The lead author and co-supervisors thank FaL Abigail Abdulai, ExecuLve Director of Widows and Orphans Movement and CEO of Atarrah Ghana Ltd, for hosLng all three of us and for the generosity with which she shared her Lme and wisdom. We thank all the women who parLcipated in our focus group discussions for sharing their stories of resilience and the impacts of being part of Atarrah supply chains. We are also grateful to all the staff of WOM and Atarrah for welcoming us, sharing their space and making Lme for us in their busy schedules, and for accompaniment and translaLon during field trips. One parLcular tuk-tuk driver, “Uncle John”, merits a special thank you for his dedicaLon to our safe commutes through Bolgatanga. Finally, we are very grateful to James Thalla-Joel, an advisor to Atarrah, for his deep insight into, and appreciaLon for, the work of Atarrah and for his many contribuLons to the improvement of this report.
Financial support for this project came from the John T. Sears Chair in Corporate Social Responsibility at St. Francis Xavier University, which provided funding for a summer student research internship. Additional funding to support the field study portion of this project came from the Comart Family Foundation through the Coady Institute.
1.0 IntroducFon
1.1 Background
The socio-economic landscape of northern Ghana is shaped by a multitude of characteristics, such as religious practices, traditional and cultural norms, gender dynamics, and economic challenges, which contribute to its complexity. Because of the region’s patriarchal lifestyle and general gender bias, policy-making and decision-making often marginalize women. Traditional gender roles in northern Ghana often dictate that women are responsible for household chores, childcare, and subsistence farming. Despite their crucial roles in economic activity, women often face restrictions in their access to resources, decision-making authority, and opportunities for formal education and employment compared to men. This gender disparity contributes to women’s economic dependency and reinforces traditional norms.
Employment opportunities in northern Ghana are often limited and primarily revolve around agriculture, which is the mainstay of the economy. Small-scale farming, particularly subsistence agriculture, is widespread, with farmers growing crops such as millet, red millet, sorghum, maize, vegetables, and groundnuts. Although hardworking and industrious, most women in northern Ghana live below the poverty line, and household income flow is generally deficient. Usually, the produce from farming is insufficient to feed the entire family, and they resort to other trading opportunities (e.g. handmade items from basket and rattle weaving) to generate additional income. Beyond agriculture, there are few formal employment prospects, leading to high levels of underemployment and unemployment, particularly among youth. Women in northern Ghana often lack employment opportunities due to their high levels of illiteracy and low participation in formal education, forcing them to engage in farming, petty trading, and migration to southern cities like Kumasi and Accra where they work as head porters or housemaids to support their families. These circumstances often disrupt the lives of the children left behind and reinforces various issues, such as an increase in school dropouts and teenage pregnancies.
Inflation in northern Ghana, like in many other parts of the world, disproportionately affects vulnerable populations. Inflation and the devaluation of the Ghana cedi (GHS) further erode the meager income that women in northern Ghana earn. Significant inflation rates can gradually diminish the ability to purchase goods and services, hence increasing the challenge for families to afford essentials like food, healthcare, and education. Despite basic and secondary education in public schools being free for every Ghanaian child, families often struggle to pay for other related expenses like textbooks, uniforms and other school supplies. Women also often struggle to provide enough food for their entire family, often having to forgo mealtimes such as breakfast and lunch to eat only dinner or supper. The economic burden worsens poverty and increases the susceptibility of underprivileged populations, including women and widows.
According to traditional beliefs, widows in northern Ghana face additional forms of stigmatization, marginalization, and sometimes ostracization from the communities they live in, often branded as ‘witches’ or blamed for their husbands’ deaths. Following the death of their husbands, it is common for the widows to be forced to undergo culturally humiliating procedures, such as traditional cleansing, to demonstrate their innocence or regain acceptance in society. This traditional cleansing involves shaving their hair, being stripped naked with minimal protection for their intimate areas, and being bathed with a herbal-infused water mixture to ward off evil spirits and bad luck. Widows who refuse this cleansing are ostracized and marginalized from their communities, and the cost for doing so is high, with widows experiencing mental and health issues, social isolation, loss of property rights, and denial of inheritance. Denying widows access to lands, funds and/or properties inherited from their late husbands can lead to economic difficulties in supporting themselves and their children. The social stigma and isolation might contribute to the development of mental health problems, which in turn worsens their vulnerability. The lack of access to healthcare and social support systems further exacerbates their issues.
Customary land tenure systems, which hold land communally and allocate it based on tradiLonal norms, oeen regulate access to land in northern Ghana. Women typically have limited rights and thus face restricLons on their ability to own land, relying on their husbands or male relaLves for access to land for farming. Land tenure insecurity can hinder women’s ability to invest in agriculture, access credit, and fully engage in economic acLviLes. In sum, Northern Ghana faces interrelated challenges in terms of economic opportuniLes, gender inequality, tradiLonal and cultural customs, and the marginalizaLon of vulnerable groups such as widows. To tackle these problems, a comprehensive strategy is needed, which involves implemenLng legal changes, providing educaLon on gender rights, iniLaLng economic empowerment programs, and implemenLng community-based intervenLons to transform harmful cultural pracLces and promote inclusive development.
1.2 The Widows and Orphans Movement
Betty Ayagiba, a former nurse, founded the Widows and Orphans Movement (WOM) after losing her spouse and having experienced the social and economic marginalization that widowed women face in northern Ghana. Betty's personal experience with these injustices fueled her determination to fight against the systemic marginalization of widows. She began by organizing small groups of widows who shared similar struggles, and later expanded to include orphans, creating a platform for them to support each other and advocate for their rights. This individual endeavor rapidly evolved into a broader social movement drawing attention to the widespread issues that widows face in the region. Recognizing the need for a more structured and extensive approach, Betty formally established WOM in 1993 as a non-governmental organization. Betty’s daughter, Fati Abigail Abdulai, now serves as the Executive Director of WOM.
Because WOM was founded in response to the profound social and economic challenges faced by widows in northern Ghana, the organization’s approach is deeply rooted in advocacy, economic empowerment and the creation of support systems for widows and orphans who are subjected to discrimination, social and financial exclusion, which leads to high levels of poverty. Since its inception, WOM has played a crucial role in raising awareness about the plight of widows and orphans in northern Ghana. The organization has implemented various programs that offer vocational training, financial assistance, and legal aid to widows, enabling them to achieve greater economic independence and social recognition. Through its advocacy efforts, WOM has also worked to challenge and change cultural practices and perceptions that perpetuate the marginalization of widows, making significant strides toward gender equality and social justice in the region.
With the assistance of WOM, widows and other marginalized women are organized into groups, each led by a group leader; the group formaLon starts with widows and eventually other women join. These groups typically consist of 30 to 60 women depending on the size of the community. This structure facilitates effecLve communicaLon, support, and collaboraLon among the women, enabling them to work together efficiently and benefit from the resources and opportuniLes provided by WOM.
An organizaLon like WOM consistently depends on external funding such as grants and donaLons to sustain its operaLons and provide essenLal resources to its beneficiaries. These grants allow WOM to provide training that may be vocaLonal (that focuses on livelihood skills, such as weaving or shea buner processing, or sustainable farming pracLces), or entrepreneurial (on topics ranging from financial management to record keeping). WOM also supports microcredit lending schemes, engages in advocacy with government and community leaders to promote change in policies and pracLces to favour women, and extends a range of legal and health support systems, all of which are vital for empowering the women served by WOM to achieve economic independence and social integraLon.
1.3 Atarrah Ghana Limited
To advance upon some of the income generating activities that WOM started, Fati Abigail started Atarrah Ghana Limited (AGL, or Atarrah), a for-profit social enterprise that focuses on improving the livelihoods of widows by developing (or promoting) indigenous value chains. The need for a sustainable approach to ensure long-term economic independence necessitated the establishment of a for-profit social enterprise that would provide a structured platform for income-generating activities, and where profits from sales could be reinvested into the community. Working separately but alongside WOM in serving the same beneficiaries, Atarrah’s primary aim is to promote job creation for widows and other women, providing them with diversified sources of income which can lead to a host of positive social impacts and livelihood improvements that counteract their marginalization through economic independence and resiliency. There are approximately 6,100 widows supported by WOM, and 1,200 are actively participating in Atarrah's initiatives through their community groups.
The means by which Atarrah achieves its aims is though the development of new product value chains which enable women to be included in the production of quality products which address current market system gaps. Whereas WOM, for example, may have used grant funding to provide a woman with new weaving skills to create baskets for sale at her local market, she can now sell her products to Atarrah which has developed and therefore can access wider domestic and international markets. Moreover, she can contribute to diverse product chains without being dependent on one source of income. Atarrah’s scope of business includes but is not limited to the following activities:
v production and processing of raw materials
v sale of goods and products
v purchase of finished or unfinished products from women for resale
v provide quality control, and best practices for raw materials mobilization
v development of new value chains such as woven cloth, baskets and hats with indigenous designs, and most critically, for products derived from tree fruits and nuts
Social enterprises in Ghana operate across various sectors, including agriculture, educaLon, healthcare, women and gender issues, and renewable energy. The Ghana Social Enterprise Forum defines a social enterprise as a business that prioriLzes social impact alongside financial returns (GSEF, 2021), and Atarrah is typical of this definiLon. Social enterprises vary in how they operate and their intended mission. Common characterisLcs of social enterprises include a clearly arLculated reason for existence, revenue generaLon through business acLviLes, and using the income acquired to achieve social goals and targets (Defourny & Nyssens, 2017).
Social enterprises like Atarrah oeen have a posiLve social impact by addressing issues such as poverty alleviaLon, climate and the environment, access to educaLon and healthcare, and employment generaLon for marginalized groups (Dacin, Dacin, & Matear, 2010). More broadly, they contribute to progress in terms of equality, sustainable development, and changes in governance and policies, and they do so by leveraging the profits they are able to generate.
1.4 Developing new value chains in northern Ghana
The Baobab tree, scienLfically known as Adansonia digitata, possesses immense significance in most African tradiLons, parLcularly in northern Ghana, where it is known as the “Tree of Life.” The trees are renowned for their resilience and longevity in northern Ghana and throughout the African conLnent. The social significance of the tree can be classified under cultural, economic, medicinal uses, environmental benefits as well as nutriLon.
Cultural symbolism: The baobab tree holds a deep connecLon to many African cultures, permeaLng every aspect of life, including spiritual pracLces, tradiLons, and folklore. The baobab tree symbolizes wisdom, conLnuity of life, and strength, represenLng the connecLon between the earth and the divine. Some communiLes consider it sacred, with rituals or
ceremonies carried out beneath the branches. Due to tree’s size, community members oeen gather under it for shade and for the cover it provides during bad weather condiLons, and women oeen congregate under the baobab tree as they engage in other income generaLng acLviLes like weaving of cloth, baskets, hats etc.
Economic importance: The baobab tree contributes significantly to the local economy as community members harvest and sell its products to generate income. The fruit, in parLcular, has become a criLcal ingredient in health or organic foods and cosmeLcs worldwide. Various communiLes, parLcularly women, frequently engage in its fruit harvesLng and processing, providing income-generaLng opportuniLes through the commercializaLon of baobab products.
Sustenance and nutri9on: Several rural communiLes highly regard the baobab tree for its essenLal resources, which contribute to food security and nutriLon. Its leaves, seeds and fruits are valuable food resources due to their high nutrient content which includes vitamin C, calcium, and anLoxidants. Occasionally referred to as “monkey bread” in some parts of the conLnent, the fruit holds high nutriLonal value and finds its use in various dishes. People use the fruit and leaves to prepare drinks, porridges, snacks, and meal powders.
Medicinal use: In tradiLonal medicine pracLces, many African cultures use various components of the baobab tree to treat a variety of ailments. Many African cultures use the leaves, bark, and seeds to treat illnesses such as malaria, skin diseases, and gastrointesLnal condiLons.
TradiLonal healthcare pracLces have long acknowledged the tree's medicinal properLes.
Environmental benefits: Baobab trees contribute to environmental sustainability by increasing soil ferLlity, conserving water, and providing shade. The trunk of the tree has the capacity to store substanLal quanLLes of water, which becomes a significant source of aid during droughts. The tree’s deep roots also help to miLgate soil erosion. The tree promotes biodiversity by providing habitat for a variety of species, including insects and animals.
A Baobab tree typically takes several decades to reach maturity. The precise Lme frame may differ depending on the species and environmental condiLons, but in general:
v Germination and Early Growth: The initial growth of baobab seeds is slow, but they can germinate within a few weeks. The saplings spend their initial years to develop of a tough root system.
v Juvenile Stage: The tree develops at a slow pace for the first 10-15 years. It may take approximately 15-20 years for a baobab tree to attain a substantial size, which is approximately 5-10 meters in height.
v Mature Stage: When baobabs begin to produce flowers and fruits, they are considered mature, a process that may require 20 to 50 years. Nevertheless, they continue to grow and can survive for hundreds to thousands of years. Some of them only attain full size
and maturity after several centuries, with a height of 20-30 meters and a diameter reaching upwards of 10 meters each.
With its large, bulging trunk and sparse branches, the baobab tree is easily idenLfiable. The fruit is oval-shaped and has a tough outer shell that contains a dry, powdery pulp and seeds. AddiLonally, in recent Lmes, the seeds are now being processed into oils; prior to the awareness of the economic awareness of the seed, community members discarded the seeds. The use of the residual baobab debris from the oil extracLon process is used as animal feed for livestock farming.
Although there was an exisLng market for baobab leaves, the economic value of the tree was less developed prior to Atarrah’s interest in sourcing pods and seeds. Community members mostly used the tree for food in their households as the trees were easily accessible to everyone. They used the baobab fruits and leaves to prepare meals and soups, respecLvely, but discarded the seeds. Atarrah seized on the opportunity to generate economic value, and thus wages for women, by harvesLng baobab pods and seeds and processing them into consumer goods like oils and powder used in the cosmeLc and food industries, respecLvely. Having a visionary leader like FaL Abdulai ensured that Atarrah not only focused on gaining value through baobab but also through diversificaLon into other products like baobab powder, shea buner, pawpaw oil, African black soap, neem oil, as well as sesame seeds and oil.
Atarrah’s operaLng model focuses on providing women with income for gathering baobab seeds and shea nuts from their communiLes. The women either purchase the seeds (perhaps using funds provided up-front) or harvest them themselves, which Atarrah then purchases and collects from various communiLes before sending them to their processing plant. Atarrah gives the women piece-rate earnings based on the number of bags they are able to collect or buy. Sourcing the baobab pods and seeds while in season from various communiLes throughout northern Ghana ensures that Atarrah’s supply can support producLon even during the off season
The seeds bought by Atarrah can either be washed or unwashed. Atarrah employs women from the community who wash the seeds and then sort for quality to discard undesirable seeds. With funding from various donors, WOM has been able to purchase machines which are then leased to Atarrah to process these raw materials into their finished products. Atarrah operates a facility with two large and one small cold press machines which are used to extract oil from the baobab seeds. The facility has a total of six women workers who run the seeds through the pressers. Once the oil is extracted, it goes through a proprietary filtering process resulting in a clear and pure final product. Each bag of seeds weighs about 80 kilograms which produces approximately
5 litres of baobab oil. When there is a constant supply of electricity and with no breakdown of machinery, the factory can run about 15 to 20 bags of seeds a day through the mill. These seeds can produce approximately 100 liters, or 25 gallons, of oil. The byproduct or residual pulp of this pressing process, known as the seed cake, is not wasted. Instead, it is sold separately and utilized as feed for livestock or as a natural fertilizer, ensuring that every part of the baobab seed is used efficiently and sustainably.
Atarrah focuses solely on buying baobab seeds and pods from women in the community. The company does not purchase pre-processed baobab powder because they are unable to guarantee that the powder is produced to recommended standards. As such, they prefer to make their own in-house. This approach allows Atarrah to maintain control over the quality and consistency of the baobab powder used in their products, ensuring it meets their high standards. The facility processes the baobab pods into powder by manually cracking the pods’ outer shells open to access the pulp and seeds. The facility separates the dry pulp and seeds from the pods. A special baobab milling machine mills the pulp and then sieves it to remove any coarse impurities. The result is a healthy, nutritious powder used for smoothies, drinks, and toffees.
The facility uses a smaller mulL purpose machine for the producLon of other oils like neem and sesame. These oils are produced in smaller quanLLes, unlike baobab oil. In addiLon, a shea nut processor at Atarrah's facility also transforms shea nuts into raw shea buner, suitable for use in cooking or as cosmeLcs. Through grants, WOM has assisted several communiLes in acquiring their own shea buner processing mills, offering these women an addiLonal avenue for economic empowerment. As a result, Atarrah is able to collaborate with these communiLes in the shea buner processing process by placing shea buner orders from these processing communiLes. It also provides the raw material (shea nuts) to these groups to process when the women are unable to source this material in large enough quanLLes to meet the orders.
Atarrah pays GHS100.00 per 70kg bag of shea nuts processed
One of Atarrah’s core values is environmental sustainability being conscious of the impact acLviLes of Atarrah have on the natural resources available to them. Atarrah’s goal is to promote ecosystems long-term health and stability through responsible management and use of natural resources. To ensure environmental sustainability, Atarrah has adopted pracLcal strategies like reducLon of polluLon and waste, promoLon of recycling and reuse, and efficient use of natural resources. Atarrah is confident in its ability to safeguard natural resources by implemenLng these strategies, ensuring that future generaLons can sLll access them.
In summary, Atarrah’s partnership with WOM has contributed to job creaLon and inclusion by providing market linkages for widows and other marginalized women, thereby improving livelihoods and leading to economic empowerment. Widows who become involved with Atarrah benefit from an increased ability to control their lives through the development of entrepreneurial agency (Lent, 2022, p. 644).
2.0 Methodology
2.1 Research objecFves
The primary objecLve of this research is to bener understand the posiLve impact Atarrah has had on the livelihood of women in northern Ghana and the different ways it influences and empowers them. Our desired output is to idenLfy and produce ways to tell Atarrah’s story in order to support its growth aspiraLons.
2.2 Research quesFons
The research quesLons driving this study are as follows:
1. What have been the livelihood impacts of women’s participation in Atarrah’s network, particularly as beneficiaries of Atarrah’s economic empowerment efforts, as opposed to health, education, training, and other advocacy work?
2. How has Atarrah grown a series of value chain acLviLes related to baobab seeds to benefit women harvesters, and what growth hurdles are next to overcome?
3. How can the baobab seed example be developed as a case study of a sustainable, circular economy iniLaLve (reimagining a waste product as a material input into a new value chain)?
4. What are the metrics that can provide insight into the triple-bottom-line impacts of Atarrah (social, environmental, and economic), especially with regard to women’s equity and agency?
Answering these quesLons required gathering first-hand accounts from women who are part of Atarrah’s network. The data they provided have been compiled and combined with qualitaLve and quanLtaLve data provided by Atarrah and other sources, including visits to baobab producLon faciliLes. The findings from the responses compiled will be shared with Atarrah and other relevant organisaLons with the goal of helping Atarrah tell its story and become investor ready.
2.3 Study design
A narraLve survey was used as the main research design. NarraLve research is defined as the study of how human beings experience the world, and narraLve researchers collect these stories and write narraLves of experience (Gudmundsdoxr, 2001). This allows us to tell the stories of the women who have been posiLvely impacted socially, economically, and environmentally by the various works being done with Atarrah. A narraLve research approach helped us to bener amplify the voices of the underprivileged and marginalized women.
In order to maximize the number of participants able to be engaged and heard, we elected to conduct focus group discussions (FGDs) with small groups of women workers. All participants were beneficiaries of Atarrah’s activities, and a significant number of them represented grassroots leaders within their decentralized group structure. These beneficiaries work in
groups within their communities, set up with the help of WOM. Each community is classified as a group. Atarrah works with these groups to achieve the goal of creating jobs and providing market linkage opportunities. This approach allowed participants to interact with one another, share, and build upon each other’s viewpoints. The use of a written questionnaire instrument was opted out due to the language and literacy barriers that impeded comprehension and FGDs were also significantly less time-consuming than individual interviews. Nevertheless, we conducted individual interviews with several women we identified as a follow-up to their focus group when compelled to do so by the amount or significance of what they wished to share.
Between late May and mid-June, we conducted a total of six FGDs with groups that Atarrah works with in Bolgatanga and its surrounding communities in the northeast region of Ghana. The groups were verbally presented with the invitation to participate through Atarrah, and they responded favorably to our request. The women welcomed the research team and started with a prayer as they normally do for their regular meetings. The FGDs commenced with the introduction of researchers, the purpose of the study, the rights of the participants, and the consent and confidentiality aspect of the study. In each FGD, the participants were informed that they were at liberty to respond to any query they desired or to none at all, that they could withdraw at any time, and that their names would not be recorded alongside their responses. Their readiness and willingness to participate were evident as they spared time from their hectic schedules to respond to our series of open-ended inquiries.
The six FGDs that we conducted were with the following six community groups: Dorungu, Baare, Gane Asonghe, Anateem, Bongo Beo, and Sandema. Baare and Anateem are two of the six groups that exclusively engage in shea nuts, having their own processors, while the remaining four groups engage in the collection of both baobab seeds and shea nuts. Traveling to the various communities was necessary for these meetings The lead researcher was present for all six FGDs and conducted all the individual interviews, whereas the other two researchers split their attendance amongst the FGDs. The lead researcher is fluent in Twi, a Ghanaian language more common in south and central Ghana, and so it remained necessary for a staff member from Atarrah to attend all FGD sessions to support translation of both queries and responses into the local dialects where necessary; again, this task was divided amongst two staff members. The number of parLcipants in these groups ranged from four being the lowest to twenty being the highest In total, 65 women parLcipated in the FGDs.
Additionally, we conducted one-on-one interviews with twenty-two women from seven communities who have demonstrated substantial excellence as a result of the assistance provided by Atarrah. These women are the champions of the change they aspire to see in their households and communities. The introduction of researchers, the purpose of the study, the rights of the participants, the consent and confidentiality aspect of the study were the first topics discussed during these individual interviews. Explicit consent was obtained prior to the acquisition of photographs where needed.
Open-ended questions were employed to commence the discussions. Initially, we were intrigued by the women’s methods of income generation prior to their involvement with Atarrah. Second, we further probed the effects Atarrah has had on the women since they joined, focusing primarily on the socio-economic advantages or additional income generation. Given the high rates of school dropouts in the communities and the collective responsibility that the women in the community have taken on to reduce the migration of young girls and women to the southern regions of Ghana, we inquired about the mitigation measures that the women may be implementing. We directed the inquiries to uncover additional information regarding the baobab and shea trees, their protection, and the methods by which they are accessed and resources are obtained. Finally, we probed deeper to learn about the obstacles they face as they try to break free from poverty cycles and navigate the numerous diverse constraints they face. The questionnaire may be found in the Appendix.
The responses were grouped in accordance with the research objectives: economic and livelihood impact (including related social impacts on health, education, additional income generation, and resiliency measures), ongoing challenges or hardships in generating income, access to resources and other challenges, and environmental impacts (including values, protection of the trees, and perception of the community). The Kobo Toolbox app, a data collection and analysis tool, was employed to perform these data groupings. The research team fed the Kobo system with questions which was subsequently updated with responses per the notes recorded during each FGD. The researchers subsequently reviewed each grouping of data to identify, compare, and agree on the most prevalent themes that emerged. These themes speak to the collective lived experiences of these women.
The following section highlights the findings from these discussions and features some of the individual stories. Responses enabled us to comprehend the actions that women are currently taking to improve the odds that the next generation of women is resilient, educated, and empowered. This understanding enabled us to identify recommendations and policy changes that may be useful in leading to changes to ensure that these women are provided with the necessary supports to develop resilient livelihoods
2.4 Study limitaFons
The study’s purpose was to analyze and evaluate the impact that Atarrah has had on the livelihood of widows and other marginalized women. The allocated Lme for data collecLon limited the study to six focus group discussions and twenty-two individual follow-up interviews, not including other key-informant interviews with Atarrah staff, bank representaLves and others. The lack of data collecLon by women in communiLes and their general lack of numeracy skills restricted the study to a more qualitaLve one about the impact Atarrah has had on the women. Finally, the lack of language proficiency between the parLcipants and the research team members made us reliant on two-way translaLon provided by Atarrah staff and may have resulted in lost or incorrect interpretaLons.
3.0 Findings from the PerspecFve of Women
3.1 Economic changes
3.1.1 Income generaFng acFviFes before Atarrah
Findings from the FGDs showed that the women were involved in a variety of incomegenerating activities to support their livelihoods prior to their involvement with Atarrah. These activities, which were rooted in traditional practices and local commerce, were the backbone of many households’ financial stability. Despite the fact that these activities were not consistently generating a significant amount of income, they were frequently sufficient to sustain the household. Basket and hat weaving, and rattle making, were among the primary activities of a few women. They also engaged in the trade of groundnuts, the production and sale of malt drinks (a local beverage), the trading of local rice, the farming of red millet and groundnuts, the trading of dry fish, vegetables, and groceries (petty trading), small scale processing of shea butter and the sale of firewood. A few of the women stated that they were into trading of baobab seeds. These activities were providing them with an income with which they strove to sustain their households. Among these, farming and the trading of vegetables emerged as the top income sources. The demand for fresh vegetables ensured a steady flow of income for those involved in this trade, making it a reliable source of earnings. Basket weaving and rattle making also stood out as significant income generators. Sale of red millet and shea fruits were also identified as top income generators. Dry fish trading and groundnut trade followed closely, with their profitability often depending on the supply. These activities were somewhat seasonal, influenced by factors such as harvest cycles and availability of raw materials. When the supply was abundant, both dry fish and groundnut trades could comprise a substantial proportion of their income, making them critical components of the women’s economic activities. In addition, one woman disclosed that she was unable to sustain her household solely on the income she earned from farming before she began working with Atarrah. As a result, she relocated to Kumasi, the capital of the Ashanti region of Ghana, to work as a head porter in order to supplement her family’s income.
3.1.2 The challenges and difficulFes women faced before Atarrah
The women shared that, despite being involved in various small-scale income-generating activities, the income they earned was modest and insufficient to meet their basic needs. Moreover, these earnings were unpredictable and inconsistent, leaving them in a precarious financial situation. This instability meant that the women constantly faced the distressing uncertainty of how they would provide for their families from one day to the next. The inability to rely on a stable source of income not only heightened their financial anxiety but also perpetuated the cycle of poverty, making it difficult for them to plan for the future or improve their living conditions. The depreciation of the cedi and inflation made their meager earnings from their activities unremarkable, thereby intensifying their financial pressure.
Many of the women shared that they struggled to provide consistent, nutritious meals for their families. The lack of reliable access to food meant that they often faced hunger and malnutrition, which affected them and their children’s health. The uncertainty of where their next meal would come from was a constant source of stress and anxiety. One woman further confirmed this, revealing that her family, in their struggle to support the family, had to forego mealtimes like breakfast and lunch, opting instead for dinner or supper.
A significant number of women shared that they could not afford to support the educational needs of their children. Although the government of Ghana has ensured that basic and secondary education in public schools is free for every Ghanaian child, people who live below the poverty line still are unable to support their kids through school due to other related costs like the purchase of textbooks and meals.
Many women were financially dependent on their spouses or other family members as a result of societal norms and limited economic opportunities. Their autonomy was limited by this dependence, which hindered their capacity to make decisions for themselves and their families. This situation was further exacerbated by the women’s widowhood, which left them to care for themselves and their offspring. In sum, despite having some sources of income (albeit modest and inconsistent), many women spoke of experiencing a reinforcing cycle of poverty and dependency which made it challenging for them to achieve financial independence and break free.
3.1.3 Income generaFng acFviFes added by Atarrah
Atarrah introduced new income sources to the women groups in the various communities. Most of the women stated that they were unaware of the economic opportunities of the baobab tree and how it could improve their economic status, despite their awareness of its existence. Prior to their working with Atarrah, a majority of the women disclosed that they exclusively consumed baobab leaves and pods for sustenance, discarding the seeds in the process. The few women who were into collection of the seeds prior to joining Atarrah were relieved as they now had a consistent buyer of the seeds in Atarrah.
Some of the women disclosed that Atarrah introduced them to the collection and processing of baobab and shea products, thereby bringing awareness to the economic value of the trees. The women from one of the communities mentioned that they have been able to secure stationary stalls or area in the various marketplaces since they began collecting or purchasing baobab seeds and pods, which enables them to purchase more seeds as more customers are able to locate them now. Some women stated that the collection and sale of the seeds to Atarrah has provided them with consistent income
Additionally, the women in the Baare and Anateem communities mentioned that WOM provided them with training in the shea butter processing industry, which ensured the production of high-quality shea butter. Prior to Atarrah, the shea butter they were producing was of inferior quality, and as a result, they were unable to generate any income from it.
Atarrah revealed that they process 100% of its baobab oil and baobab powder products internally, but not all of its shea buner. Only 20% of Atarrah’s shea buner processing happens at the Atarrah factory, whereas 80% of Atarrah’s shea buner is processed and purchased from women in the Baare, Anateem and Zebila communiLes. Additionally, the women who were already engaged in the weaving of baskets were provided with the requisite skills, which led to an increase in the quality of basket weaving and a subsequent increase in market prices.
The women shared that working with Atarrah has provided them with access to new markets they would have otherwise not have, allowing them to reach beyond their local communities into domestic and international markets. This increased market access has enabled them to sell their products at fairer prices, connect with a broader customer base, and ultimately enhance their income and economic opportunities. As a result, the women's financial stability and independence were enhanced, ensuring a more sustainable and prosperous economic environment.
3.1.4 Impact of Atarrah on the livelihoods of women
The value gained from baobab products and diversificaLon into other products is intended to foster capacity-building and provide women working within these supply chains with various income-generaLng opportuniLes, enabling women to achieve financial independence and selfreliance. In partnership with WOM, Atarrah has become a beacon of support for women in northern Ghana. Atarrah has become a market leader in the region thanks to efforts by the women, enhancing the economic value and importance of the baobab tree.
3.1.4.1 Savings
Prior to Atarrah, certain women disclosed that they were unable to save due to their meagre income. Upon working with Atarrah, they receive GHS64.00 per bag, equivalent to 80 kilograms, and an additional GHS5.00 as piecework for their aggregator work. The market price for the finished products, such as shea butter and oils, determines the prices that Atarrah pays women. This has enabled them to earn enough to be able to save together as a group. The various groups with the communities operate a Village Savings and Loans Associations (VSLAs) where the women save together and are able to lend to members as a group The women have been able to save together as a group since joining Atarrah and with the formation of groups. The groups stated that currently each person in the group contributes a minimum of GHS5 or more per week, depending on the economic capacity of the individual. This has guaranteed that each woman is comfortable and has the capacity to contribute to the group savings. One woman, for instance, reported that she was able to save GHS1.00 per week when she first joined several years ago, but she is now able to save between GHS5.00 and GHS10.00 each week. Another woman shared how she had a very difficult pregnancy that required her having to be transfused with blood almost every month of her pregnancy; with the income from Atarrah, she was able to afford this transfusion.
The women reported that their income generated from working with Atarrah has increased over the years, which has also positively affected their ability to save. The women declared that they are capable of lending to other members of the group, provided that each member consents to the arrangement. One of the women’s groups reported that in addition to saving as a group, they also contributed to a health fund that provides for their health needs in the event that any member needs assistance.
According to some of the women, although their income has increased and has positively impacted the amount they can save, the impact is not significantly felt. This is as a result of inflation and the depreciation of the Ghana cedi which has made cost of living and expenses high and continues to increase. Despite this, they are content with the work they do with Atarrah as it keeps them engaged and provides them with income at the end of every month.
3.1.4.2
Diversifica3on
As a result of their income from Atarrah, women reported that they are able to purchase raw materials for some of the activities they were involved in before their engagement with Atarrah. Diversification took different forms for different women, but some examples are as follows of women who are now capable of:
v purchasing the materials required for the making of her baskets and rattles
v replenishing her grocery store when there is low stock
v reestablishing a business that she had previously discontinued as a result of financial constraints
v securing her late husband’s farmland which enables her to farm crops such as groundnuts, millet and beans which fetches her additional income as well as feed the whole family
v receiving training on how to generate income during the off-season through dry-season farming of okra and vegetables
Overall, the women shared that the diversification has given them a sense of financial freedom and agency, enabling them to generate their own income and empowering them to make decisions for themselves and their family. Through this, they have built resilience to withstand potential challenges, which has fostered a sense of independence and self-reliance.
3.1.4.3
Income stability
These income generating activities have significantly reduced the financial uncertainty, pressure and worry that previously affected the women by providing a more consistent and dependable source of income. They are now able to meet their daily requirements comfortably and approach every day with a renewed sense of confidence and security, as they now have a
consistent stream of income. One woman disclosed that she was able to repay her debt which she achieved through the steady income generated from working with Atarrah
Some of the women shared that due to income stability, they have been able to acquire assets like goats or a refrigerator, as well as build a house or room. A significant number of women shared that they are now able to support their children through school and afford healthcare. Most of the women also shared that although the income received from the various activities they are involved in wasn’t enough, the diversification of their income-generating activities ensures that they are able to generate income from multiple sources and raise enough capital to support the very businesses or activities they are engaged in.
The general response from the six FGDs and twenty-two interviewed individuals indicates that they are now more confident, have less anxiety, and have a posiLve outlook on life. The women are now financially independent and self-reliant, no longer excessively dependent on their households or communiLes. They are fervently commined to the educaLon of their children, parLcularly their daughters, to prevent them from following in their footsteps and to break the cycles of poverty within their households. This commitment to educaLon reflects their desire to ensure a bener future for the next generaLon and foster long-term social and economic change.
Income stability also reduces the need to relocate away from one’s community in search of a source of livelihood. The following vignene shares one woman’s story of being able to return to her community.
Against All Odds
After the sudden death of her husband, life mounting responsibilities, she made the heart migrate south to Kumasi, the bustling capital of the Ashanti region. There, she worked as a head porter, carrying heavy loads for meager pay, all while enduring the hardships of street life. The deplorable living conditions, coupled with constant threats to her safety and security, made each day a struggle for s
In the midst of her despair, she confided in her friend back home in her community. Her friend, a of her community, newly empowered by their partnership with Atarrah Ghana, reached out and urged her to return home. The community had formed a and there were new opportunities that promised a brighter future.
With the promise of change, she made the difficult journey back home which turned out to be the best decision she ever made. With the support of her community and the resources provided by Atarrah Ghana, ability to care for her children once again. No longer alone and vulnerable, she reclaimed her life dignity, and is grateful for the chance to rebuild her future where she truly belonged
3.1.5 Remaining challenges faced by the women
Despite the opportuniLes and impact that their involvement with Atarrah has had on their lives, there are still a number of challenges the women expressed. These challenges affect their productivity and overall well-being. The challenges include:
High transporta9on cost: The women reported high transportation costs associated with the transfer of seeds from the collection points to storage locations as one of the most pressing issues they currently face. Significant transportation costs are often incurred by numerous women who have to travel long distances to shrubs or forests that are frequently located on the outskirts of their communities in order to collect baobab seeds and shea nuts. These are women who usually do not have access to the baobab or shea trees within their communities. These expenses eat into their profits, making it difficult for them to realize the complete financial benefits of their hard work. The lack of affordable and efficient transportation options presents a significant barrier to maximizing their earnings.
Lack of adequate storage facilities: The women reported the lack of adequate storage faciliLes in their various communiLes as one criLcal problem they faced. Some groups are able to collect about 200 bags of seeds every 3 weeks during the baobab season and about 150 bags during off season with each bag weighing about 80 kilograms. After the seeds are collected or purchased, the women reported that they encounter difficulty in locating suitable storage solutions, and the seeds are left vulnerable to environmental conditions. This lack of storage faciliLes can lead to spoilage or loss of the seeds, further diminishing their potenLal income. In the long term, the quality of the final product and the supply will be impacted by the absence of dependable storage options.
Mode of collection of seeds: The physicality of seed collecLon was another obstacle that the women who collect the seeds shared. Due to the size and length of the Baobab tree, the women shared how they someLmes have to climb the tree in order to gain access to the pods and leaves. The employment of farm boys aids them in navigaLng this task; however, this intervenLon reduces their earnings, as they must compensate the farm boys for their labor.
Lack of protective wear: The women raised the lack of protective wear like goggles, gloves, proper footwear and/or a body suit that covers their arms and legs as a challenge they faced The process of gathering seeds from the forests or bushes can be hazardous, exposing the women to various environmental risks and potential injuries. Moreover, processing baobab pods, which involves breaking them, can be a physically demanding and potentially dangerous task without the proper protective equipment, involving flying shards to the eyes along with thorns and skin irritations. The absence of protective gear not only jeopardizes their health and safety but also limits their efficiency and productivity.
Absence of crushers and mills: Although Anateem has a shea nut crusher, the women from Baare mentioned the lack of crushers for the shea seeds they collect or buy as one of the challenges they faced. The absence of these essential tools makes the process of breaking down
the seeds extremely hard on their bodies. Without crushers, the women rely on manual methods like cracking the seeds with large stones, which are not only labor-intensive and timeconsuming but also pose a safety concern with flying shards, debris to the eye, or injury to the fingers, reducing their overall efficiency. Moreover, the lack of mills within some of their communities worsens the problem. Women are forced to travel long distances to other communities to access milling facilities. This additional travel not only incurs further transportation costs but also takes up valuable time they could have spent on other productive activities. The absence of local mills creates a bottleneck in the processing of seeds, delaying the overall production cycle and limiting the potential income that could be generated. Even the communities with shea processing mills do not enjoy a reliable electricity grid necessary to operate them.
Access to water supply: The women expressed the difficulty they faced with the lack of access to water supply required to wash the baobab seeds they collect before Atarrah picks them up. Proper cleaning of seeds is essential to ensure their quality and marketability. However, the scarcity of water in some communities means that women struggle to clean the seeds thoroughly, which could impact the quality of the final product. This lack of water not only affects the efficiency of their operations but also poses potential health risks, as unwashed seeds may harbor contaminants. Also, Atarrah offers a higher price for washed and clean seeds; as a result, the women miss out on any additional income they could have earned.
Limited markets and high cost of raw materials: The women involved in the weaving of baskets, ranles, and hats, as well as the processing of shea nuts into shea buner, stated that despite the quality training provided by WOM to produce high-quality products, the absence of steady and recurring markets for their products prevents them from achieving their full economic potenLal. They also shared that the cost of materials is on the rise across the board, affecLng various aspects of producLon. The cost of basket weaving has also increased, primarily due to the need to source specific grasses from the southern regions. These increasing costs are puxng addiLonal financial pressure on operaLons, making it more challenging to maintain profitability and sustain producLon levels.
Low prices: A majority of the women frequently expressed dissatisfaction with the prices Atarrah was paying for the baobab seeds. These suppliers feel that the prices offered do not correspond with the work that goes into accessing the seeds. When combined with the current depreciation of the Ghana cedi, women suppliers sometimes become reluctant to sell their seeds, leading to supply shortages.
3.1.5.1
The unique challenge of access to resources
In northern Ghana, women continue to face substantial obstacles to their economic and social empowerment due to their restricted access to land. Women frequently encounter systemic or traditional obstacles that restrict their capacity to own or manage land, despite their significant contributions to the local economy and agriculture. Women are frequently reliant on male
relatives for access to land, as traditional customs and societal norms tend to favor male ownership. This dependence not only impedes their autonomy but also limits their ability to completely invest in and benefit from agricultural activities.
In one of the FGDs, one woman shared that upon the death of her husband, she lost access to the farmland her husband owned. This was the land that she had previously cultivated before her husband’s death. She used the land for subsistence farming and mostly focused on cash crops. Any surplus from harvest was sold to support other needs of the family. Despite periods of low yield, she was able to meet the family’s needs by combining her husband’s income with the farming yield. Nevertheless, her life became significantly more difficult following her husband’s passing, as she was now obligated to go above and beyond to provide for her family. Through legal assistance, she was able to help her reclaim her husband’s land.
Accessing baobab and shea trees was another obstacle that the women reported encountering in terms of land access. Until the baobab trees were recognized for their economic value and awareness, it was possible for anyone to harvest the baobab pods and leaves without obtaining permission from the tree owner. However, with growing awareness of their economic benefits, the women disclosed that it has become more challenging to obtain baobab pods and leaves.
“There are less and less trees accessible now” as quoted by one woman. The women who collected baobab seeds in the six FGDs addressed the challenges they encountered during the collection process. At first, there were more women involved in collecting than in purchasing from tree owners. However, the limited access to baobab trees has resulted in a significant decrease in the number of women who are collecting. The women explained that the owners of land that contain baobab trees are now selling the trees for harvesting at a specific time. This has also resulted in some women venturing into the bush or forest, where there is a high population of trees, which has raised additional security concerns. This shie emphasizes the need for strategic planning and sustainable pracLces to ensure conLnued access to these valuable resources.
Although the women shared their concerns about accessing the baobab and shea trees, there is a strong sense of confidence and hope that planting more trees will sustain the supply of baobab seeds and leaves. This effort guarantees a continuous supply of baobab resources, promoting long-term sustainability. While most of the trees under harvest are mature, they yield consistently on a seasonal basis. The mortality rate of these ancient trees is not high. Despite the gradual decline of the old trees, the efforts to plant new trees, along with the dissemination of knowledge about their significance to the community and future generations, provide hope that baobab pods and leaves will continue to be accessible. This confidence extends to the shea nut trees, too; as long as these trees continue to exist, they will yield.
3.2 Social changes
3.2.1
PercepFon of the community before Atarrah
As we reviewed in the introduction, the socio-economic state of the Upper East region of Ghana is influenced by several elements including religious beliefs, cultural norms, gender dynamics, and economic challenges. Women often have no employment opportunities due to their high levels of illiteracy which limits their involvement in the decision-making process due of activities of domineering men and gender bias. In this part of Ghana, widows often referred to as witches face marginalization, ostracism, and insults; typically, the widow bears the blame for her husband’s death. This ordeal makes them subject to mental health problems, makes them socially isolated, and allows many people to deprive them of property ownership and inheritance rights. Due to being labeled as ‘witches’, they are subjected to culturally humiliating processes in order to prove their innocence in the death of their husbands or regain their status in society.
3.2.2 Individual level changes
The women disclosed that various income-generaLng acLviLes they are engaged in have significantly improved their quality of life within the society. By engaging in these acLviLes, the women and their households have experienced enhanced financial stability, independence and self reliant. Most of the women shared they are less worried and less anxious about the future. This economic empowerment has led to bener living condiLons, improved access to educaLon and healthcare, and overall enhanced well-being.
Their ability to generate income has also fostered a sense of pride and self-worth among themselves, which has further elevated their confidence. One of the FGDs disclosed that Atarrah’s income generating activities has substantially increased their confidence, thereby enabling them to make decisions for themselves and their household. This newly discovered empowerment allows them to determine the actions they will take to enhance the well-being of their household. They now possess the autonomy to determine the best approach to manage their resources, prioritize their needs, and plan for the future. In addition to improving their quality of life, the capacity to make informed decisions independently has also cultivated a sense of personal empowerment and self-reliance. Their confidence and agency have been enhanced by Atarrah’s assistance in creating a more promising future for their families and themselves.
3.2.3
Family level changes
The women stated that as their economic status improved, some of their husbands and male relaLves are happy with them as they are also able to support the home. Their families now seek their opinions and support during family meeLngs. IniLally, they were never allowed to partake in decision-making meeLngs, but now their husbands or male relaLves accord them respect and involve them in decision-making. Others spoke of the bener relaLonships that now
exists within their households. One notable theme was the importance of education for the next generation, especially the girls, so they do not walk paths they trod. The women expressed their passion for the education of their children to ensure they are raising up the next generation of women leaders within their family or household who would not face discrimination, be self-reliant and have entrepreneurial agency. The following vignette shares one woman’s story of family resiliency.
A Mother's Love and Strength
When my 14-year-old daughter became pregnant, our world turned upside down. It was a challenging time, filled with fear and uncertainty, but I knew I had to be strong for her. I stood by her throughout her pregnancy, offering her the support and love she needed. After she delivered, I made a decision that would change our lives I encouraged my daughter to go back to school.
Despite the challenges, within just three months after the birth of my grandchild, my daughter was able to return to her education. It wasn’t easy, but I was determined to ensure that she had a future full of possibilities. I took on the responsibility of caring for my grandchild, feeding him, and providing for his upbringing, all while my daughter focused on her studies.
Today, my grandson is a healthy, thriving 18-month-old. Every time I see his smile, I’m reminded of the strength it took to get us here. The income I earn from Atarrah Ghana made it all possible. It allowed me to support my daughter during her most vulnerable moments and to give my grandson the care he deserves. I am proud proud to support my daughter and my grandchild, and proud of the independence and stability that Atarrah Ghana has given us
3.2.4 Community level changes
The women asserted that their communities regard them as financially independent and not requiring their assistance, which has earned them the respect of their family and communities. Before Atarrah, some of the women revealed that they had to go around their communities to seek financial assistance or basic food items such as salt, gari (cassava flakes), or rice. This experience led to a negative perception of their borrowing habits within their communities. There has been significant improvement in their economic status which has had a great impact on the lives of their families since working with Atarrah. Additionally, others reported that they have acquired value within their communities. One group also reported that other women in the community have approached them, requesting to be a part of their group, as they have observed the substantial change and economic impact on their lives and are impressed by their hard work. Without the positive influence of Atarrah, these events would not have transpired.
They are currently highly esteemed in their communities. One of the groups reported that their community chief will occasionally seek the input of the leaders of the women’s group to discuss development initiatives, particularly those related to the well-being of women and children. Prior to it, such an occurrence would not have taken place. The women disclosed that they established a committee comprising the village head and assemblyman (government representative) in order to address the problem of school dropouts in the community. They offer assistance and resources to facilitate the reintegration of school-aged children into the education system. Women in one community said that they were able to assist a teenage mother by taking care of her child while she returned to school, a situation that would have otherwise been impossible. They are currently regarded as catalysts for change within the community.
One woman shared that her increased mobility, resulting from moving between communities to collect seeds, has significantly impacted her life in multiple positive ways. During her travels, she has developed the confidence to interact with new individuals, thereby promoting the growth of professional networks and friendships. This increased mobility has not only allowed her to gather seeds more efficiently but has also opened up opportunities for social interaction and community building that she previously did not have This increased mobility aids in strengthening social bonds and fostering a more cohesive and supporLve community. These acLviLes have not only elevated the standard of living but also contributed to the overall social and economic development of the community.
3.3 Environmental impact
3.3.1 Importance or value of the baobab tree to individual, group and community
The baobab tree holds immense significance in various aspects of life. During the FGDs, the women were asked regarding the significance of the baobab tree. The women responded by staLng that, when they see the baobab tree, they see:
v food, as its fruit and leaves provide essential nutrition,
v a source of income, as selling Baobab products helps sustain their family financially,
v shade and shelter, providing a cool respite from the sun, and
v a source of traditional medicines, promoting good health and well-being.
The baobab tree is an invaluable resource for sustenance, economic stability, comfort, and health due to its multifaceted benefits. Some of the women shared that before working with Atarrah, they had no idea that every part of the baobab tree was valuable and could be a source of income.
3.3.2 ProtecFon of the
baobab tree
In addition, the women disclosed that the baobab trees are now of greater importance to the community and to themselves, as they have developed sustainable methods to safeguard them and prevent their destruction. Children often pluck the pods before they reach full ripening or maturity, leading to a meager harvest and a reduction in income. The women also disclosed that certain individuals will cut down trees in order to obtain the leaves or fruits. They shared that through community engagement, they inform their communities about sustainable harvesting practices to curb these destructive habits. One of the interviewed women asked that Atarrah educate the community on sustainable ways to harvest from baobab trees without causing destruction to the trees.
The women shared that in instances where trees have died or are dying is as a result of the use of chemical sprays on farmlands which pose a threat to baobab trees, particularly young and vulnerable ones. These toxic substances permeate the soil, contaminating root systems and foliage. Young baobab trees are particularly vulnerable, leading to a decrease in their population. Addressing this issue requires education on the ecological importance of baobab trees, promoting sustainable farming practices, implementing integrated pest management strategies, and establishing buffer zones. Enforcing policies and regulations to control harmful chemicals is also essential.
The women disclosed that there was currently no collective effort to conserve or plant new trees by the government or its agencies. However, new trees spring up due to accidental planting that occurs when people threw away baobab seeds. The women stated that with little effort, the young or new trees are safeguarded from livestock grazing by constructing a fence around them and coating them with manure They also help by clearing shrubs and garbage around the trees to prevent fires. The further explained that trees found in the forest or bushes are protected by the country’s forestry commission.
At the community level, the women shared that there are currently no legal ramifications for the destruction of the tree. However, some communities have implemented certain directives, with consent from the community chief, to prevent the destruction of trees. If found to have destroyed a tree, individuals or groups face consequences, such as paying a fine.
4.0
Findings from the PerspecFve of Atarrah
4.1 A study of Atarrah operaFons
Atarrah has achieved its goal of ensuring that 100% of its revenue comes from the products and services they offer. We observed that Atarrah primarily sells its products to wholesalers who place orders directly to their sales office. These wholesalers typically either resell the products or use them as ingredients in other products. Atarrah also offers services like processing of seeds into oils for companies that do not have access to cold pressers. This suggests that Atarrah currently operates a largely B2B (business-to-business) model, which is crucial for Atarrah’s current revenue generaLon, but it limits direct consumer engagement. The majority of Atarrah's current sales are wholesale, with a few long-term companies making up the wholesale revenue.
Atarrah operates a dedicated showroom where it displays its finished products for sale. The showroom serves as a key venue for showcasing the company’s range of products, including baobab oil, shea buner, and other finished goods. With their showroom, they are able to cater to local customers who prefer in person shopping. Nevertheless, Atarrah has not yet established a significant retail presence. The lack of adverLsing and a robust online presence has hindered direct sales to consumers. Without effecLve markeLng and an online sales plaForm, the company struggles to reach a broader audience and capitalize on direct retail opportuniLes.
4.1.2
Atarrah’s factory tour
WOM owns the farm, a portion of the machinery, and the land that holds the factory, office space, and dormitory facilities. These assets were acquired through generous donor funding, which has enabled WOM to establish a comprehensive infrastructure for their operations. The dormitory provides accommodations for women during training sessions and workshops, creating a supportive environment for skill development and empowerment. Atarrah leases the facilities and machinery it requires from WOM. This arrangement allows Atarrah to benefit from established infrastructure and resources, enabling them to focus on their core operations and growth. The leasing model also ensures that WOM can continue to support and empower women through training programs and workshops, utilizing the revenue from the rental agreement. This partnership fosters a supportive environment for both organizations, promoting sustainability and development.
During a tour of the factory premises, we idenLfied three areas where funding could assist Atarrah: equipment or machinery upgrade, transportaLon, and storage for both raw materials and finished goods.
4.1.2.1
Equipment upgrades
During our tour of the factory, we witnessed the frequent and persistent breakdown of industrial oil press machines used for processing baobab seeds into oil. These breakdowns are as a result of outdated and obsolete machines in use as well low current and inconsistent
voltage supply. These breakdowns disrupt the production process, leading to delays and inefficiencies. Atarrah is unable to meet its daily target of twenty bags of seeds as a result of the persistent breakdown of machinery. Consistent machinery failures result in increased maintenance costs, reduced output, and potential loss of product quality. Ensuring the equipment’s reliability and proper maintenance is critical for maintaining consistent production and achieving optimal efficiency in baobab oil extraction. Nevertheless, when the machines are idle or not working, the factory women who process the seeds into oils have gained hands-on expertise in maintenance and repair of the oil press machines.
4.1.2.2 Storage solu3ons
We identified significant limitations in the storage capacity of both raw materials and finished products during our tour. Bags of seeds and pods overflowed the designated storage rooms due to insufficient storage space, leading to their outdoor storage. This exposes them to adverse weather conditions and pests, compromising the quality and safety of the materials. The existing storage rooms are too small to accommodate the current volume of raw materials, which restricts proper air circulation. Also due to the breakdown of machinery and electrical grid deficiencies, production is hindered which leads to accumulation of seeds in storage. Adequate air circulation is essential to maintain the quality of the seeds and pods, as poor ventilation can lead to spoilage and contamination. This, in turn, affects the quality of the oil produced during the processing of these seeds. Ensuring proper storage conditions is crucial to preserving the integrity of the raw materials and delivering a high-quality finished product.
4.1.2.3
Transporta3on challenges
Atarrah relies on a single, old and unreliable truck to transport pods and seeds from various communities to the factory. This vehicle is critical for collecting raw materials essential for production, yet its age and condition pose significant challenges. Frequent breakdowns and maintenance issues disrupt the collection process, leading to yet more delays and inefficiencies. The unreliability of this truck not only hampers timely pickups but also risks the quality of the raw materials, as extended transport times can result in spoilage. This problem also burdens communities which are already experiencing their own storage limitations. Ensuring a dependable transportation solution is crucial for maintaining the supply chain and supporting continuous production.
4.2 Ghana’s financial sector and social enterprises
The financial sector of Ghana has experienced substantial changes in recent decades, which have played a crucial role in the country's economic growth. This sector encompasses banks, non-bank financial institutions, insurance companies, and capital markets. Originally, the sector was mostly controlled by government-owned banks. However, it has now expanded to encompass a range of financial institutions, such as commercial banks, microfinance institutions, savings and loans organizations, and non-bank financial institutions.
Social enterprises, which strive to tackle social problems while attaining financial viability, have become more important participants in Ghana's socio-economic framework. This study analyzes the organization and development of Ghana's financial industry and assesses its influence on the expansion and durability of social enterprises.
4.2.1
EvoluFon and current landscape of Ghana's financial sector
Ghana's financial sector has undergone many stages of development, characterized by regulatory reforms and technical progress. Following independence, the sector experienced extensive regulaLons, focusing on state-owned banks. The financial sector reforms implemented in the 1980s and 1990s, such as the Financial Sector Adjustment Programme (FINSAP), played a crucial role in opening up the market, promoting competition, and increasing the effectiveness of financial institutions (Ackah & Asiamah, 2014). These reforms led to the establishment of more private and foreign banks, increasing access to financial services. Currently, Ghana's financial sector is distinguished by a diverse combination of domestic and global institutions. The Bank of Ghana oversees the operations of commercial banks, savings and loan companies, microfinance institutions (MFIs), and rural banks. In addition, the Ghana Stock Exchange (GSE) and the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) supervise the capital markets, offering opportunities for raising long-term capital (BoG, 2022). Insurance firms and pension funds are important participants in the financial ecosystem.
4.2.2 Impact of the financial sector on Atarrah
The growth of the financial sector in Ghana has had both positive and negative effects on social enterprises. The presence of a wide range of financial products and services has given social enterprises the possibility to access funding. MFIs have played a crucial role in providing financial services to small and medium-sized firms (SMEs), including social enterprises (OseiAssibey, 2013). These institutions provide loans, savings products, and financial literacy programs, which allow social enterprises to expand their operations. Nevertheless, social enterprises frequently encounter difficulties in obtaining conventional financial services as a result of their distinctive business strategies and perceived elevated risks. Traditional financial institutions may hesitate to provide loans to social enterprises that lack collateral or a demonstrated history of profitability (Darko & Koranteng, 2015).
The financial sector in Ghana is particularly limited in funding solutions that are available to social enterprises. Currently, Atarrah relies on income gained from the sale of products to finance operations, and it is considering ways of raising capital through both debt (borrowing) and equity (investors) means. Atarrah does not currently provide funding for any WOM activities, and there is no financial flow of profits from Atarrah to WOM. While there is a potential interest in exploring such support in the future, Atarrah currently lacks the capacity to allocate funds to WOM. Atarrah reinvests all its profits back into the company to support its operations and growth.
The lack of customized funding solutions for social enterprises such as Atarrah has significantly limited their ability to achieve their full potential and scale their impact. Banks currently are neither interested or able to engage in social impact lending to promote women entrepreneurs or social enterprises through preferable rates or other benefits. Without access to customized funding solutions that understand and cater to the unique challenges and opportunities of social enterprises, these organizations face considerable barriers in securing the necessary capital. This financial gap hinders their ability to invest in essential resources, innovate in their operations, expand their services, and ultimately, maximize their social and economic contributions to the communities they serve.
4.2.3 Funding soluFons from two Ghanaian commercial banks
To enable Atarrah be financially independent and to be able to carry out its obligaLons and business acLviLes, the research team met with two of Ghana’s top commercial banks, Zenith Bank Ghana Limited and Consolidated Bank of Ghana, to explore their funding soluLons that can be a best fit for Atarrah. Atarrah already has a relaLonship with a third bank. Below are the requirements Atarrah will have to meet to be eligible for receipt of a loan from each.
4.2.3.1
Consolidated Bank of Ghana (CBG):
Banking rela9onship: To qualify for a loan, you must have an exisLng banking relaLonship with CBG. If you do not have an exisLng account, you will have to open one and must have run the account with CBG for at least six months. The six-month period can be shortened by providing statements from another bank to show your account acLviLes and cash flow.
Loan value: The maximum loan value disbursed is 70% of your deposits with CBG with the maximum loan amount capped at GHS200,000.
Repayment period: The repayment period can be either six months or one year. Flexible repayment terms are available to accommodate different financial situaLons.
Commercial loan scheme: There is no specific scheme for social enterprises or women entrepreneurs; all commercial loans are treated the same.
Interest rate: The interest rate is 36%, calculated on a declining principal amount.
Collateral for equipment purchases: If the loan is for purchasing equipment, some programs allow using the equipment as collateral.
Monitoring and review: CBG will visit your factory or business premises to review current operaLons and ensure that the funds are being spent as intended.
Flexibility in loan usage: Loan can be used to grow exisLng business or to pursue new business opportuniLes.
Processing fee: A processing fee of 12.5% of the principal amount is charged on all loans. For instance, if you borrow GHS100,000, only GHS87,500 will be disbursed to you aeer deducLng the processing fee.
4.2.3.2
Zenith Bank Ghana Limited:
The Z-Woman program from Zenith Bank Ghana serves as a specific funding solution for women-owned businesses. This program aims to empower female entrepreneurs by providing them with tailored financial products and services, such as competitive interest rates and flexible repayment terms, to help women entrepreneurs access the capital they need to start or grow their businesses. The program also aims to provide expert advice and support to help women navigate the challenges of running a business, as well as organizing workshops, training sessions, and seminars to enhance the skills and knowledge of women business owners. The program also helps to create platforms for women entrepreneurs to connect, share experiences and collaborate. The Z-Woman funding solution is part of Zenith Bank Ghana's commitment to promoting gender equality and supporting women’s economic empowerment in Ghana.
Banking rela9onship: To qualify for Z-Woman, you must have an exisLng banking relaLonship with the bank and in good standing. SaLsfactorily operate a current account with Zenith Bank Ghana for at least six months. The six-month period can be shortened by providing statements from another bank to show your account acLviLes and cash flows.
Commercial loan scheme: The program allows women entrepreneurs or women-run businesses to secure loans for their business needs while providing only 30% collateral/security. The remaining 70% of the facility is guaranteed by the African Guarantee Fund, ensuring that you receive the financial support you need with minimal personal risk. For instance, if an amount of GHS200,000 is disbursed, the client will only need to provide collateral worth GHS60,000. This collateral can be in the form of landed property or cash.
Monitoring and review: Zenith Bank Ghana will periodically visit your factory or business locaLon to assess current operaLons, confirm the business’ existence, and verify the appropriate use of funds.
Repayment period: The repayment period can be either six months or one year. Flexible repayment terms are available to accommodate different financial situaLons.
Loan value: The minimum loan amount disbursed is GHS10,000 and a maximum of GHS1.5 million.
Interest rate: Ghana Reference Rate (29.35%) minus 5
Processing fee: 2% plus management and monitoring fee of 2.5%. The management and monitoring fee is charged annually on the outstanding balance.
Other benefits: Business advisory services; capacity building programs like workshops, training sessions and seminars to enhance skills and knowledge; networking opportuniLes to connect, share experiences and collaborate.
In sum, Ghana's financial sector has made substantial progress, which has contributed to the country's overall economic development. Although the sector’s evolution has been beneficial to social enterprises, challenges persist in obtaining appropriate financial products and services, as well as funding solutions. A collaborative effort from financial institutions, policymakers, and social enterprises is necessary to address these challenges. By leveraging the strengths of the financial sector, social enterprises in Ghana can conLnue to drive social change and contribute to sustainable development.
5.0
Discussion and RecommendaFons
5.1 Economic impact: Empowerment through addiFonal income
Gaining economic empowerment enables widows and other marginalized women to achieve financial independence. This results in a decrease in their financial vulnerability to economic hardships such as bad harvests or changing market prices thereby making them resilient. Moreover, increased income will also allow the women reinvest in the mulLple streams of income generaLng acLviLes thus improving producLvity and sustainability over Lme. Once supported and provided with income opportuniLes, women tend to become more economically self-sustaining or resilient, which gives them the ability to contribute to the development of their family's health, educaLon, and general welfare. For Atarrah, providing support for women and widows in this way not only strengthens their supply chains but also contributes to broader community development, moving towards social impact goals.
5.2 Social impact: ShiYing percepFons of widows
Atarrah’s collaboraLon with the Widows and Orphans Movement (WOM) helps to challenge the stereotypes and change societal percepLons surrounding widows in northern Ghana. In most communiLes, widows are socio-economically sLgmaLzed and they usually remain at the periphery such as being excluded from economic opportuniLes. Nonetheless, Atarrah does an excellent job reshaping these negaLve associaLons by engaging widows in its work and economically empowering them. This change not only uplies the social image of widows but also enhances their self-worth, self-esteem and their sense of agency. This impact is enhanced through the partnership with WOM, which serves as a plaForm for advocacy and educaLon, reinforcing the right of widows to be treated with respect and dignity within the communiLes.
5.3 Environmental impact: Balancing economic value with sustainability
Recognizing the economic value of the baobab tree can be detrimental to its survival and can lead to unsustainable pracLces, like overharvesLng or destrucLon of the tree just to access the leaves or pods, there by depleLng environment of its natural resource which could affect the enLre ecosystem. Atarrah’s operaLons with respect to environmental aspects is presented with a dual challenge; the trees are a vital part of Atarrah’s products and operaLons with regards to provision of raw materials, and so it is therefore crucial that the ecological balance is maintained to support sustainable livelihoods. Atarrah must strategically strike a balance by applying sustainable harvesLng pracLces and promoLng planLng and replanLng efforts to ensure conservaLon of the trees. Atarrah can also explore the method of graeing the baobab tree to shorten the gestaLon period of the trees and ensure that there isn’t unnecessary environmental pressure on old trees being harvested. This approach not only protects the environment but also ensures the long-term availability of raw materials, securing the economic future of the women and communiLes involved.
5.4 Strengthening and protecFng access to seeds
Access to seeds is criLcal to Atarrah’s operaLons, parLcularly where women and widows control this resource. Due to lack of a binding contract or member-based relaLonship, the women and widows are not obligated to sell the seeds they collect to Atarrah; as a result, if another enLty or business offers a slightly bener price, the women are likely to sell to the highest bidder. To be able to purchase raw materials from women suppliers in the best way possible, Atarrah could concentrate on the following: fair pricing, support for the women, guaranteed purchase agreements, and value-added services like insurance for seeds collected. This can be Led to purchase agreements with the women ensuring that the women see value in their partnership or associaLon with Atarrah. Support for the women and widows can extend beyond financial incenLves, including the provision of safety gear and protecLve clothing. This form of support will make Atarrah attractive and desirable to women and widows, helping Atarrah achieve the twofold objective of strengthening its access to seeds and supporLng women and widows. It can conLnue to work in partnership with WOM as the laner advocates for policies protecLng women’s rights to access agricultural and land resources and provides microfinancing for seed purchases.
5.5 CreaFon of member-based groups/associaFons
Perhaps Atarrah as an organization could evolve into a member-based association, such as a producer cooperative, where women pool resources together and negotiate for better prices. Further still, each community group of widows could be formalized into a village savings and loan association (VSLA) that oversees processing, collection, etc., and each of those could be a shareholder in Atarrah. The merit of considering such ideas is to help women improve their collective bargaining power, give birth to spin-off entities like training centres or other support services like healthcare or insurance, offer the basic needs, and act as the catalyst for the new social ties. By focusing on these strategies, Atarrah can secure its supply chain, empower women and widows, and create a sustainable and equitable partnership. This could significantly enhance Atarrah's impact and competitiveness in the market. For example, women can create co-operatives where they can pool their resources together to negotiate better rates with local transport services. This will ensure that women are not overly and unfairly charged, receive fair pricing and reduce individual transport costs. Atarrah can also support the women with low cost, sustainable transport alternatives like tricycles or motorbikes to limit the over reliance on expensive vehicle transport. Creating these member-based groups not only benefits Atarrah, but ultimately serves as a catalyst for new social ties for these women and widows. It can foster a sense of community and solidarity among women members, enabling them to support each other both economically and socially, which is critical for sustaining their long-term development and resilience.
5.6 Market development
While Atarrah has introduced valuable income-generating opportunities, there is a need for Atarrah to expand market reach and diversify their products to include not just seed oils but also artifacts like baskets, mats, pottery and even furniture. Atarrah can create programs or join international fairs to market and connect the women with local, regional and international markets. Atarrah can also develop an e-commerce platform which can reach wider customer base thereby creating new opportunities for the women to ensure they receive fair prices and increased demand for their products.
5.7 Comprehensive measurement framework and database for data collecFon
The current lack of data undermines Atarrah’s efforts to produce a quanLtaLve social impact statement, and so we are limited to the kinds of stories shared by women that are cited throughout this report. While important, this work can be supported by metrics that track both baseline economic, social and environmental impacts and their change over Lme. This effort can culminate in triple-bonom line reporLng that communicates the full range of posiLve results which Atarrah, as a social enterprise, seeks to realize.
The first step will be to determine the list of impact measurements Atarrah wishes to report on, ranging from women’s income and savings levels to improvements in health, educaLon, food security and living standards, in addiLon to Atarrah’s own financial results. The second step will be to construct a database and realisLc data collecLon mechanism. The aim is for these metrics to help reveal how women’s economic empowerment translates into broader social benefits and thus tell the story of the social and economic impact of Atarrah’s operaLons and the parallel well-being of the women beneficiaries of Atarrah’s new value chain developments.
6.0 References
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APPENDIX 1
QUESTIONNAIRE
FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS
Community Name
SECTION A: ECONOMIC
1. Before buying/selling of Baobab seeds and pods, shea buner to Atarrah, what types of acLviLes were being done to receive income?
2. From activities, please list the top three (3) sources of income before selling Baobab and Shea butter.
3. What income source has Atarrah added?
4. Can you discuss examples where women members have found ways to increase income by taking on new kinds of work (primary processing of baobab, seed collection, and trading, etc., that is, being producers in new value chains)?
5. Please discuss how the income from Baobab, Shea Butter and Neem has helped deal with economic challenges in your life?
6. What impact does the additional income have on your economic status?
7. What do you use your additional income for?
8. Do you save in group? Has the income from Baobab, Shea and Neem increased your level of savings?
SECTION B: SOCIAL
1. What has been the most Significant Change you have experienced since generating income from Baobab, Shea and Neem?
2. Can you share with us a story or example of where the income from Baobab, Shea and Neem has helped you face or overcome a challenge in your life?
3. What does the additional income mean to you as an individual?
4. What has been the impact of increased income on your social status?
SECTION C: ENVIRONMENTAL
1. What has the baobab tree meant to you and your community?
2. Since working with Atarrah, What additional values have you discovered/generated?
3. Since working with Atarrah, do you value or show more importance to baobab tree, or shea trees? How?
4. Have you taken any measures to protect these trees at the individual, household or community level?
5. Has your ability to access the baobab tree (pods, leaves, etc.) changed over the years? If yes How?
6. Has the number of Baobab trees increased, decreased or remained same?
7. How confident are you that you will continue to get baobab pods and leaves from the trees?
8. What additional measures needs to be done to sustain the Baobab trees?
SECTION D: CHALLENGES AND SUGGESTIONS
1. What are your ongoing challenges working with regard to the Baobab, Shea Butter, Neem?
2. Other ongoing challenges since working with Atarrah?
3. Any changes, suggestions you want Atarrah to focus more on in future?
