who are occupying parts of Syria in violation of international law, are vulnerable. The Americans also ruled out setting up a no-fly zone over Idlib. Erdogan is not only being pressed by the opposition, but from the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) within his own ruling coalition. The MHP, or the “Gray Wolves”, have long represented Turkey’s extreme right. “The Turkish nation must walk into Damascus along with the Turkish army”, says Devlet Bahceli, leader of the MHP. Erdogan has no intention of marching on Syria’s capital, even if he could pull it off. The President wants Turkey to be a regional player, and occupying parts of Syria keeps Ankara on the board. But that line of reasoning is now under siege. Turkey’s allies in the Syrian
civil war are ineffective unless led by and supported by the Turkish army. But without air cover, the Turkish army is severely limited in what it can do, and the Russians are losing patience. Moscow would like the Syria war to end and to bring some of its military home, and Erdogan is making that difficult. Moscow can be difficult as well, as Turkey may soon find out. The two countries are closely tied on energy, and, with the sanctions blocking Iranian oil and gas, Ankara is more and more dependent on Russian energy sources. Russia just built the new TurkStream gas pipeline across the Black sea and is building a nuclear power plant for Turkey. Erdogan can only go so far in alienating Russia. Stymied in Syria and pressured at home, Erdogan’s choices
n Sam Pizzigati & Sarah Anderson
Coronavirus and the Shock Doctrine
W
e all have to come
together. We need to help each other. We don’t have time for politics as usual. In times of crisis like the current coronavirus pandemic, these sorts of calls for cooperation become the drumbeat of our daily lives. Unfortunately, no drumbeat
ever gets everybody marching in sync. In deeply unequal societies like our own, a wealthy few can exploit such catastrophes to make themselves even wealthier. Back in 2007, Naomi Klein explored this phenomenon brilliantly in her landmark book The Shock Doctrine. Klein showed how corporate elites worldwide have repeatedly and brutally used “the public’s
44 ColdType | Mid-March 2020 | www.coldtype.net
are increasingly limited. He may try to escalate Turkish involvement in Syria, but the risks for that are high. He has unleashed the refugees on Europe, but not many are going, and Europe is brutally blocking them. He may move to call early elections before his domestic support erodes any further, but he might just lose those elections, particularly since the AKP has split into two parties. A recent poll found that 50 percent of Turks say they will not vote for Erdogan. Or he could return to his successful policies of a decade ago of “no problems with the neighbours.” CT Conn Hallinan can be read at www.dispatchesfromtheedgeblog. wordpress.com and www.middleempireseries. wordpress.com
disorientation following a collective shock – wars, coups, terrorist attacks, market crashes, or natural disasters – to push through radical pro-corporate measures.” The 2008 financial collapse would vividly illustrate the dynamics Klein described. The Wall Street giants whose reckless and criminal behaviour ushered in that crisis ended up even bigger and more powerful than before the crisis began. Klein sees those same dynamics now resurfacing in the coronavirus crisis. “We are seeing,” she told Democracy Now recently, “this very
