CLAUDIA
THE A
PORRAS
MORTALITY
DIALECTIC
STUDY
OF OF
CUBAN
MYTHS SOCIETY
AND
REASON
SPATIAL
STRUCTURES
2
THE A
MORTALITY
DIALECTIC
AUTHOR
CHAIR
COMMITTEE
STUDY
OF OF
MYTHS
CUBAN
SOCIETY
AND
REASON
SPATIAL
STRUCTURES
CLAUDIA PORRAS
KRISTIEN RING
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR | UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA
JOSUE ROBLES
RESEARCH FACULTY | UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA
LEVENT KARA, Ph.D
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR | UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA
NANCY SANDERS
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR | UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA
STAN RUSSELL
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR | UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH FLORIDA
A masters research project presented to the Graduate School of Architecture and Community Design at the University of South Florida in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Masters of Architecture. 3
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CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 7 INTRODUCTION 9 I : RESEARCH ANALYSIS 11 I I : TANGENTIAL INVESTIGATIONS 53 I I I : SPATIAL TRANSLATIONS 65 CLOSING REMARKS 89 LIST OF FIGURES 90 BIBLIOGRAPHY 92
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This work is dedicated to my loved ones. Thank you for supporting me through the good and hard times. To my professors, who challenged me to become the designer I am today. To my brother, thank you for being my eyes and ears in Cuba, the country I have not been able to visit since I left ten years ago. Lastly, this body of work is dedicated to all Cubans; to the ones that are fighting to be heard, to the ones that don’t have a voice yet.
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INTRODUCTION
This research began with a trepidation over the complex transition that Cuba is on the brink of and a simple desire to help. The work sought to utilize architecture as a tool to open a dialogue between differing perspectives in the hopes of encouraging a sensitivity towards the implications of the coming changes. Which brought to question, how could such an awareness be developed? How could those visiting come to understand the people living in this “city frozen in time� did not choose to stay in the past but rather were unable to leave? How could the people in Cuba, who dream of America, the land of opportunity where hundred dollar bills can be found lying under rocks on the roadside, be shaken from this fantasy and realize the struggles of living as an immigrant that await them? Thus, the work sought to inform both foreigner and local of the contradictory conditions that are envisioned within their points of view. The project’s heart and soul is the moment a conversation occurs. A space to expose a set of social filters, and perhaps open an opportunity for misconceptions to be removed, examined and reconsidered.
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I : RESEA RCH A NA LYSIS
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fig. 01 - growth of Havana through the centuries
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In late 2014, the world received news that surprised many: The United States and Cuba were restoring diplomatic ties. Immediately following the announcement, a simple question kept resurfacing: now what? While everyone seemed excited to extrapolate about the possibilities of travel and business, I kept thinking of the previous scenarios where communist countries had been introduced to the world of capitalism. How to help with the transition that seemed about to take place? That was the starting point of my masters’ project and the big question I wanted to explore. I lived in Havana, the Cuban capital, until I was thirteen years old. The memories were of a place full of vicissitudes, where every day could become a struggle to find the simplest items; a bar of soap, oil to cook with, salt. At the same time, due to the difficulties, the solutions were always quite creative. The ease with which Cubans adapt to the adverse circumstances was not just exclusive to everyday items but extended to the built environment around them as well. The architecture and urban fabric of a city such as Havana is as complex as the society that inhabits it. Havana has seen changes for over half a century1. These political, social, and economic shifts have in turn transformed the fabric of the city. As these transformations occurred, the city grew from its conception as a simple port by the waters of Havana Bay into an extensive metropolis. Due to the socioeconomic migration shifts during these expansion phases, the city lacks a center or downtown, instead it possesses a polycentric nature.
1. Scarpaci, Segre and Coyula (2002) Havana was originally founded as a villa (small military outpost) in 1519. It was not until 1592 that the Spanish Crown officially granted Havana the title of city. (p 22)
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HAVANA AS A COLONIAL CITY
The polycentric nature of the city started during the late 1500s as the Spanish colonizers constructed multiple plazas that constituted the political, economic and religious/social nodes of the young city. Breaking from the common practice of the time, Havana did not follow the traditional rules described by the Law of the Indies which indicated the placement of a main plaza that housed the church and state buildings from which all important streets stemmed from. Instead, due to the topography, the main squares in Havana were placed by the waterfront while keeping the colonnades as dictated by the Laws of the Indies. These provided much needed shade to the citizens as they went about their days.2 The political node Plaza de Armas, was located on the northern side of the city, right next to the harbor. During the colonial period, the government’s highest officer was a military commander appointed by the Crown, thus the administrative and military institutions were inextricably intertwined and located in the same area. Any tax, law, or order would emanate from this square. The religious node Plaza de la Ciénaga (later renamed Plaza de la Catedral) housed the church. It also served as a social gathering space due to the important role of the church and religion during the period, especially within the colonies where evangelization of the natives was one of the main objectives of colonial occupation. The other two squares were in the southern part of the city; Plaza de San Francisco and Plaza Vieja constituted the economic backbone of Havana, with the former handling foreign trade as it was adjacent to the harbor and the later served as a platform for local trade amongst the inhabitants. Due to its geographic location, Havana was a critical waypoint in the voyage between the Old and New Worlds. The Bay of Havana’s shape also afforded refuge to the ships sailing the Caribbean waters often plagued by storms and pirates. The Carrera de Indias3 boosted the importance of Havana as a key location for the Spanish colonial empire further increasing the number of settlers to the island. In the early stages of the city, the economy was dependent on the route, which formed a steady rhythm dictating the main activities taking place in the life of Habaneros. During the months of February and April-July, the activity in the city revolved solely around the fleet. This season constituted of the construction of establishments to house and entertain the soldiers and sailors as well as increased trade and exchange of goods to ensure the ships were fully stocked for their travels. Once the fleet was no longer anchored in Havana, the vecinos (wealthy individuals) would turn to the cabildo (government entity) to petition for more lands in which they could farm and ensure a variety of goods for the city and its economy as well as for the fleet once it came through the harbor again. This established a cyclical relationship which would help the city 14
2. Sartor (1992-93) describes Havana’s irregular layout as “organic” and closer to the medieval towns of Europe than the formal grid plan found in most Latin American cities.
3. The Carrera de Indias (Indies Route) refers to the voyage the Spanish military fleet would take from ports in Spain to the New World (specifically Mexico and Peru) to load gold and other precious minerals found in these territories. Havana was the in between location for this trip, the ships would stop on their way to the colonized mainland and once more before the long crossing back to Spain.
fig. 02 - diagrammatic map of Old Havana ca. 1800
fig. 02 - diagrammatic map of Old Havana ca. 1800
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of Havana grow. One of the most prominent changes to the city occurred following the invasion of the British in 1762. Prior to the attack, the colony of Cuba had been prohibited from participating in any trade with, or hosting ships from, any foreign vessels.4 This policy had essentially closed off the port of Havana and the city to the outside world, effectively shutting down most of the economic trade that would have otherwise taken place. For the next year, Spain lost control over Havana opening the doors for the economy of the city to flourish tremendously. After the Spaniards managed to recover control, a vast number of new regulations to further militarize the city were put into effect which changed the urban fabric of Havana, however trade continued as it was clear Havana’s economic stance was much stronger. Many private lots, given to moneyed families by the Crown were taken back to build more fortresses and secure lands adjoining the fortifications. New regulations dictated that construction was prohibited within 1500 varas (3/4 mile) of any military institution.5 Because of this policy, many of the settlements that had grown on the arrabales (the land outside the city walls) were displaced. As the city focused on military infrastructure, the construction of new hospitals and barracks to house the soldiers displaced yet more civilians. During the English tenure in Havana, trade was opened with both Britain and the American colonies putting Cuba at the forefront of the sugar industry. This delineated the creation of the cinturón azucarero6 which created a high demand for the fewer plots of land available given the military reforms. Due to the explosive population growth, the city walls were taken down in the 1860s. This allowed for easier traffic flow to and from the harbor, especially during the 19th Century with Cuba’s position in the sugar and tobacco trade. A very important figure in the development of the arrabales into a well-defined commercial district7 and social hub was governor Miguel Tacón.8 Under his charge, many projects were carried out including theaters, markets and vast avenues for the entertainment of the bourgeoisie. These avenues, which will be significant later, are the Paseo del Prado along the city walls and Paseo de Tacón, which extended west towards the Castillo del Príncipe and the Governor’s summer house (Quinta de los Molinos). Due to the higher density inside the city walls, the elite started spending more time in their quintas (summer houses, usually located in the farming/sugar plantation family property) than their mansions within the city proper. These mansions constituted a development in the architectural typologies of the time: the warehouse mansion consisted of three floors, where the ground floor served as the front of the family’s business, the second floor (mezzanine) housed the slaves and other servants and finally on the third, topmost, floor were the family 16
4. Scarpaci, Segre and Coyula (2002) The vicissitudes of prosperity and warfare have led historians to refer to the 17th Century as Cuba’s “Middle Ages.” During this time Cuba was subjected to the mercantilist policy of a closed sea and trade (mare clausum). (p 23) 5. Sherry Johnson (1997) After the embarrassing defeat by British forces, a group of military engineers sent by the Spanish King decided to construct Castillo del Príncipe and San Carlos de la Cabaña. Along with the existing fortresses of the time (El Morro, La Punta, and Castillo de la Real Fuerza) Havana became “the most fortified city on earth” by the end of the 18th Century. (p 188-89) 6. Sherry Johnson (1997) The cinturón azucarero refers to the area outside the city walls, towards the countryside, where sugar plantations and mills were established. The slave revolution in Haiti in 1792 further cemented Havana and Cuba in general as the leading sugar producer for the next two centuries. (p 184) 7. Scarpaci, Segre and Coyula (2002) “When the walls came down in the early 1860s, Havana had outlived its role as a mere warehouse of Mexican and Peruvian wealth; it has emerged as an economic power in its own right.” (p 29) 8. Lejeune, Beusterien and Menocal (1996) “The first “modern” urban transformations were the work of the colonial governor Miguel Tacón (1834-1838). No other colonial or republican
quarters where they lived and entertained. Due to the social shift and the migration of the elite from the core of the city, these warehouse mansions were repurposed as tenement housing for the poor working class. The recycling of the structures worked due to the generous spaces that could accommodate many families and the location of the mansions relative to the source of work for the inhabitants. As the city kept growing, the working class started to reside near the quintas in Cerro. The (growing) “impurity”9 of the area triggered another migration of the wealthy, this time to the western most area of the coast where bedroom communities, the beginning of the suburbs, started to take place. This shift outlined the social segregation even more, with the wealthier living in the area of (present-day) Vedado. During the first three hundred years, Havana metamorphosed from a small military encampment, to important harbor, and finally into a burgeoning young metropolis. The urban works carried out during this time period have lasted through political upheaval and changes (often violent in nature) of government and ideology thus demonstrating the value of the successful public spaces put forth by the colonial governor Miguel Tacón. The developing sociocultural complexity allowed for the creation of a polycentric city. The social migrations created a palimpsestic, dynamic urban and architecture fabric that fomented the variety of styles still present in Havana to this day. The growing economy in the capital became a catalyst for mass migrations and the shortage of proper housing for the population, factors that stay at the forefront and still affect the city of Havana.
administration, until that of President Gerardo Machado, almost a century later, carried a reform program as wide and with such decisive effects on the central area of Havana.” (p 156) 9. Scarpaci, Segre and Coyula (2002) Throughout history the wealthier class had settled in Cerro, south of Centro Habana, but working class residents started to migrate to this area as well due to the nearby arsenal, factories and the port. As the authors put it “working class intrusion diluted the social “purity” of Cerro” (p 55)
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COLONIAL HAVANA MAPPING LEGEND
fig. 0318 - legend for colonial Havana mapping | fig. 04 - colonial mapping of Havana 1592-1903 (next pages)
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HAVANA AS AN INDEPENDENT REPUBLIC
At the turn of the 20th century, the city of Havana was at the brink of a new era. The stratification of the social classes could be seen more severely after the process of reconcentración10 by the Captain General Valeriano Weyler. Places like Vedado and Miramar boasted the elite while the old city lacked enough room to accommodate the growing population causing shantytowns to emerge on the outskirts of the city proper. American interests started to exert influence on different industries while at the same time providing funds to upgrade the infrastructure of the city, which had fallen into disarray due to the warring efforts of the late 1800s. There were five main projects that took place from 1898 to 1902 which improved the plumbing, sewer and electric systems as well as led the paving efforts of many roads. Finally, the introduction of an electric tramcar served as a modern connection between the neighborhood of Vedado and the inner city. The growth of the city could be seen by the spatial and urban qualities of three main areas. Old Havana, the original settlement, contained industrial zones, areas prone to flooding, and narrower streets, an inheritance of the military mindset of the commanders that ruled for three hundred years. New Havana (Centro Habana, Cerro, and Vedado) had wider streets, a regular grid, and more buildings to serve the growing population. It became a more desirable area to live, as shown by the commercial activity, which moved to the newer area of the city in a matter of a few decades.11 New Havana grew towards the water, where the iconic ocean promenade El Malecón was built, thus starting to create the public space so famous in the city today. The third space constituted of the suburbs, located west and south of the Old Havana, an area which the middle class migrated towards. Wider avenues were designed as a method to accommodate the growing popularity of the automobile, which was introduced in Cuba at the beginning of the 20th century. The growing influence of the European garden city was another important factor in the newer modern Havana. Its impact can be seen clearly in Vedado, with its tree-lined boulevards and smattering of green spaces interwoven with the urban fabric. The area once developed by governor Tacón in the early half of the 19th Century was another space that captured the attention of the young republic. Many public works took place around the Paseo del Prado including the construction of the Capitol, the Presidential Palace, and multiple hotels to accommodate visitors to the city, which was quickly becoming a popular vacation spot. The government commissioned Jean Claude Nicolas Forestier to redesign the social spaces around important city centers throughout Havana. During his visit in the early 1900s, Forestier came up with “six essential focal points” which were all built in the late 1930s.12 Some of them include Parque de la Fraternidad (Fraternity Park), previously the 26
10. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) During Cuba’s Independence Wars the Captain General of the Spanish Liberating Army, Valeriano Weyler, forced the rebelling rural population of the country into designated towns and cities so they could be more easily contained. “Rural uprooting and forced urban migration quite possibly marked the beginning of contemporary urban marginality in Latin America.” (p 52)
11. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) “Around 1800, nearly two out of three commercial establishments were located in the area that had previously been walled. Forty years later, nearly the same percentage of commercial establishments (70%) has shifted to areas beyond the wall” (p 47)
12. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) “Landmarks, argued Forestier and his disciples, were not to be autonomous and isolated objects but rather should interact with spaces near and far.” (p 68)
fig. 05 - Paseo del Prado during the first half of the 20th century
fig. 06 - Parque de la Fraternidad during the first half of the 20th century
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military exercise field Campo de Marte, and the further development of Avenida del Prado, which was made into a linear park extending from the Punta Castle at its northern point to the Capitol further south. Another development was the master plan by urbanist Pedro Martinez Inclan13 which proposed a second administrative core further west situated between Vedado and Centro Habana. The location would serve as a metaphorical connection between the elites in Vedado and Miramar and the middle class and proletariat in Centro and Old Havana. The construction of the incredibly vast Plaza Cívica (Civic Square) caused the interruption of existing road conditions to create perpendicular avenues to redirect traffic to the four cardinal points of the city. These avenues were originally designed to form part of a larger plan by Forestier to make the city of Havana into a large garden, with dimensions of one hundred and twenty meters wide. Along these roads new buildings were constructed as part of the “modern enclave”: the national library, national theater, among other public service buildings many of which morphed to accommodate the upcoming change in the political climate and remain to this day. Havana, like many other cities of the time, was seduced by the automobile in the first half of the 20th century. Architecture and urban planning departed from the human scale to accommodate the signs of the affluent: cars. Suburbs segregated the wealthy from the rest of the city and taller, imposing buildings displaced the low rise, colonnade pedestrian friendly architecture of the previous centuries. By the end of the 1950’s, the city of Havana had grown into an impressive metropolis with a population of over 1.3 million people in the greater Havana area and over 1.2 million individuals in the denser part of the city.14 The political and economic climate made it a favorite spot among vacationers as well as mafia bosses15 thus furthering the stratification of classes and fostering the growing discontent with the state. The Vedado area became the host of the entertainment district with hotels and nightclubs. Tall buildings disrupted the otherwise low laying skyline, signaling the presence of the modern style. By this decade, there were multiple centers pivotal to the function of Havana. Some were the legacy of centuries of city planning, like the Colonial Old Havana, while others demonstrated the intense desire to shape Havana into one of the foremost cities in Latin America. These can be found in the first Republican Center by the old city walls, with the Capitol and Presidential Palace as well as the second Republican Center, the “modern enclave” as it was termed by urbanist Martinez Inclan in the shape of the Plaza Cívica and its buildings, a space that would become famous not necessarily because of its merits in urban planning but for the political revolution that was about to take place at the turn of the decade. 28
13. Lejeune, Beusterien and Menocal (1996) “Martinez Inclan identified the undeveloped zone to the southeast of the Castillo del Príncipe, known as the Loma de los Catalanes (Catalan Hill) as the future center of the modern city” He proposed a great circular plaza, “bigger or at least as big as l’Étoile of Paris” (p 165)
14. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) The nation’s 1958 population stood at 6,548,300, while Greater Havana registered 1,361,600, Metropolitan Havana held 1,272,300, and the city of Havana housed 813,300. One out of five Cubans were Habaneros and one out of three urban dwellers were Habaneros (p 78-9) 15. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) Meyer Lansky, Charles “Lucky” Luciano, and Santos Trafficante were among the mafia individuals with interests in Havana (p 77)
fig. 07 - Plaza CĂvica design sketch
fig. 08 - early photograph of the Plaza CĂvica construction
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fig. 09 - diagrammatic plans of slum typologies : ciudadela and pasaje
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HAVANA AND THE REVOLUTION OF 1959
Havana before the revolution was a city of multiplicities. The poorest lived in the old areas, constituted of Old Havana, Center Havana, and Cerro, subjected to the foul smells coming from the bay, the result of decades of garbage being dumped on a small island within the bay. The affluent lived in the suburban communities to the west, a twentyminute car ride from the heart of the city. The small middle class filled the space between the two extremes, mediating the transitions from rich to poor. The housing styles varied throughout. The elite chose their houses in neocolonial, art deco, and, later on, modern styles, as did the middle class. Meanwhile the proletariat converted the mansions the bourgeoisie left behind in the east of the city into different types of slum housing that are still present to this day. One of these is the cuarterĂa, a rundown rooming house which came out of the old baroque, neoclassical and other mansions found in Old Havana, Centro Havana, Cerro and Vedado. Another slum typology, the cuidadela, is a tenement house, either one or two stories tall, with an interior courtyard and rooms facing out towards this feature. The rooms contain a bedroom while services (kitchen, bathroom, laundry, etc.) are shared by everyone and found in the public space of the courtyard. Conceptually similar to the cuidadela, the pasaje’s middle space consists of an alley connecting two streets as opposed to an interior courtyard. Beyond all these were the barrios insalubres, otherwise known as shantytowns, at the outskirts of the city. These barrios were the first point of contact and possibility for impoverished rural Cubans looking for a better life in the capital, from where their future migration to the slum housing in the center of the city depended upon the type of work they could find. The industry in Havana was concentrated mostly along the port area. The space by the docks was a dynamic scene, with the activity reflecting a strong trade economy. To improve the transportation of goods through the country many infrastructure projects took place. These projects allowed for towns to develop along the outskirts of the city in San Francisco de Paula and Cotorro, southeast of the port, as part of the community servicing new industries, such as the steel mill still found in Cotorro today. Other infrastructure projects constructed tunnels on both sides of Havana, one connecting Vedado to Marianao and Miramar through the Almendares river (the west of the city, towards the affluent areas) and another tunnel connecting El Morro fortress to the tip of Old Havana under the bay. This particular tunnel gave way to land speculation in the, now accessible, east which, if the revolution had not happened, would have become the new neighborhoods for the affluent, the foreign embassies, as well as the new seat of government. The social strata were clearly defined by this time, not just in the housing sector but also for the entertainment industry. Many clubs were built throughout the first half of the 20th century by wealthy 31
immigrants from different parts of Spain and America, as well as by the local Cuban elite for them to spend their leisure time within. These were all dramatically segregated from the proletariat and middle classes, whose entertainment options consisted primarily of going on a trip to the beaches east of the bay, which usually took a considerable amount of time due to the lack of public transportation and common inability to acquire an automobile. While Havana kept growing outwards with the construction of bedroom communities, the core of the city was not left behind. The Vedado neighborhood was still appealing to the elite, and with the Ley de Propiedad Horizontal or Condominium Law of 1952 they were able to build structures of more than six stories, completely changing the roofscape of the otherwise low rise city of Havana. Such was the state of Havana when in 1959, a group of young revolutionaries succeeded in ending the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista, who fled the country at the dawn of the year 1959. The biggest issue the new government inherited was the housing problem. In the first months, laws were passed that lowered the rent prices by 50%, and the shantytowns were eradicated once their residents were moved to neighborhood complexes in the city.16 During 1959 and the early 1960’s, most of the elite fled the country as well, leaving behind their vast mansions in the western part of Havana. These were considered “frozen zones” as the area was deemed housing reserve for government officials, foreign dignitaries, diplomats, etc. Some of these houses were also converted into schools and dormitories for students from different areas of the country on scholarships to study in the capital. These actions, however, did not solve the housing dilemma, as more people arrived to Havana every day. Some were soldiers and farmers from other parts of the country, others were families of the students on scholarships. Whatever the situation was, the reality remained that there was not enough housing stock for everyone. Although the Castro government decided to focus on the rural areas of Cuba more than the capital itself, the history of Havana during the first four decades of the revolution saw a fair amount of built projects. Most of these projects focused on the urban planning scale, with an emphasis on improving quality of public life and the neverending housing issue. The First and Second Agrarian Reform Laws were passed within the first five years of the new government, through which most of the nationalization and seizing of private land occurred. Political and military encounters happened as well, with the Bay of Pigs invasion and the Cuban missile crises being the two major ones. These events prompted the Cuban government to spend heavily on the military. Economic sanctions were starting to be enforced by the United States, Cuba’s main trade partner for decades. Thus, the government turned to the Soviet Union, the United States biggest 32
16. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) The SelfHelp and Mutual Aid program was created to eradicate the shantytowns found in Havana. Housing complexes of 100 and 150 units were built and residents were relocated there. These projects contained a school and a clinic for the new tenants whose responsibility in the new environment consisted of volunteering twenty four hours a week for work. (p 135)
rival at the time, for assistance. This prompted the communist state to remain Cuba’s benefactor for the decades to come. The goals of the new government were the development of rural areas through the constructions of clinics and schools to improve the health and education of all Cuban citizens.17 The economic focus also included remedying Cuba’s dependence on international markets by expanding the agriculture and industrialization of the island which led to many new jobs and an improved way of life. The biggest housing project that took place in Havana during this time was the Unidad Vecinal Camilo Cienfuegos, a project located in the Habana del Este (east of the bay) area. This project consisted of 28 hectares of housing which followed a new urban model. The buildings (varying from four to eleven stories tall) were distributed throughout the site. A sporting complex was the center of the space with public parks winding through the buildings. Starting in 1964 and roughly ending with the Gran Zafra18 in 1970, projects focused exclusively on infrastructure and experiments with alternative agricultural crops for export. Areas outside of Havana were prepared for crops; the Havana Greenbelt project consisted of volunteers which would move to outer areas of Havana to farm the lands that would “feed the capital”. The project needed people to manage it and thus settlements grew around these areas. These clusters of prefabricated houses were constructed in small numbers, around thirty averagely. Every house had a “microplant”: a small lot for selfconsumption to sustain themselves in an area removed from the usual services found in the city. The Havana Greenbelt did not have the outcome the government was expecting. While the fruit trees and coffee flourished, a clear majority of the crops did not yield the expected results. However, it is an important step in the history of Havana as it was a decidedly anti urban project designed in part to manage the evergrowing population of the city. 19 During the first five years of the 1970’s lack of housing units was still a problem. To alleviate the issue, the micro-brigadas movement20 was created. These units were all built using prefabricated methods, in part because of the country’s investment in plants to manufacture the building materials. The movement was rather impressive, as it was responsible for building around fifty-percent of the housing units in the country during the first half of the decade. While some of the housing projects around the country in the 1960s responded better to the climate of the island the construction of the 1970’s did not follow the same model. In Havana, projects to rehabilitate the urban realm were carried out, first by razing whole blocks containing traditional structures and in its place building tall housing units that completely disrupted the fabric of the city.21 The units tended to have a homogeneous nature due to the strict installation of the pre-fab materials, the ground condition
17. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) Approximately 150 new rural villages were built in the early 1960’s, initially by the efforts of the Rebel Army and later by the Rural Housing Department. (p 138-39) 18. Leogrande and Thomas (2002) La Gran Zafra, otherwise known as the Great Sugar Harvest was an economic plan pushed by Fidel Castro in which Cuba would harvest 10 million tons of sugar by 1970. Meeting the target became a matter of political prestige and regime legitimacy and thus, other economic and social aspects took the backseat. (p 327) 19. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) 10,000 hectares of fruit trees, pigeon peas, and coffee were planted. During this time, the cities were viewed as parasitic and corrupt places, which helped the project get the amount of people it needed to function. (p 135) 20. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) This movement was created as an alternative mode of construction to build the necessary number of housing units. Employees of all trades would form groups and build housing projects where they would have a unit for themselves once the buildings were finished. (p 142) 21. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) Locations in Old Havana such as the intersection known as Las Tejas suffered this fate as the ground condition lacked the portales which were important awnings dating from colonial times that foster social and economic activity. (p 142)
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was not considered and thus the social spaces were interrupted, and due to the built fabric of the old city (where these constructions took place) the residents were unhappy as they were attached to the traditional dense low rise identity of the area. Another housing project, the biggest in the history of the country with plans to house 100,000 residents, was located in the eastern fringe of the city in an area called Alamar. Because of the large scale of the project, government officials only allowed a limited number of prototypes to be used for the construction leaving the area looking like a labyrinth of pre-fabricated tall structures. To find a specific apartment, a person must navigate zones, blocks, and building numbers. Alamar is an example of the quiquenio gris (gray five-year period) in which no reinterpretation of project designs were permitted. Due to the oversight of design regarding public areas, the housing project of Alamar contains large swaths of green space so foreign to the human scale that they’ve been described as a no man’s land.22 The previous decade’s laws regarding the nationalization of both big and small private businesses decreased the social and commercial life found in the different nodes of Havana. Therefore, the 1971 Master Plan focused on these areas with construction of service programmatic elements as well as housing and workplaces. One achievement of this plan was the allocation of housing units near production areas, a move that allowed the people to go to work without the need for an automobile. Around this time, other important public spaces were also built such as the Jose Antonio Echeverría University Campus (CUJAE), the Lenin Vocational School, Lenin Park, the National Zoo, and the National Botanical Gardens. Many of these, with the addition of Expo Cuba and the Metropolitan Park are still considered to be the “lungs of Havana” as they cover vast areas of green space. The General Housing Law, passed in 1984, allowed Cubans to swap houses (permutas), sell their properties and rent spaces. The law also permitted the establishment of cooperatives to build or expand buildings. Although the policies seemed promising, they were not popular amongst the politicians, thus most of these were suspended except the permutas and even those were carried out under the watchful eye of the government ministries. Micro-brigadas also fell in disfavor, as the qualified workers would opt out of the construction industry once their own units were finished and left the construction work to inexperienced individuals resulting in poorly finished buildings. The resources were also more difficult to find, since the 1980’s marked the downfall of the Soviet Bloc, Cuba’s main supporter. The two largest housing projects completed during this time were the Villa Panamericana (Pan-American Villa) and Las Arboledas. The latter, situated in Altahabana to the west of the city, was a project whose objective was to adapt to the context 34
22. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) Neglecting social spaces for young people was a particularly glaring oversight because they represented a large segment of Alamar’s population. The end result of this project was a style of construction and housing that was far removed from what a “real socialism” was capable of producing. (p 220)
fig. 10 - Camilo Cienfuegos housing project (top) | fig. 11 - Alamar housing project (middle) | fig. 12 - Las Arboledas (bottom left) fig. 13 - Villa Panamericana (bottom right)
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and return to pedestrian friendly planning. Typologies were created in ways that allowed the design of the buildings to vary depending on the organizational structure23, thus avoiding the monotony of the projects from the previous decade like Alamar. The other project that bears mentioning is the Villa Panamericana, built to house the athletes participating in the Pan-American Games celebrated in Cuba in 1990. This project is characterized by a super block structure, where buildings designed by different architects were inserted in order to create a dynamic urban realm experience. The presence of social spaces such as parks and retail areas demonstrated a significant improvement over the previous attempts at socialist housing. Overall, the first three decades of the socialist regime in Cuba were plagued by the constant issue of a housing shortage. Pre-fabrication, once an experiment, became the norm. While some projects fared better than others, poor workmanship was still an overarching issue. Lack of funding during certain years also lead to unfinished designs with the public realm envisioned in the master plans being left behind. While there were public works in Havana, the government’s focus up until the 1990’s was on the rural areas and other cities in the country. It was not until the economic downfall brought by the dismantlement of the Soviet Bloc, that the Cuban government was forced to reevaluate Havana as one of its main sources of revenue.
36
23. Gonzalez Couret (2009) The project was based on apartment modules which could be rearranged to create multiple solutions. This reduced the monotony of the urban context compared to previous projects where repetition of a typical model was the direction taken. (p 85)
37
HAVANA AND THE SPECIAL PERIOD IN TIMES OF PEACE
At the beginning of the 1990’s the Cuban economy suffered one of its worst downfalls to date. The fall of the socialist bloc reverberated throughout all aspects of the built and social environment in Cuba, reducing the total value of trade in the country by almost 75%.24 The construction industry essentially came to a halt as there were no materials to keep building with. Petroleum exports decreased drastically; by the early 1990’s Cuba was receiving 1/3 of its estimated oil needs, hindering the manufacturing process and leaving areas of the city without any electric power for extensive periods of time. Inflation caused the Cuban peso to be greatly devaluated as compared to the American dollar and the lack of credit in the international market coupled with the American embargo put Cuba in a dire state. The shortages were such that for the first time since the socialist government took power in 1959, food scarcity replaced lack of sufficient housing as the number one social problem.25 The master plan of the 1980’s was revised to better accommodate the situation the society found itself in. The modified plan focused on more “sustainable” practices. It emphasized rehabilitation in run-down areas while also recycling any unused materials. It promoted localized social activities and working places, including involvement in the community. Due to the oil shortage, the streetscape was transformed: much of the population turned to bicycles as a response to the lack of public transportation. Talleres de Transformación Integral del Barrio (Comprehensive Workshops for Neighborhood Change) TTIBS, started being implemented in different regions of Havana with the goal of finding solutions for the critical issues that plagued the city. These talleres attained renown on the world stage for their work in La Guinera, a shantytown lacking the most basic infrastructure.26 To overcome the situation, the possibilities of joint ventures between the government and foreign investors started taking place in the country. The government focused on areas of development that would return hard currency profits. These target areas were scientific research laboratories, pharmaceutical plants (both located mostly in West Havana), and the development and renovation of hotels and any other programmatic elements relevant to the tourism trade. To build these projects, new teams called contingentes replaced the microbrigadas from the previous decades. The contingentes were composed of professional builders who were paid for their work rather than citizens who volunteered with the goal to obtain a housing unit at the end of the project. Regardless, due to the lack of building materials and the haste with which these projects had to take place, the quality was never other than mediocre as the goal was a finished product over a well-crafted building. It is considered that, as of the early 2000s, “80% of the construction 38
24. LeoGrande and Thomas (2002) For more details see Cuba’s Quest for Economic Independence (p 342)
25. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) In the 1990’s and for the first time since the crisis in the beginning of the 1960’s, food displaced housing as the number one social problem among the Cuban people. Further improvement in food supply, though mostly at very high prices, brought back housing as the main problem in the late 1990’s. (p 148)
26. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) These workshops were selected as one “Best Practice” at the Istanbul Habitat Summit in 1998. The workshop working to improve La Guinera received in 1995 one of the fifty awards from the United Nations for the most successful community development projects in the world. (p 166)
activity in Cuba is in some way related to tourism”. The emphasis on the dollar oriented areas have taken away resources normally given for the creation of more housing for the inhabitants of the city. In fact, the result seems to be a subtractive one: in 2002, Havana’s housing stock decreased by 172 units, not even replacing the collapse of the older housing stock”27. Neighborhoods traditionally known for their population density and slum housing increased their tenancy, imitating similar tendencies found in the republican period during the first half of the 20th century. The shift in investments have left people to their own devices. The construction of barbacoas28 in the older areas of the city have increased the chance of collapse as well as completely deformed the façade of many of the colonial buildings still existing. Due to the high density already found in the city, Cubans have resorted to building in the vertical direction, occupying roofs and placing casetas en azoteas (shacks in roofs) made from wooden material and tin roofs. The field of real state in Havana, and the country in general was a peculiar one. Since the system was still a centralized one, any foreign investments had to be done through and with the approval of the Cuban government. This created a lack of small to medium sized projects that would have benefited the city and instead large scale ventures were developed that mostly consisted of hotels clad in glass. These designs were not considering the climate, but rather the aesthetic value was catered to the visitors and their expectations. Projects like the high-rise Panorama Hotel in Miramar felt out of place in the otherwise low-rise urban fabric of Havana. In other cases, the developments disrupted the environmental conditions of the area such as the Montebarreto project, prone to flooding due to the obstruction by the building construction of ground channels that usually drain water to the sea. Tourism gained traction as soon as it was allowed on a larger scale at the beginning of the 1990’s.29 Due to the existing infrastructure, rich history, and beaches Havana was considered a “tourist warehouse distributor” from where visitors would arrive, enjoy the amenities in the capital and then disperse to the rest of the country. The National Plan for Development of International Tourism delineated various “tourist poles” at the national and local levels. These poles would be the target areas for the development of an entertainment industry. This triggered a new wave of entrepreneurial activities by the local citizens in which they set out to expand their homes to be able to make rentable spaces available to foreigners as well as start small businesses called paladares consisting of food establishments, most of them clandestine in nature during this time. Some of these paladares provided competition for the best state restaurants as tourists could sample food at a third of the cost.30 The ability of Cubans to start these ventures was directly proportionate
27. Colantonio and Potter (2005) Not only was the housing stock crumbling during this time, but the government had decided to dedicate resources to the construction of condominiums reserved for foreigners to attract visitors to the island that would be more committed to spending their money on the Cuban economy. (p 70) 28. Coyula and Hamberg (2002) The term barbacoa refers to makeshift mezzanines or loft-like structures that create an extra floor, nearly doubling the floor space of the unit. (p 7)
29. LeoGrande and Thomas (2002) The number of international visistors doubled from 1983 to 1990, and quintupled between 1990 and 1999, reaching a total of about 1.7 million (p 347)
30. Scarpaci, Segre, and Coyula (2002) A meal consisting of lobster, salad and beer could be purchased for $12-15 in a paladar as opposed to $2535 in a tourist facility. (p 245)
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with their ability to receive remittances from friends or relatives living abroad. This phenomenon initiated the rupture of the social fabric in the country, where people were separated not by their social or racial standing but rather by their financial one. Phrases such as con dinero (with money) and sin dinero (without money) became a usual way to refer to people’s financial possibilities. On the other hand, the “tourist apartheid”31 taking place fomented parallel versions of Havana, as Cubans were not allowed to stay or enjoy any amenities directed to visitors to the island. The growing reputation of Havana as one of the biggest tourist cities in the country triggered an increase in migration to the capital, which led to an escalating need for more housing units. The tourism service industry increased its numbers and keeps doing so until this day. Many people decide to leave their jobs, thereby weakening other areas of socioeconomic life to take on menial jobs like taxi drivers, tour guides, waiters, etc. that would generate more money. As with everything during this time, the service industry was of a dual nature: while there were those pursuing legal jobs, others chose the illegal route and crime thus prostitution has been on the rise since the early 1990’s. The Special Period changed the priorities of the government, therefore changing the architecture in the city. Different typologies took place; tall glass behemoths completely removed from the social fabric of the city and renovated areas that essentially negated economic / leisure activities for the locals for their unattainable prices became the norm. The housing stock deteriorated more everyday, while the tourist centric Old Havana underwent renovations. Never had Havana been more of a dual city, full of dichotomies that further separated its people from visitors and each other. Architecture since then has served as a tool for displacement and hindrance of genuine communication between foreigner and local. The ability to open paladares and casas particulares where the these interactions can take place have improved but there is still much work to be done.
40
31. Taylor and McGlynn (2008) The government wanted to isolate the population from tourist for two main reasons: they wanted to shield Cubans from the harmful effects of tourism (prostitution and consumerism) and they wanted to protect tourists from possible criminal activity. (p 409)
fig. 14 - hotel Panorama in Havana
fig. 15 - Disfigured colonial facade as a result of a barbacoa installation
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PRESENT DAY HAVANA MAPPING LEGEND
fig. 16 - legend for present day Havana mapping | fig. 17 - present day Havana mapping 1990-present (next pages)
52
I I : TA NG ENT IA L INVEST IG AT IONS
53
PLAZA DE LA REVOLUCION PLATFORM
FOR
THE
MASSES?
After studying in depth the series of factors that have led the city of Havana to its current state, I decided to focus on a specific area and study its effect on the social and spatial aspects of the city. The area of choice was the old Plaza Cívica, now named Plaza de la Revolución (Revolution Square). Ever since its construction in the 1950’s, the space always remained at the forefront of an unfolding socialist movement. Since 1959 it has served as the main platform for the country’s leader Fidel Castro to speak of ideologies, new projects and political fodder. It has borne witness of moments in the country’s history since then; tangible changes in the country’s economic, social and political fabric such as the farmer’s markets legalized in the 1990’s when food was scarce and money even more so, the visit of the Pope in a country where religion was once persecuted, or concerts by artists that might have been banned in the past. These events marked points of importance, but it is critical to clarify the rarity with which they occur, thus the need to highlight them. The space itself is incredibly vast. Seven hundred and fifty feet by three hundred and fifty feet of a concrete wasteland that remains empty for most of the year. The human scale seems to have been forgotten and instead, as you walk you seem to be haunted by the uncompromisingly drab buildings all around you, inescapable reminders that the government is in control. Regardless, it is considered a public space, the square seems more like a stage where you are the show, unwittingly so, unable to see who exactly your audience is. What if the show was reversed? What if the space was reclaimed for the people living there, not the tourist that wants the picture of Che hanging from a building? As I spoke with my peers, my family and my mentors I realized mis-truths about the country abounded. The inability to easily access information coupled with the romanticized notion the government has so carefully groomed prevents visitors from grasping the full reality of vicissitudes and sacrifice Cubans go through every day. “I want to go before it changes” What does that statement mean? What do people want to see before it “disappears”? What if the city of dualities found a common space where visitor and local can share their thoughts with no filter in between? The opportunity for intervention goes beyond a physical space. A physical space can be taken over, nationalized if you will, but the conversation can continue free of restraints, disguised behind drawings that act as mediators of truths.
54
fig. 18 - present day Havana mapping detail - Plaza de la Revoluciรณn
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fig. 19 - exploded axonometric examining layers in Plaza de la Revoluciรณn
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57
fig. 20 - aerial shot of typical parade
fig. 21 - shot of parade down the avenue
fig. 22 - the obligatory parade model diagram highlighting infrastructure of importance for the event + density
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fig. 23 - the obligatory parade diagram highlighting buildings and infrastructure of importance for the event
The obligatory parade occurs, at minimum, twice a year. It is the moment when all Habaneros proclaim how fortunate they are by walking down a gargantuan avenue and carrying flags and signs that read “Viva Cuba Libre!”(Long live Cuban sovereignty), “Abajo el Imperialismo” (Down with Imperialism), “Patria o Muerte” (Homeland or Death). The orderly affairs starts days earlier if not weeks, with the incessant chatter of your coworker, teacher, and neighbor asking if you will march as part of your work, neighborhood or whatever other sect you might qualify under. The event starts in the early hours of the morning, before the sun comes out. Buses bring the denizens from the further counties, while the inhabitants of the adjacent areas walk. The event is as dichotomous as the rest of the city has always been. The street is transformed; automobiles are not allowed, the avenue becomes a platform for the thousands of pedestrians that consider the parade as much a duty as a gay field trip to spend with friends while occasionally waving the flag at hand. However, the main plaza, that extensive concrete surface, remains untouched as if it too is considered one of the many landmarks of the scenario, along with the Jose Marti Monument and the Ministries watching over the proceedings.
THE CELEBRATORY PARADE OBLIGATORY
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fig. 24 - aerial shot of special event
fig. 25 - detail shot of people
fig. 26 - the anchored affair model diagram highlighting infrastructure of importance for the event + density
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fig. 27 - the anchored affair diagram highlighting buildings and infrastructure of importance for the event
The anchored affair rarely occurs. It is reserved for events that project the attendance of too many to house anywhere else. Therefore, the square fulfills its duty as a public space for the entertainment of the masses. Only then can you truly witness the extensive field in action. It became an important venue for the Farmer’s Markets that occurred in the 1990’s, when the government did not have any food to offer the people and finally allowed small “private” businesses in the agronomic sector. Agricultural co-operatives were able to bring trucks once a month and set up booths in the square while citizens browsed for good deals on produce, eggs, and any other items unable to be found anywhere else in the city due to shortages. In 1998, the space became witness and center stage to a historical moment: Pope John Paul II, conducted mass here and became the first Catholic pontiff to visit the country in twenty years. Nowadays, the occasional concert might be held there, unless it is hosted by the nearby AntiImperialist Tribune (built in the early 2000’s). Otherwise the space sits empty, as cars drive by and the sun beats down on the hard concrete.
THE ANCHORED AFFAIR 61
fig. 28 - scale of a person in relationship to the space
fig. 29 - shot from monument overlooking empty concrete field
fig. 30 - the traveler’s jaunt model diagram highlighting infrastructure of importance for the event + density
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fig. 31 - the traveler’s jaunt diagram highlighting buildings and infrastructure of importance for the event
The traveler’s jaunt is the action that occurs essentially every day at this site. The traveler, at the insistence of the websites and tour books, visits the square that supposedly signifies the paragon of communist Cuba in one spot. Tourist buses unload the unsuspecting foreigners; as they walk around with their cameras, the square seems to swallow them whole, so insignificant does the scale of the person seem in comparison with the concrete behemoth. As they stand there, between the iconic photograph of Che Guevara and the imposing Jose Marti Monument, they are faced with the legacy of the republic, the planning that welcomed the automobile and forgot the pedestrian, and the spot where hundreds of thousands of people used to gather to hear Fidel speak. Times are changing, and the political platform of decades is used rarely for that reason and instead, it has become another tourist attraction. Another spatial displacement from local to foreigner.
THE TRAVELER’S JAUNT 63
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I I I : SPAT IA L T RA NSLAT IONS
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66
THE CHARACTERS
SPATIAL EXPLORATIONS OF CUBA’S SOCIAL FABRIC
The research conducted exposed the fact that before any (successful) changes are made (architectural, political, economic, etc.) a common ground has to be established bridging between the world of the foreigner and the world of the local. In order to explore how these exchanges can occur, two series of drawings were developed. The drawings dissect the Cuban identity through both research and personal experience into five characters. These characters, while explored separately, are still part of a unified whole representing what it means to be Cuban. The goal of these exercises is to expose both local and foreigner to the different situations narrated in these drawings. The episodes are inspired by personal memories, stories from family, and stories found online from Cubans, living abroad and in the country, trying to find an outlet for their despair and passion. The first set of drawings explore the possibilities of a spatial condition for these characters. Traditional methods of representation (plan, section, isometric, and perspective) were utilized and deconstructed to investigate a series of spaces that seek to understand as much as criticize their role within the greater whole. The second set was informed by the first. While the first series can be viewed as a relatively straightforward exploration of spatial conditions, the second grapples with the dynamic relationship between characters or between a single character and the government. Each one of these graphics draws their energy from narratives. Some are fictional while others are interviews and events that showcase the stark realities people outside the country rarely get to witness or even hear about. As mentioned before, the drawings are a mediating tool to foster communication between local and foreigner but also between local and returnee (in the case of a Cuban living abroad visiting the island). The drawings intend to question the meaning of reality as we (the local and the foreigner) perceive it and how filters set in place by the government and our own societal biases can impede the opportunity to have a frank exchange of perspectives.
fig. 32 - overview of character drawing series (left)
67
The revolutionary knows sacrifice. Sacrifice of self for the improvement of others and the society. He knows of battles and the freedom he helped bring to the oppressed. He stands vigilant so the system stays in place because he knows he must not waver in the face of the changing tides.
Rigid | Uncompromising | Sacrificed | Ideological | Constant The revolucionario (revolutionary) series explore the ideas of a space for a revolutionary. What would it feel like being in a space that theoretically embodies this aspect of the Cuban identity? Inspired by the narrative, the design follows a more resolute prompt, difficult to budge from its goal. The drawing explores a series of sharper edges, determined in its ability to create a rhythm and routine.
fig. 33 - process drawing 01 Revolucionario (above left) fig. 34 - process drawing 02 Revolucionario (above right) fig. 35 - final drawing series 01 Revolucionario (right)
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69
The tribulated only wants to live in peace. He wakes up every day hoping for better but the sameness has worn him down. He goes to the marches, swears his allegiance to the government and ideologies but he doesn’t care. He just wants a roof and a future for his family.
Flexible | Jaded | Sacrificed | Resigned | Resourceful | Desperate The atribulado (tribulated) explores ideas of gradual shifts in hope. The ups and downs of life in Cuba drove these drawings. The exercise attempts to capture the complicated feelings the Cuban youth portrays at not having the resources necessary to achieve their goals but loving the country and its traditions all the same. This character also contains the vicissitudes of families, who spend their days inventando, Cuban slang for resourcefully finding solutions with whatever tools they have at hand. The design follows this ebb and flow, push and pull that makes this character. fig. 36 - process drawing 01 Atribulado (above left) fig. 37 - process drawing 02 Atribulado (above right) fig. 38 - final drawing series 01 Atribulado (right)
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The swindler finds the weak spots and exploits them. He slips through the cracks in the system and sacrifices the pillars of moral to feed his family. Or himself. He knows there is more out there and he desires that which he cannot have.
Opportunist
|
Flexible
|
Rebel
|
Covetous
The vividor (swindler) series studies the space as one that takes advantage of its surroundings. Symbiotic relationships are explored in how the space can attach itself to its environment to thrive. The spirit of flexibility and the unexpected drive this character, as its nature is one of constant movement and change in the world.
fig. 39 - process drawing 01 Vividor (above left) fig. 40 - process drawing 02 Vividor (above right) fig. 41 - final drawing series 01 Vividor (right)
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The dissident knows sacrifice too. He knows the perils of being the minority, part of the few that don’t conform to the norm and decide to speak the truth in everyone’s mind. They know oppression and intimidation but also the real freedom to express themselves, however small it may be.
Rebellious| Sacrificed | Compromised | Oppressed | Nonconforming The disidente (disident) explores the idea of being watched, judged. It is perhaps the opposing force to the revolucionario. At the same time both characters complement each other because of their similitudes. Ideas investigated in this series are elevated spaces, transparencies, public vs private, and areas of influence over differing ideologies.
fig. 42 - process drawing 01 Disidente (above left) fig. 43 - process drawing 02 Disidente (above right) fig. 44 - final drawing series 01 Disidente (right)
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The expatriate has a long deep longing for his homeland. He may be gone for a day or 20 years and yet, the feeling never leaves him. No matter how long he has been living somewhere else, the love for his land is ever present. The spaces never leave his heart and they wait for his return, for the chance to make him whole again.
Proud | Displaced | Incomplete | Melancholic | Defensive | Conflicted The expatriado (expatriate) is of a complicated nature. He seems displaced in the world, once belonging but not anymore. This exercise explores detachment; the device is delicately tethered to the space but it can leave at a moment’s notice. As with the others, but especially with this character, the notion of filters are present. Perception shifts as he portrays different worlds to the local triggering layers of mis-truths. The expatriado finds himself longing for what was and might not longer be, or what he always imagines he could have been.
fig. 45 - process drawing 01 Expatriado (above left) fig. 46 - process drawing 02 Expatriado (above right) fig. 47 - final drawing series 01 Expatriado (right)
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Patria
o
Muerte,
Venceremos?
The second series of the revolucionario explores certain phrases, actions or events directly linked to the character. In this case, the phrase “Patria o Muerte, Venceremos?� The question mark was added since the history of the socialist government is one that proves the faulty nature of this regime. Spaces at different heights stress the vigilant nature of the character. Two intervals deemed clarity lenses become the points where the reality of this ideology shows itself to the person in a fleeting instant. An ideology feeder envelops the device just like propaganda saturates every waking moment of a Cuban in the island. Phrases scattered throughout the drawing emphasize the relationship this character has with others as well as with the state. These phrases were taken from books, and blogs from Cubans abroad and in the country as idea generators for the graphic. fig. 48 - drawing series 02 Revolucionario (right)
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79
No
es
Facil
No es facil (it is not easy) is a phrase commonly said by Cubans to portray their frustration with the system. This drawing explores the dual market, where state sponsored shops run alongside dollar markets. The question mark exists to portray the uncertainty people go through every time they venture to the local bodega. The chicken x fish repeating phrase brings emphasis on the fact that fish is rare for locals (Cuban is an island on the Caribbean) because it is usually reserved for the tourism industry. On the other side of the parallel market threshold is the dollar market, the Stores for Collection of Dollars (TRD)where most people find products at an exorbitant price. Along with TRDs exists the black market. It is under the TRD and black market that the sphere of hope operates, still very much under the watchful eye of the state. 228 miles refers to the distance between Havana and Miami, from where most remittances come from allowing the operation of small businesses by the con dinero (with money) Cubans, the main operators / buyers of the black market. The system becomes a cyclical one, where the state allows for indiscretions to preserve their tourism industry while the moneyed individuals support the local economy by providing jobs to the sin dinero (without money) as well as products the black market economy needs to function. fig. 49 - drawing series 02 Atribulado (right)
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81
Por
la
izquierda
This phrase represent the economic sphere the vividor operates in. The black market, illegal businesses (such as unregistered food eateries or taxi cabs) also fall under this category. The drawing seeks to explore the relationships the character builds with and around the state. Briberies of authorities are common, shown as a centric device where everything filters through. The bribery checkpoints are inextricably linked to the pilfering filters, referring to the degrees of theft Cubans subject themselves to in order to sell them at a price somewhere else. These can be office supplies, toys, soap, or medical tools. Because of the importance of the black market in the island, it is shown as a extensive illusion of space, a bazaar of stolen goods. The mutual deceit of vividor and state create a symbiotic relationship that has allowed the people in Cuba to thrive in their (semi) controlled environment. fig. 50 - drawing series 02 Vividor (right)
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83
A
3
9
C
H
A39CH refers to Article 39 section CH of the Cuban constitution. The article states that the Cuban people have the right to freedom of speech, as long as the message does not contradict the ideals of the revolution. The spatial relationship of the disidente and state are explored here through stages of freedom and oppression. A device measures out the degree of political correctness and metes out judgement accordingly. A line creates a threshold, a point of departure to send leaked truths to the world via web. Meanwhile behind layers is Combinado del Este, a maximum security prison where dissidents are taken to, in order to be “questioned� for their activities. This series is inspired by artists like Tania Bruguera and El Sexto who choose to speak out their truths regardless of the unfair repercussions that might follow. It is also driven by bloggers such as Yoani Sanchez, who use technology as a tool to disperse the information the government might not want shown. fig. 51 - drawing series 02 Disidente (right)
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85
The
Price
of
Nostalgia
This expatriado series explores the experience of a Cuban living abroad coming back to visit. It narrates the process of going through the aiport, customs and the first taste of your land which translates to “we don’t want you here”. Bribery occurs often, their success varies depending on the person you encounter a vividor or revolucionario. This is portrayed through the movements and obstacles to surpass. But that is only the first step, as the drawing delves further into the filters set in place between visitor and local. The visitor is the physical proof of what lies beyond the country, a sign of success that comes back to support the local which in turn keeps the civic apparatus from coming apart at the seams. The misconceptions that are born out of those exchanges still exist and more often than not, are an ignored reality. fig. 52 - drawing series 02 Expatriado (right)
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fig. 53 - investigation into a character folly
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CLOSING REMARKS
The character drawings are an exercise in reflection. They are an evolving set of questions and propositions made to present a series of realities about Cuba. Now that sanctions are relaxed and traveling is easier, it is important to look beyond the romanticized version the government curates for foreigners and learn about the truth in the country. At the beginning of the masters project I was not sure how to pursue this topic. I learned about the history and understood Havana as a city that has always been in a state of change, as has its people. I concluded architecture as a formal, built element might not be the answer the country needs right now. Housing is an issue, and so is the infrastructure but no change can be made if the political and economic factors stay the same. Therefore, I decided to take my knowledge and explore the social nuances found in Cuba through the tools at my disposal in order to showcase the misconceptions born out of propaganda and erroneous information. My project became an effort to create awareness through the act of drawing and conversation. I do not intend to stop these investigations here, to the contrary, they have just started.
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fig. 01 - growth of Havana through the centuries fig. 02 - Diagrammatic map of Old Havana ca. 1800 fig. 03 - legend for colonial Havana mapping fig. 04 - colonial mapping of Havana 1592-1903 fig. 05 - Paseo del Prado during the first half of the 20th century fig. 06 - Parque de la Fraternidad during the first half of the 20th century fig. 07 - Plaza Cívica design sketch fig. 08 - early photograph of the Plaza Cívica construction fig. 09 - diagrammatic plans of slum typologies: ciudadela and pasaje fig. 10 - Camilo Cienfuegos housing project fig. 11 - Alamar housing project fig. 12 - Las Arboledas fig. 13 - Villa Panamericana fig. 14 - hotel Panorama in Havana fig. 15 - Disfigured colonial facade as a result of a barbacoa installation fig. 16 - legend for present day Havana mapping fig. 17 - present day Havana mapping 1990-present (next page) fig. 18 - present day Havana mapping detail - Plaza de la Revolución fig. 19 - exploded axonometric examining layers in Plaza de la Revolución fig. 20 - aerial shot of typical parade fig. 21 - shot of parade down the avenue fig. 22 - the obligatory parade model diagram highlighting infrastructure of importance for the event + density fig. 23 - the obligatory parade diagram highlighting buildings and infrastructure of importance for the event fig. 24 - aerial shot of special event fig. 21 - detail shot of people fig. 26 - the anchored affair model diagram highlighting infrastructure of importance for the event + density fig. 27 - the anchored affair diagram highlighting buildings and infrastructure of importance for the event fig. 28 - scale of a person in relationship to the space fig. 29 - shot from monument overlooking empty concrete field fig. 30 - the traveler’s jaunt model diagram highlighting infrastructure of importance for the event + density fig. 31 - the traveler’s jaunt diagram highlighting buildings and infrastructure of importance for the event 90
12 15 18-19 20-21 27 27 29 29 30 35 35 35 35 41 41 42-43 44-45 55 56-57 58 58 58 59 60 60 60 61 62 62 62 63
LIST OF FIGURES
fig. 32 - overview of character drawing series (left) fig. 33 - process drawing 01 Revolucionario (above left) fig. 34 - process drawing 02 Revolucionario (above right) fig. 35 - final drawing series 01 Revolucionario (right) fig. 36 - process drawing 01 Atribulado (above left) fig. 37 - process drawing 02 Atribulado (above right) fig. 38 - final drawing series 01 Atribulado (right) fig. 39 - process drawing 01 Vividor (above left) fig. 40 - process drawing 02 Vividor (above right) fig. 41 - final drawing series 01 Vividor (right) fig. 42 - process drawing 01 Disidente (above left) fig. 43 - process drawing 02 Disidente (above right) fig. 44 - final drawing series 01 Disidente (right) fig. 45 - process drawing 01 Expatriado (above left) fig. 46 - process drawing 02 Expatriado (above right) fig. 47 - final drawing series 01 Expatriado (right) fig. 48 - drawing series 02 Revolucionario (right) fig. 49 - drawing series 02 Atribulado (right) fig. 50 - drawing series 02 Vividor (right) fig. 51 - drawing series 02 Disidente (right) fig. 52 - drawing series 02 Expatriado (right) fig. 53 - investigation into a character folly
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[untitled illustration of Parque de la Fraternidad during the first half of the 20th century] Retrieved April 21, 2017 from http://www.rafaellopezrangel.com/galeria%20habana. htm [untitled illustration of Plaza Civica design sketch] Retrieved April 21, 2017 from http://www. rafaellopezrangel.com/galeria%20habana.htm [untitled illustration of early photograph of the Plaza Cívica construction] Retrieved April 21, 2017 from http://www.umbrellatravel.com/cubablog/es/?p=412 [untitled illustration of Alamar Housing] Retrieved April 21, 2017 from http://media. cubadebate.cu/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/alamar.jpg [untitled illustration of hotel Panorama in Havana] Retrieved April 21, 2017 from http:// www.cubaexplora.com/en/h10-habana-panorama_h_85685.html [Untitled illustration of Disfigured colonial facade as a result of a barbacoa installation] Retrieved April 21, 2017 from http://henleycuba.blogspot.com/2013/12/day-5- barbacoa-and-bacardi.html
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