, no. 10, accessed online 19 November 2016. 28 John Paul ii, “Address Of His Holiness John Paul ii, Landowners and Workers Of Sugar Cane Plantations «Reclaimed Area»”, Bacolod City, delivered on 20 February 1981, http:// w2.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/speeches/1981/february/documents/hf_jp-ii_ spe_19810220_filippine-bacolod-zucchero.html, no. 4, accessed online 19 November 2016.
40 Piotr Pardyka
Spirit (in) Motion. The Influence of the Papal Visit to the Philippines 41
that God has entrusted to you: to be, by the work of your hands, his collaborators in
postulate itself could sound subversive, even revolutionary. And yet in the sermon
the continuation of the work of creation”.29
given in Legazpi one thing must be added: “Workers and employers who learn to see
Can an integral teaching flow from these words as in the care of those words addressed to the clergy? We can say with certainty one cannot ignore the presenta-
each other as brothers will not get locked in bitter disputes that leave the problems unsolved and human solidarity weakened or in ruins”.34
tion of the relational and integrational character of work. Józef Tischner called work
The question of work, as I have already mentioned, is just one of the key ideas
a “special form of conversation”, which may not be built on words, likewise begets
which were present in the Papal social teaching. And yet, as we can see, it is a concept
understanding and agreement.30 Work itself brings with it a potential for commu-
of grave importance. One can even treat it as a kind of lens; as we look through it,
nality as it opens to the other and makes possible the participation in the good. Aside
we can see elements which condition the introduction of a social organization built
from this, John Paul ii likewise stressed the value of the dignity of work. Human
on the primacy of the common good, the dignity of individual members of a society.
commitment to work makes man a continuator of the work of the Creator, which in
Could it be perhaps that one can find in these Papal thoughts on society the
turn brings with it a powerful potential of emancipation. Individuals, therefore, who
traces of the phenomenon of the People Power Revolution? Masataka Kimura, in de-
remain in a relationship of work should be equal to each, bound by brotherhood.
scribing the political situation after 1983, observes that a new formula of political
The Holy Father in his message of the dignity of work and its communal-creative
participation emerged. The emerging grassroots organizations, though little, were
character in the Philippines is aware that currently, work is in a crisis and in order to
not observable in an inclusive degree prior to 1983. Representatives of different so-
be freed from it, one “has to speak of the truth of work”.31 In order to solve that crisis,
cial classes belonged to these groups and the relationship which prevailed could be
the Pope postulates reformulating the relationship between capital and work, so as
described as one of comradeship hence, contrary to traditional Filipino parties, was
to introduce the priority of work in relation to ownership.32 The Holy Father deals
unhierarchical.35
with this in the homily given in Legazpi but also in the homily delivered in Bacolod.
The phenomenon of the emergence of new, qualitatively different political as-
“[…] the land is a gift of God for the benefit of all, it is not admissible to use this gift
sociations which were built on a common aim, breaking through the boundaries of
in such a manner that the benefits it produces serve only a limited number of people,
class, but not the dichotomic relations of patron-client, could be acknowledged as
while the others—the vast majority—are excluded from the benefits which the land
related to the teaching of John Paul ii.
yields.” He also continues saying that “The right of ownership is legitimate in itself but it cannot be separated from its wider social dimension”.33
The echoes of the Papal social message may also be heard in its essentially peaceful character which was open to dialogue. The deliberating micro-parties, move-
Would the solution of the fundamental social problem which was (and still is)
ment of the People Power, defined common cells which searched for understanding
the primacy of capital over work be solved in those socio-political conditions present
and worked on a common stand against the government. The government, though
in the Philippines? Since current societies have been interested in solving the prob-
the enemy and dangerous, was eventually invited to dialogue and was peacefully
lem of inequality, were they not then in a condition to fully implement the postu-
removed from power.
lates, which in the context of the kleptocratic dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos, the
One can be tempted to make the assumption, therefore, that the many millions who came to see the Holy Father, who as the Pontiff travelled through the streets of
29 30 31 32
Ibid. no. 7. Józef Tischner, Etyka Solidarności, (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Znak, 1981), p.20. Józef Tischner, Idąc przez puste Błonie, (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Znak, 2005), 72. Józef Majka, Katolicka nauka społeczna, (Warszawa: Ośrodek Dokumentacji i Studiów Społecznych, 1988), p. 422. 33 John Paul ii, “Address Of His Holiness John Paul ii, To Landowners And Workers Of Sugar Cane Plantations «Reclaimed Area», Bacolod City”, op. cit.
the Philippines, did not remain deaf to the content of the Pope’s message. In order to liberate society from the spirit of protest, a painful sacrifice was needed. And yet
34 Ibid. no. 8. 35 Masataka Kimura, “The emergence of the middle classes and political change in the Philippines”, The Developing Economies 41, no 2 (2003): pp. 279–282.
42 Piotr Pardyka
despite this great loss, which Philippine society suffered with the death of Benigno Aguino (1932–1983), that spirit did not turn to the gods of revenge or Erinyes. It was rather embodied in the creative spirit of solidarity and mercy and so it is difficult to resist the impression that John Paul ii had his part in its formation.
II Facing the Challenges to Solidarity today
45
Zbigniew Stawrowski
Solidarity, Mercy and Justice 36
Solidarity as a social movement was crucial to the fall of the Communist Regime and the turn of historical events in Poland and the World. But what does solidarity consist of and does it still have any real value? These are questions that continue to intrigue many and have triggered many others to provide an answer. Setting aside the socio-political dimension, I would like to occupy myself with the more basic question—that is I would like to reflect on solidarity, completely detached as it were from any particular historical events. The question I would like to pose is: What is solidarity as a phenomenon in interpersonal relationships? This article will be an attempt at enlightening our understanding of the phenomenological experience of solidarity, so as to differentiate it from other similar kinds of solidarity related to the human experience. So, what is solidarity? To begin with, it can be defined as a certain form or expression of love. “There is no solidarity without love”37 said John Paul ii in 1998 in the Polish city of Sopot. The affirmation of that intuition can also be found in the Catechism of the Catholic Church “the principle of solidarity also known as ‘friendship’ or ‘social love’ is the direct requirement of human and Christian brotherhood”.38 Love, of course, has many names: there is the love between spouses and the love between parent and child, there is friendship and brotherhood, and there is also the love of country–patriotism. The Catechism mentions a rather imprecise and abstract “social love”. There is also mercy and compassion, which is sometimes acknowledged as the deepest form of love. Although, as we know very well, that love often comes 36 This article is an expanded version of an article published as “Space for the Samaritan” in Plus Minus, Rzeczpospolita, 31.10–02.11.2014 no. 44 (1131), pp. 28–31. 37 John Paul ii, Pielgrzymki do Ojczyzny, (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Znak, 2005), p. 1019. 38 Katechizm Kościoła Katolickiego, no. 1939 (Pallottinum, 1994), p. 448.
46 Zbigniew Stawrowski
with passionate emotions, they are not important here, at least not from the position
Solidarity, Mercy and Justice 47
religion and politics. Nonetheless, his act of mercy is, as it were, beyond that world,
from which this particular attitude of solidarity is derived. Love in all of its forms
beyond those structures, imposed on men by that world. The good deed of the Samar-
is that attitude of caring for others as expressed in concrete actions. Some of the
itan was an answer to a concrete cry of a concrete person. This is simple: someone
enumerated forms of love may seem closer, others further from the experience of
was asking for help. The wounded man was lying on the road. His pain had a particu-
solidarity. It is for this reason that it is worth taking a closer look at this phenomenon.
lar character: it was not the result of an illness, an unfortunate turn of events, nor
As an illustration and starting point for this discussion, let us make use of the
even of the limits of old age. It was the pain of one who had been hurt by another man.
well-known situation described in the parable of the Good Samaritan (Lk 10: 30–37),
That is what is precisely important, this is what moves the Samaritan’s conscience
which can serve to answer the question, “Who is my brother?” (Lk 10: 29), which was
to react to this call for an act of solidarity. There is nothing which scandalizes more
the question the lawyer asked Jesus, as a clarification of the commandment: “Thou
than the wound unnecessarily inflicted, the wound inflicted on one man by another.
shalt love the Lord thy God with the love of thy whole heart, and thy whole soul, and
We take mercy on a person who is ill and sick. To those who are abused—we not only
thy whole strength, and thy whole mind; and thy neighbour as thyself” (Lk 10:27;
show mercy but also are scandalized. The presence of such kind of pain generates
cf. Deuter. 6:5; Leviticus 19:18). Reference to this parable has additional reasons as we
a deep sense of solidarity.
try to understand what is interpersonal solidarity.
For whom should we nurture solidarity? It is primarily for those who have suf-
Catholic priest and Polish philosopher Józef Tischner (1931–2000) addressed this
fered pain from other people, for those who suffer a suffering, which could have been
question in a well-known sermon to the leaders of the Independent Self-governing
avoided. This does not exclude solidarity for others, for all who suffer. But the senti-
Trade Union “Solidarity” delivered in the Wawel Cathedral in Kraków on 19 October
ment of solidarity for those who suffer from the hands of other people is particularly
1980. This sermon inaugurated a series of reflections which would later be published
strong and spontaneous.
in the book, Spirit of Solidarity. In this sermon, Tischner reflected on two fragments of
Does this also concern politics? Certainly, but only when we speak of bad politics.
the Holy Scriptures which best illustrate the essence of solidarity. The first fragment
When politics is good, it is already imbibed with a deep spirit of solidarity. Should
is taken from the words of St. Paul to the Galatians, “Bear the burden of one anoth-
not politics be organized in such a way that a man does not harm another man?
er’s failings, then you will be fulfilling the law of Christ.” (Ga 6:2), whilst the other
Faithful to that name of politics is the building of that kind of space in which the
is taken from the parable of the Good Samaritan. As Tischner says in this sermon,
Samaritan may act according to his conscience. […] The Good Samaritan does not
“Solidarity has yet another dimension: solidarity cannot be imposed on another from
run to capture the thieves. He first attends to the wounds of the suffering man. The
the outside, through the use of force. This virtue has its roots from within, as a spon-
culprits will be taken care of by those who stand at the borders of politics. Solidarity
taneous movement of the heart. Who forced the Good Samaritan to have mercy on
is closeness—it is the brotherhood shown for those who have suffered. […] Solidarity
the wounded man lying on the road? The merciful and compassionate Samaritan
also creates an interpersonal bond: a man who bonds with another man to care for
saved this man, out of his own good will. The virtue of solidarity is an expression of
him who needs that care. I am with you, you are with me, we are in this together—for
man’s good will.”39
him. We, together, for the other. We together, not so as to look at each other, but to
In the second chapter of the Spirit of Solidarity entitled “Community”, Tischner
attend to him. What comes first here? Is it the “we” or the “for him”? A community
refers once again to that evangelical parable, so as to find the answer to the question,
in solidarity differentiates itself from many other kinds of communities in that it is
“What is the relationship between solidarity and politics?”: “Here is the parable of
in solidarity with “the other” who comes first, then “the we” follows. First comes the
the Good Samaritan. He also lived in a particular society, in a world conditioned by
wounded and his cry for help. Then the conscience is moved, a conscience which is capable of listening to and understanding that cry of help. It is only then that this
39 Józef Tischner, Etyka solidarności, (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Znak, 1981), 6–7. This book was published as Spirit of Solidarity (New York: Harper Collins, 1984).
48 Zbigniew Stawrowski
Solidarity, Mercy and Justice 49
community of solidarity begins to exist.”40 I quoted this longer fragment of Tisch-
As you can see, for Tischner, the parable of the Good Samaritan became the start-
ner’s reflections, because, of all of his texts which I know of, this is perhaps the deep-
ing point for a reflection that went far beyond the evangelical context, which does
est and most precise of Tischner’s reflections on the phenomenon of interpersonal
not in any way diminish the value of his intuition. Of course, this is only an intuition
solidarity. Tischner, in keeping with the form and poetic style of his texts, concen-
and a deeper analysis of it would trigger more questions and problems. Following
trates on one sentence, laconically expressed thoughts which could be further de-
in the footsteps of Tischner and his method of “thinking with a metaphor”—that is
veloped into many pages of deep treaties. Let us concentrate on those salient points
a creative reading of the text, let us try once again. This time, let us try examining
which draw our attention.
the situation described in the archetypal parable closer, on our own, adding certain
Firstly, the experience described by the parable is a universal existential situa-
modifications so as to further stress the essence of the basic experience of solidarity
tion, in which—going beyond all worldly structures as it were—each one of us may
and to better define this concept. That is, let us try to refine our understanding of this
find ourselves regardless of the historical, cultural, and political context. This is the
concept, which is often used in our everyday language, when we associate with the
natural reaction of people with a conscience, moved in such an encounter with the
phenomenon of solidarity.
suffering man, a man who suffers because he has been harmed by others. This is particularly the situation of human poverty, suffering and harm which triggers an act
Love and mercy
of solidarity, first as an expression of the merciful and compassionate man. Tischner
There is no doubt that what the Good Samaritan demonstrated to that wounded man
here argues, going beyond the evangelical parables, that genesis of the community
should be called an act of mercy, an understanding both popular and well established
of persons of solidarity is secondary. It can only be built on the foundations of a more
by the presence of this evangelical parable in our culture for many centuries. But can
basic bond between the suffering man and the one who has heard his cry and an-
every kind of help extended to anyone in need indeed be called an act of mercy? Is it
swers with his act of help. It is a community with those who have ceased to live for
not so, for example, that if we use the adjective ‘merciful’ to describe those who care
themselves and have become for the other—who have perceived the other, his brother.
for their aging parents, they will only be upset and irritated? It is most certain that
The second important point of this fragment is the formulation of the question
they would prefer to be described as ‘loving children’ and not ‘merciful’, for what
of the relationship between solidarity and politics. Tischner here demonstrates ex-
they are doing in caring for their parents is not an act of mercy, but a demonstration
ceptional intuition (much closer to the Classical Liberals!): politics must primarily or-
of their love.
ganize a safe space. That is, such as space in which people will not do harm to each
It seems to me, that mercy is a special kind of love, one that is not addressed to
other. What is more, what is meant here is that kind of space which is not only safe
those we are closest to. On the contrary, we show mercy and compassion to those
but friendly. Such a space where the Samaritan can act in accordance with his con-
who are foreign to us and do not belong to our community. At the beginning, there
science without any external restrictions. The formal structures of a good state and
is a degree of foreignness which is eradicated by the act of mercy, unveiling and
good politics must by positively open for all those who want to treat the wounds of
confirming the closeness of the other person. Mercy is the (re)-creation of the com-
all who suffer different forms of sufferings. It is precisely in this sense that politics
munity practically from zero, a community that was never there, or had been com-
and the State must be imbibed and imbued with a spirit of solidarity. This does not
pletely removed. It is for no apparent reason that the protagonist of the evangelical
mean that that State, its institutions, and the actions of its civil servants should be
parable is precisely a Samaritan—one who was considered by the Jews of the time
characterized by solidarity for their own sake—arresting outlaws and helping one’s
as someone completely foreign, as a Jew for the Germans during the regime of the
neighbor are two completely different things.
Third Reich. A similar meaning of the word can be found in the Middle Ages, when the act of mercy was often understood as a chivalric gesture shown to one’s enemy in battle. Misericordia was precisely the name of the dagger used to kill the wounded
40 Ibid., 12–14.
soldiers of the enemy on the battlefield, so that they may no longer suffer. We can
50 Zbigniew Stawrowski
even conclude the following: love acquires the meaning of mercy in proportion to
Solidarity, Mercy and Justice 51
captured and described (at the same time going beyond the literal interpretation of
the growing foreignness. Pure mercy is demonstrated to that person whom we can
the parable): “Solidarity builds a special interpersonal bond: a man binds himself
even declare as a deadly enemy. In Polish literature, there is a dramatic scene which
with another man to take care of him who needs help. I am with you, you are with me,
best illustrates this. It is taken from Henryk Sienkiewicz’s Teutonic Knights, when the
we are here together for him. We—for him. We, but not to look at each other, but to
blinded Jurand of Spychów cuts the ropes that bind his greatest enemy, Zygfryd de
look after him. What comes first here? Does the “we” come first, or is it the “for him”?
Löwe who murdered Jurand’s own daughter. That scene was beautifully rendered in
A community in solidarity differentiates itself from many other communities in that
Aleksander Ford’s 1960 film, also entitled The Teutonic Knights.
here the “for him” precedes the “we”. We first hear the wounded and his cry for help.
The analysis provided above demonstrates why the evangelical parable deals with an act of mercy. The Samaritan showed mercy to the wounded man, but did
Then the conscience is moved, a conscience which is capable of hearing the cry and understanding it. It is only then that a community is born.”41
he also show solidarity? We can, of course, try to use this second word to accom-
Solidarity bonds those who are able to respond to that cry with their actions.
modate a wider meaning, so that ‘solidarity’ becomes the synonym of ‘mercifulness
This feeling of community which bonds all those who are ready to demonstrate
and compassion’. But we can also try to separate these two phenomena from each
a caring and supportive love for others (for those close to us) and mercy (to those
other. Whereas the attitude of mercy is unsymmetrical and even one-sided: we show
seemingly foreign to us). It is a clear and confirmed action performed willingly, done
mercy to someone, who may not be even aware of it, i.e. an unconscious person who is
with someone who is capable of loving his neighbor, willing to take the risk and ef-
ill, with solidarity we are dealing with something different. We are in solidarity with
fort which such an act of solidarity entails and willing to sacrifice his interests and
another person, that is we are in this together—the words “one bears the burden of the
time, for whom one can precisely trust and depend on. Solidarity in itself, therefore,
other” suggest a certain reciprocity (or many-sidedness), a certain symmetry which
is not love itself but grows on the basis of love. It is a community not of those who
we cannot easily notice in the literal reading of the parable of the Good Samaritan.
only look at each other and demonstrate their mutual affection, but a community
For this reason, the reference to that parable by Tischner may lead to a certain mis-
which looks with eyes widely opened, looks around themselves and are thus able to
reading; in order to extract from that parable of mercy the pure phenomenon of soli-
perceive those who are in need of help. It is community, which has demonstrated
darity, we must enrich the story with new elements.
with their deeds that they are capable of love, and it is precisely out of that deed of
Solidarity and mercy
love, that they precisely recognized each other. This can be further refined and sharpened. Even if the wounded was not healed
Let us try to supplement that evangelical picture with another person. Let us now
nor saved in time, or even if he had turned out to be a hopeless outlaw, ready to bite
try to imagine, that another man walks by that hurt and wounded man and so it is
off the very hands that helped him, their act would still continue to be an act of mer-
not only the Samaritan who passes by but someone else, traveling in the other direc-
cy, and an act of solidarity, solidarity. It is not the results that matter here but rather
tion, a Greek citizen (someone who is also a foreigner in the eyes of the Jews). They
man’s goodwill, or better said, the decision of a conscience awakened by the cry of
both stop and try to help the man in need. One gives him water, the other washes
the man in need. Tischner was right: “Solidarity is born out of goodwill and trig-
his wounds, and then they bring the man together to the nearest Emergency Unit
gers men to act with good will”, 42 “the deepest kind of solidarity is the solidarity of
and together in solidarity cover the expenses of his treatment. Then, they move on,
consciences”.43 Solidarity is the consciousness of community and at the same time
returning to their own paths. Whilst they had at this point led completely different
a truly existing community of men of goodwill—men, who know that they have
lives, with absolutely nothing in common, or may even never meet each other again, they hold from that moment the memory of that same experience which bound them to each other—the feeling of brotherhood and closeness confirmed and performed by the same mutual act [of kindness]. It is precisely this experience which Tischner
41 Ibid., 13–14. 42 Ibid., 7. 43 Ibid., 8.
52 Zbigniew Stawrowski
Solidarity, Mercy and Justice 53
a conscience and want to act according to their conscience. It is a community of peo-
It would thus be difficult to expect that an attitude of solidarity will be common in
ple, who are bound by the care they want to give to people who need help.
such circumstances.
All this, we could extract and identify by reflecting on a simple model of an ac-
Let us try to imagine yet another situation—even one that is similar to the par-
count described in the evangelical parable, it is, of course, the first step in analyzing
able of the Good Samaritan—a situation in which the institutional space is neutral,
more complicated relationships. Each one of us may find ourselves in different situ-
which means that it does not influence our behavior in any way, that is to say, as if it
ations, sometimes even simultaneously as one who is extending help and as a victim
did not exist at all. Everything would only depend on us alone, our openness and the
needing someone’s help. Those who help others in solidarity also need support and
sensitivity of our conscience. If we were internally closed, we would behave like the
help. So, it seems that the story of the Good Samaritan, even in a supplemented and
priest or the Levite of the parable. If we had the heart of the Good Samaritan, things
modified version, has exhausted its hermeneutical potential.
would change dramatically.
Perhaps, more complicated, complex relationships are better described by an-
Let us now present yet another scenario, altered dynamically, a transition from
other illustration: imagine a crew of men on a ship who are struggling with the ele-
the first case of complete repression to the second one, where institutional restric-
ments, some are faithfully rowing with their oars, others control the steering wheel,
tions disappear and suddenly helping others in solidarity does not entail any threats
another is at the head of the ship looking out for dry land, while still others try to
or dangers. Once such a space is opened, in which a sensible life which would depend
throw the water out of the sinking ship, all are exhausted and tired, wounded and
on working for the common good would no longer be dangerous, one would expect
working in solidarity fulfilling their task. They mutually care for each other against
that that space would suddenly be filled with a spontaneous explosion of human ac-
the external threat, and without that collaborative effort, their chances of survival
tivity and initiative. That is precisely what happened to Poland in 1980. The stark
would have dropped to the very minimum. That is perhaps the best example of the
contrast between the wastage and hopelessness of everyday existence during the
community of solidarity which appeared—which best illustrates what happened in
Communist regime and the sudden explosion of social commitment turned out to
Poland in 1980–1981. An image which until today serves as the ideal image and mod-
be enormous. All fear and mutual distrust suddenly disappeared and expressions
el of what solidarity means for the Polish nation.
of common human affection, kindness, and gratitude suddenly appeared. It looked
A Space of Mercy and Solidarity
suddenly poured down and, from that dry and cracked earth, blades of grass now
An important element still remains, an element which influences the readiness of
grew, and amidst them all an explosion of plants, everything begins to bloom. After
people to extend a helping hand to those in need, and as a consequence, the possibil-
martial law was imposed on 13 December 1981, that oppressive situation returned,
ity of existence of this community of solidarity. This is the wider context, in which
a restrictive space in which any sensible public activity was prohibited and severely
just as if, after many years of drought somewhere in Africa, abundant rain had
such initiatives begin or do not begin to exist, and that is the existence of a kind of
punished. Fortunately, that space was not tightly closed and though “moments of
space which is a cultural, political, and legal-institutional kind of space, which may
drought” followed and many plants died, initiatives of solidarity did not disappear.
either weaken or encourage the existence of a community of solidarity. Let us imagine a space which especially discourages any form of collaborative
On the contrary, they were moved to the ‘’, which hid them in the safe space of the Church.
work directed at helping others, an example of which would be communist regimes
The legal-institutional kind of space is certainly crucial in the commonality and
or any totalitarian forms of government. Or perhaps, let us imagine a much more
popularity of initiatives of mercy and solidarity. They bloom and flourish in favora-
unfavorable environment, a gulag or concentration camp—a kind of space in which
ble environments, however, in unfavorable environments such initiatives of solidar-
any sensible initiative for the common good, meant to help others, is prohibited and
ity only emerge where people are willing to take the risk of some form of martyr-
severely punished. Even in such conditions, one can also be merciful and work in sol-
dom. That is why it is worth having this consciousness, that any work on building
idarity, but it would require heroism, one should even count on suffering martyrdom.
favorable institutions, within which we can live our lives, is of primary challenge
54 Zbigniew Stawrowski
55
and obligation. Good politics, properly understood, for this is what we are speaking
force, which use is precisely proper of the essence of the State. “Solidarity”—wrote
of here, consists in creating the appropriate legal solutions, which can be understood
Tischner—“cannot be enforced on anyone externally, by the use of force. That same
as a kind of help, in an indirect way, to those who are in need. Hence, we are talking
virtue is enkindled on its own, as a spontaneous movement of the heart. Solidarity
of a kind of politics which can be, in a way, an act of mercy, directly experienced by
is engendered from good will and from people of good will. It is like the warm ray of
motivated politicians as a form of collaboration in solidarity. Politics implemented
sunshine: wherever it shines, it brings warmth, leaving a warmth which continues
in the spirit of prudent care for the common work has these dimensions—of mercy
to give warmth, on its own without any force.”45
and solidarity, which both exist in each other. Good politics is the creation of a kind
This is worth repeating, it is not the State but people—concrete, free, and re-
of space in which the “conscience of the Good Samaritan can act according to his
sponsible individuals—who may and should act in solidarity. It would be more than
conscience”, a kind of space in which the natural sensitivity and sense of self-sacri-
enough if the State at least tried not to interfere. If those in government under the
fice of people willing to help, does not lead to them to risk their own lives and become
name of solidarity engage in initiatives which are meant to take care of those in need
the next victims. It is that kind of politics that the words of the Polish poet, Cyprian
in a permanent, institutional way, that is supported by force using the framework of
Kamil Norwid referred to: “The entire mystery of human progress consists in this, in
the State, then it would risk making of solidarity its own caricature, that is a “social
making the incarnation of the good so real and the splendor of truth shine so strong,
state”. Support given institutionally and meant to address the needs of a concrete
that the greatest, that martyrdom, as the last and ultimate means of defense, may be-
group of people, who fulfill certain criteria, does not have much in common with
come completely unnecessary on this earth”.44
the attitude of respect for freedom and human dignity. Within such government
Solidarity and justice
er’, something which is ‘just’, something which he deserves and for which he can-
funded social help, that which should be a gift becomes, in the eyes of the ‘receiv-
Finally, it would be worth asking the following question: “what should such a space
not be grateful. Even those from whom the means for social help come cannot think
look like, a space which doesn’t hinder people from being, but rather encourages
of themselves as donors. They become donations which have been enforced by the
them to be, merciful and act in solidarity?” In other words, what should the institu-
State and carry something within themselves, a deep sentiment of something very
tional framework of the State be? Can the State be and should it be in solidarity? If so,
unjust. What is more, such an organized form of help creates permanent institutions,
in what sense?
establishes ill situations, making it something normal, instead of trying to make it
The answer to that question is simple. It is not the State that should live solidari-
sane. What is worse is that such a State, which tries to act in ‘solidarity’, neglects its
ty, but rather the initiatives undertaken within it. The institutional space of the State
most fundamental role; to be just. Not only does it burden its citizens in an unequal
must be first and foremost just. It should regulate human freedom, giving to each one
way by providing the means for social policies, but also, amongst those who benefit
according to his deeds, that which he rightfully deserves. If our freedom is regulated
from social help, there are those who were unwillingly thrown in need and those
within the State by just laws and principles, then the sphere of fundamental trust is
who refuse to live on their own, because they had chosen to lead such a lifestyle. In
further strengthened, trust which is necessary in undertaking common initiatives
a just State, the latter would receive that which they deserve, which means that they
of solidarity.
would have to bear all the consequences of their own choices.
A well-organized State must be just, but—contrary to common opinion—it does
We are willing to bear the burden that others have, only because we trust them.
not have to , it even cannot, act in solidarity. It cannot do so, because solidarity, as
That is because we know that they truly need help, and do not live as parasites and
something that is built on love, cannot be awakened nor implemented by means of
abuse our good will. It is difficult to act in solidarity with someone who obviously abuses our kindness by cheating us. It would be even more difficult when the entire
44 Cyprian Kamil Norwid, “Promethidion”, in Pisma wybrane, vol. ii, Poematy, (Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1968), 317.
45
Józef Tischner, Etyka solidarności, op.cit., 6–7.
56 Zbigniew Stawrowski
system of State institutions discriminates or even punishes those who act in solidar-
57
Dean Edward Mejos
ity and supports mere ‘hitchhikers’. Although, it is true that acts of solidarity can obviously exist in every situation, even in the most oppressive conditions and political systems. It is also true that the existence of just laws and institutions, which regulate the everyday life of free men, help create an atmosphere of trust in which disinterest-
The Person and Freedom in the Thoughts of Pope John Paul II / Karol Wojtyła
ed kindness—love, mercy and solidarity, may flourish without any obstacles.
Although he is more known as Saint John Paul ii or Pope John Paul the Great, Karol Wojtyła was also an established philosopher who wrote extensively on a variety of topics. As a philosopher, he made use of Phenomenology in his exposition of Thomistic principles. As a philosopher, he may be classified under the school of personalism, but his own brand can best be described as a Thomistic Personalism. The result of his project may be described as a Philosophical Anthropology which affirms the subjective and objective dimension of human existence. In his works as a philosopher and in his writings as a Pope, the theme which continues to present itself is his deep and profound love for the person. This love for the person probably grew out of his experiences of violence against the person as he was growing up. He witnessed the violence brought about by Nazism and Communism and, even in his papacy, he still saw how persons are often taken for granted. For Wojtyła, the person should be the center and concern of all philosophical reflection because the person possesses God-given dignity which puts him in a very special place in the world. For Wojtyła, the person cannot be compared to any object in this world because he exists as a personal subject. Although his thoughts as philosopher and pope may have been written decades ago, they are still very much relevant in the world today, especially with all the challenges being presented.
The Person In his works, Wojtyła often refers to man as a personal subject who exists and acts together with others. Although persons exist objectively like other objects, they cannot be reduced to objects. The person is always a ‘somebody’ and never merely a ‘something.’ As an object, man is ‘somebody’—and this sets him apart from every
58 Dean Edward Mejos
The Person and Freedom in the Thoughts of Pope John Paul II 59
other entity in the visible world. Implicit in this simple, elementary distinction is
alteri incommunicabilis—not capable of transmission. Each person belongs to him-
the great gulf which separates the world of persons from the world of things.46 The
self and not to any other. Each person is his own self too, and this self can neither
eminent position of the person in this world has often been linked to his being a ra-
be transmitted nor transferred to another. This does not mean that each person is
tional being. Rationality sets man apart because this allows him a kind of thinking
closed in his own world, but rather, the incommunicable or inalienable in a person is
and knowing which cannot be said of things or even other living beings in the world.
intrinsic to that person’s inner self, the power of self-determination, free will.52 This
This is not incorrect, but it does not really shed light on the fact that he is a personal
means that no one can will for another; the scope of a person’s will is limited only to
subject. What sets the person apart, what accounts for his being a subject, is his pos-
the self and not to any other. It does happen that someone may want something for
session of a specific inner self, an inner life. For Wojtyła, inner life means spiritual life.
another person, but this wanting of the other cannot replace the wanting of a person.
47
It revolves around truth and goodness. 48 He adds further that:
It may happen that both persons want the same thing, but this doesn’t mean that
“A person is an objective entity, which as a definite subject has the closest contacts
one necessarily loses his free will in wanting the same thing as another. In self-de-
with the whole (external) world and is most intimately involved with it precisely be-
termination, man not only determines his actions but he also determines himself
cause of its inwardness, its interior life. It must be added that it communicates thus
through his actions. The will has a reflexive character insofar as willed actions mod-
not only with the visible, but also with the invisible world, and most importantly,
ify or determine the one who wills. Thus, a person becomes the kind of actions that
with God.”49 What this means is that the person’s relationship with the world of objects is not limited to mere physical relations as is the case with other beings. As a person, he establishes contact with objects not only physically but through his inner self. The person has the capacity to receive, or internalize objects and make them part of his life. He experiences objects and he also experiences the meaning of these objects and this cannot be said of other beings. Another distinguishing feature of the person is the power of self-determination or free will. Although other living beings are also in activity, the kind and manner of activity which they perform cannot be compared to the activity of persons. When a person acts, he acts consciously and deliberately. Every moment of “I will” is an act of self-determination because it presupposes structural self-possession.50 He can only determine what is in his possession: the self. This self who is both possessor and possessed is also the one who determines and is determined. Because the person possesses free will, he is his own master, sui juris.51 The person is also said to be an
he becomes. Habits are formed by a person through repeated and reinforced activity. The one who performs the act is also acted upon because actions begin and end in him. In this sense, acting is always linked with becoming. Given this fact, it becomes even more important to consider the ethical dimension in a person’s actions. Wojtyła also argues that persons should not be used, because to use them would mean to treat them as a means to an end. Using a person is tantamount to denying their ability to determine themselves and live their own lives. Following Immanuel Kant, Wojtyła also agrees that persons are ends in themselves, and may not be treated as mere instruments. To use persons as a means to an end is to reduce them to things. Even when he became Pope, Wojtyła continued to argue against the wrong attitude towards persons. For him, persons possess a value or dignity which cannot be said of any other being in this world. Wojtyła says: A person differs from a thing in structure and in degree of perfection. To the structure of the person belongs an ‘interior’, in which we find the elements of spiritual life, and it is this that compels us to acknowledge the spiritual nature of the human soul, and the peculiar perfectibility of the human person. This determines the value of
46 47 48 49 50 51
Karol Wojtyła, Love and Responsibility (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1981), 21. Ibid., 22. Ibid., 22–23. Ibid., 23. Karol Wojtyła, The Acting Person (Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company, 1979), 69. Wojtyła, Love… op. cit., 24.
the person. A person must not be put on the same level as a thing (or for that matter as an individual animal): the person possesses spiritual perfectibility, and is by way of being an (embodied) spirit, not merely a ‘body’ magnificently endowed with life. 52 Ibid.
60 Dean Edward Mejos
Between the psyche of an animal and the spirituality of a man there is an enormous distance, an uncrossable gulf.53 For Wojtyła, the only attitude proper to persons is love. He describes love as an affirmation of the value of the person. It is through love that the incomparable worth of a person is respected, recognized and even promoted. He adds further that love in the full sense of the word is a virtue54 because it makes use of the powers of the will at its disposal. To affirm the value of a person is something deliberately chosen and therefore implies a commitment to the good of the other person. In Evangelium Vitae, Pope John Paul ii states that: (life on earth…) remains a sacred reality entrusted to us, to be preserved with a sense of responsibility and brought to perfection in love and in the gift of ourselves to God and to our brothers and sisters.55 It must be said that although the dignity of persons is a God-given gift, it still needs the participation of each person to protect, preserve, affirm, and promote it. It is each person’s responsibility to act in such a way that their own dignity and the dignity of others is always recognized.
Freedom The person is a self-determined being because he belongs to himself and is his own master. It is also because of this that it can be said that a person is free. In a homily, Pope John Paul ii said that freedom consists not in doing what we want, but in having the right to do what we ought.56 Pope John Paul ii offers an important reminder that the use of freedom has consequences. To be free means to be moved from within oneself, not from the outside. He also states that: If I am free, I can make good or bad use of my freedom. If I use it well, I in my turn become more ‘good’ as a result, and the good I have accomplished has a positive influence on those around me. If on the other hand, I use it wrongly, evil will take root and begin to spread both in me and around me… 53 Ibid., 121. 54 Ibid., 123. 55 Pope John Paul ii, Evangelium Vitae (Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Wrocławskiej Księgarni Archidjecezjalnej, 1995), pp. 2. 56 Pope John Paul ii, Homily delivered in Oriole Park at Camden Yards, Baltimore 8 October 1995. https://w2.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/homilies/1995/documents/hf_jpii_hom_19951008_baltimore.html
The Person and Freedom in the Thoughts of Pope John Paul II 61
The danger of the situation in which we live today consists in the fact that we claim to prescind from the ethical dimension in our use of freedom–that is, from consideration of moral good and evil. A certain concept of freedom, which has widespread support in public opinion at present, diverts attention from ethical responsibilities. Appeal is made today to freedom alone. It is often said: what matters is to be free, released from all constraint or limitation, so as to operate according to private judgment, which in reality is often pure caprice. This much is clear: such liberalism can only be described as primitive. Its influence, however, is potentially devastating.57 It is clear that, although persons are free to determine themselves, there is an ethical dimension in one’s use of freedom which is certainly more important that the common understanding that freedom is (only) in doing what one wants out of it. In fact, he warns that the prevailing and popular view of freedom (liberalism), is nothing more than living according to one’s whims or impulses. This way of life is certainly against what it means to live life in accordance with reason. He also adds that freedom exists for the sake of love58 and he adds that if freedom is not used for love, then it may turn into something negative. In the thoughts of Wojtyła, freedom must be exercised with responsibility or else it may turn into something destructive for the self and others. Freedom is not free for its own sake, but freedom exists for the sake of the self and others. Freedom is and should always be grounded in ethical principles for without it, freedom loses its purpose and direction. Freedom will not be able to reach its fullness unless it is guided by sound ethical principles. Freedom must always be linked with the truth, because truth is that which gives freedom its light. Freedom is not a finished product, but a necessary property for the growth of a person. In this view, the freedom of the person to pursue what is good must be respected and protected not only by others but also by the different institutions in society. It must also be noted that freedom can never be an absolute for it must always be in the service of what is true and what is good. Although the world is no longer facing the threats of Nazism and Communism, there are still other threats to the freedom of the person. Relativism, Liberalism, Secularism, Determinism and other emerging ideologies threaten the person and his
57 Pope John Paul ii, Towards a Just Use of Freedom in Freedom and Identity: Conversations at the Dawn of a Millennium (New York: Rizzoli, 2005), pp. 37–38. 58 Wojtyła, Love… op. cit., 135.
62 Dean Edward Mejos
freedom. Although it may seem that there is more freedom today, the kind of free-
63
Gerard Kilroy
dom being promoted ends up enslaving persons more than liberating them.
Conclusion
Solidarity and the Dignity of the Human Person
It can be said that Pope John Paul ii and even when he was Cardinal Wojtyła was a champion of the person and freedom. He played a pivotal role in the fight against communism in his native Poland and the same thoughts on freedom and solidarity have inspired movements in other countries as well. For him, every person has the fundamental right to determine himself. Every person has the right to live his own life and this must not only be recognized and respected but also protected and promoted by others and social institutions. The battle against oppressive regimes and ideologies is only the beginning of the realization of freedom because freedom must be understood not only as ‘freedom from’ but also ‘freedom for.’ In the end, he argues that freedom exists for the sake of love—in order for a person to pursue what is good for himself as well as others. Although Pope John Paul ii spoke about the culture of death in the context of abortion and euthanasia, the other side of that culture is found in the way persons treat one another—not as persons but as mere objects. The dignity of the person must be upheld at all costs, and this must be taken as a task of all persons, not just those in power.
“Be not afraid!” These three, oft-repeated, words set the tone for the pontificate of Karol Wojtyła, the former archbishop of Krakow, who, as Pope John Paul ii, returned to his native land in June 1979, and in his sermon on the Błonie, argued that man’s dignity was central to human history: “A human person is a free and reasonable being. He or she is a knowing and responsible subject. He or she can and must, with the power of personal thought, come to know the truth.” This sermon transformed the political, cultural, and religious landscape of Poland, and ultimately of the whole of central Europe. “Every one of the million people on the Błonie felt that a stream of greatness flowed through him, even though he himself wasn’t great. The Pope built a community out of lost free particles.” Of course, the collapse of the Soviet communist system did not happen overnight, nor was it just the product of Pope John Paul ii; there followed ten years of struggle, beating, suffering, and political assassinations, including the shocking murder of Fr Jerzy Popiełuszko. But, by December 1989, the network of lies and brutality by which Poland had been governed since 23 August 1939, when the “two accomplices” (as Czesław Miłosz calls them) ruthlessly carved up Poland between them, with terrible consequences, had finally expired. The country had been subjected to so many horrors by so many different enemies, and oppressed over such a long period, that apathy and exhaustion were everywhere evident. What enabled the alliance of poets, priests, and Solidarity to keep going during this final decade was the spiritual power and clarity of the message John Paul ii had given them. Fr Popiełuszko expressed this in his last sermon: “Today, one has to talk a great deal about human dignity to understand that a person is beyond anything that might exist in the world, with the exception of God, who surpasses the wisdom of the whole world...To fight evil with good is to remain faithful to the truth”.
64 Gerard Kilroy
Solidarity and the Dignity of the Human Person 65
Only a regime consumed from within by the maggots of its own lies could think
professed Catholics, the Philippines is in the fortunate position of having a cultural
that it could defeat a message of this quality by beating to death the man who spoke
entity around which to unite. In addition, the bishops have already learnt how effec-
such simple words from the pulpit and dumping his body in the Vistula.
tive they can be in opposition to a dictator under the disgraced President Ferdinand
The cost was high, nonetheless. In the six years after August 1939, six million
Marcos. Just as the Polish people were strengthened by three papal visits from Pope
Poles were killed (of whom 2.7 million were Polish Jews), the whole country had been
John Paul ii, so the Philippines has had two galvanising papal visits, the last with
dislocated in an endless series of random massacres and baffling deportations by
crowds that broke all records for attendance at a papal Mass.
both German and Russian forces. The political and military elite was systematical-
The text for the Philippines, as for all countries under oppressive regimes, must
ly and deliberately reduced: one-third of priests and doctors had been killed, half
be the eleventh chapter of the Letter to the Hebrews, with its focus on faith and hope:
of all lawyers, and half a million of the intellectual elite (writers, and artists) had
“Faith is the substance of things to be hoped for […] All these died having received the
fled abroad. Further deportations followed under Stalin, and the murder of 20,000
promises but beholding them afar off.” But this is not to be construed as a promise
officers and members of the intelligentsia at Katyń was not acknowledged till fifty
for a life beyond death, an exhortation to the poor, the suffering, the unjustly im-
years after the event. The war did not end for Poland till September 1989.
prisoned, the families of those beaten and tortured and “disappeared” to suffer in
I remember vividly bringing a lorry into the Market Square in Kraków in Decem-
silence while they hope for a better life after death. Rather, it is a reminder that all
ber 1989. The city was dirty, the air was filthy with smog, the lights on the cars barely
Christians, but especially those shepherds entrusted with the easily deceived sheep,
visible; sinister patrols of solitary police cars cruised the square. We soon realised
have a duty to speak out. The ancient maxim of the law is “Qui tacet, consentit” (si-
why we had been asked to fill the lorry with soap, baby-milk, medicines, oranges, and
lence betokens consent). We must not be silent while governments arrest without tri-
clothes: the shelves in the shops were empty, the strange fruit of a system so bank-
al, while the secret police torture people for names of others; we must speak out, bear
rupt of ideas that it could not even make sure the people had the basic necessities. In
witness. If Christ is the Word, St John the Baptist is the Voice, says St Augustine; the
2016, all the houses on the Main Square have been cleaned, the air is cleaner and the
Word cannot be heard unless we utter it. The message from the experience of Poland
shelves in the shops are full, Krakow is a vibrant city. The quiet revolution of 1989
is that speaking out against the lies that governments tell, speaking the truth, does,
took many years to make its impact, but there has been no anarchy and no civil war.
in the end, make a difference.
At a time when we have watched one revolution after another disintegrate into vio-
It is also dangerous, as many recent martyrs have confirmed. Archbishop Oscar
lence and chaos – in Egypt, Syria, and Libya for example – it seems worth examining
Romero knew the danger, but stayed the course; he even saw the assassin enter the
what it was about the Polish revolution that has made it so lasting and so successful.
church, and had enough time to run away, but he stayed at the altar, sweating in fear,
Of course, one has to admit one important difference: the Polish resistance over-
before he was shot. Let us hope that in the Philippines, the people can achieve as
threw a failed socialist system, while Egyptians, Syrians, Libyans were all dealing
peaceful a transition as they achieved with Marcos, when, on 22 February 1986, they
with corrupt regimes run by ruthless dictators. A similar situation today confronts
responded to the appeal of Cardinal Sin to gather between the two military camps
the people of the Philippines. Nevertheless, the response of the “authorities”, com-
and pray: unarmed priests and people stood and prayed, and after three days, the
munist or dictatorial, was remarkably similar: assassination, imprisonment without
dictator left.59 No more vivid an example could be found of the power of truth and jus-
trial, a huge increase in the numbers of secret police, beatings and violent confronta-
tice. What is the use of six million people attending a papal Mass if they do not speak
tions with peaceful protestors. Clearly, lessons can be learnt.
out against injustice? As Pope Francis said, “Christ’s presence among us is not only
The Polish resistance by the church, the workers, and the students, and their victory must surely lie in the need of a coherent philosophy of non-violent opposition. Here the strength of the Catholic church in the Philippines offers a situation analogous to that of the Catholic church in Poland. With rough estimates of 84 million
59 See Franciszek Czech, “Solidarity as People Power: Similarities and Differences between the Democratic Revolutions in Poland and the Philippines”, on pp. 15–36 in this volume. This sentence relies heavily on his excellent account.
66 Gerard Kilroy
a consolation, but also a promise and a summons.” The summons is to bear witness,
Solidarity and the Dignity of the Human Person 67
This is obviously very sympathetic to a universal, catholic, church, whose flock suf-
to cry out against injustice and to decry violence of all kinds. In such a struggle, the
fers abuse, imprisonment, torture, and inhuman and degrading treatment in many
law can now be invoked since the development of human rights law has made very
parts of the world at the same time; to a church whose view of humanity draws heav-
great advances, and is built around a principle dear to John Paul ii: the dignity of the
ily on the Judaic tradition that treats each individual human being as of supreme
human person.
value; to a church that has developed over centuries a detailed sense of what justice
In a world of global injustice, where international corporations inflict suffering
every human being has a right to expect. The church needs now to develop a closer
on people in many separate jurisdictions, where the wars fought by the major powers
relationship to the law, and lawyers need to examine the wealth of thought that has
in parts of the world physically distant from their judicial borders and mentally dis-
enriched theological thinking on justice and the human person. The priest and the
tant from the national consciousness, human rights lawyers and jurists are thinking
lawyer could find that they have been pursuing remarkably parallel paths for a long
hard about what principles lie beneath and beyond the jurisdictions of individual
time. Sir John Fortescue, one of the pillars of English law, whose works were first
states. Few would argue that the systems set up after the Second World War to deal
printed in the Elizabethan period, argued in 1460 that a system where the judge pre-
with war crimes in Europe have been able to deal effectively with the shocking prolif-
sides over the torture of an innocent is “the highe way to the devill”, since “the wound
eration of crimes against humanity in areas like Bosnia, Rwanda, Iraq, Afghanistan,
in the mind of the judge will never be healed agayne specially while he remembreth
and Syria. Several major world powers have even refused to sign up to the Interna-
the extremitie of the paine susteyned by the poore wretche in those miserable tor-
tional Court of Justice, and many have sought exemptions for their troops fighting
ments”.61 The human dignity of those inflicting degrading treatment is a legitimate
abroad. Lawyers are now looking for something that transcends national interests,
criterion, and has been invoked in several recent judgements, as when the South Af-
that establishes principles on which all can agree; in doing so, they are moving to-
rican Constitutional Court ruled that whipping degrades all involved, or when Lord
wards something much cherished within the Catholic church: a law which can be
Justice Lloyd Jones added that, while it was difficult to tell what impact the use of
deduced from the nature of human beings.
degrading techniques had on Afghan detainees, they involved “a considerable loss
This very theoretical approach might seem likely to be more congenial to Roman
of dignity on the part of the interrogators”.62
lawyers than to the Anglo-Saxon reliance on a common law developing on prece-
In short, if jurists are moving towards treating humanity as the ultimate unit of
dent, but English lawyers are trying to go back to the principles beyond the European
all law, the church can take down its dusty books from the shelves and re-examine its
Convention on Human Rights. In a recent article, Danny Friedman calls for a new
own treatment of human dignity, strip away any accretions from particular cultural
approach that puts the emphasis on the human person:
contexts, and look to the law – judges, lawyers, and the courts – to support its insist-
It distinguishes the discipline of history from the memorialisation of the past.
ence on inalienable human rights, which are independent of any national jurisdic-
It prefers humanity as sovereign over state. It commits more steadfastly to the
tion. Current absolutes (such as the prohibitions on torture, inhuman and degrading
concrete realisation of human dignity, knowing that we all bear the choice of many
treatment, forced labour, and arbitrary detention) have no geographical boundaries,
identities, not just one. The result might be a greater generational openness to irrevocable progress beyond positive law and beyond the nation state in matters of justice and equality within each and every state.60
60 Danny Friedman, qc, Barrister, Matrix Chambers, ‘A Common Law Of Human Rights: History, Humanity & Dignity’, [2016] 4 European Human Rights Law Review, pp. 378–397. The following section relies heavily on Friedman’s account.
61
Sir John Fortescue, A Learned Commendation of the Politique Laws of Englande, trans. Robert Mulcaster (London: Tottell, 1567), fols. 49r–50v. 62 [2014] ewca Civ 1087 para. 75(1). There is an analogy here with the finding of the South African Constitutional Court that whipping degrades both the person receiving the whipping and the person administering it: S v Williams 1995 (3) sa 632 (cc) para. 89 (“There is no dignity in the act itself; the recipient might struggle against himself to maintain a semblance of dignified suffering or even unconcern; there is no dignity even in the person delivering the punishment. It is a practice which debases everyone involved in it”).
68 Gerard Kilroy
Solidarity and the Dignity of the Human Person 69
and the common law is expected to follow customary international law. Sir William
brutally murdered by its agents and that this was a crime. The significance of this rec-
Blackstone found it proper to invoke “the law of nations” to inform the common law,
ognition of the rule of law cannot be overestimated. Martial law had officially ended,
“without which it must cease to be part of the civilised world”.63 The modern version of the idea that the humanity of every individual human being, of whatever nation, is an absolute value, was best expressed by Sir Hersch Lauterpacht in his General Theory of International law: The principle that the rights and duties of States are but the rights and duties
but the trial signified a submission by the state to justice, even if was accompanied by a massive expansion in the security services. It could be seen as the beginning of the end of the hegemony of a state based solely on intimidation and spying. In the unarmed struggle against injustice, whether in Poland or the Philippines, we certainly need God’s help, but the human resource at our disposal is the law, and
of man is of importance in that it lends emphasis to the idea…that the individual
the church should do all it can to protect its vulnerable flock. Sir Thomas More makes
human being is the ultimate unit and end of all law, national and international, and
an eloquent defence of the law when he admonishes his son-in-law, William Roper,
that the effective recognition of the dignity and worth of the human person and the
in Robert Bolt’s A Man for All Seasons (1961):
development of human personality is the final object of law.64 Confronted with assaults on the dignity of the human person and a denial of the inalienable human right of justice under the law, the people of the Philippines should be able to turn to the church for support. The church, drawing on centuries of developing theology of the human person as made in the image of God, can lend its full support to lawyers fighting for human rights and to judges demanding the rule of law. The law, like the church and all human institutions, suffers from the frailties and limitations of its members, but when the winds born of the storm of dictatorships blow, it is our best defence. In the long struggle in Poland in the 1980s, so eloquently described by Franciszech Czech, the decision to put on trial the officers of the security services who murdered Fr Popiełuszko should not be read simply as inadequate. Of course, there were more senior figures responsible, who will probably never be brought to justice, but the government was forced to recognize that an innocent priest had been
This country’s planted thick with laws from coast to coast—man’s laws, not God’s— and if you cut them down—and you’re just the man to do it—d’you really think you could stand upright in the winds that would blow then?” A combination of people, priests, bishops, lawyers, and judges, has brought down tyrannies before and will do so again. “A Christian must be a true witness, an advocate and defender of justice, goodness, truth, freedom, and love. They must speak up boldly on behalf of those values for themselves and for others.” These were the words of Fr Popiełuszko, his last words, his Reflections on the Rosary, on 19 October 1984; he gave his life in support of this belief, but five years later, the powerful regime that pursued him with such brutal and senseless violence, collapsed in a cloud of dust, a heap of nothingness. Truth, kindness, and courage all came together, as Gloucester realised in King Lear: If I die for it, as no less is threatened me, the King my old master must be relieved (Act iii. sc. 3).
63 Sir William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, vol. 4, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1775–1779), 66–67. 64 International Law: Collected Papers of Hersch Lauterpacht, published posthumously and edited by Elihu Lauterpacht, Vol. I General Works (Cambridge 1970) p. 149. In his paper to the Grotius Society delivered in 1942, Lauterpacht formulated the principle that underpinned his then embryonic work on human rights (see below), “the individual human being—his welfare and the freedom of his personality in its manifold manifestations—is the ultimate unit of all law” (quoted ibid, p. 252). Of course, the idea is fully expressed in ‘Article 2 of the Treaty of European Union’ which makes human dignity the eu’s foremost ‘foundational value’, followed by freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law, and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. Part 1 of the European Charter of Fundamental Rights is headed ‘Dignity’ and its first Article enshrines human dignity as “inviolable” and creates positive obligations to respect and protect it’.
It is a categorical imperative for all who are human, but especially for all those who share the grace of knowing they belong to the universal human family which is the body of Christ, all uniquely important individuals, honoured, loved, and protected by Our Saviour, and who share the hope that we will all meet, Christian and Muslim, torturers and tortured, friends and fanatics, as Christian de Chergé wrote before his martyrdom at Tibhirine, as ‘larrons heureux’ (happy thieves), all needing forgiveness, in paradise.65 65 Christian de Chergé, Testament, Tibhirine, 1 December 1993–1 January 1994. He died on 21 May 1996, aged 59.
Epilogue
73
Tadeusz Sławek
The Shoes of Pope Francis66 “Shame, more than anger, has helped men more”. Taken from the Tragedy of Temenos
1 The ancient myth tells the story of Europa, the daughter of the Phoenician King, Agenor, seduced by the god Zeus who came to her disguised as a white bull. We all know this story, but it is worth recalling it as it is about us. As with every myth, it does not refer to only one period in time, it is not about them, but it is precisely about us. It does not concern an undefined when, but is happening here and now. It is not simply a love story of a mortal man and an immortal god (although it would be worth keeping that in mind, for such a relationship is at the heart of the religious experience, the love between god and man lies at the very core of our “European” history. Our mother and patron, Europa allowed herself to be “seduced”, nothing can better express the spirit of religion). But the story of Europa is also about leaving one’s homeland, the escape across the seas, and so in a certain sense, it is about emigration. This was best described by Ovid when he wrote in his Metamorphoses the end of the adventure of the royal princess: “Then he goes further out and carries his prize over the mid-surface of the sea. She is terrified and looks back at the abandoned shore she has been stolen from and her right hand grips a horn, the other his back, her clothes fluttering, winding, behind her in the breeze”. She who gave our continent and our spiritual formation and political administration its name, felt the bitter taste of separation from her homeland. Europa leaves her beloved shores, overcomes the dangerous waters into the unknown, even the god could not ease the anxiety of the one, who trembles as she looks back whilst she “abandons the shore she had been stolen from”. This is not 66 This article was originally published on 24 July 2016 at the Tygodnik Powszechny, no. 31/2016, pp. 26–29.
74 Tadeusz Sławek
an indifferent image, even today, it is a scene known only too well by the natives of Lampedusa and the Greek islands of Lesvos, Chios and Samos on the Aegean Sea.
2
The Shoes of Pope Francis 75
conceited conviction of that, who is one and the best of the possible types of political powers), the reckless foreign policy of Europe which only immortalized the extreme destabilization of Libya (and what an attractive electoral campaign in one’s own country, that we had overthrown the satrap in another), and the many years of indif-
But there is another side to this story. As it turns out, the closer to modernity, the
ference to the growing crisis in Syria, and finally the dispassionate surveillance of
closer is the fascination of mercantile curiosity. The subject of the story is love and
the drama of the tiny Island of Lampedusa as it struggles to accommodate the grow-
the story of hope for happiness. As early as 1675, the excellent painter Claude Lorraine
ing number of emigrants. And to all this is added the difficult crisis of the most mini-
captured the other side of the coin of this story. In his painting, the white bull seduc-
mal sense of justice in the distribution of goods, yet all this is only insufficient survey
es Europa, who does not resist, does not weep, but looks towards the horizon, in the
of the dramatic events of the last years, which have shaken the foundations of our
narrow bay, where mercantile galleons loaded with riches and treasures rock on the
common existence. And with each passing day, the next burden of problems come.
turbulent waters. Europa does not only allow herself to be seduced by the god, but also by her lust for riches, by what the Ancient Greeks called pleonexia, which was nothing
4
but the intemperate greed and ambition for amassing goods. In our contemporary
The growing complications which are shaking the manner in which our lives are or-
world, this is transformed into the concept which Werber Brecker called “the plural-
ganized have provoked many changes in our approach to this world. Firstly, it is with-
ity of competition” which consists in competing with others, so as to prove oneself at
out doubt that as the recent events in Nice have proven, the world has reached a certain
all costs, which bears fruit in the form of material prosperity. This was opposed to the
level of democracy, a levelling of the quality of life has been achieved. The level of fear
concept of “pluralism of specificity”, the essence of which is the participation in the
and threat in the capital cities of Europe does not differ much from the feeling of threat
life of others as a potential source of perfection of one’s own life. It is the community
in Baghdad or Cairo. We are living then in a democracy of fear, something which for
of those who want, as Becker writes, to know more, by living more. Whilst the whole
Western cultures is an experience which is both painful (the depth of this pain, politi-
conflict of loyalties between these two was already acknowledged by Jean-Jacques
cians know only too well as they also rush to assure its citizens that they will not allow
Rousseau, who proved that in the modern society of experts and specialists, who care
that our cultural habits should change, although the resources which these politicians
for their own fields of interest, there is no room for the care of the citizen, whose vo-
dispose of in ensuring safety are rather modest) yet also instructive. We are experienc-
cation is to care for the common good. It becomes clear from this, that Europe is not
ing the most painful lesson of colonialism—something which has until now seemed
to be led by leaders, generals, and specialists. Rather it is the Europe of citizens who
so far and distant, possible only “there” in the “heart of darkness” of that non-Euro-
can save the spirit of Europe by introducing changes into the current state of affairs.
3
pean world—which has become part of our everyday lives. We could say that we have colonized our own selves: the River of Congo has become the River Seine, Brussels the dark interiors of an incapacitated political system, which has created a class of polit-
Then, the World Trade Center collapses into heaps of dust. We did not suspect then
ical bureaucrats who play the role of Kurtz chasing an army of even more incapable
that this moment would become the single event, absurd in its threatening act,
discontents to work. The problems, however, consist in this, that contrary to Conrad’s
that would be written into the annals of tragic accidents. That it would become the
novel, they do not wish to humbly relinquish their posts so as to quietly rest in peace.
wound that would not heal with the coming of time. Ultimately, that story made us accustomed to rape and violence. And it would only become worse. The entirely mis-
5
taken reaction of President George Bush, supported by the declaration of war against
Secondly, when populist rightists such as Britain’s Nigel Farage or Poland’s Jarosław
terrorism (that is against exactly whom?), the incapacitated and unsuccessful in-
Kaczyński deprecate the European Union they seem to be reasonable in their postu-
troduction of democracy into Iraq (which only serves as proof of the dangerous and
lates, however, their very postulates precisely turn against their very same intentions.
76 Tadeusz Sławek
Brussels has not disappointed us because it is too “European”, but because it has be-
The Shoes of Pope Francis 77
no attitude of dogmatism, nor no stubborn loyalty to orthodox lectures will help us
come European in a highly “unsatisfactory” way. Europe in the version of Eurocrats
in any way. What is needed is a creative imagination expressed not in a declaration
was supposed to be implemented at the level of laws regulating in an only too specific
of faith, or official statement pronounced in the “majesty” of doctrine, but a simple
degree different aspects of our lives, but the law—as usually is the case with law—
conversation, gesture or even a particular movement of the body. For this reason, the
soon forgot to understand what is life itself, to which the law should be subordinated.
Holy Father speaks—in that very same speech—of dialogue, creation, and common
In this sense, Conrad was wrong in calling Brussels the “whitewashed grave”. Life
building. At more or less the same time, the Polish journalist Rafał Ziemkiewicz deli-
was led to the questioning of before-life, ignoring the temporality of its existence, its
cately called the Holy Father an “idiot” whilst another journalist, Paweł Lisicki, spoke
unrepeatable character, difficulties and sufferings to which life is subjected. As a re-
of the massive (!) emigration of Muslim refugees to Catholic parishes which will only
sult, the shape of cucumbers was monitored, bureaucratic efficiency was expanded
weaken the Christian faith, calling on the ethics of res publica christiana which should
whilst allowing the social problems as they multiplied. When the city government
first and foremost protect the good of Catholic families. This is certainly a very pecu-
of Lampedusa lacked the space to bury the refugees who died at sea, countless con-
liar kind of understanding of Christianity which can—to use the words of St Paul—
sultations were organized on human rights. Europe has lost its “European spirit”, her
only be fulfilled when there is “no more Jew or Gentile, no more slave and freeman,
men lacked the imagination to understand that not everything could be reduced to
no more male and female; you are all one person in Jesus Christ” (Gal., 3.11). A few
the question of rights and money. Imagination was not there to remind them that
months earlier, the Polish Minister Jarosław Gowin likewise exhorted to helping pri-
there are values worth fighting for, which are not subject to the rules of economic
marily Christians. These are but three examples of the attitude which reconciles that
and political speculation. Europe lacked a serious metaphysics of life which should
same sense of “European spirit”. Europe, in order to maintain its spiritual character,
have led to the everyday concern for those in need, not only for those who have come
cannot be a Europe of walls, where comers are asked of their religion. If in principle,
from afar, but also for those who have populated the suburbs and poor neighbor-
as Lisicki argues, Christianity is indeed weakening, it is not because of either Islam or
hoods. Hanna Arendt expressed this very vividly: “There is no other testimony of
the refugees, but because of the arrogance of Christians themselves and their hierar-
the loss of public space in the modern world than the almost complete loss of the
chies, who have long disposed of any effort of deepening their faith as a challenge and
authentic care for immortality, which has been clouded by an equally growing loss
a significant question, contenting themselves with the numbing conviction that they
of interest for metaphysical eternity”. He who does not undertake the challenge of
are the only holders of the truth. If we wish to revive and strengthen Christianity, let
safeguarding immortality in the name of a decent life, leaves the field clear for those
us give it the chance to dialogue with that which is different, foreign, and that which
who would willingly do this in the name of death.
essentially raises questions about our very own selves.
6
7
I think that this is precisely what Pope Francis spoke of in his speech at the Apos-
So what is the “European spirit”, understood as a certain form of spirituality, which
tolic Palace when he asked: “What has become of you, humanist Europa, defender of
we often accuse European Union bureaucratic structures of lacking? As we have said,
human rights, democracy, and freedom? What has become of you Europa, mother of
Europe must take the challenge of approaching human life as something limited,
poets, philosophers, artists, musicians, and writers? What has become of you Europa,
particular, and exceptional on the horizon, not as something strictly legal, but also
mother of peoples and nations, who had been capable of defending and sacrificing her
as something philosophical. For philosophy, contrary to law, is essentially open and
life for the dignity of her brothers?” It is not without reason that he speaks of poets,
offensive: it does not prohibit, nor punish but encourages to act for the sake of oneself
philosophers, artists, for it is they—contrary to politicians, but also unfortunately
and the others. It is a lesson in responsibility, and not a responsibility of avoidance,
likewise people of the Church—who belong to the elements of creation, who know no
it is not demonstrated in that defensive gesture of someone on guard, which is the
limits. This is the third lesson which springs from the current state of world affairs:
responsibility for oneself and one’s own. He who seriously wants to think of Europe,
78 Tadeusz Sławek
should take responsibility for the other. During the Holy Mass on Palm Sunday, Pope Francis made lack of responsibility the subject of his sermon: “Even as every form of justice is denied to him, Jesus also experiences in his own flesh indifference, since no one wishes to take responsibility for his fate. And I think of the many people, so many outcasts, so many asylum seekers, so many refugees, all of those for whose fate no one wishes to take responsibility”. Europe therefore lacks the fortitude, for to even speak of spirituality one has to have fortitude; there is nothing which the spirit cannot tolerate but fear. Should we not often think about the most popular Christian invocation, “Be not afraid!” This appeal for fortitude is irreconcilable with the cowardice of those who fear for “their own”, building a world of strong divisions between what is “ours” (that is, what is good) with what is “theirs” (that is, what is evil). Can the Polish Prime Minister utter the words, “Be not afraid!” with a clean conscience after she declared that those seven thousand emigrants (of which the majority would certainly not even settle in Poland) are a deadly threat? Perhaps she would like to call on the scriptural wisdom of Polish politician and chairman of the Law and Justice Party, Jarosław Kaczyński? If so, how would she reconcile that with the thesis that refugees are carriers of diseases and infections? We are living in times of cowardly politicians and they cannot be the ones who can revive the “European spirit”.
8 Now we should examine the original idea of the existence of Europe as envisioned by its founding fathers. They will provide us with very important lessons. Firstly, it will be a warning against the excessive trust in the national state; which is not the hope but a threat to the future. In 1951, when the ashes of the wars were still burning, Denis de Rougemont wrote in his famous letter, A Letter to Europeans, that amongst all the forms of political states, national states were characterized as having the least
The Shoes of Pope Francis 79
9 Denis de Rougemont also perceives Europe as the one which has had the capacity to detach itself from her projects and plans. Europe has remained faithful to herself so long as she did not allow herself to be seduced by populist demagogues. Whenever she has lost her head, and ceased to critically examine her own realistic situation, losing the capacity to differentiate between what is a possibility and an empty promise—sooner or later, it has ended in a bloody bath. Europe was not only built by great statesmen such as Winston Churchill and Konrad Adenauer, great philosophers like Baruch Spinoza and Stanisław Brzozowski, but also by great writers of comedy such as François Rabelais, Miguel de Cervantes, and Alfred Jarry. The meaning of life is revealed to him, who is able to maintain a redemptive detachment to oneself and his opinions, which may turn out to be dangerous delusions. It is not without reason that de Rougemont sees in humor one of the pillars of the “European spirit”, for a man who is deprived of a sense of humor is also deprived of the meaning of life. Let us remind ourselves that humor is first and foremost the capacity to laugh at oneself. In order to know how to laugh at oneself, one should firstly be conscious of oneself as person, muster the energy to detach one’s self from one’s constructed image of oneself. When we look at the gloomy long faces of those in government, the question arises whether de Rougemont was not right in thinking that these men do not speak in their own name, but only duplicate the ideological slogans which have been centrally fabricated by their political parties. (Did the Minister of Education really not know what had happened in the Jedwabne massacre67, or perhaps the Central Office of the Law and Justice Party in Żoliborz did not inform her of that?) They fear humor as if it were fire: burning quickly leaving empty the scaffoldings where the banners formerly hung.
capacity for social co-existence. He would call on the ideal of the national state, “as one that prevents the relationships of states, which brings with it the risk that people will regard it not as an agent of fertile plurality, but as that of anachronistic divisions”. This Letter by de Rougemont should be read today, in times of growing nationalism, as a required reading in all schools. As an antidote to the deadly venom of the ideologies of party politics and their historical policies. I doubt, however, that that it will ever be included in the list of readings. It will be a warning to those who could put it there: “they who assume, that they owe everything to the Nation-State, rarely become the reason for its glory”.
67 The Jedwabne massacre was the killing of 340 Polish Jews in a barn in the town of Jedwabne which took place on 10 July 1941 during the Nazi occupation of Poland. According to the Institute of National Remembrance, 23 Polish males were summoned by the German paramilitary group Ordnungpolizei to lock up the Jews in a barn which was later set on fire. See Radosław Ignatiew, “Findings of Investigations S/1/00/Zn into the murder of Polish citizens of Jewish origin in the town of Jedwabne on 10 July 1941 pursuant to Article 1 Point 1 of the Decree of 31 August 1944” [in] Antony Polonsky & Joanna Michlic (eds.), The Neighbours Respond: The Controversy over the Jedwabne Massacre in Poland, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 133–136. Editor’s note.
80 Tadeusz Sławek
10 I only draw these two lessons from this very important text by de Rougemont as it fits perfectly into the logic of Pope Francis’ words and gestures. Firstly, the invocation of poets, philosophers, and artists and the revival of the European spirit clearly points to the fact that Europe does not gain anything in the idea of the national state. It is necessary to continue searching for a form of spiritual life and for social practices drawn from this life. If we were to trust the nation-state with the second of these, it would soon lead to the conviction that it is the national society, living within determined borders, that could only easily credit itself with perfection in the materiality of spiritual life. This will soon only lead to a conflict with those who opine that their form of living is the only real and true one. As a result, the painful consequences of this have, in Polish culture, been so well analyzed by Polish philosopher Stanisław Brzozowski, and come in the form of a spiritual lethargy (since we have what we need and have pronounced it to the world urbi et orbi at the Shrine of Jasna Góra) and thus crown it with the conviction, that others should solidarize with us, whilst we are exempt from the duty of offering solidarity to others.
11 Secondly, since we need people-citizens who can work in the sphere between and beyond borders, it would seem unlikely to expect that kind of attitude from politicians entangled in the growing complications, in the interests of the ideologies of their political parties, swarming higher up and more arrogantly against the common co-existence beyond the borders of nineteenth century logic of national state borders. The unprecedented yet simple gestures of Pope Francis, often strongly criticized by the fundamentally-minded Catholic journalists, I read as a challenge addressed not to that or other particular Church or Bishop, but addressed to each one of us, to every ordinary Christian entangled in the complicated fate of this world, and often in the drama of one’s own life. That challenge I would formulate as follows: Dear ordinary Christian, you too are the Church. The Church is the hierarchy of Bishops and the Vatican, but first and foremost, it is you who are the Church, for it is in your choices which you make in your everyday life that the spirit of Christianity lives, therefore it is an important element of the European spirit. The spirit reveals itself not so much in the doctrines and rules of orthodoxy, but first and foremost it lives in the extent to which you treat your neighbor with kindness, how you care for the lives of others,
The Shoes of Pope Francis 81
not forgetting to mind your own life as well. A smiling Christianity, a Christianity which goes beyond the walls of every sense of parochialism, a Christianity of men who live wisely not because it has been written in documents or exhortations, but because they have opened their eyes and have seen the world anew. The world as it could be, if we learned to do away with the conviction of one’s own righteousness as possessors of the eternal truth. The Christianity not of those “professional Christians” but the Christianity of volunteers, lovers of Christianity.
12 Thirdly, we turn to the shoes of Pope Francis which upset the Polish journalist Wojciech Cerowski as they were old, worn out, and perhaps even, to his horror, dirty. Perhaps he was also scandalized by the old car which the Pope uses. The source of this emotional reaction seems to be the fact of possessing legs; not only papal legs, but also legs which are the same kind of legs as other people’s, since “professional” Christians” were scandalized by the scene of the Pope washing the legs of immigrants. If de Rougemont were to write his Letter today, he would find in those grumblings evidence of how the European spirit has been destroyed by the lack of humor. Is it not proof of self-detachment that out of the pompous and ceremonial liturgical vestments we see a pair of shoes, old, worn, and tired as human life itself, the life of an ordinary Christian? Was it in vain that Vincent van Gogh painted the image, or so to speak, the portrait of shoes in which he saw the drama of human fate? The shoes of Pope Francis: captivating and full of humor is a call to this earthly pilgrimage which is full of stumbles and falls, heavy with the dirt of the highways—not of the upholstered carpets of the Vatican halls, or Curia salons, nor even of the wooden parquet of parish churches, but the earthly roads burdened with doubts, on which we walk like Don Quixote. But it is Don Quixote, and not the learned canons, who frees the prisoners and hurries to help the damsels in distress. ps .
The World Youth Day has come. We have received into our home two young men from Italy. They are very nice and warm-hearted. They are called “pilgrims”, and collect their tags which bear that name. But they have come with huge suitcases proper of those who travel to luxury hotels, not walk on the pilgrims’ trail. The suitcases of the girls who are staying with our neighbors are so huge and heavy, they do not even fit into the small car. In the parish church, where a small party has been prepared to
82 Tadeusz Sławek
receive them after the weariness of a long journey (28 hours in a coach), the youth sing in Polish, English, and Italian. The last one makes me think. The refrain repeatedly sung goes, “our God” is the best, He is the most powerful, most merciful. I don’t
83
Authors Franciszek Czech holds a Ph.D. in sociology and works as assistant professor at
know what would happen if, at that moment, someone of another faith would sing
the Institute of International Studies of the Jagiellonian University in Kraków. His
a song of a completely opposite meaning. I am thinking seriously of this, that is, is
research interests include the theoretical inquiry of political culture and globali-
not the use of the possessive adjective in the case of “God” not only theologically
zation processes. He is also interested in the socio-political situation in Southeast
doubtful but also politically threatening, or simply disrespectful. The first concern
Asia, particularly in the Philippines. He has published about thirty articles, edited
of these young men and women once they enter a room is where they can charge their
five volumes of articles, and has authored two monographs entitled Conspiracy Nar-
electronic devices? They take out of their bags their tablets and power banks, some-
ratives and Metanarratives (2015) and Nightmare scenarios. A Sociological Study of the
thing which I do even know how to use. On the morning of their first day, they go on
Construction of Fear in the Globalized Discourse (2010).
their bus to Auschwitz. Perhaps, no one had even told them what kind of place this is, and that it required a more respectable attire. It is a hot morning, and everyone
Gerard Kilroy read Classics and English Literature at Magdalen College, Oxford and
shows up in their shorts.
was awarded his doctorate by Lancaster University. He is Professor of English Litera-
Perhaps, one could say that all this does not mean anything, that times have
ture and Culture at the Department of Education in the Jesuit University Ignatianum
changed and with that so has the sense of sensitivity. And yet, something is telling
in Kraków, Visiting Professor at University College in London and Senior Research
me—with all due respect for the advances in technology—what would happen to Eu-
Fellow at Campion Hall, Oxford. He has written over twenty articles on Elizabethan
rope, if Europe would last as a form of spiritual life and a particular kind of co-exist-
literature and early modern book culture. He is the author of three books, Edmund
ence, when the equipment of a pilgrim is a bulking suitcase and the most important
Campion: Memory and Transcription (2005), The Epigrams of Sir John Harington (2009),
question has become, where do I charge my tablet.
and Edmund Campion: A Scholarly Life (2015). Michał Łuczewski holds a Ph.D. in sociology and is assistant professor at the Institute of Sociology of the University of Warsaw. He is also director of the Centre of John Paul ii in Warsaw. He has written many articles on the teachings of John Paul ii, the sociology of memory, the relationship between theology and the sociology of values, social movements and the youth. His publications include two books, The Value of Landscape. The Progress of Space in Rural Spaces (2011) and his last book The Eternal Nation: the Pole, the Catholic in the village of Żmiąca (2012), earned him the Józef Tischner Award in 2013. Dean Edward Mejos is Professor of philosophy at the Department of Philosophy at the University of Asia and the Pacific, where he also currently serves as Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences. He has published many articles on personalism and the philosophy of Karol Wojtyła, such as “Against Alienation: Karol Wojtyla’s Theory of Participation” (2008).
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Piotr Łukasz Pardyka earned his Bachelor degree in Theatre and Socioeconomics at the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. He is currently completing his Master’s degree in the Interdisciplinary Individual Studies for the Humanities and Social Sciences, with a major in History. His research interests include cultural relations between China and Europe and the socio-cultural dimension of the presence of the Chinese minority in Southeast Asia. Tadeusz Sławek is a literary scholar, essayist, poet, and translator. He was formerly Rector of the University of Silesia. He is a member of the Committee on Literature of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Committee on “Poland in a United Europe” of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences and of the Board of Advisors for Higher Education. He was awarded the “Lux ex Silesia” Award in 2002, and the Literary Award of “Solidarity” for his entire literary output. He has written many scholarly articles and twenty books including On the nothingness of the World, Sentences from Shakespeare (2012), and Re-treating (2015). Zbigniew Stawrowski is a political philosopher. In 1980 he co-founded the Independent Students’ Union in Warsaw. In the years 1982–2000 he was both student and assistant to the Polish philosopher, Józef Tischner, at the Faculty of Philosophy of the Pontifical Academy of Theology in Kraków. In 2003 he co-founded and is currently director of the Institute of Józef Tischner Thought. He is professor at the Institute of Political Science at the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw. He has authored the following books: The State and the Law in the philosophy of Hegel (1994), Natural Law and political order (2006), Immoral democracy (2008), Solidarity as a Bond (2010), On the Idea of Community (2012), The Clash of Civilizations or Civil War (2013), and Building on Sand. Essay on the Third Commonwealth (2014). Corazon Toralba is professor at the Department of Philosophy at the University of Asia and the Pacific in Manila. Her research interests include ethics, social and political philosophy and applied philosophy. She has authored many articles such as “The Value of the Person. The Value of the Family” (2009) and “Re-thinking Aristotle’s Philosophy of the Family” (2008).