CP water magazine by Complex_Projects_TU Delft

HAVANA VOLUME

WATER MAGAZINE

HAVANA VOLUME

WATER MAGAZINE

Publisher: Delft University of Technology Faculty of Architecture Department, Complex Projects

Printed by: Copie-Sjop BK, Delft

Sponsored by:

COMPLEX PROJECTS D E PA RT M E N T O F A R C H I T E C T U R E

2016

WATER MAGAZINE WATER SEMINAR Havana Volume

Graphic Designer Valentina Ciccotosto

Text Editor Manuela Triggianese

Text Authors Alexandra Heijink, Andreas Root, Anne Bell, Anthony Kan, Bram van Klink, Chi Zhang, Eline Blom, Erik Busger op Vollenbroek, Henrique Gil Villate Matiz, Jelmer van Zalingen, Jeroen de Nies, Jiani You, Jing Lin, Johan Lagnefeldt, Jorik Bais, Kostis Vatanidis, Lin Wang, Liviu Paicu, Liwen Zhang, Melisa Silva Carranza, Mengyu Li, Michiel Schuurmans, Mike de Bruijn, Nicola Patelli, Nicole Chan, Panayiotis Hadjisergis, Peter Mudde, Quan Sun, Robin Cals, Rory Alasdair Downes, Wei Huang, Wei Jiang, Wesley Verhoeven, Xiangfei Chen, Xianting Meng, Yuwei Sun, Zehui Li

Image credits Articles: Complex Projects students Global Maps: Stefanos Filippas, TD Architect

Session Water and Cultural Diversity, Statement to the Ministerial Conference, 3rd World Water Forum, 22 March 2003

WATER MAGAZINE 2016

“Due to its fundamental role in society’s life, water has a strong cultural dimension. Without understanding and considering the cultural aspects of our water problems, no sustainable solution can be found.”

ONE MOULD

KEES KAAN

There is little stable and dry land available so not only buildings are constructed but so are the streets and the canals. The section canal, street and house are inherently related and intertwined: one “mould” (synonymous of build, form, shape, structure, nature, character, quality). The houses are built out of the same bricks as the docks, streets and bridges and have similar foundations. Public, collective and private interests are constantly negotiated in these complex constructions. In the Netherlands, the production of land or vice versa the flooding of land was and is used as a military, political and economic tool. The expression ’poldermodel’ literally refers to the habit of dealing with societal issues by compromising and finding consensus among stakeholders. Water management implies collaboration. It produces a strong sense of shared values and interest in the common.

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The history and the actual planning and development of the Dutch urban landscape is all about water management. Put a shovel in the ground and the hole will fill itself with water immediately. The permanent relation with the water throughout the history has also asked many sacrifices and has settled in the DNA of our culture. Building Dutch cities implied making or reinforcing the land, keeping it in place and making foundations in the water.

CONTENT

p.10............................................................................................INTRODUCTION WATER / CLIMATE

p.14............................................................................................CAPITA SELECTA

WATER MAGAZINE 2016

WATER / POLICY p.20....................................................................................................Anthony Kan p.34................................................................................Henrique Gil Villate Matiz p.42.........................................................................................Jelmer van Zalingen p.50.................................................................................................Jeroen de Nies p.58.............................................................................................................Jing Lin p.68..........................................................................................................Jorik Bais p.78.......................................................................................................Liviu Paicu p.86........................................................................................Michiel Schuurmans p.94...................................................................................................Nicola Patelli

WATER / SOCIETY p.108...........................................................................................Alexandra Heijink p.116........................................................................................................Anne Bell p.126................................................................................................Bram van Klink p.136......................................................................................................Chi Zhang p.144.................................................................................................Peter Mudde p.156......................................................................................................Quan Sun p.162.....................................................................................................Robin Cals p.170.....................................................................................................Wei Huang p.182.......................................................................................................Wei Jiang p.190................................................................................................Xiangfei Chen p.200......................................................................................................Yuwei Sun

p.212.................................................................................................Andreas Root p.220......................................................................................................Eline Blom p.232............................................................................Erik Busger op Vollenbroek p.242.........................................................................................................Jiani You p.250..........................................................................................Johan Lagnefeldt p.258.............................................................................................Kostis Vatanidis p.268........................................................................................................Lin Wang p.280..................................................................................................Liwen Zhang p.290....................................................................................Melisa Silva Carranza p.300......................................................................................................Mengyu Li p.308................................................................................................Mike de Bruijn p.318..................................................................................................Nicole Chan p.328...................................................................................Panayiotis Hadjisergis p.342...................................................................................Rory Alasdair Downes p.352...............................................................................................Xianting Meng p.360..........................................................................................................Zehui Li External insert............................................................................Wesley Verhoeven

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p.12.......................................................................................................SYLLABUS

INTRODUCTION

MANUELA TRIGGIANESE

WATER MAGAZINE 2016

In 2016 Complex Projects studio (CP) investigates the urban settlements of the City of Havana, rich in history and political ideologies and Cuba’s undisputed political, business, and cultural centre. Along history, Havana had become the most important port in the Caribbean seas and today it is the largest city in the Caribbean with some 2.5 million inhabitants. As a Harbor almost completely surrounded by shipping and industrial activities, the waters of the bay suffer from environmental stress. The CP seminar, running parallel to the studio, focuses on the multiple water aspects of the Harbour City. It investigates simultaneously possible strategies of water-related design and the cultural dimension of ‘living with water’. The research questions will be addressed not only in relation to climate change adaptation strategies, flood risk management or ecology, but also to the politics of infrastructure and urbanization processes. In this Anthology – water magazine - journalistic-style papers have been collected into 3 sections [policy, society, climate] in order to define the ‘water culture’ of the Caribbean City. The articles are the result of students’ research positions and fascinations, on-site visits in Havana and conversations with locals and the theoretical framework from a multidisciplinary lectures series. They also include a short digression related to different geographic contexts.

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In 2050 about 60% of the world population will be living in coastal areas all over the world making land-reclamation techniques and proper watermanagement techniques extremely important. Also the conceptual impact and the political and cultural consequences will become tangible. In sustainable territorial developments the relation to water goes far beyond the technical aspects of land reclamation. (Water)infrastructure sets the invisible rules that govern the spaces of everyday life, making the city the key site of power and resistance in the twenty-first century.

MSc3

SEMINAR

WATER SEMINAR AR3CP040 seminar within AR3CP010 Cuba studio (CP) in Fall Semester in collaboration with AR3D020 Delta Interventions Studio (DI)

SPRING/FALL 2016

SEMINAR CONTEXT

In sustainable territorial developments the relation to water goes far beyond the technical aspects of land reclamation. For Dutch this situation is as normal as breathing. The Netherlands is made out of water, with almost 4000 polders. Any city in the Netherlands is somehow related to the water or partially developed on reclaimed land. The creation of the regional water authorities started in 1122, organizing water safety on a regional functional level. In the country the production of land or vice versa the flooding of land was and is used as a military, political and economical tool. Throughout the history of Dutch urban planning, flooding devastated many cities and the society was shaped around the system of polders with 22000km of dikes, creating connectivity and spatial transformations. An institutional world was established with the water at the core. Aspects as transport, sewage, drainage, storage are constantly measured in balance with reclamation and safety from flooding. It implies the entire control or balance of the water versus land situation and therefore also includes water as a part of the infrastructure of the country, the construction of land and infrastructure and the complex publicprivate relations as a result.

This course is part of the graduation studio of Complex Projects (CP) CUBA, Dept. Architecture, and of Delta Interventions Studio (DI) San Francisco Bay Area, Dept. of Urbanism. For the Architecture students, the Water seminar | CAPITA SELECTA is paralleled by the lecture series Research Methods (AR3A160) and New Urban Questions on Minor Infrastructure (AR3AT060), only in Q4. SEMINAR BRIEF In 2025, more than one billion people will be living in about one hundred megacities. The concentration of populations, services, goods and water bodies amplifies the consequences of water related risks: large-scale flooding, insufficient resources, environmental pollution and multiplication of dangers as a result of climate change. Furthermore, higher seas mean greater financial exposure for coastal cities, where the value of buildings and infrastructure is increasing. More frequent flooding would likely disrupt insurance underwriting and with it the financing that drives city developments.

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SEMINAR LEADERS Manuela Triggianese (CP Coordinator, Dept. Architecture) Taneha Kuzniecow Bacchin (DI Coordinator, Dept. Urbanism)

SEMINAR OBJECTIVE The seminar aims at knowledge development of the impact of (water) infrastructure in urban transformation processes, as well as the cultural conceptions and meaning of water in society. The water aspects that influence architecture and urban configurations of cities will be investigated with a multidisciplinary approach: flood risks management, geography, climate change, economy, politics, resiliency, ecology, design thinking, heritage (among others). The seminar challenges students to develop critical and comparative investigations on the power of tangible and intangible infrastructure that influence complex urban developments. They will develop research questions and positions in relation to the site of their graduation studio and in response to particular social, environmental, political and economical references and fascinations. They can look at the most relevant urbanized deltas or coastal cities in the world (Mekong Delta in Vietnam, Rhine-Meuse-Scheldt in North Europe, Nile Delta in Egypt, Bangladesh, Mississipi Delta in U.S. or the Yellow River in China, etc...).

CAPITA SELECTA

WATER MAGAZINE 2016

Articulated in 3 sections - ON PROCESSES (formation and transformation of urbanized deltas), ON INSTRUMENTS OF DESIGN (mapping and drawing as a language, reading waterscapes) and ON DESIGN (safe, smart,resilience, design with uncentainties), the combined lectures of both researchers and professionals will be multidisciplinary. They will vary from the field of architecture and planning, heritage and policy, to ecology and biology, to hydraulic engineering and process management.

TROPICA ISLANDS | CORAL REEFS Ecosystems & Human Disturbances

MILO DE BAAT Researcher at UVA, IBED Research Group of Aquatic Environmental Ecology

Coral reefs in Tropical Islands Ecosystem ÂŠ diveplanit.com

APRIL 12TH 2016 Lecture ROOM U - 10:00

WATER SEMINAR | session #7

TOPICS: Coral reefs / Water quality/ Ecosystem Relationships / tropical mainland habitats. The lecturer will give a background on tropical islands, and especially coral reef, ecosystems. From there the focus will be on the impacts of human activities that cause disturbances on such ecosystems, giving some examples of sustainable solutions to avoid such disturbances. Here some seferences: Coral reef ecosystems in the Tropical Americas: https://www.ncdc.noaa.gov/paleo/outreach/coral/sor/sor_americas.html Maps that contain information about coral reefs in each one of the countries of the Wider Caribbean: http://wwf.panda.org/what_we_do/endangered_species/marine_turtles/lac_marine_turtle_programme/projects/hawksbill_caribbean_english/maps/coral_reefs/

Complex Projects

WWW.TUDELFT-ARCHITECTURE.NL/CHAIRS/COMPLEX PROJECTS

CHAIR Kees Kaan SEMINAR LEADER Manuela Triggianese

Complex Projects Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment Delft University of Technology Julianalaan 134, 2628 BL, Delft Netherlands

CAPITA SELECTA

SPRING 2016

FALL 2016

CAPITA SELECTA 20.09

Professor Architectural Design TU Delft

Professor Urban Design TU Delft

Professor Landscape Design TU Delft

- One Mould -

- City and Water -

Kees Kaan

Han Meyer

Frits Palmboom

27.09 TPM TU Delft

Tineke Ruijgh

16.02 Professor Architectural Design TU Delft

Professor Urban Design TU Delft

- One Mould -

- City and Water -

Kees Kaan

- Institutional design for Flood Risk Managment in the Netherlands -

- Global mapping -

- Delta Interventions from a Flood Risk Perspective -

- Stakeholder Processes in Delta Planning and Implementation -

04.10 Hydraulic Enginnering TU Delft

stefanos filippas

TPM TU Delft

Han Meyer

Tjerk Zitman

23.02 Architect at TD

Civil Engineering TU Delft

Jeroen van den bos Leon Hermans

Junior Architect at OMA

Rita L. Alvarez-Tabio Togores

- Coastal morphology and morphodynamics of estuaries -

Urbanism TU Delft

Researcher Biology UvA

Steffen Nijhuis

Milo de Baat

- Design with natural processes -

- Underwater Cities, Coral Reef Ecology and Morphodynamics -

- Havana -

06.10 Assistant Professor Environmental Technology and Design

fransje hooimeijer

Professor History of Architecture and Planning TU Delft

Researcher-geographer TU Delft

- Port Cities and Waterfronts -

- Atlas of the Dutch Urban Landscape -

Carola Hein

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- Cities in Wetlands -

Reinout Rutte

01.11 Royal Haskoning DHV

08.03

Taneha bacchin

- Designing with scales. Water Sensitive Design -

Royal Haskoning DHV

TU Delft Post-doc researcher flood risk reduction

- Towards Water Adaptive Cities -

- Governance arrangements and flood risk in the Houston Galveston Bay Region -

nanco dolman

Urbanism TU Delft

Nanco Dolman

nikki brand

01.11

- Nature as performative infrastructure -

15.11 Designer at West 8

Deltares

joost koningen

- Water in Urban Planning, Landscape Design Architecture -

frans klijn

- Site-specific design: design principles -

Urbanist and Researcher D.EFACT.TO Office, Rotterdam

anne loes nillesen - Bangladesh Deltaplan -

peter van veelen

07.04 Lecturer and Researcher, Urban Composition TU Delft Faculty of Architecture

Leo van den burg - Zeeland. Towns and Ports -

22.11 Coordinator DIMI Urban Deltas TU Delft - Adaptive Delta Design Designing with time -

Professor of Urban Design and Planning University of Antwerp

maarten van acker - Flanders. The Campine Region -

12.04

Senior Advisor WWF

bas roels

- Building with Nature -

06.12 Lecturer at the Department of Hydraulic Structures. TU Delft

kristina reinders

- Designing with uncertainty. Hydraulic Engineering -

Researcher Biology UvA

Milo de Baat

- Tropical Islands. Coral Reefs. Ecosystems & Human Disturbances -

13.12 Researcher Integrated Design of Infrastructure, TU Delft

joannes visser

- Design thinking for integrated infrastructure engineering -

External Consultant at Schiphol Airport

bert van ekelEN

- Dealing with complexity: know in which movie you act and what role you play, know about back stage and dressing rooms -

Researcher Complex Projects TU Delft

manuela triggianese - The roles of the design(er) in complex urban interventions-

WATER SEMINAR FALL 2016

01.03

WATER

POLICY

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Urban Renewal of Post-Industrial Harbour

KAN HOK YIN ANTHONY

Post-Industrial Waterfront was regarded as the “New Urban Frontier” in the last two decades.1 It had been a worldwide phenomenon looking back at the possibilities of this highly industrialised but gradually degrading piece of land that could hardly be assimilated into new urban conditions and requirements, and left as inactive land between the city and its waterfront. Which qualities and values, if appropriately redeveloped, could this piece of land add to modern urban environment? Should it be considered as an antidote in resolving persistent urban problematic in modern world? (e.g. Gentrification) How could this intermediate zone be strategically designed to reconnect city and nature, and possibly regain ecological diversity and natural quality? These inquiries have been repetitively tested and experimented throughout the 80s and 90s, giving birth to a vast amount of examples that the next generation of post-industrial waterfront development could learn from. The redeveloped ports excel in different aspects depending on local context, namely Flood Prevention in Copenhagen and Amsterdam, Soil and Water cleaning in Antwerp and Hamburg, Urban Planning of public realm in Marseille and Genoa and finally infrastructural redevelopment in Lisbon and Thessaloniki. Each intervention imposes an entirely new image of the port area that at the same time bears historical meaning of the city.

Cuba is a country that was frozen in time, struggling between the protection of revolutionary ideals and the necessity of change with a more sustainable economy. Its contradicting political forces has been gradually representing itself in physical urban environment, as gentrified fragmentation. The relocation of bay activities from Havana to Mariel frees up the waterfront and offers an opportunity to reflect the position of the site in the city. The paper would first look at the historical development of the bay, how it comes to be and followed by relating its background to the second part about the current situation of the bay- socially, economically and physically. The third part we would look at the precedent case of Genoa port in Italy, which has a very similar urban configuration, infrastructures and history as Havana. Where from this case study we would not only extract spatial strategies but also the perspective as designers to reflect on site, and borrows in the fourth part, to critically analyse situation of Havana in four categories, namely Planning Methodology, Urban Situation, Environmental Consideration and Climate Resilience. At the end of the paper, a proposal for redevelopment would be suggested as the summary of findings.

labor and skills, the sugar and tobacco industry in Havana thrived and further triggers the evolution and growth of Havana Port. With competitive advantage in natural resources, Havana gained its own international status. While Havana Port handles two third of the country’s import and a fifth of export, it is also the exclusive outlet of processed Tobacco and Sugar Products. The city was fortified in all directions, and protected by distributed system of castles along the harbor. At 18th century there exist only one pier immediately next to the peripheral of the city wall that was naturally guarded by the shape and geography of the bay. The Industrialization After the Second World War in 1945, Havana was industrialized in a vigorous pace within a decade before it was put into a halt after Castro’s revolution. Several industrial complexes were constructed around the bay, including the oil refineries, dockyards, a gas plant, two oil-burning power stations, large piers along old Havana water front and large transportation infrastructures such as railways and highways that cut through the urban fabric and connect these harbor front industries. Furthermore the relationship of the city with its harbor degrades as the old city was abandoned by its residents and look for new dwellings in the new developed area on the west of the city. The devastating effect of 20th century development was not progressive, but immediate, bringing long-term pollution impact to the bay that lasted till today.

History of Havana Bay Havana is a coastal city with area of 728.26 km2 densely populated with 2.1 million inhabitants in Northern West Cuba.2 This city is further divided into 15 municipalities, and from within the Havana bay shared between Havana Vieja, Regla and Casablanca, each represented themselves with exceptional unique character throughout the history of urban development. The Havana bay was not only the origin of the city itself, but an important historical monument that witnessed the rise and fall of Havana, sometimes actively involved in the city’s economical/ social transitions and sometimes entirely ignored.

Special Period and Changing Economy Following the collapse of Soviet Union, Cuba suffered a loss of 80% of its foreign trade. The country’s Communist foreign and internal position had been rejected worldwide, with such the island was left isolated with the lack of supply of not only consumer goods, but also food, machinery equipment and energy resources. Two thirds of the factories ceased to operate due to lack of maintenance and assignments, trading industry silenced and transportation was no longer dependable due to lack of petroleum and exchange parts. The effort of industrialization in the harbor front became obsolete within a year. Meanwhile, Cuban government resorted to development of internal production (e.g. agriculture) and Tourism. Tourism and revitalization of Havana’s deteriorating urban conditions are inseparable, whereas the leftover post-industrial harbor front now presents immense possibilities in developing a new identity of Havana and will be discussed in the following chapters.

After the discovery of the island by Columbus, Spanish conquistador Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar in 1515 first sited a town on the coast directly south of the present site of Havana. However, due to more favorable living conditions and geological advantage for the ease of trade, residents of the south migrated towards the north and established a new town- San Cristóbal de La Habana by 1592. The Growing Sugar Industry Havana was captured by British in 1762 which triggers the second phase of transition of the country – introduction of Capitalism and Slavery. With its tropical climate and huge influx of capital, 22

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WHAT IS THE FUTURE OF HAVANA BAY?

1960

2016

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1853

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1762

An Impression Collage of Havana Bay.i1

Historical Development of Havana Bay.i2

World Heritage Property Buffer Zone

13 12

2 Impression of Havana Vieja, Prioritised Re-Development of Old Town for Tourism.i4

6 4

Saturation of Urban Environment

caption UNESCO World Heritage Center 1/ Havana Vieja (Inscribed as UNESCO Heritage Site at 1982) 2/ Central Train Station 3/ Thermoelectric Plant 4/ Castilo Atares 5/ Planta de Gas de Melones 6+7/Hai Phong Terminal & Container Terminal 8/ Luyano River 9/ Vacant Cargo Port 10/ Regla 11/ Nico Lopez Oil Refinary 12/ Casablanca 13/ San Carlos Fort (Inscribed as UNESCO Heritage Site at 1982) Mapping of Unesco Zoning, and Important Sites around Bay.i3

of the bay expanded to the fringe of the existing urban fabric as well as reclaiming space towards the sea. Large terminals were constructed for loading and unloading of containers, factories were constructed in vicinity for ship repair as well as oil treatment. Large transportation systems were at the same time introduced to the water front that on one hand connected between different industrial areas and at the same time separated it away from the city, that physically and visually forbid any interaction between people and the water. However, the creation of wealth in such brought with it environmental degradation and toxicity due to the lack of awareness and knowledge of waste treatment in the past, that has to be dealt with during the transition between industrial use to public amenity.

The city of Havana was formed through a linear process, which means it has never gone through a process of assimilation. The city seeks for new space for development throughout different historical periods, and thus conserving different typologies of buildings. This methodology of Urban Expansion however, has reached its limit. The Urban environment is approaching the point of saturation and rather than seeking for new spaces the city itself has to develop through recycling of inefficient land use in the future. In such context, the redevelopment of half post-industrial Havana Bay might be a solution for the city. Through historical circumstance, the harbor is immediately adjacent to center of the old Habana Vieja yet separated from the physical, cultural and psychological connections to the city due to its intense operations.3 It was the site where the wealth of the city was made and where achievement of the Industrial Revolution was manifested. Location next to the water offered competitive advantage to the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s industrial operations. The water-front of the bay was seen to be entirely detached from the city and operated as a machine on its own. In the first half of the 20th century the industrial area

The result of half a century of poorly organized urban space-making have left us with a highly fragmented harbor-front. Today the relationship between water and the generators of economic wealth has changed. The urban waterfront is, simply stated, a new frontier for conventional development process.4 Between 60s and late 80s the economy of Cuba had been relied heavily on its trading activities with Soviet, 27

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The institute had recently presented their future plans of restoration, which would be a comprehensive project focusing on Havana Bay. The initial scope of project would be based on the UNESCO world heritage inscribed area and buffer zone for the inscribed area. The relocation of industry and merchant activity of Havana Bay to the port of Mariel (50 kilometers west of Havana) is the starting point of the restoration effort to reconfigure harbor front environment. Yet, even space are available, there are bucket of problems of the Havana Bay that has yet to be resolved before renovation could begin. Furthermore, in contrast to the restoration work of Havana Vieja, which already had an existing housing typology that just require change of building purpose, almost half of the other area of the bay are previously industrial infrastructure. The city as an opportunity to create new urban forms in response to its post-industrial context, which may also provide a solution to housing problems in Havana. The following chapter would be a study conclusion of the Port of Genoa, which help to 1) structure a perspective to identify problems of Havana Bay and 2) provide example of master-planning process that is site specific and critical to site problems.

Redevelopment of Havana Bay

Green Areas

Depth of Bay

Site Analysis.i5

The office of the City Historian of Havana (OHCH) is a decentralized “entrepreneurial” former state agency that is sub-ordinated directly to the Cuban Council of State . The institute was granted the highest authority by Decree 143 in 1993 to redevelop historical buildings into 1) Hotels, 2) Resorts, 3) museums or other programs related to commercial purpose which in short taking charge in all tourism related renovations. Before judging the “morality” of such redevelopment body, the office in these 2 decades had renovated almost one-third of Havana Vieja, and restoration work was still ongoing with private sector cooperatives. Current restored area include large town squares and connector streets between these squares, almost 29

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Intensiveness of Activity

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Urban Construct

creating a specific theme park route for solely for tourists. Several previously vacant warehouses along Havana Bay next to San Francisco plaza were also renovated and immediately fitted in tourist related business, such as Bars or souvenir markets. The aim of the historical office is to achieve self-sustainable investment, by at the beginning raise fund in international level, followed by investment in restoration work. Restored work shall always be business related, thus helping the office to accumulate sufficient capital to re-invest in other restoration work. Such strategy is a smart way to work with urban renewal under financial limitation yet is there a better and progressive way to deal with urban renewal?

exchanging half of the country’s sugar production for oil, food, machinery, vehicle parts, chemicals and other vital materials. Cuba had adapted itself to an extremely monolithic production sector due to its reliance to the Soviet. Thus it is not difficult to understand the devastating effect to Cuba’s industrial sector and trading activities following Soviet’s dissolution. Factories had to be closed down in following years due to lack undermaintenance or lack of market, infrastructures along the Havana Bay were abandoned. Cuba had ever since transforming itself to a Foreign Service based country, and attempted to open up itself to tourists market. The composition of urban construct around the bay could be described as an alternate arrangement between fragments of city and industrial infrastructures. With Vieja, Regla and Casablanca separated by the central station, Haiphong terminal and the huge oil refinery site. At present emphasis has been placed in redevelopment of the old town area of Vieja, but the potential of the other two areas shall not be neglected. Regla is a 300-year-old colonial town that naturally protrudes as a peninsula from the southern edge of the bay. This small town has been historically settled by Afro-Cuban and had developed a strong sense of local character. Although currently squeezed between two industrial area, the site was protected from decades of urban development where characteristic colonial houses were kept and adapted. Casablanca on the other hand situated on the eastern part of the bay. This site consists of a small village over the top of a steep hill as well as the important heritage - La Cabaña fortress. Casablanca not only imposed the natural side of Havana to the bay, but also serves as an important transition between the bay and the east side of the city.

Bay of Genoa.i6

and new recreation and exhibition space designed by Renzo Piano to be injected. The water front at the first stage of renovation could mainly be considered as a treatment to the border condition between the postindustrial area and the city. On one hand land use was being rationalized to make a more efficient port and secondly is to recover the area previously abandoned by manufacturing industries to give rise to new port functionalities. Heavy industries were relocated and industrial activities are now subjected to strict control to minimize pollution to the water and old city. Such renovations however were heavily centralized in Porto Antico, and the separation between city and port persisted immediately out of the piazza.

The port of Genoa that has its history dates back to Roman times is still the seventh busiest port in Europe and first in the Mediterranean in terms of traffic volume (51.6 million tones trade volumes per year). It covers an area of approximately 700 hectares on land and stretches along the coastline for 22 kilometers. The prosperity of the port came after several phases of spatial revolution after the decline of trading volume in mid-20th century following the advent of containerization in trading industry, that require more advanced machineries that the old port could no longer provide. For a decade the post-industrial water front was left decaying, living spaces in the old town were as well abandoned in exchange for better living environment in northern new developed urban areas. Not until 1980s revitalization plans emerged to re-appropriate parts of the industrial waterfront in the Ripa and attempted in removing redundant structures such as customs, railway and highways that mostly constructed in late 19th century after industrial revolution currently physically blocking the old city from the water front. The aim of the late 20th century renovation of the port not only targeted in reclaiming usable urban spaces for touristic or leisure activities, but also re-activating the decaying function of the port, an ambitious attempt to reconnect the city with port activity.

The second phase of port re-development however, is more comprehensive and radical as well. Rather than “treatment” to the existing urban fabric, the waterfront was no longer considered as an in-between border zone between the city and the port, but as a complete independent space. Ship-repairing factories and port industries would be radically detached from the land, returning the long lost water front to the old city. Building volumes on the water front would be drastically reduced from 332,000 cubic meters to 120,000 cubic meters, that would be divided between housing (11300 m2), tertiary activities (25 000 m2) and commercial sectors (12 000 m2) that focused in urban regeneration. Highways would no longer just be partially and passively hidden underground but reorganized to separate public use and logistic use. Freed up spaces would then be remake into a continuous promenade along the coast that would be considered as an “urban park” during the planning process. This whole redevelopment plan was called Blue Print, developed as collaboration between Genoa town planners and Renzo Piano.

The partial burial of highways underground during the event of Columbus Celebrations in 1992 established a huge leap ahead for the water front development. The seafront Piazza Caricamento was rediscovered above the highways and the continuous arcades at first floor of the buildings were re-exposed and lead people from old town towards the Piazza. In the following years, urban planners identified historical valuable buildings to be renovated, functional blocks that are crucial to operation of port to be relocated

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Case of Comparison - Genoa Bay

Before: Second Phase Redevelopment.i7

After: Second Phase Redevelopment, Detachment of Industrial Activities as Island.i8

Rendering of Detached Industrial Island.i9

Problems of Site and Lesson from Case Study

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In contrast to the linear and arc composite form of Genoa port, Havana Bay is purely embryotic. Urban programmes that are developed separately along the coastline inevitably remain connected visually and spatially within the bay. For this reason the Havana Bay could not be developed in an isolated and focused area next to the old city, but has to involve an overall masterplan. After investigation of the Port of Genoa, problems of the Havana bay could now be clearly identified and categorized into a clear framework. The issues of concerns involved in the redevelopment of post-industrial Havana Bay waterfront could be categorized into four different areas. 1) Existing Process of Planning, 2) urban Fragmentation of Havana, 3) Ecology and 4) Climate Change resilience.

Oil Refinary.i10

Luyano River.i11

Pollution and Ecology Havana Bay was regarded for years as one of the most polluted harbors in the Caribbean, receiving harmful amount of suspended solids, hydrocarbons, heavy metals and other micro-pollutants from 1) untreated residential sewage, 2) run-off from agricultural land use, 3) heavy industries and 4) port activities. Havana does not have a waste water treatment mechanism in its collection system, flowing directly out to the bay. The tributary pollutant source includes the river Luyano and Martin Perez, receiving sewage from large residential areas such as Diez de Octubre and factories located along the rivers. Organic materials might trigger algal boom and anaerobic organic reactions that often comes with toxics. Heavy metals on the other hand might be absorbed by marine organisms and accumulate along food chain.5 Havana Bay has become a toxic pool that was inaccessible. However, along Luyano Bay and adjacent to the container terminal there lies a piece of green space, flooded with industrial waste currently but maybe a solution to the seafront pollution. Mixture of species of plantations could be grown along the riverside, where micro-organisms at their roots could help decompose organic waste naturally, easing the foul smell of the river and bay. The green space should be re-opened to the public afterwards.

Master-planning Methodology As mentioned, the process of urban regeneration operated by the office of historian is effective in the consideration of capital sustainability. However the scope of focus was very confined, limited solely to the life cycle of one building or one block at a time, rather than considering its impact within the context. For example the vacant warehouses along the Bay were quickly treated with structures secured and faรงade repainted, touristic activities were immediately introduced to occupy the space. Is there a cultural or historical significance of this post-industrial building that gave it a strong reason to be kept on site? Or is it just out of convenience that an interior was immediately available for housing business and money generating business? Can this structure be offered a transitional function to further development of the bay before housing business activities? I.e. material library for construction. Learning from the experience of Genoa Port, obsolete post-industrial structure should be thoroughly analyzed to deduce its value and integrity before immediate occupied, such that the land might be freed for other purpose. Functioning factories should also be meaningfully categorized into different zones similar to that of Genoa port, allowing a more fluid interaction and collectiveness between companies that shares land resources and transportation infrastructure. With a more efficient planning the port could keep practicality and public accessibility at the same time.

Climate Change Resilience The Havana Bay area has low resilience towards extreme weather, with both low defense and long recovery period. With restoration plan started much later than most modern port area, Havana Bay has the opportunity to specifically deal with climate change. Currently the bay was surrounded by hard surface platforms and industrial infrastruc-

Fragmentation of Havana Fragmentation of Havana exists both physically and socially. Due to linear development of city since colonial times, new urban spaces were developed disrespectful of existing environment. The condition of fragmentation worsens after the in33

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dustrialization of the country, where the water front was heavily developed and intense auto-mobile highways were introduced to the city, cutting Havana into segments that are spatially and socially disconnected. Current regeneration model of the city of Havana further intensifies the urban separation. The port area is isolated from its surrounding context and prioritized for redevelopment aiming at attracting foreign investments, that only focuses in business opportunities. A strong gentrified bored would then be formed in its edge. In the case of Genoa, simple technique such as partially burial of highway that borders between waterfront and city proved to be effective in re-connecting urban spaces. The redevelopment of the waterfront shall not only been considered as an individual space reformation, but a treatment to the urban tissue. It should be considered how the new space could be connected and injected into existing fabrics.

er as landmarks defining this neighborhood could be revived as three Green Nodes, connected as large leisure space for the New Town. During the construction process of this phase Haiphong Terminal serves as important channel for inflow of construction materials.

The New Development Plan

Phase three would be an attempt of using water front development as strategic point of intervention in order to soften urban fragmentation. Started with the extension along water front to Vieja and Regla on both sides radiating from Altares area, at the same time demolishing obsolete factories and port facilities that blocks the spatial continuation between land and water. Piers, in form of huge block of warehouses that are now housing informal markets bears historical importance but impose opaqueness. Suggest to keep structural frame and integrate with small scale design. Hai Phong Terminal can be used as the site of new land mark of the city following by its function of material import. A space of converge from the harbor, old city, new town and eastern new developments. An exposition, with attractive form like Sydney Opera House. The new-expo also replaces the existing cruise terminal- Terminal Sierra Maestra next to San Fransisco Plaza that could no longer cater to modern capacity of visitors. Most importantly, the connection between sites should be designed as continuation of public spaces, such as interconnected public squares with public axis. Constructing a spatial dialogue between sites as well as imposing a meaningful experience of the city as a journey to visitors or locals. I would also suggest the partial burial of Highways border between New Vieja and Luyano.

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In previous chapter of problem analysis in Havana Port, we had begun translating appropriate strategies from urban problematic into categories of planning process, urban fragmentation, environment& ecology and climate resilience. To continue the discussion, in this last chapter of the paper these strategies would be further elaborated into several phases of redevelopment plan responding specifically into site context. The five phases of development are namely 1) De-Pollution and Infrastructure Optimisation, 2) Development around Heritage Site as Cultural Catalyst, 3) Softening of Urban Edge, connection with surrounding context through public space and axis, 4) Relocation of Oil Refinery and 5) Resilience Water Front Design. In phase one of the redevelopment Post-Industrial Infrastructure would be used as Transition Site for Waste Treatment, in contrast to immediate re-development into commercial purpose as current plans. The process of Havana Bay de-pollution would mainly be conducted with dredging and involve heavy machineries, collection of pollutants and transportation to treatment/recycle plant or landfill site. Abandoned warehouse in this case could be temporary storage and stations for dredging, abandoned railway network can on the other hand be re-used as transportation means for waste collection. Furthermore, considering the source of pollution- Luyano River, mainly polluted by domestic waste and industrial waste, has to be treated by sewage treatment plant before sending into the bay. Mixture Species of Plantation shall be distributed along contaminated river banks, to facilitate Organic decomposition of Sewage. As a result, the riverbanks and water front could be re-open as natural public spaces for Cubans or visitors to enjoy.

Phase four would be dealing with the Nico Lopez Oil Refinery, one of the only two oil refineries in Cuba. It would be the most persistent structure in the site to be relocated. At the same time the facility currently causing the most impact to the Bay environment. The industrial site is surrounded by Regla and Antonio Guiteras on two sides and Guanbacoa on the south. Making it impossible to be partially retreat to inland. The oil refinery could only stop operating until an alternative facility has been built in a different site. There are currently no plans of relocation but it is possible to be housed in the new Mariel Port west 50km west of Havana city. Afterwards, there would be huge amount of leftover infrastructure and consideration of post-industrial brownfield. It is not recommended for the site to be immediately used as function of residential. One option would be re-using those structures and create a large scale theme park in Havana. A theme park combines the zoo of aqua animals and adventures to post-industrial infra-

Phase two would be targeted re-development of the Heritage site of Altares and its surrounding Melones Gas Plant site. Heritage offers knowledge of the past as well as attracting business clusters around. While designing this place as residential area, the locals could also sustain themselves with creative businesses. New Vieja could be redeveloped as relocation site for people who lost homes or sold houses for foreign real estate. Atares Castle, Container Terminal and Luyano Riv34

structures. In the final phase, we would target in designing a Green Promenade along waterfront that attracts human circulation and at the same time offers resilience to water issue. Mainly light pavilion constructions that encourages creativity in use. The Promenade on one hand should be well continued into the green belt along Luyano River to the south, which could be continuously extended in to southern countryside, as well as interacting with existing public spaces in different urban areas. In Vieja, axis between touristic squares should be developed towards the promenade. Public squares should also be planned in New Vieja and Regla that guides people towards the water front. As the water front promenade extends towards Casablanca, vertical elevators could be considered to connect water level to the platforms at the top.

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ture, could a continuous promenade be constructed around the bay instead? That not only allow continuous circulation but also create green barrier of porous surface that could reduce the impact of water during storms.

Bibliography: 1,2,3 Richard Marshall -Waterfronts in Post-Industrial Cities, (Spon Press, 2001) Palgrave MacMillan -The History of Havana, (Dick Cluster and Rafael Hernández, 2006) Roberto Segre, Mario Coyula and Joseph L. Scarpaci -Havana: Two Faces of the Antillean Metropolis (John Wiley & Sons, 1998) 4 Malone, P - City, Capital and Water, (London and New York: Routledge, 1996) 5 La bahía de La Habana recupera especies gracias a la reducción de la contaminación – EFE, 7 feb 2016

Images: All the images and diagrams are made by the Author http://www.comune.genova.it/content/blueprint-0 i9 http://genova.repubblica.it/cronaca/2016/07/30/news/_bello_si_ma_anche_possibile_il_blue_print_secondo_doria-145045927/ i10 Image by Nico Lopez i11 http://media.gettyimages.com/videos/boat-passing-oil-refinery-with-smokestack-gushing-out-flames-havana-video-id102063319?s=640x640 i1-2-3-4-5 i6-7-8

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A comparative study on how geopolitics and macroeconomics are giving rise to major shifts in the port industry of Havana.

HENRIQUE MATIZ

Today’s Cuba is inevitably heading towards “westernization” and the opening of its borders to a world dominated by unbridled capitalism and macroeconomics. Since Castro’s revolution, Cuba’s financial condition has heavily relied on the partnerships made with other fellow communist nations. Nevertheless, ideological shifts in those nations have severely damaged Cuba’s economy, forcing the government to increasingly allow capitalism in. The major recent political shift was the beginning of repositioning the country’s major industrial port, with private investment. This paper reflects on the process of relocation of the port of Havana. The first step is to understand the reasons that make it inevitable for the port to move and to where that process will take place. After that, the reader will come across three major European case studies that experienced a similar process. In the end, an overview of the problems and challenges should provide clues to how the current site of the Port of Havana can evolve.

Moving out In the XVI century, The Spanish king Felipe II stated that “Who owns the island of Cuba possesses the key to the New World”. The reason for such lies in the fact that Cuba was the trading link between the Spanish Empire and Latin America, meaning that goods would be brought to Havana and then shipped to Spain.1 Moreover, from a military point of view, its strategical position in the Caribbean was unequalled. For all of its importance, Havana was the most well defended city in the New World during the XVI century. Nowadays the country does not hold the same power nor importance as before, but international investments are coming from all over the world to the port industry in Cuba, since the negotiations between Obama and Raúl Castro started.

long canal.3 In addition to that, a specific speed limit was set, due to the proximity of the refinery of Ñico López and other industrial establishments to the entrance of the bay. An accident in this area could pose a serious threat to the city, given the chemicals being handled in the Port, but also the lack of water and a fear of lack of efficiency by the Cuban fire department, facing a situation like this. Besides the current size and speed limitations, the proximity of housing and entire urbanizations to the Port, are already major constraints. Not only is dangerous for people to be living in this areas because of the hazards and high pollution levels, but it also proves to be a challenge for the Port’s administration, since the dimensions of ships and cargo have the tendency to grow bigger through time. As a consequence, China is working on a new canal in Nicaragua and as a response to this, the Panama Canal is now being enlarged. With this dispute in mind, with a second canal uniting the Pacific and the Atlantic and the expansion of the other to remain competitive, a wave of neopanamax is now expected.

Political transformations taking place all over the world are having repercussions on the Port of Havana. The construction of a new canal in Nicaragua, as a result of a partnership between Nicaragua and China, is just an example on how different political agendas and international affairs are transforming industrial landscapes, such as the one taking place in Havana right now. The expected demand growth for Cuban’s port industry is such that the Port of Havana has started to move to Mariel, a city located 45km from Havana. So far the United States and Russia disclosed their interest in this new port, Brazil injected 800 million dollars in the construction works and a major Singaporean company is now responsible for its management.2

Another significant challenge for the Port of Havana is its connection to the train system in Cuba. This network is obviously in need of transformations, but in Havana it would definitely be a problem to expand and revitalize the train system. The consolidated urban fabric and the lack of space to grow to make it seemingly impossible for the development of an efficient transportation system in Havana that would ultimately provide goods all across the country. However, Russia and the United Arab Emirates have revealed their interest in building a new transportation hub in Mariel and expand a military aerial base into an international airport, with a direct connection between both.4 This potential investment plan could be the decisive trigger for a renewal of Havana’s infrastructure.

Why? The Port of Havana’s character has changed throughout history, adapting to the commercial needs of the city. It started as the financial driver of Havana’s economy in the XVI century, giving birth to the city itself. However, only in the second half of the XX century did the Port established a character of an area for industrial and port activities. The lack of infrastructure and appropriate spaces for the contemporary commercial activity led to today’s decadent condition of the Port.

Where to? Towards the difficulties facing the Port of Havana, a new strategy for it has been put in place. The negotiations taking place between Cuba and the United States of America to terminate the embargo have called for major investors worldwide.5 Brazil has been so far the main investor, by paying for the construction of the new port in Mariel, inaugurated in 2014. The new port has no major constrains, being suitable for bigger ships and large expansion of the Port area. In addition to a new port, a Special Development Zone (ZED) was established in Mariel as well, that works as a free-trade market by having small or none restrictions in exports and imports and an ease on laws and taxes to foreign

Another factor that plays a major importance in understanding how the Port of Havana has come to its current state, is the underwater tunnel that connects east and west. The tunnel that was built at the entrance of the bay in the 1950’s, has become a constraint for the Port industry, at least since 1972, when the second generation of Sub-Panamáx ships was created. The dimensions of the entrance of the bay also pose a serious restriction, since there is only space for one second generation to cross at a time, on a 1300 meter 36

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THE CITYPORT (R)EVOLUTION

and national companies. This area comprises 45 km2, but can be extended to 465km2.6

The optimism in the Port of Mariel is threatening the existence of a port in Havana. This is leading to the belief that a big part of the city will be completely abandoned during the coming years, leaving almost the entire water front in the bay in need of transformation. The next step is to look to other former port cities and understand how successful those conversions were, in order to be able to speculate about the future character of the port city of Havana, in a time of economic prosperity and openness to an international community.

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Bay of Havana. Blue: buildings in the port that are considered ruins (the rest is in bad condition).i2

Looking outside the Borders

Boundaries of the Port Ministry of Transportation

London - Docklands During the 60’s and 70’s the Port of London moved to Tilbury, a city located 25km east of its original location near city centre. The port of London has been growing gradually, out the city centre and more towards the sea ever since. However, it’s official relocation to another city was sudden, leaving an immense part of the city without a function.

Bay of Havana. Purple: old harbour; Red: industrial harbours; Violet: industry Yellow: empty lots.i3

Ministry of Fishing Industry Ministry of Basic Industry

Changes in the global economy and in the port industry have led to the sudden relocation of the port of London to Tilbury. It was essentially the shipping size constraints and the lack of housing in the city that lead to the port’s shift. However, the industry still remained in the Thames Gateway, a land area that comprises both the docklands and Tilbury. The fact that private investment is coming to Thames Gateway is beneficial since this is one of the most deprived areas in London, where there is abundance of free land for the port to grow if needed. The investments brought help creating jobs and bring new residents to other cities outside London, allowing the Port Industry to grow as well. The 20 square kilometre area known as docklands

Council of State Ministry of Food Industry Ministry of Construction Ministry of Public Health Ministry of the Sugar Industry National Institute of Revolutionary Sport Popular Power Ministry of Agriculture Ministry of Revolutionary Armed Forces Ownership of the Port of Havana.i1

Bay of Mariel. Red: industrial harbours; Violet: industry; Yellow: empty lots.i4

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The Port of Mariel has been a success so far and is now in that phase of targeting transshipment cargo. It has already been declared that after the end of the US trade embargo, this port is going to become a major transshipment hub. In 2015 the port had grown 35% in the amount of cargo handled and by the end of the first semester of 2016 alone it grew 29%.7 With these numbers in mind the expectations are high, thus a number of influential politicians have gone to Havana recently. The president of France, François Hollande met Fidel Catro in Havana in 2015, to strengthen political and economic ties with Cuba and celebrate a large investment by a French firm.8

caught the attention of investors. This area now comprises commercial centres such as Canary Wharf, the Isle of Dogs, and the Royal Docks, that manage to compete with the traditional business district of the city, due to lower rents and prime office space, suitable for ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) companies9. Real estate developers also saw a potential for gated communities to be built in the docklands due to the lack of housing in London.10 As a result of the new developments, investors also financed infrastructure and recreational areas next to the waterfront, thus increasing the property value and exclusivity of the docklands. Nevertheless, the port’s identity was partially lost to private developments, giving rise to an uncharacterized commercial area, a consequence of unbridled capitalism.11

Port of Rotterdam. Yellow: greater Rotterdam; Purple: harbours; Red: Kop van Zuid; Violet: greater port area.i5

Port of Hamburg. Yellow: greater Hamburg; Purple: harbours; Red: Hafencity; Violet: greater port area.i6

Hamburg - Hafencity Comparable to Rotterdam, the city of Hamburg has been in close contact with its port, since its foundation. In recent years, the abandoned port areas of HafenCity, near city centre were transformed though an operation that is remarkable due to the respect for the heritage on the site and a celebration of the local industrial identity.

Rotterdam - Kop van Zuid The Port of Rotterdam has been moving gradually towards the sea, leaving vacant plots of land near city centre, comparable to the case of London’s docklands. Nonetheless, the Dutch were successful not only in establishing the major port of Europe, but they have also embraced the port’s identity in the urban redevelopment of those areas.

After the great fire of 1842, Hamburg was divided into specialized districts, hence setting its foundations as a modern metropolis. The modernization of the port took place under the same principles, therefore HafenCity established a distinct identity from the rest of the city, through homogeneous tall brick warehouses. In the first half of the XX Century there were already attempts bring the city in closer contact with the Elbe River, thorough the construction of buildings along the waterfront.14 However, massive destruction of the docks happened during WWII, providing the opportunity for architects to rethink the city’s hinterland connection with the port. As a consequence, many of the office buildings of that time celebrate the harbour’s identity.15 Comparable to Rotterdam, the post-war developments favoured chiefly the historical centre. Meanwhile, the warehouses that lost their function due to transformations in global trading, were abandoned, since the port relocated to new specific industrial areas, more suitable to the needs of the port at that time.

The city of Rotterdam has a special relation with its port that dates back to at least the VII Century. The port was the city’s main industry, hence both were merged and depended on each other. Around the transition to the XIX Century the port expanded quickly with the creation of islands in the Maas river, through dredging and filling. The relation port/city was being constantly improved along the XIX and XX Centuries and for that reason “Rotterdam can justifiably speak of its dynamic relation between city and port”.12The inevitable growth of the port, in direction to west from the last century on, was a breaking point for this cityport. If Rotterdam was to grow along the river, this linear city would become easily disconnected and fragmented. This realization led to the expansion to south and consequently to a more autonomous port, that would eventually become a consolidated sea port by the 60’s and 70’s. Despite the fact that river and port were part of Rotterdam’s identity, the Maas separated the city physically and socially. Whereas the north was more developed, the south was poor and renegaded and the former port areas of Kop Van Zuid and Katendrecht felt into decadent and isolated areas. The city’s attempt attract businesses led to a sudden interest on the Wilhelminaplein on the south-side, since it was considered a suitable location for the new commercial environment, partially tied to the

Hamburg’s growth encouraged the city government to take action in regards to the abandoned harbour area. The plan to expand the city to HafenCity and south across the river was proposed in the 90’s, after the waterfront regeneration in London and Rotterdam. The timeframe could explain Hamburg’s success but given the fact that HafenCity was coined as one of Europe’s largest urban renewal projects,16 it could 41

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Port of London. Yellow: greater London; Purple: harbours; Red: Docklands; Violet: greater port area.i5

port industry, that was so desired. In doing so, a plan was made to connect the south-side to the north with the new Erasmus Bridge, through Kop van Zuid. The former decadent area became a prime residential and financial neighborhood that strongly reaffirms the importance of the river, not as a barrier, but instead as proof of equality between the two sides of the city.13In contrast to Canary Wharf, the Kop van Zuid became an experimental plot for architects who were more sensitive towards the port identity of Rotterdam, refusing to design a “traditional” business area. In addition to that, this part of the city that was expected to be a mediator between two culturally distinct parts, ended up restructuring the urban fabric to its core.

Footnotes: Oliver Wainwright, “Cuba for Sale: ‘Havana Is Now the Big Cake – and Everyone Is Trying to Get a Slice’,” The Guardian (2016). Fernando Ravsberg, “Cuba Inaugura El Puerto Más Moderno De La Región,” BBC Mundo (2014). 3 Greg Miller, “Cuba’s Fast-Growing Mariel Targets Transshipment Cargo,” JOC (2016). 4 Sean Cronin, “Russia and Abu Dhabi in Talks to Develop Major New Airport in Cuba,” The National (2015). 5 Wainwright, “Cuba for Sale: ‘Havana Is Now the Big Cake – and Everyone Is Trying to Get a Slice’”. 6 Miller, “Cuba’s Fast-Growing Mariel Targets Transshipment Cargo”. 7 Ibid. 8 Dan Bilfesky, “François Hollande of France Meets Fidel and Raúl Castro in Cuba,” The New York Times (2015). There has been a struggle between the City of London and the London Docklands because of the location of the city’s main financial centre. It used to be the “Square Mile” but many companies have moved to Canary Wharf due to more favourable conditions. 9 Carol-Ann Beswick, “Urban Regeneration: The Experince of London,” in Urban Regeneration: Learning from the British Experience, ed. Sasha Tsenkova (Calgary, Canada: Faculty of Environmental Design - University of Calgary, 2002). P.18 10 The city saw new 23.000 dwellings being built in its core. “The Docklands area itself would be a novel version of a New Town not at some distance from London, but in the middle of the city.” Han Meyer, City and Port. Transformation of Port Cities. London, Barcelona, New York and Rotterdam (Utrecht, the Netherlands: International Books, 1999). P.88-99 11 Tatcher’s government saw the Docklands as a way to uplift London’s position as the major European financial and cultural capital, disputed at the time with Paris.Ibid. P.93 12 Ibid. P.298 13 Ibid. P.360 14 Carola Hein, “Hamburg’s Port Cityscape. Large-Scale Urban Transformation and the Exchange of Planing Ideas,” in Port Cities: Dynamic Landscapes and Global Networks, ed. Carola Hein (London: Routledge, 2011). P.190 15 Ibid. P.190 16 Dirk Schubert, “Three Contrasting Approaches to Urban Redevelopment and Waterfront Transformations in Hamburg: ‘String of Pearls’, Hafencity and Iba (International Building Exhibition),” ISOCARP Review 12 (2014). P.53 17 A 2010 masterplan divided HafenCity in 3 districts. The Baakenhafen aimed at housing and recreation, Oberhafen would accommodate creative and cultural facilities and Elbbrücken would accommodate taller buildings destined to offices, dwellings and commercial activity. Ibid. P.55 18 Hein, “Hamburg’s Port Cityscape. Large-Scale Urban Transformation and the Exchange of Planing Ideas.”P.196 19 Brian S. Hoyle and David A. Pinder, eds., European Port Cities in Transition (London: Belhaven Press, 1992). P.17 1

Bay and Port of Havana.i7

be that the dimension of the whole operation has played an essential role. In fact, the intervention has doubled the size of the city centre and instead of decomposing it in distinct monofunctional areas, HafenCity was design to accommodate people from different social classes, in a large compound that comprises offices, dwellings, educational and cultural programmes.17 The redevelopment plan also had the ambition of bringing HafenCity to a global scope. In a way that reminds the “Bilbao effect”, renowned architects were invited to design the most exceptional new buildings, often positioned in key locations, as it is the case of Herzog & de Meuron’s Elbphilharmonie.

Challenges and expectations Moving the port of Havana out of city centre is a must for a progressive city development. The current “city-port” character is utterly outdated for international trading and it is clear by now that foreign investment is heading to Cuba, pending on the United States’ lift of the embargo. In order to fulfil the international trading demands, Havana’s port will have to transform to a fully equipped “seaport”, a transformation that has being taking place in Europe for decades, where the relation between port and city has long been lost.19 The analysed European cities have faced analogous transformations in their ports and have successfully established ways of adapting the old harbor areas to the existing urban fabric. The problems with population density and gentrification in downtown Havana suggest already that the city will be challenged to establish better connections with its surrounding neighbourhoods and the port area is key to accomplish that. In addition, the amount of land available is suitable for the design of a multifunctional area that can fulfil the needs for housing and business spaces. This opportunity for urban development can be ground breaking for the country’s development. However, the human needs should be regarded as a priority, not profit.

The Elbphilharmonie encapsulates the essence of HafenCity. It was built on top of a pre-existent harbour facility, keeping its character though in a contemporary way, attracting tourists and worldwide attention to Hamburg. The city now stands as an example of a “leading port cityscape”,18 perpetuating the original character of the city, managing at the same time to bring together tourists and locals to make use of this vibrant new area of the city.

Bibliography: Beswick, Carol-Ann. “Urban Regeneration: The Experince of London.” In Urban Regeneration: Learning from the British Experience, edited by Sasha Tsenkova, 17-34. Calgary, Canada: Faculty of Environmental Design - University of Calgary, 2002. Bilfesky, Dan. “François Hollande of France Meets Fidel and Raúl Castro in Cuba.” The New York Times (2015). Butler, Tim. “Re-Urbanizing London Docklands: Gentrification, Suburbanization or New Urbanism?”. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 31.4 (2007): 759–81. Cronin, Sean. “Russia and Abu Dhabi in Talks to Develop Major New Airport in Cuba.” The National (2015). Gossop, Chris. “Towards a More Compact City - the Plan for London.” In 40th ISoCaRP Congress, 2004. Hein, Carola. “Hamburg’s Port Cityscape. Large-Scale Urban Transformation and the Exchange of Planing Ideas.” In Port Cities: Dynamic Landscapes and Global Networks, edited by Carola Hein. London: Routledge, 2011. ed. Port Cities: Dynamic Landscapes and Global Networks. Edited by Carola Hein. London: Routledge, 2011. Hoyle, Brian S., ed. The Port-City Interface: Trends, Problems and Examples Vol. 20 No 4, Geoforum. Great Britain: Pergamon Press plc, 1989. Hoyle, Brian S., and David A. Pinder, eds. European Port Cities in Transition. London: Belhaven Press, 1992. Konvitz, Josef W. Cities & the Sea: Port City Planning in Early Modern Europe. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978. Meyer, Han. City and Port. Transformation of Port Cities. London, Barcelona, New York and Rotterdam. Utrecht, the Netherlands: International Books, 1999. Miller, Greg. “Cuba’s Fast-Growing Mariel Targets Transshipment Cargo.” JOC (2016). Ravsberg, Fernando. “Cuba Inaugura El Puerto Más Moderno De La Región.” BBC Mundo (2014). Schubert, Dirk. “Three Contrasting Approaches to Urban Redevelopment and Waterfront Transformations in Hamburg: ‘String of Pearls’, Hafencity and Iba (International Building Exhibition).” ISOCARP Review 12 (2014): 48-61. Wainwright, Oliver. “Cuba for Sale: ‘Havana Is Now the Big Cake – and Everyone Is Trying to Get a Slice’.” The Guardian (2016).

Images: Diagrams are made by the Author Jovaiša, Marius. “Unseen Cuba: a unique view of Cuba’s timeless landscapes and cityscapes, never before photographed from the air.” Lithuania: Unseenpictures, 2015. i1-2-3-4-5-6-7 i8

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POTENTIAL OF RECONNECTING THE HAVANA BAY

JELMER VAN ZALINGEN Reason of Existence

ing water and a superb location on the route from ships traveling from Europe to the new world at the entrance of the Gulf of Mexico. These conditions led to a quick development of the city and it became the most important port-city in the Spanish colonies. You can argue that the presence of the Havana bay is the reason of existence for the city. The city has always been influenced by the presence of its port activities. The focus on the harbor functions of the city caused an interrelationship between the bay and city. Because of the very active and profitable harbor activities, the city grew in size and importance. In the early decades of the city development, the bay and the city were very connected, visually and programmatically. The city expansion was a direct result of the flourishing harbor.

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The Beautiful city of Havana has always been influenced by the presence of its harbor activities (With harbor activities is meant the total of harbor related functions, buildings or land). Actually, the one inextricable element of Havana, is the ongoing presence in history of the port and its activities. In fact the whole reason for existence of Havana has to do with the geographical appearance of a natural bay called Bahia de la Habana (bay of Havana). The opening of the deep-water port of Mariel in 2014 located just 42 kilometer to the west of Havana, marks the beginning of the relocation of port facilities of the Havana bay to Mariel. This raises a contradiction because the port element has always been a critical aspect in the city’s economical and urban growth. This dates back from the founding of the city by the Spanish to the port it is today.

The Capital of Cuba, Havana has a very rich history as a harbour city. The city is throughout history interconnected with the presence of a natural bay that formed the main reason of its existence. This bay provided an ideal natural harbor for ships and offered a perfect strategic location for treasure loaded Spanish galleons on their way back to Spain. The importance of the harbour led to a continues growth and prosperity for the city. The city and harbour owe their existence to this natural bay, yet this historic connection with the bay is not visible nowadays at all. With the knowledge that all the harbour activities in the Havana bay are moving out towards a new location and therefore creating opportunities to reconnect the city with its bay, it’s important to know how and why the bay became disconnected.

Urban development and city fortifications The value of the city and its location for the Spanish grew over the years and it became very profitable for big investments in the city. Several docks were constructed that connected directly to the heart of the city, alongside multiple city fortification and an immense arsenal (armory) for shipbuilding was establish. The 17th century meant for Havana urban expansion, monumental buildings and increasing wealth. Also the harbor grew in size with the city, it transformed from a gathering spot for the treasure laden Spanish ships on their way to Spain, into a ship making harbor. In this period, the city became due to its increased wealth a potential city to plunder or capture. Therefor the city constructed multiple fortifications that included fortresses, but also a city wall. This wall was laid down around the city including large parts of the waterfront. While the city became better protected against rival colonial powers and pirates, the city wall partly disconnected the city with the bay and harbor. The disconnection due to the city wall is the beginning of an oscillation back and forth between a connected and disconnected waterfront of the Havana bay.

Every city that is more than a couple hundred years old is composed out of numerous historic layers and city extensions. For the city of Havana these layers are still very recognizable in the urban fabric. The transformations and adaptations are also still visible in the harbor areas of Havana, from the moment the city was build it immediately possessed a small harbor. That small harbor rapidly extended along the upper west coast of the bay and was located at the waterfront of what is nowadays the historic city center or Vieja. The two most clear distinction of harbor areas are the waterfront with old decayed dock alongside the old city, started from the west side of the entrance channel all the way to the most western part of the bay and the more industrial harbor located in the southern parts of the bay. This western part is the oldest part of the harbor and through the years subjected to many changes, while the southern part has a more modern look as a container and industrial harbor. Over the years the city together with the harbor expands rapidly. While the value of the harbor and therefore the bay stayed the same, the connection with the bay or waterfront seems nowadays lost.

City expansion beyond the city wall Havana’s disintergration with its bay

Mid 19th century, the harbor grew even more. Harbor facilities extended around the bay to the south and west. On the other side of the bay on a small peninsula a small village called Regla profits from the city developments and later became part of the city. The arsenal that was located southwest of the city wall became widely known for its exceptional shipbuilding. The part of the city wall alongside the waterfront was already in an early stage demolished due to the expansion of the harbor activities. This meant that for a short peri-

The founding of the bay In the year 1514 Diego Velázquez de Cuélla founded after several attempts the city of Havana on the northern coast of the island Cuba. The final location of the city proved to be an ideal location for the development of a harbor city. The appearance of a natural bay offered protection for ships, multiple streams provided a fresh supply of drink44

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Shifting city-bay relation through the years.

od the harbor again was connected with the city. Ships unloaded their goods directly on the quay or small open docks alongside the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s waterfront. In Addition, the construction of a wide boulevard alongside the waterfront provided a prominent public space for the city inhabitants and offered great views of the bay.

Founding of Havana

16th century

To Mariel The expanding harbor activities disconnected the bay with the city and this only stopped just recently. On January 27-2014, President RaĂşl Castro of Cuba and President Dilma Rousseff of Brazil opened a new harbor funded with Brazilian capital. This new port is located just 40 kilometers west of Havana at the bay of Mariel. The new harbor of Mariel is supposed to replace the current harbor of Havana. Since the opening of the Mariel all harbor activities will be gradually relocated from the Havana bay to Mariel. With this event of the harbor area emptying out, Havana is granted the opportunity of re-shaping the informal landscape of the prospective vacant industrial lands around the bay. These former industrial lands are very valuable. First because of the direct connection with the water of the bay. Gordon states that the presence of water in cities like New York, London, Boston and Toronto for redevelopments of city areas can be seen as a big quality and potential (Gordon, 1996). Second because of the geographical location of these lands within the city. These former industrial lands are located along the waterfront of the bay and because the city expanded gradually around this bay these lands now have a very centralized position within the city.

Infrastructural interventions of the 20th century connected

Urban expansion and construction of a city wall

disconnected

Partly removal of wall and establishing multiple docks

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connected

Infrastructural interventions and sequance of harbor buildings

disconnected

05 TO MARIEL TO MARIEL TO MARIEL TO MARIEL 21th century

TO MARIEL

The beginning of the 20th century marks the start of big infrastructural changes that influenced both the city and the bay. The ongoing expansion of the city and harbor activities together with the urgency for mobility, demanded an increasing capacity of transportation. Therefore, the decision was made to build a new central train station on de grounds of the former armory. The railroad had already been introduced in Cuba in the year 1837, but came at its peak in the beginning of the 20th century (Scarpaci, 2002). The new central station was going to provide for the transportation of passengers throughout the whole country. A brand new modern passenger terminal design by the American architect Kenneth MacKenzie Murchison in the decorative Spanish painteresque style. The design consisted of two extensively decorated towers, the two coat of arms of Havana and Cuba and a grand entresol of four stories high that together gave it more the looks of a palace than a station. Besides the beautiful passenger terminal two-thirds of the new train station was intended to supply for the harbor activities. Imported goods became faster and more efficiently transported across the country. Mainly export products like sugar, and tobacco became easier to transport from the inland to the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s harbor. The intention of the new station was to establish a better connection between the city and the harbor activities by providing for both, but it actually enhanced a new disconnection between the two. Because of the new station, the harbor was able to extend its capacity rapidly and with the use of, at that time modern land making techniques new artificial land was created in the south of the bay to accommodate bigger harbor activities like container hubs. The newly constructed docks located around the city center, formed an almost continuous sequence of closed or fenced off harbor activities. They transformed the open character of the waterfront boulevard into an infrastructural artery for transportation, causing disengagement with the city. Due to these developments, the city became again disconnected with its bay. The harbor activities formed a border between city and bay not only functionally but mostly a complete visual blockade.

The most important opportunity of relocating the harbor to Mariel is that the former industrial lands and docks can be redeveloped in a way that it connects the city with the bay. These lands and docks had a distinct disconnected character that accomplished a border all around the bay, except for the small channel that connects it to the sea. When the harbor activities expanded during the last century these became the main factor that caused the disconnection of city and bay. Now that the harbor activities will be located at Mariel, Havana can move towards a strategy that permanently reconnect the city to its bay. Sighs of a new role The moving of all harbor activities to Mariel in the coming years will create the possibility to give back these former harbor areas to the city. These areas are due to the polluting-industrial private character separated from the city, but a new development could transform these areas as part of the city. The favorable central location of the bay in Havana makes redeveloping very promising, with located in the north Vieja (city center) and Central Havana, in the east Havana del Este and Alamar, in the south Diez Octubre and to the west the neighborhood of Jesus-Maria. The rede-

connected Shifting disconnection between city and bay during city development.i1

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Visual blockade of harbor funtions.i3

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Open character of city, harbor and bay mid 19th century (source: Emilio Roig De Leuchsenring).i2

developments can be directly interconnected with existing city districts. These new developments will fill up existing holes in the urban fabric that are left out by the relocated harbor activities. These new developments should focus on direct and visible relations with the waterfront and bay. One of the biggest potentials of the bay that can improve multiple issues of the city like mobility, tourist attractions, isolation or poor accessibility of city hotspots is transportation by water. Today a ferry system does exist but this is crumbling on so many levels that big improvements is crucial. A lot of inhabitants need to travel around the bay to get to the city center to work, this can take up to 25 minutes. Can it be possible to find a new purpose for the bay that makes use of its natural qualities? The answer may lie in the geographical characteristic of the bay. If we look to the shape of the bay we can see that it has a very particular 4 finger shape appearance. Because of this shape land the other side is never far away. The shortest distance to reach the other side is therefore relatively short if compared to a more equally spread bay. The finger shape characteristic makes the bay ideal for extensive water transportation, because the travel times are shorter. When the former harbor areas around the bay will be redeveloped, the most logic and efficient solution to ensure good mobility and connectivity for these areas would be an extensive local ferry system. This ferry system can connects all peninsula’s in the bay with for example the city center, the village of Regla or the East side of the bay Casablanca. With an extensive local very system developments around de bay will be very good connected while using the potential of the bay.

Nowadays the city is disconnected from the bay by an ongoing wall of old decaying warehouses that blocks the views. By opening the waterfront and removing these visual barriers, new public and commercial spaces can emerge that can form an extension of the vivacious “Malecón” into the bay. The Malecón is a kind of Cuban public street to go to in the evening, but is now threatened by frequent flooding. Other proof that the waterfront is ready for redevelopment can be seen in the opening of a microbrewery in an old abandoned warehouse on one of the docks. Yet another example that is already started, plans to redecorate the area of the central train station. Tow third of the massive station area lies, due to the loss of supplying for harbor activities, abandoned and unused in the middle of the city. A project by Choy Leon Arquitectos aims to repurpose these lands and will transforms the waterfront into a green open promenade. A fourth sign of change is the opening of a large tourist market inside an old warehouse some years ago. Besides the re-purposing an old warehouse this project brought a whole new typology to Havana. It offered Cubans a platform were they can rent a small stall for a day to sell stuff to tourist. This concept were Cubans are allowed to sell and make profit is still a relatively new concept in Cuba. Connecting the dots

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veloping of these area’s are hot-topic, for example the well-known Cuban architect and urban planner Julio César Pérez Hernández developed a master plan for the ex-harbor area of Havana with respect for the historic urban character (Hernández, 2011). Hernández is also the initiator of several design charrettes that discussed the future of old harbor areas of which tree (2007, 2008 and 2009) especially focuses on creating strategies and architectural ideas for the harbor redevelopment.

Bibliography:

The inextricably relation between the city of Havana and its bay, can be seen as the reason for the prosperity of the city. While the city has a long history in which this relations shifted from connected to disconnected, the city now has the potential to establish a permanent connection with the bay because of the removal of all the harbor activities. We can assume that the whole area around the bay will be redeveloped and be part of the city, together with opening up the city center to the water, the image of the bay could change its industrial character into a more contemporary water city. Examples of cities like Rotterdam or Sydney are potential case studies to follow. Because of the bay’s valuable central location in the city new

Castaneda O. de la Cruz C, Havana bay: Centering an idea of intervention, 2012. Gordon, D. (1996). Planning, Design and Managing Change in Urban Waterfront Redevelopment, The Town Planning Review, 67(3),30. Edge K. Scarpaci J. Woofter H, Mapping and designing Havana: Republican, socialist and globalspaces, 2006. Enochc M. Warren J, The effect of economic restrictions on transport practices in Cuba, 2004. John Pillin, Overview Havana Harbour Charrette report 2008, 2008. John McCarthy, Spatial Planning: Tourism and Regeneration in Historic Port Cities, 2003. Julio César Pérez Hernández, A Vision for the Future of Havana, 2011. Julio César Pérez Hernández, A masterplan for XXI century Havana, 2008. Laura Peñaranda Currie, From Colonial Port to Post-Revolution:Urban Planning for 21st Century Havana, 2012. Ralph Gakenheimer, Urban mobility in the developing world, 1999. Scarpaci, Josepth and Mario Coyula. Havana: Two Faces of the Antillean Metropolis. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2002.

Images: All the diagrams are made by the Author de Leuchsenring, E. (1964). La Habana. Apuntes historicos.

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JEROEN DE NIES Motive

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“Technological change is in large part responsible for the evolution of such basic parameters of the human condition as the size of the world population, life expectancy, education levels, material standards of living, the nature of work, communication, health care, war, and the effects of human activities on the natural environment” Bostrom, 2007

Since the last six years, under the rule of Raul Castro, Cuba shifted its socialist driven market ideologies towards a more flexible state of approach. This change of mentality was not caused by freedom of choice. Plummeting markets forced the government to liberalize self-employment and certain economies. Hence they followed the Chinese model by addressing specific areas as free-trading-zones. With external funding, Havana is relocating its harbour activities towards the Mariel Bay in order to take part in the cargo shipments. Due to its highly geographical advantage and expansion capabilities, the port of Mariel Bay will attract many foreign investors and financial activities. The question however is what these influences affect into the existing urban fabric of Havana and how it will or will not integrate with local communities.

question however relies in how this technological injection affects in the short- and long term societal development stages. Whether desired or not, Cuba is facing a technical revolution which will alter the current state of culture and approach in taking action. In contrast to the human evolution, introducing innovative technologies are the most consequential events in our existence (Bostrom, 2007). From the domestication of plants with crafted tools in the Neolithic age (12.000 BC) to the industrialisation of steam engines in 1800 up until present days marked as the Information and telecommunications revolution have an enormous impact on our living conditions.

After 40 years of economic suppression by the US government constructed embargo, Cuba plans to initiate an old source of income; international trading. A country which history is coloured by its beneficial position, Cuba attempts to use its strategic trading orientation to build a new harbour in the free-trading-zone enhancing its economic values. Although mainly subsidised by Brazilian investors (670 million until 2014) the Cuban government relocates the port of Havana 45 kilometres to the west in the Mariel Bay. With terminals designed conform modern standards; Mariel will facilitate container and large bulk vessels while the old harbour in the Havana’s city centre will promote tourism and leisure activities.

The effects caused by a sudden change in Havana’s technical climate will be tested by the prognosis based on the analysis of the harbours of Rotterdam and Shanghai. Both ports experienced a great deal of change resulted from the introduction of new managing and producing technologies.

This project marks a new era in which Cuba will follow the same paths as other former socialistic regimes like China and Vietnam have followed. Effects from the economic isolation, amplified by the island factor, and growing foreign interest in opportunities have played to such an extent that the Cuban government was forced to liberalize its policies regarding alien investments and commercial control. The Chinese model acts as an example in which governmental ideologies and economic values exist but are separated by a freetrading zone border. Nevertheless, constructing a modern harbour which is designed, maintained and operated by foreign specialists together with local Cubans will most likely influence Havana and its inhabitants. These imported technologies, process automatizations, transportation methods and financial constructions will integrate in commercial activities while other media like the internet will shape a new identity for the consumers. The

A true port city Before predicting any possible scenarios it must be clear how the city of Havana established its current position. After the ‘discovery’ by Christopher Columbus in 1492 Spanish traders established the town of San Cristobal de la Habana in 1519 mainly as stocking place for merchant ships traveling from the Americas to Spain. Consequently the rich city became an attractor for other interested parties like pirates and the French. This led to the construction of several defences like Castillo de la Real Fuerza (which were the first ones in the

Map of Havana’s fortifications (1752-1765). i1

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TECHNOLOGYCAL INFLUENCES ON HAVANA’S CITY

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The 1971 masterplan design by Vittirio Garatti showing new transportation and shipping materials (1973).i2

environmental pollution by surrounding industries and wastewater from residential areas resulted in high suspended solids and heavy hydrocarbonate levels which damaged the water quality. These large investments made the government relocate its main harbour activities to the Bay of Mariel due to the optional expansions but more importantly; a 466 square kilometre free-trading zone (Platt, 1929). Supported with Brazilian funding, the in 2014 build port functions as catalyst for traffic between the US, Europe and South America when the Panama Canal expansion is completed. In the eyes of a true socialist it must hurt to observe a large industrial area only 45 kilometres away from the government promoting foreign ventures to seek financial opportunities. This minor liberalisation of the government’s ideology is not very surprising regarding Cuba’s economic capabilities. After the Soviet collapse in 1986 began the special period which forced Cuba into a crisis defaulting all of its international debts. Without the possibility to loan and invest money, being resounded by the US embargo thus forced to import all goods from distant countries and lacking resources to establish new markets, Cuba is obliged to address its trading position more flexible.

Western hemisphere) to form a defensive system linking the city wall with surrounding fortifications (Marshall & Marshall, 2004). With its economic success Havana expanded outside the city walls which became re-purposed for port activities. After the Second World War, the Cuban capital industrialized by building dockyards, gas- and fertilizer plants, oil refineries, dockyards, grain towers, cargo railways, waste dumps and expanded more west of the port area. These facilities did improve Havana’s situation but not for its inhabitants. All industries largely owned by US companies combined with the limited selling possibilities of sugar cane forced Cubans into poverty. (Brenner, Jiménez, Kirk, & LeoGrande, 2007). Hence a revolution in 1959 changed this capitalistic driven system into an, in theory, socialist approach triggering the US embargo in 8 February 1962. In order to strengthen the country’s economy, in 1971 a master plan was made by Vittorio Garatti to restructure the harbour area proposing two new terminals and four piers for passengers and container shipments. Important issues were to free the views from the waterfront and refurbishing traditional docks combined with deep water areas to accommodate modern ships. Unfortunately due to lack of power the plan was never realised (Scarpaci, Segre, & Coyula, 2002). Renovations were stalled up until the 1994 when tourism became an important source of income encouraging the renovation of three main pierce into cruise ship terminals. This adaption enabled the city to restore not only water front related structures but also historical buildings in the city centre. However, tourism alone could not finance the reorganisation of Havana’s bay (estimated at 2.4 billion dollar in 2010 (Pike, 2014)). Also

The relationship between port and city development are clearly present. In her essay ‘Port Cityscapes: Town and Harbour Development in the Global Context’ Carola Hein stresses that “Port functions effectively entered a city’s very heart beyond the waterfront…As shipping networks expanded across the globe, they also extended further from the port into the city and its hinterland” (Hein, 2015). When ports expand or decrease they alter the connected infrastructure. Hence when infrastructure changes it inevitably effects 54

Mariel bay’s trading connections and distribution directions.i3

Rotterdam Around 1873, the Rotterdam port became the European market leader in global trading with the United States with the Netherlands American Steamship Company/Maatschappij (NASM) (Boer, 1923). Hence, partly by this and the attraction of foreign companies, forced the city of Rotterdam to expand beyond its historical borders on order to house the increasing numbers of workers. At first, smaller municipalities like Feijenoord (1869), the Delftsehaven (1886), Kralingen, Overschie and Charlios (1895) became naturally annexed. Secondly, influence by respectively architect and businessman G.J. de Jongh and L. Pincoffs expanded the harbour with the Rijn (1895) -, Waal (1907) - and Maas ports (1905). Responsive to the increasing of work opportunities, people from the agricultural sector in North Brabant moved to Rotterdam. Because the United States produced cheap grain in large quantities as result of the industrialisation within the whole farming and logistic operations they flooded the market, outcompeting the Dutch farmers (Benschop, 2003). Ironically, the more farmers worked in the harbour; the more grain could be imported and therefore decreasing work opportunities for their former colleagues. Possible expansion reserved for Mariel Bay and its distance to Havana.i4

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the environment and thus local societies. This notion is strengthened by Brian Hole which claims that “The “standard” process of urban waterfront redevelopment in port cities, rooted in maritime technology as the ultimate causal factor, is not; however, the entire explanation for the waterfront redevelopment phenomenon as it is known today” (Hoyle, 1989). Resent trends in maritime technology progress mainly concentrated on cargo shipments enlarging. This consequently demands larger vessels, stronger cranes, deeper terminals and wider quays. Furthermore this increases the transport flow which requires more management precision and attracts denser financial activity. Not only the spatial interaction between cities and their ports mark a relationship but also the geosocial position. Economic events will generate a workforce requesting a variety of education levels from low level labour to highly specified skilled professions. (Daamen & Marcel van Gils, 2006). Although these changes appear to be fruitful, new technologies could also have shown to impact the urban fabric from multiple directions. Therefore, to investigate possible impacts, the port of Rotterdam and Shanghai are examined with the focus on port-city developments and the resulted urban shifts.

Port of Shanghai.i5

sector and airport which ought to support the 1.5 billion dollar revenue. (Marshall & Marshall, 2004). Production is still growing although the total economic growth of China has dropped 6.9% in 2016. The dangers for Shanghai are increasing wages and industrial costs which lead to a shift in relocating large productions like steel and coal. Besides this, the port would still rely on cargo trade but has to search for compensating industries to meet financial thresholds which the city depends on.

Shanghai Just like Rotterdam, Shanghai’s harbour suffered great losses from bombings during the Second World War (1945). However, the People’s Republic of China’ policies on liberal trading retained any further development of the harbour area. Up until 1991 the government accepted a new form of social marketing to propel the upcoming Chinese industrialisation. This led to the build of new deep water ports in the Hangzhou Bay which are connected by the Donghai Bridge. Only accompanied with new construction methods were the engineers able to design a reliable structure in the changeling environment of the East-Chinese Sea. Apart from civil technical aspects, Shanghai leads the implementation of Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) within shipping processes to improve efficiency (Wang, Yuan, Wang, & Archer, 2006). These large technical and infrastructural investments ensured Shanghai’s harbour to be currently the largest in the world. In response to this exponential growth, financial reforms needed to fund the build and refurbishment of new urban injections like the Shanghai Metro, Huangpu Bridge, water systems to improve quality and highways. Key in this reform is the Pudong area that houses 2.5 million people, the financial district, free trading zone, technology

different kinds of oil, accompany the largest shipping vessels or having a fully automatized dock loading system, they gained a unique market position. The question is how this influenced neighbouring city spaces and infrastructure. In Rotterdam’s case in the early 20th century, increasing market events led to work opportunities but equally drained productions elsewhere. Now after two generations of migrated farmers, markets and technologies are changing which will exclude low level workers due to automatization of processes. The desertion of these used to be populated areas is inevitable provided that no other industry will replace demands and options fully. The early stage of this prognosis is currently presented in Shanghai by focusing on large scale infrastructural development to sustain increasing population numbers. If these liberal approaches survive when the port becomes outdated or suffers from a national crisis is still the question. It is certain that the port attracts and provides but also demands. Maintaining a desired position in a technological based market by constantly innovating and investing is crucial.

After the Second World War (1947) the port of Rotterdam flourished due to the completion of a new petrochemical refinery The Botlek. Being able to receive, process and transport large bulk and refined materials made Rotterdam from the 1962 until 2004 the world’s largest port. The inseparable character of the port and the city became reflected in the urban fabric: cars became a prominent figure in the streets and therefore restructuring building blocks and people’s mobility. However, recent ideas and tendencies having concerns about global warming and pollution mainly caused by petrol related industries, Rotterdam’s harbour aims to primarily focus on the container market. Therefore, generated computer models will automatize the loading, unloading and shipping of goods to improve the sustainability and efficiency. Shifting to demands for more specialized practices such as remote control stationing or robotic divers could result in unemployment rates up to 59% for lower educated workers (Rotterdam, 2015). Knowing what to expect, it is to the Rotterdam’s municipality to decide what will happen to this large group (90.000) practical schooled workers and where they will be relocated.

Future vision How to deal with growth

From analysing the comparison between the ports of Rotterdam and Shanghai, a hypothesis could be stated on Havana’s possible future scenario affected by the newly build port of Mariel. In this reasoning, it is expected that current trends regarding foreign (Brazilian) investments continue and an extreme global crisis will not intervene in Cuba’s trading strategies. Although idiomatically suffered from Fidel Castro’s death, Cuba will pursue a socialist movement but approves more

Both Rotterdam and Shanghai experienced the same volume of expansion after introducing new forms of technologies which enabled activities to be more efficient. Also enlarging shipping and storing capacities contributed to growth. Although the two ports equally used this as a productive tool, its strategical market advantages appear to have more effect. Due to having a monopoly of certain technological improved possibilities like refining 56

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Stages in the evolution of port-city interrelationship, (diagram by Bob Smith1988).i6

To what extend Havana’s city fabric will change due to the influence of technologies imported by the newly build port Mariel is explained through analysing existing scenario’s in Rotterdam and Shanghai. Reasons for the old port in the city centre to relocate derive from Cuba’s changed attitude towards market liberalisation. With help from external funding the Mariel bay becomes an attractor for foreign businesses that consequently invites more financial activities. Furthermore, argued by Hein, Hoyle and Daamen & Van Gils these activities will coalesce with ones practiced by the city’s communities. Effects caused by new technologies, or the economic growth that is inherent to new market possibilities, appear to influence the urban fabric the social-economic levels. Rotterdam educates this notion from when port progressions indirectly challenged agricultural productions. Also in a more recent time frame which promotes automatization of processes, this does heavily affect working class communities forcing them to migrate outside the harbour area. Shanghai in turn shows what dependencies act within the port-city relationship. Flourishing port economics stimulate and enable more possibilities for the city to grow and invest in its urban fabric such as better transportation methods, public utilities and create flexible and dynamic markets. The counterpart is to sustain and supply a growing economy that demands secured financial thresholds. Translated to Havana’s situation the prognosis is set that the harbour indeed will generated the desired revenues with the adjacent economic events due to its highly favourable position and free-trading-zone status. However, Cuban’s subordinate technological advancement

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could create a gap between the local communities and imported workers. Therefor it is important to guarantee a cautious implementation and transitioning of new markets and technologies. Havana’s urban fabric will inevitably change, mainly with new financial centres and high-end facilities in the city centre. In order to shape a healthy and sustaining relationship between port and city investments ought to not only improve infrastructure and utilities but more importantly social opportunities.

Bibliography: Benschop, B. (2003). De landbouwcrisis 1878-1895: Erasmus Universiteit. P43 Boer, M. d. (1923). The Holland-America Line, 1873-1923: L. van Leer & Company, Amsterdam. P54 Bostrom, N. (2007). Technological revolutions: ethics and policy in the dark. Nanoscale: Issues and perspectives for the nano century, 129-152. P136 Brenner, P., Jiménez, M. R., Kirk, J. M., & LeoGrande, W. M. (2007). A contemporary Cuba reader: reinventing the revolution: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. P45 Daamen, T., & Marcel van Gils, M. (2006). Development Challenges in the Evolving Port-City Interface. Paper presented at the 10th International Conference Cities and Ports. P87 Hein, C. (2015). Port cityspaces: town and harbour development in the global context. ICOMOS–Hefte des Deutschen Nationalkomitees, 54(2), 24-32. P26 Hoyle, B. S. (1989). The port—City interface: Trends, problems and examples. Geoforum, 20(4), 429-435. P429 Marshall, F. E. C. R., & Marshall, R. (2004). Waterfronts in post-industrial cities: Taylor & Francis. P132 Pike, J. (2014). Cuba’s Economy. from http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/cuba/economy.htm, accesed on 18 December 2016 Platt, R. S. (1929). Geography of a Sugar District: Mariel, Cuba. Geographical Review, 19(4), 603-612. P607 Rotterdam, G. (2015). Economische Verkenningen Rotterdam: Rotterdam. P5 Scarpaci, J. L., Segre, R., & Coyula, M. (2002). Havana: Two faces of the Antillean metropolis: UNC Press Books. P13 Wang, W., Yuan, Y., Wang, X., & Archer, N. (2006). RFID implementation issues in China: Shanghai port case study. Journal of Internet commerce, 5(4), 89-103. P90

Images: http://www.swaen.com/item.php?id=9443, accesed on 3 January 2016 Brenner, P., Jiménez, M. R., Kirk, J. M., & LeoGrande, W. M. (2007). A contemporary Cuba reader: reinventing the revolution: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers i3 http://www.slideshare.net/MatthewPickles/ey-cuba-presentation-zed-mariel-open-to-the-world, accesed on 3 January 2016 i4 http://www.slideshare.net/MatthewPickles/ey-cuba-presentation-zed-mariel-open-to-the-world, accesed on 3 January 2016 i5 http://www.worldportsource.com/ports/commerce/CHN_Port_of_Shanghai_411.php, accesed on 3 January 2016 i6 Hoyle, B. S. (1989). The port—City interface: Trends, problems and examples. Geoforum, 20(4), 429-435. P431 i7 Hein, C. (2015). Port cityspaces: town and harbour development in the global context. ICOMOS–Hefte des Deutschen Nationalkomitees, 54(2), 24-32. P26 i1 i2

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Growth of Rotterdam in the early 20th century.i7

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Conclusion

liberal market activities in designated areas like the port of Mariel. Due to an actual size, technological advanced port facilities and a strategically preferred location, Mariel is able compete with neighbouring ports like the port of Savannah (United States) and Balboa (Panama). This will attract foreign businesses although only at a high level of degree, forecasting a high percentage of automated processes that need to be designed, structured, maintained and controlled. Presumably sponsored with money spend by overseas visitors and workers, new projects such as financial districts, hotels, entertainment and high-end residencies will alter the urban fabric and perhaps trigger social segregation. Moreover, it could be seen as a second stage after tourism. Affects from tourism are clearly present in the current refurbishment of the old city fortifications and monumental buildings. The 1982 inscription within the UNESCO World Heritage List also contributed to the interest to invest in Havana’s city centre. Equally, Shanghai acts as model in which financial sectors promote further investments but also demand improving of functions like better living conditions for workers, efficient transportation systems to improve mobility and securing financial thresholds. Apart from restorations, other estate desires have to be met in order to sustain the nearby harbour practices. The difference in Cuba’s case is that the current population lacks any developed education history regarding the implementation of, for example internet in daily live activities. Hence efforts to gain profits from this new potential market climate could be seen as difficult be successful. Imported wealthy and higher educated workers and employers will midgrade towards and near these new estates, resulting more in a gap than a bond between local communities. If the division sustains and these advancements do not reach local people’s living conditions then Havana imaginably turns itself in a very familiar pre-revolution situation. Therefore to approach this situation in a delicate and sustainable manner new entrepreneurships ought to be interwoven with residential organisations like education or culture. To illustrate, Rotterdam does this with the College for Shipping and Transport on multiple levels for students to either provide logistical knowledge on practical or strategic scales. Societies are at most vulnerable when they taste the success of early prosperity but do not foresee its long term effects. It is important to act discreet and respect social demands.

SPACE-TIME INEQUALITY OF WATER

JING LIN Current condition

With climatic changes, economic shifts and overpopulation the topic of Cuba is facing a paradoxical water condition. On one hand Cuba can receive abundant of water per year. While on the other hand the country also has suffered from the water problem for a long time. The article investigates this issue by analyzing the geographical and climatic character of Cuba and comparing the similar living condition in Indonesia to figure out the main cause of the water problem in the country. As a developing country, the living situation of Cubans are severe because of the economic crisis at 1990s and resources shortage which has lasted for more than 50 years. The infrastructures are deteriorated and the environmental problem is severe. In order to meet the demands of daily life and deal with the water problem in this rigid situation, various kind of strategies have been putted out from individual family to governmental institutes.

The comfortable coastal environment and unique historical background make Cuban become one of the most attracting spots for tourists from all over the world. While all of these vibrant sceneries are just the part above the table. There are still a lot of information that we can’t sense only with the first glance from the outside. Besides a limited amount of prosperous tourist area, there are still a large amount of places in the country are suffering from resource shortage and environmental problems. One of the most severe problems is the water crisis. Because of the long and narrow topographic character, Cuba as an island country which hasn’t adequate under-ground fresh water resource. This make the country mainly rely on rainwater and regard it as the principal source of water. This condition always lead to the vulnerable water supply under the influence of seasonal change. Cuba is characterized by is tropical climate but also the uneven precipitation. Every year, the dry season starts from November to April. In the rainy period from May to October, the island will receive 80 percent of its annual precipitation. Under the influence of this unique climate, in the February 2012, all of the 240 reservoirs in the country can only serve 56.5% of their capacity which held about 5.6 million cubic meters. The condition was even worst in 2005. There were 82 reservoirs which turned out to have less than 50 percent of capacity. And 39 of these were below 25 percent of capacity and 10 percent were completely dry. Havana, which was one of the cities with the most serious water shortages, could serve only 19 percent of its total capacity.

Geographical Features The shape of Cuba is long and narrow. It is distinctive by its insularity and extensive coastline. However both of these characters can exacerbate the various problem brought by water overabundance and water scarcity. Most of the rivers and streams on the island flow from the middle area of the island to either the northern or southern coasts. In this process, the water can travel from its origins and reach the sea within a few hours. Due to the short journey of the rivers, the rainfall which is accumulated at the mountain area can rapidly reach the sea. In this process the soil hasn’t got enough time to absorb the water and fulfil the aquifer. Deteriorated infrastructure There are 10.7 million of Cuba’s 11.2 million citizens who can receive the supply of potable water. And about 8.4 million can receive the water which is directly delivered to their home. These mean that the water distribution system in Cuba has a extensive coverage. While because of the poor condition of the pipe system, about half of the total water which is pumped nationwide is leaking along the route and can’t reach its destination. According to the official records, there only 15% of the pipe system is still working properly and 60% can just serve the water for a few hours per day. The rest part of the system can just deliver the water to collection tanks. The deteriorated condition of water supply system can be easily notice when we are walking along the streets in central Havana. Even in a sunny day, the ragged roads are always wet and drainage is accumulate at some pits. This is caused by countless leaks of drinking water. And this condition not only happens in Central Havana but many other municipalities across the city.

Cause As an insular nation with sub-tropical climate, Cuba can receive a large amount of rainwater in the whole year. According to a long-term observation of the annual precipitation of the country, we can see that the island can generally receive mean precipitation up to 1410 millimeters most of the time. While even though the country has such abundant of rain water, only a limited amount of them can be transferred into steady water supply for residents. The geographic features of the island as well as the seasonal character and cyclical rainfall account for the situation of water shortage. Uneven Rainfall Because of the distinction between wet and dry season, the monthly precipitation ratio of the wettest to the driest month can be about 8:1. In some 60

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“In Havana, water distribution is uneven: in some neighbourhoods water is always available, while in others, there is running water every other day, but only in the very early morning…Our water tanks aren’t always filled up all the way, and sometimes we end up waiting for water that never comes.” Fernando Damaso, Writer and researcher in Havana

years, the ratio data can even reach 15:1 and the extreme case which happened at 1989 the number went up to 20:1. Besides the monthly rainfall fluctuation, the annual precipitation diversity is also evident. The records of the average precipitation in 1970s and 1980s was about 1330 and 1160mm. While when we look into the annual precipitation in some years, in 1980 the country’s mean rainfall volume was 1434mm, then the number dropped down to 1005mm one year latter and even reached 937mm in 1986. With this uneven rainfall feature, people in Cuba are suffered from both the flood in summer and severe drought in winter. Some residential areas in Havana might be out of water for up to 20 days during the dry season. While in rainy season, the some urban area are severely flooded and old buildings along the streets are deteriorated within the erosion of water.

Domestic water storage.i3

Resident in Profunda is transporting water by plastic containers.i2

Restoration of leaking pipes by open trenches.i4

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Water trunk in Vieja.i1

Uneven precipitation in Nepal and domestic strategy

WATER PROBLEM ON A NARROW ISLAND

Children drinking water in Indonesia.i5

The water supply in Nepal is also unequal at different locations. It can also be blamed for its uneven precipitation at different areas. Some places can received 1500mm of precipitation per year while the figure at some other places can reach up to 5000mm. The water distribution ability at different regions is also various. Many communities which are located at rural areas or hilly region can not be served by the water distribution system because of the expensive construction and lack of electricity. In this condition, build up a self-sufficient water gathering system is crucial for improving living condition. The technology of rooftop rainwater harvesting is a practical strategy to deal with the water problem at the rural area of Nepal. The rainwater harvesting system consists of three basin elements: a collection, a conveying system, a storage space. The roof of the house can be constructed into the collecting surface. It must be made of non-toxic material without any kind of paints. A system of gutters or pipes is also integrated for delivering water from roof to the storage space. The cost of a system of both water gathering system and storage facilities varies from 80 dollars to 110 dollars. The maintenance and operation cost of the system is low. Only 3.5 dollars and 6 hours are demanded for maintaining the system. Because of the precipitation is sporadic at different seasons, the quantity of the water caught by the a roof area of 20m2 can satisfy the demand of a family of 4 people in a whole day while sometimes can only meet 40% of the total water need of the family. While according to the benefits brought by the system, each family can save about 6.4 hours per day without the demand of water fetching. This is especially beneficial for women and girls who can save more time for reproductive and social activities.

Indonesia accounts for about six percent of the total water resources in the world and almost 21 percent of water resource in the Asia-Pacific area. The natural renewable water of the country can be up to more than two trillion cubic every year. Being based on these reported data, Indonesia really canâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t be defined as a water-scarce nation. Even though the country has adequate water resource, the availability of these resource is still uneven and the distribution is also inefficient. The population in some urban areas has been growing rapidly in recent years while the water supply always canâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t meet the demands of these large amount of people. For example, there are more than 140 million people live on Java which accounts for only 10 percent of the water in the country. Whereas Kalimantan which is inhabited by only six percent of the total population in the country has almost 60 percent of the water storage in the country. Because of the heavy population and small amount of water storage in the country, Java became the island which has to face the severe water crisis. Robert Wahyudi Triweko, who is an expert in the management of water resources, revealed the fact that in 2015 the water demand on Java could reach 164.672 million cubic meters per year. While the amount of water which could be received by people in this year was only 30.569 million cubic meters. There was a large amount of annual deficit in this case.

collection area

Conveyance system

Storage

The three components of a roof rainwater harvesting system: a catchment roof, conveyance pipes and a storage jar.i6

Rooftop rainwater harvesting in Nepal.i7

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Water crisis in Indonesia

Name

Repair and upgrade of the chlorine production plant located in Sagua la Grande

Location

Benefit Versus Cost

Benefit

Villa Clara Province Provision of chlorine locally.

The under-developed technology and deteriorated infrastructure of waste-water treatment lead to the severe water contamination in Cuba. In this condition, in order to meet the demands of population it should not only increase water storages but also conserve water resources. There are eight watersheds which are prioritized by the government of Cuba. They only account for 15% of the total territory of the country but serve about 85% of the potable water for the citizens. While most of these water resources are suffering from various levels of contamination. The Almendares-Vento watershed is the main potable water resource for Havana. However this watershed is heavily impacted by contamination of industrial and domestic wastewater which is discharged along its length. There are about 70 spots of population of this flow system and the most serious of these discharges are located along the upper stream. In the study of Garcia-Armisen, she propose the natural system to improve condition wastewater treatment. After the researches of three different kinds of water treatment plants in Havana, she showed the conclusion that the ecological system can serve a better water quality than the traditional trickling filter plant. The natural system is also characterized by its simpler operation and lower cost of maintenance. These advantages can make it much more suitable for the condition of Cuba. There is also an urgent need for replacement and improvement of the existing water infrastructures system. Many of the existing pipes in the system are over 50 years old and severe deteriorated. Because lacking of support of advanced technology, Cuban can only use the traditional way to fix their broken water pipes by digging them out from the ground. This kind of construction activities is limited in some crowed urban area such as Havana Vieja and it will also make more ragged road without suitable restoration. Alonso Hernandez and Mon encouraged to apply the pipe bursting technology to replace the deteriorated pipe system in Cuba. This technology can replace the pipes without the process of open trenches. In order to prove the advantage of this implement, they study into the estimated cost and benefit of the project at different locations(Table 1.). Besides the replacement of the old part, the maintenance of the new part is also in demand. Some part of the new systems are not functioning well or even havenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t been fully constructed. For example, the missing part of the Puentes Grandes collection network and the inefficient operation of Maria del Carmen Wastewater Treatment Plant. In order to realize the improvement of the water

Waterwater treatment Factories & Plant

Hight Luyano river

Provide trucks and fuel to transport chlorine from Sagua la Grande

Throughout Cuba

Repair leaks in water transmission lines. Add valves and metering

Havana

Provide back up electricity to avoid water pressure losses

Transport of chlorine to point of use.

Hight

Cotorro WWTP Pitirre Reservoir

Havana

Minimize water losses.

Maintain water quality by maintaining adequate pressure.

Medium (very costly)

Hight

Maria Del Car men Tributary

Watershed boundary Town of Cotorro

Paso Sequito Reservoir

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Ejercito Rebelde Reservoir

Back up pumps

Havana

Improved operation of water supply system.

Hight

Repair chlorination equipment at chlorine application points.

Havana

Provide disinfected water.

Hight

Improve interconnections of water distribution network.

Havana

Improved operation.

Medium

Surge suppressors

Havana

Protection of equipment.

Hight

Table 1. Cost-benefit analysis of infrastructure improvement.i8

able water supply, most of the residents in Havana will put some jerry cans in their kitchens or outside the buildings. Every time when there is water running from the taps, people will full fill all of their cans and use these water at the days out of water. Because most of these jerry cans are not air-resistant, after a long time of storage the water will get contaminated. While at the same time, people have to use these water without appropriate treatments. This is also the main cause of many health problems. In Havana, we can also see many blue water tanks on the roofs. The installation of this kind of water tank is expensive so it is not affordable for all the people. There is an engine in the system which can pump the water from the pipe onto the tank and there is a switch in the family by which people can choose to use the water from the tank or from the water pipe. This measure is always adopted by some public building such as restaurant and hotel for offering 24 hours water supply. However, large amount of water storage on the roof will cause too much structural burden and increase the risk of safety problem. Not all the people can receive the supply from the water system especially in some historical area of old Havana and remote rural-area. In this condition, the only way of water supply for them is the truck distribution. In 2000, about 90,000 residents

Many of the water facilities and drainage system are over 75 years old. While the normal service time of water distribution line is just 50 years. And the figure of this life-span can only be achieved with appropriate maintenance. While the pipe system in Cuba is just in the case without maintenance and this will no doubt lead to a much more rapid deterioration. It is really hard for the citizens to improve the water system and fix the broken pipes. The most part of the water supply network are buried underground without maintenance channel. The only way to restore the water pipes is digging them out. Applying this method in the city center area which has dense buildings and infrastructures on surface is extremely inefficient. And it will easily cause the roads in ragged condition. Strategy in community For most people in Havana, the only way for them to get water is from the water taps. Once they live into a building, the only type of water resource for them are the water taps which were installed in the building a long time ago. So once the resource run out or be cut off on their transporting way, residents havenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t got any way to deal with it. In order to cope with the problems brought by vari66

Major contamination sources and water treatment plants within almendares-vento watershied.i9

in Havana had to get water from water trucks which are called pipas. Even though this kind of water supply is free for the public, due to the inefficient distribution and lack of sources, some illegal trades are conducted privately. Some people can build up an agreement with the tank drivers and pay for additional water supply. This will definitely cause a worse living condition of poorer people and increase the uneven water distribution. Strategies from government Cuban government start to implement some plans which were interrupted by the economic crisis in 1990s. The target of these plans are focused on finding a long-term solution to deal with the water shortage by applying the engineering strategy which can transfer water from rainy regions from eastern and central areas to drier areas. The whole project includes of the construction of reservoirs, canals, pipelines and more than 80km of mountain tunnels. After the completion, at least nine of the fifteen provinces in the country can be benefited and served by the distribution system. Because of the severe water shortage and limited amount of surface water storage at east, the government give the prior consideration to this region. The government also formulated an upgraded economic and control model to deal with the water problem. First of all, they prioritized and proposed the program of the water distribution networks which includes the fittings and accessories to the public. Secondly, the government carried out a mandatory regulation of water consumption among citizens.

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Ideas from scholars

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system, capital support from government is indispensable. While most of the cost-benefit studies of these upgrading projects are based on the conceptual analysis while lacking of sufficient and precise data. So much more bottom-up research are needed in order to formulate a plan which can maximize the benefits with lower cost.

Bibliography: Cueto, Josenrique, and Omar De Leon, Evaluation of Cuba’s water and wastewater infrastructure including high-priority improvements and order-of-magnitude costs. FIU Cuban Research Institute, 2014. Novak, Celeste Allen., Eddie. Van Giesen, and Kathy M. DeBusk, Designing rainwater harvesting systems : integrating rainwater into building systems. John Wiley and Sons, 2014. Perez, Armando I., Perez, Roberto Cardona, Luis Locay, and Helena M. Solo-Gabriele, Water and Wastewater Infrastructure Priorities for Cuba with Emphasis on Havana, including some Benefit-cost Consideration. http://www.ascecuba.org/c/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/v19-perezcardonaetal.pdf, 2015. Díaz-Briquets, Sergio, Casals & Associates and Jorge F. Pérez-López, Water, Development, and Environment in Cuba; A First Look. U.S. Department of Labor, 1994. Fryer, Julie., The Complete Guide to Water Storage : How to Use Gray Water and Rainwater Systems, Rain Barrels, Tanks, and Other Water Storage Techniques for Household and Emergency Use. Atlantic Publishing Group Inc., 2012. Grogg, Patricia, Climate Change Aggravates Water Shortage in Cuba. http://www.ipsnews.net/2012/03/climate-change-aggravates-water-shortage-in-cuba/, 2012 Solo-Gabriele, Helena M., and Armando I. Perez, Cuba’s Water and Wastewater Sector: Environmental Literature, Institutional and Economic Issues and Future Work. http://www.ascecuba.org/c/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/v18-sologabriele.pdf, 2008. García-Armisen, T., Prate, J, Marrero, Y., and Servais, P., Faecal bacterial indicators removal in various wastewater plants located in Almendares River watershed (Cuba), Water Science & Technology, 2008.

Images: Images are made by the Author Asia’s Water Crisis: Resources to Learn More. https://www.adb.org/features/tapped-out-solving-asias-water-crisis-adbstake i6-7 Rooftop rainwater harvesting in Nepal. http://teca.fao.org/read/7387 i8 Water and Wastewater Infrastructure Priorities for Cuba with Emphasis on Havana, including some Benefit-cost Consideration. http://www.ascecuba.org/c/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/v19-perezcardonaetal.pdf, 2015. i9 Cuba’s Water and Wastewater Sector: Environmental Literature, Institutional and Economic Issues and Future Work. http://www.ascecuba.org/c/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/v18-sologabriele.pdf, 2008. i1-2-3-4-10 i5

Rooftop rainwater collectors.i10

JORIK BAIS

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The importance of Havana’s harbour in Cuba’s past and future trade

Throughout history, colonisation has lead to a global spread of architectural styles. From the Spanish Annexation of the Americas in the 16th century, to the foreign economic investments into London’s Canary Wharf in the 80’s; they all share an architectural ‘colonial’ touch, as even within today’s context, the influence imposed is designed by the foreign architects that accompany contemporary conquistadors, often still following the Miesian principles of the international style. Waterfronts play an important role as they traditionally have the potential for large scale intervention. Havana stands at the brink of a similar development due to its economic reforms and Cuba’s troublesome past of nationalising US assets, which will backfire as ties with the US strengthen. Although socialism prevents abrupt economic change, with a drop of the embargo, rightful claims of US-ownership and the major potential of the Havana harbour, the question of architectural influence is imminent.

Introduction

lowing the example of gentrifying post-industrial waterfronts around the world, the Havana harbour will be the centre of attention in a time of economic reform. With Bacardí as a historic and contextual example, the question of the foreign architectural influence that Cuba will endure with the entrance of foreign capital becomes central.

When Columbus arrived at the shores of Cuba in 1492, the bridge was formed between Spain and the Americas. With the establishment of Catalan colonies, the introduction of Spanish architecture was made and forcefully replaced whichever vernacularity existed previously. Scattered across the Americas, the remains of these colonial times linger and form historically significant landmarks, such as the fortifications of Havana, which still dominate the urban fabric with their heritable status. Within this development, proximity to water played a determining role in the foundation of cities, as it allowed access to trade and sustenance (Donofrio 2007, p.7). More specifically in Cuba, under the reign of Spanish conquistador Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar, the cities of Havana and Santiago de Cuba were established in the year 1515 for their ideal access to water, forming Catalan colonies, subjugating the Taino Indians and destroying their heritage. Throughout the Spanish occupation, the Havana harbour formed an important port for convoys on their route between Spain and her colonies (Watkins n.d.). Following the developments of a globalising market and exploiting domestic sugar production, a few centuries later the Cuban rum brand Bacardí drafted a capitalistic proposal for a modern architectural design in Cuba’s changing political context. During the 1950’s, Bacardí was flourishing in the globalising market. Mies van der Rohe was commissioned to design the new headquarters of the company; the international style, known for its affiliation with capitalism (Best & Kellner 1997, p. 146) fit Bacardí’s brand ideology, but the building was never built because the company was exiled following the Revolution and the nationalisation of Cuban companies. The commission for this design illustrates how close Cuba was to the introduction of a refined corporate architecture that formed the expression of a free market economy. The Soviet-communist ties strengthened, resulting in a lack of architectural expression and foreign investments. Even after the fall of the Soviet Union, Cuba remained faithful to socialism, but the tides are turning with recent political and economic changes. With growing economic pressure on Cuba, due to its reluctant position on a global market, reforms have been announced under the sovereignty of Raúl Castro (EXPRESS 2010). Focusing on Havana and neighboring areas, recent investments into the nearby port of Mariel are evidence of these reforms and result in the emptying of the port of Havana. Changing political and geo-economic contexts beg the question of what future program this former harbour will bear. Fol-

The Exile Returns During the 19th century the Catalan colonies in Cuba were flourishing. Due to their valuable geographical position and good ports, many immigrated to Cuba in search of opportunities (Gjelten 2008, p. 11). The Havana harbour formed an important stop for vessels on their journey between the mainland of South America and the motherland of Spain. Known for its importance in the gold trade, the city soon became a place of wealth. One of these immigrants was named Falcundo Bacardí, a young entrepreneur who traveled to the city of Santiago de Cuba, and later established the Bacardí brand (Gjelten 2008, p. 11). Pepin Bosch, who was to become the CEO two generations later, became acquainted with Mies’ international style architecture of the Crown Hall during a visit to Chicago. The unitary open space had impressed the CEO of the company so deeply, that in July 1957, Mies van der Rohe was commissioned to design the new headquarters (O’Rourke 2012, p.57). This design could have signified the entry of the international style to Cuba, but misfortune struck and the construction of the new headquarters was canceled with the exile of the brand. The Bacardí example is one amongst many of Cuban and American companies that was exiled during the revolution. When Fidel Castro introduced socialism and stated that the American economy formed a threat to Cuba, he immediately nationalised all foreign and domestic assets in an effort to control the market. Many properties and enterprises were confiscated in this process, of which a total value of around $7 billion is approved by the US Department of Justice’s Foreign Settlement Claims Commission as property of US companies and individuals (Lamar & Luscombe 2015). Although these claims have not yet been discussed with Cuban officials, people such as Javier García-Bengochea, whose family left behind a profitable shipping and warehouse business, argue that international claims will have to be resolved in order to normalize relations between the countries (Lamar & Luscombe 2015). In response to the nationalisation of all foreign assets, the US established the embargo in 1962 as a political and economic sanction in an effort to limit Cuba in its economic potential. Many Cuban prod71

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FOREIGN CAPITAL AND ITS INTRINSIC LOVE FOR THE INTERNATIONAL STYLE

VENEZUELA

USA

RUSSIA

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1492

1898

INDEPENDENT

Cuba’s Economic Dependence Throughout History

1898

1959 1972 1991

INDEPENDENT

1999

INDEPENDENCE? Timeline of Cuba’s economic dependence i1

Economic dependence has haunted Cuba throughout its history because of their import-focused market, as its domestic production was dominated by citrus and sugar during both Spanish and American occupation (Copeland, Jolly & Thompson 2011, p.3 and Hunt 2016). International trade simplified due to technological advancements: the innovation of steam power resulted in the regular crossing of trans-oceanic steamships, facilitating trade of bulk commodities and luxury goods across oceans (WTO 2013). Thus, Cuba’s economy specialised in its sugar production under Spanish imperialism and profited from the international division of labour. It was not until the revolution that its primary position in the world’s sugar market collapsed due to American economic sanctions and the embargo. The economic sanctions ironically have a reverse effect on Cuba’s economy, as they limit a market-oriented economic potential of US investments (Feinberg & Piccone 2014, p.2). Cuba became economically 73

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SPAIN

dependent upon the Soviet Union when Fidel Castro sought help, and the Soviets took over Cuba’s sugar export in exchange for oil. Castro had contacted the Soviet Union specifically, as he believed that Cuba should become a socialist republic. In the 90’s, when the Soviet Union collapsed, so did any economic support for Cuba which resulted in the infamous Special Period. During this time, the country had a hard time finding new economic allies as their market was still predominantly reliant on sugar. Cuba started trading doctors’ services for unrefined oil with Venezuela, which was then refined in Cuba and sold on the flourishing international oil market. This capital was then invested in importing food. Even today, Cuba’s import value is three times larger than its export value, and economic reforms are therefore necessary. For a long time, private enterprises were not allowed, and as capital growth was repressed, so was the initiative to invest into a market for a growing domestic demand. As the country’s economic situation worsens, changes are being made: when Raúl Castro took over leadership from his brother, one of his ‘softer’ socialist ideals was an economic reform that would benefit the country’s current economic model. Part of these economic reforms was the initiation of economic freezones, offering foreign companies the possibility to invest capital in designated areas, exploiting the relatively cheap labour of well educated Cubans without being bound to expensive governmental share deals. Previously, foreign companies were bound to joint venture constructions in which the government claimed 51% of the profit in an effort to maintain control over economic growth (Caruso-Cabrera 2013). Raúl Castro’s reforms in a way resemble the Beijing Consensus, an economic reform model following socialist ideals that brought China a significant economic growth. However, looking at the key features of this model, Cuba is currently lacking: for example, a pro-development state is missing in the country’s attitude towards economic reform. The further development of socialism in most cases was preferred above economic development, limiting an overall economic growth to a significantly low average of 2% (Feinberg, Piccone 2014, p.18). The economic reforms are extended gradually, following the Beijing Consensus in its key feature of implementing easy reforms first and difficult ones later. Easy reforms are the controlled admittance of small foreign investments within the borders of designated zones, whilst in contrast difficult reforms are the allowance of privatised firms. Whether Cuba will be dependent in the future thus partially depends on the shape of their economic reforms.

ucts like rum and cigars are now sold on a global market by joint venture constructions consisting of global companies that directly deal with Cuban officials in marketing their products. However, the biggest potential market for these Cuban luxury products—the U.S.—remains inaccessible due to the persistence of the embargo. Recent political developments in normalising the relationship between the nations push towards lifting these economic sanctions, as even the United Nations has unanimously voted to end the embargo (UN 2016). However, relating to the foreign interest of former U.S.-Cuban enterprises to reclaim their lost property, the so-called ‘Helms-Burton Act,’ an addition made to the embargo in 1996, could deny Cuban companies access to a US market even after a potential end to the embargo unless they are owned by their rightful pre-revolution owner (Gjelten 2008, p. 363). The economic sanctions enacted by the U.S. in a response to the nationalisation of American-owned property could potentially re-introduce Cuba’s dependence upon the country, as many Cuban companies’ trade with the United States would still be bound to legal obstructions after lifting the embargo. Apart from these legal constructions, a large number of American companies see major economic potential in the Cuban market. John Deere, for example, wants to invest in the agricultural potential of large nickel deposits, and major phone companies want to provide the commercial telecommunications and internet that are currently lacking (Creswell 2014).

style itself lasted up until its moment of internationalisation (Adams 2012, p.21), the very confinements that were set out are still visible in much of today’s corporate architecture. Considering the interest of U.S. companies in Cuba it is inevitable that they will impose the contemporary corporate architectural style on Havana’s harbour and other areas of interest.

Lights on Canary Wharf.i2 (used under Creative Commons licence)

move.” The reason the interest in these large architectural firms was so big is that had a wide experience in delivering corporate commercial buildings. These firms offered ‘an efficient, familiar and tested service for their compatriots’ as Robert Adam elaborates (Adam 2012, p.91).

Canary Wharf: little USA at London’s waterfront. Architectural practice follows the practice of business itself. Considering its a service industry, Architecture offices usually go where the client goes (Adam 2012 p.89). Canary Wharf in London, to name a specific example, was heavily influenced by American architecture firms who moved abroad as London formed an attractive market. Due to the deregulation of London’s financial markets in the 80’s and the containerisation of shipping cargo which made docklands abundant, a boom was created, bringing in American real estate investors and their architects. Rather quickly these large firms, like SOM and KPF, opened their foreign offices to profit of a growing market for corporate real estate. This effectively created a ‘North American urban environment in Europe’ (Adam 2012, p.90). As Robert Cioppa explains (Adam 2012 p.91): “The strategy at the time [was based on] a universal notion that London would become a financial centre, as it was bridging the time zones between Asia and the United States, and that there would be a significant shift in financial institutions to London. So we serviced financial clients, but there were also the developers coming here under the same premise, so it became a service-oriented 74

For years Cuba has maintained restraint in expressing architectural language, following the principles of communist building blocks throughout its time of affiliation with the Soviet Union and given shortages of building materials in recent years. If the embargo falls, Cuba will garner interest from foreign companies, including Bacardí, due to its close proximity to the U.S. Throughout its history, the Bacardí brand has expressed a strong corporate identity in architecture with their Miami Headquarters as a prime example. If the Cuban market opens, what architectural change might the country expect due to their favourable geopolitical position? Marshall (2001) argues that there is a tendency to view waterfronts as the ‘cure-all for ailing cities in search of new self-images or ways of dealing with issues of competition for capital developments’. These areas offer the possibility of large scale intervention to achieve significant effect. Harbours have traditionally formed the heart of a city’s industrial activity and continue to do so in a contemporary context. As labour has shifted from blue-collar to white-collar, and shifted from the factory floor to the office space, so has the programmatic infill of waterfronts. Their visibility also allows for city branding. Waterfront renewals around the world, have often been the locus of foreign capital. One famous example is Canary Wharf in London. As there was a general notion of London becoming a financial centre, the foreign investments soon followed and completely rebuilt the waterfront, giving it a new metropolitan identity. Havana will probably not become a financial centre, however, considering the proximity to the United States, it will be an easy accessible market for North-American architecture firms. The architectural result of foreign capital in a globalising world often refers back to the initials that were set with the international style. Its rationalising perspective was the result of the industrialising society with a belief of a society that would be “dominated by technique and science” (Bergeijk, 2013, p. 12), a more rational approach towards architecture was the following result. This approach to architecture was in accordance with Enlightenment thinking, as it was explicitly opposed to the continuation of tradition (Adam 2012, p.21). This methodology garnered a large interest by U.S. companies as it fit their ‘confident, enthusiastic desire to get on with the business of progress’ (Paradis 2011). The international style developed into the corporate architecture that dominates Western cities today. Standardization is key to the methodology of the style and is signified by the repetition of details. Although the international

Conclusion Cuba’s economic dependence has haunted the country throughout its history. Due to its prosperous harbours and their close proximity to the Americas, it formed a significant asset in an emerging market of global trade. Up until the Revolution, colonisation was deeply embedded within the Cuban economy, with its historical focus on sugar cane and the revolution’s persistence against economic growth, but today economic reforms are inevitable. With worsening ties to Venezuela, 19% of Cuba’s export in refined oil might vanish. Meanwhile, minor steps are being implemented by initiating economic freezones like Port Mariel in an effort to quickly garner interest of foreign capital to boost the Cuban economy while still maintaining political control. The question is how long Cuba will maintain these stagnant economic adjustments before transgressing into more rigorous reforms given their current economic situation. The port of Havana will soon follow the example of the many post-industrial cities that have undergone waterfront revitalisation. Within these developments, American companies and other foreign enterprises will more than likely commission Western architectural firms to build their new foreign headquarters. Thus, the corporate office tower may soon intervene in the ‘indigenous’ aesthetic of Cuba. However, the tower’s lack of vernacularity in architectural expression signifies a disconnect with the locality of its social context. Thus a global architectural style—the traditional international style— is unquestionably undemocratic in a country like Cuba. As Marshall argues (2001, p.157): “Contextualism, in this sense, is not about the reproduction of the old but about the ability of the new to make relationships with the old. […] In Havana these issues are critical and pressing. What Havana needs is a way to conceptualize the identity of the city in such a manner as to prioritize the manipulation of the old fabric and the integration of the new.” Socialism, especially within the gradual reforms as they were announced by Raúl Castro, do not allow for large foreign privatisations yet. But since Fidel Castro had effectively stolen foreign investments in its progression, Cuba has partially created its own burden in relation to opening up gradually 75

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Cuba’s Entrance in a Global Architecture Market

Current Condition of Havana’s Harbour.i3

Bibliography: Adam, R. (2012). The Globalisation of Modern Architecture: The Impact of Politics, Economics and Social Change on Architecture and Urban Design since 1990. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Bergeijk, H. van (Ed.). (2012). Aesthetic Economy. Objectivity in Dutch architecture. Delft: BBA Publishers. Best, S., & Kellner, D. (1997). The Postmodern Turn (1st ed.). The Guilford Press. Retrieved from https://books.google.nl/books?id=d_ arS8LsAtIC&pg=PA146&lpg=PA146&dq=international+style+affiliation+with+capitalism&source=bl&ots=2YcW1mlERV&sig=U2uQk3t5sJpKBOlJLt4MIh34xJs&hl=nl&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwir3Mjg5JTRAhXEAxoKHc0FAakQ6AEIITAA#v=onepage&q=international Caruso-Cabrera, M. (2013). Want to invest in Cuba? Learn how to wait. Retrieved from http://www.cnbc.com/id/100887311 Copeland, C., Jolly, C., & Thompson, H. (2011). The History and Potential of Trade between Cuba and the US. Journal of Economics and Business. Creswell, J. (2014). U.S. Companies Clamor to Do Business in New Cuban Market. Retrieved November 23, 2016, from https://www. nytimes.com/2014/12/19/business/us-businesses-assess-cuba.html Donofrio, J. T. (2007). Preservation as a tool for waterfront revitalization. University of Pennsylvania. EXPRESS. (2010). Raul Castro unveils economic reform. Retrieved from http://www.express.co.uk/news/world/190653/Raul-Castro-unveils-economic-reform Feinberg, R. E., & Piccone, T. (2014). Cuba’s Economic Change in Comparative Perspective. Gjelten, T. (2008). Bacardi and the long fight for Cuba. Penguin Books. Hunt, N. (2016). Sugar Boom. Retrieved September 18, 2016, from http://cubahistory.org/en/sugar-boom-a-slavery/sugar-boom.html Lamar, J., & Luscombe, R. (2015). Cuban exiles hope diplomatic thaw can help them regain confiscated property. Marshall, R. (2001). Waterfronts in Post-industrial Cities. London: Spon Press. O’Rourke, K. E. (2012). Mies and Bacardi. Journal of Architectural Education, 66(1), 57–71. Paradis, T. (2011). Architectural Styles of America and Europe: International. Retrieved December 29, 2016, from https://architecturestyles.org/international/ UN. (2016). US abstains for first time in annual UN vote on ending embargo against Cuba. Retrieved December 29, 2016, from http:// www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=55404#.WGUGs7Fx-gQ Watkins, T. (n.d.). The Economic History of Havana, Cuba: A City So Beautiful and Important It Was Once Worth More Than All of Florida. Retrieved December 27, 2016, from http://www.sjsu.edu/faculty/watkins/havana.htm WTO. (2013). World Trade Report 2013.

Images: Images are made by the Author D’Amico, D. (2015). Lights on Canary Wharf. Retrieved from: https://www.flickr.com/photos/davidedamico/16779080625/ i4 ImagineChina/Corbis. Beijing’s central business district. i1-3 i2

Bejing’s central business district (ImagineChina / Corbis).i4

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to the U.S. in the future, as many former owners might try to legally reclaim their lost property. Thus it remains to be seen in which ways Cuba will change its architectural expression and follow Western examples of urban waterfront renewals, as it is partially dependent, yet again, on the U.S. and its will to maintain its sanctions against Cuba.

LIVIU PAICU

“Water has been a public resource under public domain for more than 2,000 years… Ceding it to private entities feels both morally wrong and dangerous... Markets don’t care about the environment… And they don’t care about human rights. They care about profit.” James Olson, Attorney specialized in water law

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“Individual municipalities don’t have the expertise to employ all the new technology to meet the new standards…We do.” Bertrand Camus, Former United Water CEO

With climatic changes, economic shifts and overpopulation the topic of water becomes more and more tackled. We no longer look upon water as a common natural source, but we have helped transcend it to the realm of tradable and economic influential goods. Within the realm of a socialistic government this topic becomes even more important. How can a government that values its social values above its economic gain can cope with this shift and overcome the global pressure of capitalism? The following article indulges into the complicated world of water privatization within the socialistic regime of Cuba. Out of preliminary observations, it has been proven to be an unparalleled success. Nevertheless, is the Cuban privatization model a long term one and is it replicable in other parts of the world, especially ones that have more liberal or capitalist governments? This is why against the background of privatization the case of Bolivia will also be presented. The article begins with illustrating the increased importance of water as a commodity, followed by the elucidation of the dire need of Cuban privatization and concludes with the current state of affairs of the Cuban privatization model.

Undervalued Resource

Out of the comfort zone

The presence of water has catalysed not only the creation and progress of life as we know it, but over time it even influenced multiple major cultural evolutions of the human species. We have systematically categorized water by its various scales, flow and physical state. Furthermore, water is the biggest terraforming component of our planet. Through sedimentation, erosion or physical force water is capable of shaping material patina and is indifferent to the properties of the elements that it applies its workings to. As a consequence to its vast power, various human cultures have held water on high pedestals and previewed it as a gift and at the same time, wrath of the gods. Water gave us the ability to spread our settlements through agriculture or navigation; it even helped us to enable the power of electricity. Unfortunately, from the most important natural basis, with powerful and beautiful physical qualities, water has become the furthermost overused and neglected resource. We started controlling it and now we categorize it in extrinsic values such as cleaning, drinking or recreation. Our way of experiencing the water phenomenon has been reduced to an objectified component, which comes in containers of different sizes. Therefore, in today’s fast changing environment, even this fundamental resource has been placed into the property of private companies, in most cases no longer being held by the public authorities of countries.

Cuba, a country which unwillingly, has always been on the forefront of major cultural and technological reformation movements. Following the fall of the USSR the country experienced negative economic conditions. Such consequences included: the intensification of food rationing, power outages, and severe drops in the industrial and agricultural sectors. This difficult timeframe became known as the “Special Period”, a period in which Cubans relentlessly fought with the forces of change and in this process evolved into one of the most sustainable societies of the present time.1 Due to food shortage Cubans adopted new forms of farming within the urban scene, a progression, which more developed countries would promote in a far ahead time frame. Another issue that they learned to cope with was the lack of automotive incentives, such as petroleum, car parts or good motorised infrastructure. They adopted more sustainable ways of transportation such as bicycles and increased their pedestrian activity. Similarly, they devolved from mechanized machines to the use of animals within the farming sector. Nevertheless, as we all know, every story involves five components: the character, the setting, the plot, the conflict, and the resolution. The story of Cuba, unfortunately, is still in the process of the conflict. Although, Cubans have always found new ways to reform and improve their life condition, a major setback is imperatively imposing a stagnation of their evolution. Since the special period Cuba has found itself in a shortage of material. This is a factor which has influenced not only the direct built environment, but also the indirect. The underground infrastructure of Cuba was not faultless to start. At its lowest point, this crisis plus a combination between an abundance of power outages, leakage in the network and poor quality maintenance, the water supply suffered serious problems. Unfortunately, as water is the most precious resource of our survival, this brought severe health issues with it. The water infrastructure of Havana degraded to such a point that 90.000 people needed to be supplied through water tanker trucks. This would not have been such an impediment if there was no fuel shortage or infrastructure issues.2 At the level of the entire country a percentage of only seventy-three Cubans had access to piped water. The situation started to look very serious as the country was in no position to improve or even repair its water system. Nevertheless, the ontology of politics is based on the population; thus, the government understood the dire need of a new type of approach, one that would slightly bring them out of the socialist comfort zone.

Besides the air that we breathe, water remains, in our vision, the most common and basic resource. This is exactly why the passing of power over this resource, from a local authority to a private one, immediately brings rudimentary concerns. Will this negatively influence the economics of the households? Will the water infrastructures be as well taken care of as they were during local control? Will water companies only look out for their own gain and neglect the voice of the society in which they operate? Our investigation places us in a politically challenged country of the Caribbean, a country which lingers the transference towards capitalist governance and only recently has adapted a form of water privatization. However, due to the multitude of authoritarian constraints, it may very well be the foremost positive example of the future of water possession matrix.

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THE COMMON PRIVATIZATION OF WATER

Since the beginning of the Castro regime at the half of the last century, Cuba has been working hard on de-commodifying most of the activities that could derail the country from a communist/ socialist ideology. This irrevocably meant creating a dichotomy between its content and the neoliberal one that evolve around the island. Nonetheless, with the fall of the USSR and the beginning of the Special Period, the regime saw itself more and more pressed by the increasing need for a less centralized management system. This pressure exteriorized at the end of the 20th century, more precisely in 1998, in the form of the SPE (System of Entrepreneurial Perfection). The SPE aimed at the perfection and improvement of the Cuban enterprises.3 The fundamentals of this new system were: more increased managerial autonomy and decentralized decision-making, self-financing and financial autonomy and new labour management principles (results and not effort will be rewarded).4 Thus, it is noticeable that with this new step the regime was already setting steps towards a more global way of management. Nevertheless, it should not be seen as a step to liberalism or capitalism; the businesses that received SPE reorganisations are monitored and evaluated by centralized governmental bodies. For the water sector this regulation is provided by the governmental organisation National Institute of Water Resources INRH.5 This is a centralized water management establishment created in 1969 to supervise the administration of water resources of the country. Eventually, INHRI decentralized its influence and delegated its micro operations and management functions to local enterprises or corporations. Following the course of the SPE, these local utilities became financial and managerial independent, but still under the INHRI supervision due to the fact that the financial pressure change within the water legislation had to be made. In 1968 the socialist government banned household’s water tariffs, while still charging different businesses and a portion of the governmental organizations.6 Thus, the water sector became very dependent on the national budget, as there was no economic inflow. Besides its local dependence, the water sector was also reliant on technological and chemical contribution from the communist bloc countries.7 This taxation regulation started to become unstable with the fall of the USSR and the economic downfall that it brought to Cuba. As a consequence, in 1994 a new water taxation law was reintroduced to the domestic market.8

Current state of the built environment in Havana, Cuba.i1

Water delivered by truck, still one of the main water delivery system in Habana Vieja.i3

Water distribution truck.i2

By heavy rain fall the water system becomes intensely challenged.i4

The economical destabilization also brought forth the beginning of global joint ventures within the socialist land of Castro. The country was opened up to tourism during the 1990s with the purpose of generating foreign exchange earnings. This new activity in Cuba was supported by private investors, among which, the Spanish company, Martinon that played a very important role in the creation of the resort Varadero. The private water company, Canaragua, a subsidiary of the Aguas of Barcelona, active in the Canary Islands, was in charge of managing the water supply from this resort. In 1994, the same year as the water taxation in the resort town of Varadero, an international joint venture under the name of Aguas de Varadero was created.9 Created as an “international economic association”, the business is one hundred percent owned by the Cuban government with a 25 year contract for consulting, technical and management services provided by Aguas de Barcelona, while the beneficiary and also the profit creation factor is the resort of Varadero under the leadership of Sol Melia (Spanish hotelier multinational). Because of the type of contract plus the legislation of the SPE, the government, in the form of the INHRI, remained solely responsible for all investments and expansions in the water infrastructure. Thus, it did not ameliorate the problem of economic loss. Therefore, the government introduced in Varadero a taxation aimed at the outside capitalistic flow, namely the tourists. The parallel dollar taxation was introduced in 1995, a year after the peso taxation, and resulted in an unprecedented dual taxation structure for basic services. In 2000, the dual system became used on the entire island. In this way the government became able to sustain and improve the current water situation without increasing taxation prizes on its own population.10 In addition, the dual taxation system proved able to generate profit for the water company and its investors. This venture proved so beneficial that the government decided in 1997 to expand it into the city of Havana, starting first with only the districts of Playa, Lisa and Marianao (parts of west Havana where dollar industry is situated). Under the name of Aguas del Oeste, the Havana venture became in 2000 Aguas de Habana and operates within eight of the municipalities of the land’s capital. Because of their cooperation in Varadero and the nonexistent competition, the Havana water contract is presented more as a series of agreements between the Cuban government and Aguas de Barcelona. The contract implies the responsibility of Aguas de Habana to provide for the costs of operation and maintenance; conversely, they are allowed to use the water infrastructure, which is still held by the government.11

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Socialistic water

Seeing how Aguas de Barcelona (the mother company of Aguas de Habana) has been taken over, it is important to observe, when the contract will end, how the company, now in charge of Aguas de Barcelona [the giant corporation SUEZ], will renegotiate if Cuba is willing to work with them or if Cuba will take control over the entire company. The entire privatization of this commodity may have proven unnecessary and it also is entirely dependent on the Cuban political trajectory. If in the future the government is ready to release more of its public duty and place the burden on private companies, it will need to do so in a legislative way. If private companies will be allowed to change their tariffs according to an international currency and the government will not regulate the domestic taxation, the privatization may prove to be catastrophic to the point of public demonstrations, such as in the case of the Cochabamba Water Wars in Bolivia. On the other hand, if the government will start to take more control of the company and stop delivering a majority of the profits to outside investors it may prove a more reliable form of incentive for a socialistic political trajectory. Nevertheless, this will mean that the privatization will redevelop in public common, a movement, which is more and more common in the western world, where governments prefer to leave the water commodities in the management of decentralized governmental businesses.

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Privatization as public common

Cochabamba Water War 2000.i5

that would take over SEMAPA. As a result of this clause, Bechtel and Biwater tried to amend to their economical loss by increasing the water rates. Ultimately, this resulted into a series of protests that ended in a march of tens of thousands of protesters in downtown Cochabamba, in 2000, and eventually, in the reversing of the privatization of the local water facilities.1

How you should not do it! Water Privatization in Bolivia The year is 1999, the place Cochabamba Bolivia. A city that historically has been supplied with water by means of river capturing reservoirs. As the city grew the supply system became insufficient. Despite major investments, of local and international companies, the water service did not improve. The population received only four hours per day water of poor quality. The distribution system was more or less divided between an outdated water network and water tankers. The municipal water utility SEMAPA proved to be insufficiently equipped to deal with the major water crisis. Therefore, as a final move towards the development of the water infrastructure the government appealed to the IMF and World Bank. The two economic instances agreed to a loan, however, with the clause that the country would sell its public owned companies to international investors. In a joint venture called Aguas del Tunari, the American construction giant Bechtel and Biwater took over SEMAPA. Being cornered into giving up its public waterworks, the Bolivian government tried to ameliorate the situation by imposing an investment in the construction of a water dam that had to be done by the companies

The crisis in Cochabamba was ultimately not only a crisis of water distribution, but also a crisis of proper utilities management.

If placed upon the socialistic background, the Aguas de Habana venture has been an enormous success, especially when compared to other South American countries such as Bolivia. Due to the strict regulations, the country was successful in investing in infrastructure without increasing the domestic water tariff. Nevertheless, the idea of privatization within a socialistic mind-set endangers the core ideology of the regime and it may very well prove to be the beginning of the engendering of a more liberal, even capitalistic point of view. Aguas de Varadero worked because its main revenue was a result of the tourist dollar. In order to maintain a profit in Havana, the government would have either to increase its hotelier or international business sector. This means stepping out of the socialistic comfort zone and starting to embrace a more capitalist ideology. The issue that this brings forward is the creation of a schism of taxation within its population. This already happens in the situation of casa particulara. This Cuban private-accommodations are previewed by the government as international hotelier industry and charge tourists in dollars, forcing them to pay the dollar taxation.12 The same is to be said for the most self-employment forms of businesses in Cuba. On another level, the entire idea behind the SPEâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and the privatization laws was to help the country overcome the Special Period. Unfortunately, as a result of the same socialistic ideology that protects the people, the company is unable to make significant profit in order to help the government. It is unable to deal punitive sanctions to debtors, it pays its personnel and its own debts in pesos and it is not responsible for the water infrastructure. This questions the need of an international venture. It all points mainly to the fact that the Cuban government could have 85

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achieved the same level of operation without the help of Aguas de Barcelona, who in fact only provides managerial and technical expertise.

The company is managed by both state and mother company, Aguas de Barcelona, representatives. Nevertheless, ideally it is not. As per regulation, the governmental part, the INRH, is part of the board of the administrative, but also responsible for water infrastructure investment within Havana. Therefore, this creates a clash of interests in regards with investment and profits, two points that are the most important factors of this socioliberal venture. In order to invest, the company needs revenue, but through legislation, it is not allowed to increase the peso revenue. Thus, with its peso taxation, the company mainly pays only salaries and electrical bills. This brings us to the paradoxical part of the story, is Aguas de Havana a positive influential story? Yes and No.

Schiffler, M. (2015) Water, Politics and Money: A Reality Check on Privatization, Springer International Publishing, 27. Ibid, 28. 3 Echevarrìa,D. and Rosales, B. (2002) Apuntes sobre el Proceso de Perfeccionamiento Empresarial. Cuba Siglo XXI(XXIV). Centro de Estudios de la Economia Cubana a la Universidad de La Habana. 4 Marquetti, N.(2002) La empresa cubana: Principales retos que enfrenta. In Gerencia: Del propósito a la accion . Centro de Estudios de la Economia Cubana a la Universidad de La Habana. 5 Ibid 3 & 4. 6 Cocq, K. and McDonald, D. A. (2010), Minding the Undertow: Assessing Water “Privatization” in Cuba. Antipode, 42: 6–45,15. 7 CEPAL (2004) (Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe) Polìtica Social y Reformas Estructurales: Cuba a Principios del Siglo XXI (Social Policy and Structural Reforms: Cuba at the Beginning of the 21st Century), Mexico: CEPAL, United Nations. 8 Cocq, K. and McDonald, D. A. (2010), Minding the Undertow: Assessing Water “Privatization” in Cuba. Antipode, 42: 6–45,16. 9 Cocq, K. and McDonald, D. A. (2010), Minding the Undertow: Assessing Water “Privatization” in Cuba. Antipode, 42: 6–45, Interview C: 4 December 2004, Havana. 10 Ibid 9, Interview E: two-part interview. E-1: 4 January 2005, Havana. 11 Ibid 9, Interview C: 4 December 2004, Havana. 12 Carmona Baez A (2004) State Resistance to Globalization in Cuba. London: Pluto Press.

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Water distribution truck.i6

Images: Erik, Busger, Op V.(2016) Havana. Erik, Busger, Op V.(2016) Havana. i3 Alan, F.(2015) Havana Agua, accessed on 15 April 2016, http://www.alan-friedlob.com/new-gallery-2/2015/7/30/8klbrbhg6cretbv87k zhkgc8sejham. i4 Erik, Busger, Op V.(2016) Santiago de Cuba. i5 Cochabamba Water Wars, accessed on 10 April 2016, http://fpif.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/Cochabamba-Water-Revoltworld-bank-IMF-722x517.jpg. i6 Erik, Busger, Op V.(2016) Havana. i7 Adalberto, R. (2005) A man carrying a bucket full of trash comes closer to a whirlpool formed by the water flooding through the street sewage 24 October, 2005 in Havana, after the devastating passage of Hurricane Wilma. Havana residents woke up to inundated streets as sea water was washed into parts of the city. Western regions of the Caribbean island also suffered serious flooding, with some residents saying it was the worst storm to hit the island in 12 years, accessed on 15 April 2016, http://www. gettyimages.nl/detail/nieuwsfoto’s/man-carrying-a-bucket-full-of-trash-comes-closer-to-a-nieuwsfotos/94984340 i1 i2

Havana flooding.i7

How you should not do it! Water Privatization in Bolivia: 1 Schiffler, M. (2015) Water, Politics and Money: A Reality Check on Privatization, Springer International Publishing, 17.

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Bibliography:

RELEVANCE OF WATER FOR CITY DEVELOPMENT

MICHIEL SCHUURMANS

Water: the essence of life

Havana: search for the benefit of water

Columbus was the first to predict a hurricane in 1502. Hurricanes had a major influence on the development of Cuba; destroying many coastal settlements and flooding inland areas.

During the Pre Columbian period indigenous inhabitants lived mostly along the coast near the mouths of rivers.

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“Water is the driving force of all nature” Leonardo da Vinci

This article discusses the influence of water on the development of cities. In this case Havana, Cuba. The main focus is on urbanisation and colonisation through to a historical point of view until today influences. To compare the situation two case studies are used: the Nile, as one of the oldest and longest water bodies that made one of the earliest civilisations possible, and Houston because of its strategic location and development. The digression includes colonial settlement Melbourne because of its quick development strategy Comparison and research will show the influence of water and the effect on city development. What was the influence of water on the existing urban fabric and development of Havana? Farming and agriculture encouraged hunter-gatherers to abandon nomadic lifestyles and settle down in groups forming little communities, which we can call the precursor of today’s city. Agriculture yielded more food, which made denser human populations possible, thereby supporting city development.1 One of the requirements for this development was clean water and a good climate. Mesopotamia, Greek meaning ‘between two rivers’ was an ancient region in the eastern Mediterranean and is described as the cradle of civilization, always lived along water.

In between 1596 and 1600 the estimated value of the treasure found in the New World reached $774 MILLION.4

In 1514 the settlement was founded and so San Cristobal de la Habana. Havana was first located on the Broa inlet, on the southern coast of Cuba. As a result of the unhealthy environment, the swampland, mosquitoes, tropical diseases and the flat coastline and shallow port they had to relocate and settled on the north coast of Cuba. The mouth of the river Rio Almendares, along the coast at Ensenada de la Chorrera, was seen as the ideal location because of the fresh water source. However, the vulnerability to rising seas and the lack of a sheltered harbour resulted in another relocation. Eventually Havana settled on the west side of the large, deep water bay; Bahia de la Habana.

Havana became the safe harbour for the treasure fleets. The natural deep harbour and the higher ground of the cities foundation made it possible to almost directly unload the ships at the waterside. Havana became a large depot, because only two convoys a year, containing thirty ships, would leave to Spain. Soon, the Spanish saw the relevance of Havana and decided the city should be protected against piracy. The Real Fuerza is Havanas first fortification, also considered as the oldest stone fort in the Americas. This fort not only protected the city and harbour against pirates but also served as a vault for the gold. Due to its poor strategic location, too far inside the bay, later fortifications were built near the waterfront.

The new location seemed to be perfect for the settlement. The high ground provided the settlement with a natural harbour. The sea breeze swept away the mosquitoes, the surrounding land was easily tilled and the narrow entrance to the bay could easily be defended.3

Havana developed towards the west over the years and industry took over the harbour area.

The old centre, the beginning of Havana, is called Vieja de la Habana. The city mostly developed around the entrance of the bay, which was used by Spanish settlers on their way to America. The bay was big enough to hold hundreds of ships and was therefore seen as an important port between The New World and Spain.

Case study #1: the Nile “The Nile Valley covers merely 5% of Egyptís territory, while at the same time providing a living environment for 95% of the country’s population.”5 ETH Studio Basel

In 1515 Santiago de Cuba became the capital instead of Baracoa until 1552 when Havana became the Capital of Cuba.

The Nile is 6671 km long of which 1550 km flows through Egypt. The Nile is seen as the reason and precondition for the evolution of one of the earliest civilisations in the world and Egypt as the gift of the Nile (Herodotus). As previously stated; there is no life without water. We are attracted to water and it is also essential for urban development around the Nile. The Nile is a great example of how dependent we are on water but also that it is nature and hard to control.

Due to the location of Havana and its important port, a lot of Spanish fleets stopped for maintenance, which provided a large number of settlers with new work in the shipbuilding trade. The water and its location provided Havana not only with positive influences but made it also suffer under the elements of nature. Caribbean hurricanes, originally Harakan named by the Tainos, indigenous inhabitants of Cuba. These hurricanes are seen as extremely destructive storms. 88

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Civilisation has always been attracted to water; it is the primary source of life. From the start water was seen as the essence, settlements started in water rich environments. Its use is extremely diverse, from drinking water to transport, from personal hygiene to agriculture.

As result of the threat of piracy, Spanish fleets, filled with gold, silver, pearls, silk and spices from Asia were forced to return to Spain in convoy with military escorts.

In 1492 whilst looking for a route to India, Columbus discovered Cuba. His initial idea was that it was a peninsula of the Asian mainland.2 The first landing was on the east side of the island, most possibly BahÌa de Bariay located in the HolguÌn Province.

Case study #2: Houston “The great commercial emporium of Texas” John and Augustus Allen True to their word; Houston is The United States’ fourth largest city. Founded in 1836, on Buffalo Bayou, it served as the first capital of the Republic of Texas.6 Houston’s wealthy economy was primarily based on cotton and commerce. The Allen brothers bought 6,642 acres of land in the Galveston Bay, where White Oak Bayou and the Buffalo Bayou meet. Here they initiated the urban development of Houston, what is now called Allen’s Landing. This great strategic location resulted in a quick boom of development. The landing was a natural turning basin where the rivers White Oak Bayou and the Buffalo Bayou met. The original port of Houston was located here.

Havana, Cuba.i1

Water as a city starter

The use and influences of the water on the development of the cities of Havana and Houston are not dissimilar. Havana relocated three times until the recent location, which was discovered before the settlement. Bays and waterfronts were the most valuable areas of the colonial settlements, as they were the most important access for explorers.

Bahia de la Habana.i2

Without the Nile it is unlikely Egypt would have existed, which makes it a prime example that water is a primary life source. Interesting is the use of water in history until now. Differing from the other projects, the people saw the Nile as God, adapted to it and used it as it was, with and without the flooding. However over the years people have tried to gain control of the Nile. Havana, on the other hand, was a moving settlement and was looking for better places in Cuba during the first years; to choose its ideal location near the water. Balance between disadvantages of water

advantages

The Nile, Asynut, Cuba.i1

and

Compared to Havana, Houston settled more inland in Galveston bay. This provided them with shelter against storms. Houston’s port developed rapidly and overruled Galveston city port as a result of the demolishing hurricane of 1900, which almost destroyed the whole of Galveston city.7 Despite

Huston, USA.i1

Industry moves to Mariel, city development.i3

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Havana, The Nile valley and Houston all utilized the water initially to exist but also to develop.

from the rivers.

Houston being built more inland it still copes with a lot of destructive hurricanes. Havana developed on the Bahia de la Habana, unlike Houston on the coast. This location gave easy access to the city and favourable life conditions, no mosquitoes and a breeze in the hot climate. But this location provided the city with no protection against the tropical storms.

During the development of the port of Houston, there was rivalry between Houston and Galveston city. After the hurricane of 1900, which almost destroyed the whole of Galveston City, Houston gained a better position and took advantage of it. In 1914, the port was opened officially by president Woodrow Wilson and became one of World’s largest ports.9

Melbourne In 1835, John Batman, an explorer and grazier, and John Pascoe Fawkner, arrived in Port Phillip Bay from Tasmania intending to settle. They were the official parties who founded the city of Melbourne or Bearbrass as Melbourne was first called. They sailed up the Yarra River on independent missions to claim the land.13 An observation that had been made some 30 years earlier by a gardener named Flemming, who was with Charles Grimes exploring the Yarra in 1802–03, remained little known. Yet Flemming had noted: ‘The most eligible place for a settlement that I have seen is on the fresh water river’.14

Melbourne on the Yarra River.i4

The people of the Nile had no choice but to live along the water, but the river is unpredictable and influenced the urban development around it. The river could be too low and not provide enough water for the civilization, which resulted in drought and caused death. It could also carry too much water, which led to flooding of the fields and destroyed nearby villages. Unlike the ease the founders of Havana had who had the possibility to look for better places, the people of the Nile had to live and adapt to the behaviour of the Nile.

way every plot could be sold for the same price, as there was no city centre with government buildings. The city developed quick due to the gold discoveries in 1851 and eventually expended along the bay towards the coastline.

For many years, people tried to control the Nile without success until the installation of the Aswan High Dam, which seems to be effective for now.

For a long time Melbourne developed around the Yarra River, the core grew but didn’t expand. The appearance of the city centre changed, high-rise office buildings replaced old buildings. Until 1990 the waterside, now called Docklands, was neglected because of its swampland and previous industrial use.16 Melbourne was a trading point, even thought the bay was miles away from the open sea, it was connected to major shipping routes. Docklands now developed into a big hybrid centre with offices, residential and recreational area. The redevelopment of this area resulted in economic growth and reconnection of the city centre with the waterfront.17 The use of the water rich environment of Melbourne is divers. The landscape was adapted and altered over the course of time by human occupation and natural forces. The first users, the indigenous people used and managed the land in a sustainable way. The Yarra river valley was used for fresh water; fishing and they fired the grasslands to enhance the growth of local food. The river valley also had important spiritual meaning and served as an important meeting place.

At that moment the Wurundjeri people inhabited the area where the Yarra tumbled over a small fall into a salt lagoon. It was the perfect and water rich place for a settlement, to moor ships and to obtain fresh drinking water. Batman’s first motivation to come to Phillip Bay was for sheep pasturage and he made a land deal with the natives to secure the land for land hunters from Tasmania. Tents and bark and timber slab huts were the first buildings in Melbourne. Batman erected a prefabricated timber house on Batman’s Hill.15 Different from other cities, Melbourne was an illegal settlement settled by private individuals. After the official recognition, Robert Hoddle laid out the town planning north of the Yarra, this is the first part of the city’s grid; 24 ten acre square blocks, in three rows of eight. The blocks are connected by major streets and bisected by smaller streets. This grid resulted in an even dividing of Melbourne and this

The water bodies in Melbourne’s area have always been important and the main reason the settlement could take place. The water supplies served as primary life source but also made urban and architectural development possible. Several water reservoirs still serve the city.

Away from the harbour Havana didn’t develop towards the bay but stretched out towards the west (see image urban development). Havana’s harbour has always been used for economic reasons; first the Spanish fleet filled with New Worlds treasures and today industry. It has always been seen as an important part of the city. Orlando Inclan even showed a map in the presentation. The challenge of change; the future of Havana10 that the bay is exactly in the middle of the whole Havana area. Is now mostly used for industry. Exact data on why the city developed the way it did is not available but we can assume because of its economic reasons and strategic location the harbour is mainly developed with industry. This could be the reason why the urban development avoided this area and developed in the complete opposite direction. Orlando Inclan1 confirmed this during the interview on 11th of May 2016,11 he stated that because of the industrial use of the bay, residential development avoided this area, which resulted in the emergence of new city centres around the bay. Causing another problem in urban planning; disconnection of new developed areas and Havana’s old city.

Economy booster The port of Havana and the possibility to hold the Spanish treasure fleet before they returned back from the New World to Spain, made the city boom in growth but especially in an economic sense.

Now the industrial area moves, due to growth and the tunnel, which causes problems for the depth of the growing cargo ships. Bigger cargo ships can’t enter the harbour anymore this is one of the reasons for the relocation to Mariel. This gives great opportunity for the development of this area and for the city itself. The harbour area can give new meaning to Havana.

Unlike Havana, Houston was chosen for its best location and to settle on the rivers to create a port, which would make the city wealthy. From the start Houston served as a great hub because of its great connection with water and land. The first steamer Laura anchored at the dock in 1837. To improve the port and the accessibility of it, in 1866 they started dredging the channel between Allen’s Landing and Galveston bay. Simultaneously rail development took place and the city gained the title Houston: Where Seventeen Railroads Meet the Sea.8 This development gave Houston a great position as a port. The inland location of the port was ideal, protected from storm, tidal waves and provided with fresh water

Inclan expects the harbour area to be developed into a green, public leisure area. Asyut, one of the bigger cities, located along the Nile developed unlike Havana, towards the water. Asyuts history goes back to pharaonic times and was an important destination for travelers.

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The several relocations of Havana and most importantly the last one from Ensenada de la Chorrera to the Bahia de la Habana is related to water. Ensenada de la Chorrera had fresh water but was unprotected against the rising sea and could not provide the city with a sheltered harbour. Nearby, was the higher ground along the Bahia de la Habana.

History to future

Asyut started as a small town and two little villages. From 1850, the city started to grow rapidly.

Seeing the history of Havana, the three attempts of settling we can say Havana is an example of trial and error in (city) architecture and planning. And this is related to the influence of water.

First to the east and north, towards the Nile. In 1873, the Ibrahimia Canal was built and later in 1901 the Assiut Dam and railway. In 1985, a building law forbade building on agricultural land, which stimulated vertical growth instead of horizontal.

The bay is the main reason why Havana settled and developed on its current position. The use of the bay for the Spanish fleet and later industrial use resulted in its current urban planning and disconnection of the city and bay. Needs and use change over periods of time. New developments and use of Havanaís harbour area will restore and reconnect the city with the water and solve many urban problems The different cities show a different use and impact of the water on the urban development. The Nile Valley is a great example and highlights the necessity of water but this also applies to Havana and Houston.

Like Asyut, Houston also developed towards the bay. The Texas oil boom caused a rapid increase of population and growth of the city. During the 20th century the port grew towards the Galveston Bay and in 1977, the first cargo container terminal was built at Morganís Point. This terminal quickly became the most important of the port, which led to further development of the port along the bay and out of the city. Human impact in water

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The Nile case study shows the necessity of water for humanity. Even thought it caused a great deal of stress as well due to its unreliable water height. More recently, pollution became a problematic issue.

Different shifts in use have accorded over time; from traditional, sustainable and as first life source to industrial use and pollution. Today we focus on sustainability again and take the quality of nature and life seriously. This is important in future (urban) development and preservation of nature and water that surrounds us.

Pollution is also for Havana and even for the whole Caribbean Sea a growing problem. The rivers Luyano River and the Martin Perez River are the main cause of the pollution.12 Industry and surrounded urban areas pollute the river, which flows into the bay. The polluted bay has a major impact on the Caribbean Sea. The impact is not only noticeable on this scale but also on smaller scale for example for the fishing and wellbeing of the population of Havana. Inclan does not expect this to be problematic for the development of the harbour area as soon as the industry moved and the sewer system for the urban areas are improved.

The relationship between humans and water has been strong and inseparable from the beginning. We should embrace and respect water to live with and around it.

Although Inclan states that the change of area use will make the pollution disappear. Research on other polluted areas, like Rotterdam, prove that pollution over years get in the ground and is a serious concern for development of these areas and in the case of Havana needs great attention around the development of the harbour area.

References: Boundless. The Earliest Cities. Boundless Sociology, 21 Jul. 2015. Retrieved 13 Mar. 2016 from https://www.boundless.com/ sociology/textbooks/boundless-sociology-textbook/population-and-urbanization-17/urbanization-and-the-development-of-cities-123/ the-earliest-cities-691-8935/. 2 Cluster, Dick, and Rafael Hernández. The History of Havana. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. 3 Estrada, Alfredo José. Havana: Autobiography of a City. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. 4 Ibid. 5 Nile Valley: Urbanization of Limited Resources: ETH Studio Basel, Contemporary City Institute, Spring Semester 2009 Student Work. Basel: ETH Studio Basel, 2010. 6 Goldfield, David R. Encyclopedia of American Urban History. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, 2007. 7 “Galveston City History.” Galveston City History. Retrieved 24 May, 2016 from http://www.co.galveston.tx.us/Museum/galveston_ city_history.asp. 8 Fisher, James E. “Deep Water Channel | Houston History Magazine.” Houston History. Retrieved 18 April from 2016. https:// houstonhistorymagazine.org/tag/deep-water-channel/. 9 Ibid. 10 TheHarvardGSD. “The Challenge of Change: The Future of Havana.” YouTube. October 01, 2015. Accessed April 18, 2016. https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=LeWpgQYLUHg. 11 Orlando Inclan, interview by Michiel Schuurmans, Proyecto Espacios Havana, Cuba, 11th May 2006. 12 Scarpaci, Joseph L., Roberto Segre, Mario Coyula, and Roberto Segre. Havana: Two Faces of the Antillean Metropolis. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. 13 Goad, Philip, Katrina Place, and Patrick Bingham-Hall. A Short History of Melbourne Architecture. Balmain, NSW, Australia: Pesaro Pub., 2002. 14 Helen Doyle. Thematic History: A History of the City of Melbourne’s Urban Environment. Report. June 12, 2012. Accessed May 24, 2016. https://www.melbourne.vic.gov.au/SiteCollectionDocuments/history-city-of-melbourne-urban-environment.pdf. 15 . Ibid 16 Goad, Philip, Katrina Place, and Patrick Bingham-Hall. A Short History of Melbourne Architecture. Balmain, NSW, Australia: Pesaro Pub., 2002. 17 Prescott, John R.V. “Melbourne.” Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Retrieved 24 May 2016 from http://www.britannica.com/place/ Melbourne-Queensland. 1

Images: All the images and diagrams are made by the Author

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Water has not always only influenced the human and its development on different areas like; for exploration, industry, economy booster and leisure but our use of it also has great impact on water bodies and its quality.

The Nile has always been of great importance for the inhabitants; for agriculture, fishing, swimming, washing, and to relax but also for transport and dumping their waste.

NICOLA PATELLI

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The port city in a global strategy

Although the timing and success of the ‘Mariel Project’ are due to outside factors and have no secure future, there is no doubt that Port City of Havana is going to face a new brand of issues in the near future, these consist essentially in the problematic re-identification of an urban area furnished with an important port basin. If we assume that the persistence of the Port is meant as a physical artifact (which is not subject to any relocation), then the guidelines for the future developments of the area should follow a number of historical characteristics, which have distinguished the Ports of the south- american colonial cities from those of the other countries. These characteristics are their remarkable multifunctionality, the centrality, the unpredictability. The article examines these characteristics and discusses some positive guidelines for the re-identification of the Port, between the opposite trends of sterile separation and mechanical integration.

by providing a low-tax, low-regulated environment to fabricate goods. In the peculiar economical situation of Cuba, these measures are meant to create a special climate where foreign capital can have better conditions.

From 2009 the island of Cuba is subject to the effects of a phase of re-launching maritime transport in the Caribbean Sea. This wide-ranging strategy includes the expansion of the Panama Canal and the infrastructural development of a number of ports in the region. In particular the top six global hubs are located in Kingston (Jamaica), Freeport (Bahamas), Manzanillo (Panama), Caucedo (Dominican Republic), Cartagen (Colombia) and Mariel (Cuba). The growth in Caribbean transshipment activities has been flanked by the economic flowering of Latin America before the financial crisis and the need of carriers to connect different trade flows within a more and more globalized shipping network. The process of containerization has had over the years a tremendous impact on the Caribbean small ports, which grew over the centuries as economic platforms for the bulk importation and exportation of colonial goods, and have being rapidly modernized to support newer container ships that further increased the pressures these ports need to face.

Although the timing and success of this phase are due to outside factors and have no secure future (e.g. the recent economic crisis in Brazil and the new international scenario after Trump’s election), there can be no doubt that the port city of Havana is going to face a new brand of issues in the near future, these consist essentially in the problematic re-identification of an urban area furnished with an important port basin. The problem of the identity lies in the historical relationship between city and water, Havana exists because of its strategic geographical position and the collective imaginary around the city inevitably refers to its lively port. Today, therefore, the redevelopment of those areas facing the water should be coupled with a conscious reformulation of the identity of the city, in particular of the city-center, with the Hai Phong Dock and the Tallapietra neighborhood included, as these large areas are the most attractive for foreign investments due to their ‘business card’ character. The history of European cities has shown how these developments may be rapid and dangerous if a number of issues (functional, formal and temporal) aren’t tackled. In order to answer these issues concerning the identity of the city, it might be useful to look critically both at the current and the historical conditions of the port, to understand its fundamental characteristics.

The case of Cuba is one of the most interesting, as the government authorities have opted for a radical decision, by investing 1 billion dollars on a deserted natural bay 30 miles away from Havana, to re-start the whole national maritime strategy. The new deep-water facility provides a 700 meters long berth for commercial vessels. The project, partly financed by credits from Brazil and constructed by Brazilian firm Oderbrecht, will be ran by PSA International, a major Singaporean port operator. At the same time the Free Trade Zone (FTZ) aims to attract international enterprises

View of Havana. 1850 c.a.i1

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THE RE-IDENTIFICATION OF THE PORT CITY

A dual fronted territory

One needs only to have a walk along the street which runs on the west side of the bay to experience this phenomenon. If you leave Plaza Vieja from the souther street and walk towards the water, you first pass through the small square with San Paula Church and finally arrive to the coast. In this point and all along the nine kilometers which surround the bay until Regla Ferry Terminal, the waterfront is completely inaccessible (both physically and visually), as a high number of port buildings are aligned on this edge, while the small pieces of land between them are fenced off, deserted areas. If you walk south-west from this point, in a rapid sequence you first see the Coubre Train Station and the Tallapiedra Power Plant: the first creates a sort of blackout of the urban condition (as an oversized, closed area in the center of the city with almost no presence of people or movement), the second costs a heavy environmental pollution (the air quality measured in the area reveals a level of dioxins five times higher than the rest of the city). Not only, continuing along the coast the visitor approaches a large, semi-industrial area where warehouses and residential buildings coexist. What is remarkable is that moving towards Regla the sizes of the fenced productive lands increases, these low density areas (590/km2) border on the south the municipality of Diez de Octubre, which is, on the contrary, the most populated and dense of Havana (21.000/km2). This enormous difference in densities shows the strict duality of this territory while revealing its potential.

View of the port. 2016. i2

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The issue of the city identity could be posed as a paradox: Havana, whose ‘body’ discloses the history of an inextricable set of direct contacts between historic urban zones and port quaysides, largely appears today as a dual-fronted territory, where not only are the noble urban identity and the strong port identity not integrated, but they don’t even succeed in cohabitating.

View of the former train station. 2016.i3

Satellite view of Havana and Havana Harbor. 2016.i6

View of the Power Plant. 2016.i4

The costs of this kind of forced cohabitation are severe, also for the port itself. The lack of areas for expansion, the limited mobility of goods, the institutional and social conflict that any possible enterprise should face, all these elements strengthened further the duality of the port territory in Havana. Therefore, the obligatory relation between residential zones and port activities has been substantially (non)faced with the assumption of a clear separation of interests between port and city. This regressive and punishing culture resulted in the breaking point of 2008, when the decision of moving the heavy industrial activities to Mariel was taken.

View of the Hai Phong area. 2016.i5

specificity, while managing the urban transformation of a territory (that of the port-city) to be contemplated as a single whole area. In this respect, the port area of Havana (and more generally all the Caribbean colonial ports), have three unusual characteristics that distinguish it from other ports of the world, they derive both from the far and the recent history and are the following.

Although the decision may solve simultaneously a number of problems previously mentioned, the risk for Havana is to loose its historical identity of portcity. It is important, therefore, to understand which are the critical instruments to re-imagine the city after the stop of the industrial and cargo activities. In this regard, the description of the “Port moving to Mariel” seems oversimplified, because the essence of the port-city lies not really in the enterprises, in the actions that take place in that limited area, but in the ‘body’ of the port itself, the ‘body’ is essentially the physical structure, the artificial landscape of the square-shaped docks, the scale of its buildings, the amount of low-density open spaces, the presence of a complex infrastructure. All these elements will remain after the repositioning of the containers and the other industrial functions, therefore they should be understood in their 99

The port of Havana is, above all, ‘multi-functional’. Historically, different environments coexisted around the bay: the tourist areas, the residential areas, commercial spaces, the productive zones, large open areas for the managing of goods and passengers, but also meeting places, parks for recreational purposes and civic monuments. This variety of spaces, together with the historical layout of the city, which compresses Havana Vieja onto the waterfront, means that the two territories are inextricably linked to each other.

Castle, the Prison, the Naval Storehouse, the Cathedral, the Engineers Headquarters, the Treasury Building, the Post Office, the Naval Commission Office, barracks for the working-class, the San Jose Storehouse, the large Arsenal (which later became the Train Station), the Military Hospital, the Gas House, the ‘Altares’ Castle, a fruit whorehouse, a storage building for explosives, a soap factory, a cemetery, some public storehouses and more barracks. All these different functions succeeded in coexisting, without any strict division of territories or landscapes (industrial, residential, etc....).

Creoles, Asturians, Galicians, Catalans, North Americans, blacks and mulattoes came across daily in the streets of the capital. Just like the racial and social diversity which gave born to it, the port of Havana is a ‘mixed blood area’, capable of hosting a wide range of functions for a large variety of users, all within a coherent and compact environment. One need only look at the ‘Map of Havana and Havana Harbor’ (fig. 7) of 1898 to understand this unusual characteristic. The plan reflects the rich variety of social classes and authorities who inhabited the city, all along the waterfront we can see: the facilities for the Queen’s battery (north-east), civic and military baths, the ‘La Punta’

The same richness in diversity of relationships was a characteristic of the ‘Reparto de las Muralla’ (Walls Neighborhood), which started filling the area of the city walls, demolished in 1865. This became the favorite venue for the political and cultural confrontations. Nevertheless, the area remained a center of business activities and small-scale productions ran by the Spanish businessmen (tobacco exporters on top), and brought together the life of theaters, hotels, economic centers, factories and cafe. Here, financiers, artists, humble workers, aristocrats and proletarians came across, in a typical manifestation of the Caribbean environmental ‘syncretism’ which took shape in Havana.

Multifunctionality

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View of the Hai Phong Area. 2016.i8

Centrality

Unpredictability

The second characteristic of the ports (not only the one in Havana) is their constitutive ‘centrality’. The port should never be considered an extension of the city on water, or the last border of the urban condition, but as a third landscape which lies between the urban land and the sea, and entertains relationships with both, therefore is an intermediate place with its own rules and dynamics. On the quayside the flows of goods and passengers come together, are exchanged and circulated, in this sense the port is characterized also by a strong sense of ‘mobility’, which contrasts and stimulates the static nature of the historical center.

The third characteristic of the port of Havana and the other Caribbean ports is their remarkable unpredictability. Ports are intrinsically liable to change, in terms of functions, numbers of users, institutions who run them. These qualitative transformations reflect physical transformations, in the matter of parts, areas, corridors, buildings that are subject to alteration and unpredictable futures. The unforeseeable nature of ports depends on choices and strategies that are taken thousands of kilometers away, for instance in the office of a foreign cruise line or in the headquarter of a major ship company. The lack of reliable predictions about international economic scenarios and the peculiar uncertainty of the political future of Cuba require an extremely flexible planning policy, open to changes of strategy and possible failures.

In Havana the autonomy of this ‘third land’ is emphasized by the street which runs along the waterfront, dividing between left and right, between urban land and port. The only exception to this pattern is the large area of the train station, which lies on the urban side but serves both the historical center and the port, with two different buildings. As the area according to its heritage should be considered as a whole (it occupies the site of the former Arsenal), it’s more likely to conceive it as part of the port, because of its intrinsic character of ‘mobility’.

In conclusion, the characteristics of multifuncitonality, centrality and unpredictability clearly distinguish the port of Havana from the historic center, but at the same time reveal the common history of the two. This excursus is essential to understand the parameters of the re-identification of the port after the relocation of the industrial and cargo activities to Mariel. 101

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Map of Havana and Havana Harbor. 1898 c.a.i7

Between separation and integration

Bird view of the HafenCity,Hamburg. 2015.i9

the new district. Therefore, the model adopted in HafenCity relies on the Neighborhood, articulated dynamically with open spaces and buildings. In the “HafenCity method” the master plan is interpreted as a process, modifiable when needed, flanked by urban and architectural projects that define or modify it on the basis of experiences gained with time. As claimed by Kees Christiansee, no vision can eclipse other interpretations, nor can it be done exactly as it was designed. The vision is a reference according to which the city develops, a precise correspondence between design and reality is simply not possible. In general terms, it is important to develop precise and flexible idea of the city’s future development.

An integrated project HafenCity, Hamburg The Hafen-Stadt of Hamburg represents one of the most exemplary large-scale projects of reuse and transformation of an abandoned port area. The new measures implemented in the former port of Hamburg demonstrate a will to reconcile the character of the place with the need to create a new piece of city marked by contemporary criteria: functional mix, prevalence of public spaces, close visual relationship with the water of the river Elbe. The planned measures of this state-runned strategy are directed to create a strong continuity between Hamburg, HafenCity and the southern suburbs, to build “urbanity”, using as a model the idea of a city of neighborhoods; therefore, from a top view, HafenCity appears as an addition, a “natural” extension of the centre into the river Elbe, and a bridge towards south. The harbor area, fenced off and inaccessible until recently, opens today to the heart of Hamburg and to the peripheral and marginalized islands of Wilhelmsburg and Veddel, becoming a project of integration, both social and infrastructural, between centre and periphery. The characters that distinguish the old Town, such as typological mix and functional network of public spaces, are reinterpreted and proposed in

Demanding ‘integration’ often means to cancel (wholly or partly) the peculiar features of one or both the terms to be integrated, as happened for the large-scale projects that, based on the North American model, have colonized and thus brought to an end many ‘mixed blood’ urban areas of the Mediterranean cities with recreational and commercial speculations (an example has been partly the case of the Barcelona seafront). From this point of view, the landscape of Havana’s historic port city is still well conserved. However, the question is “For how long?”. It is realistic to assume that together with a slow political opening to the world, the injection of new capital from foreign investors and the growth of tourism, the area of the former port will be the catalyst of a radical urban transformation. At stake here is a radical alternative to the model of the great US and eastern ports, where it is a matter of alternating immense plazas destined for container handling and pleasant wharves for groups of tourists, with air-conditioned malls, fast food outlets, theme parks and car parks.

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The unusual characteristics explained in the previous lines clearly distinguish the historic city from the port, but also reveal their common history. These premises are essential, therefore, to abandon all those false promises of ‘integration’ between these two territories.

In other words, the new relationship between port and city in Havana should avoid both the opposite trends towards sterile separation (as happened so far) and mechanical integration (a false promise and hypocrisy). ‘Co-habitation’ between the two territories, instead, is possible, and should be pursued. This is possible only when the differences are clarified, as well as their similarities matured over decades of cohabitation and common use of infrastructures. The differences are physical, spatial, cultural and social in nature; they derive from different political and economic management of the territory. Today Havana has the possibility to transform the area of the former port into a great port park, where a large-scale public promenade allows the city to approach a new working district, with renovated functions and services, but still keeping the essence given by the history of this territory, which is the history of the city.

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Bibliography: Beswick, Carol-Ann. “Urban Regeneration: The Experince of London.” In Urban Regeneration: Learning from the British Experience,edited by Sasha Tsenkova, 17-34. Calgary, Canada: Faculty of Environmental Design - University of Calgary, 2002. Bilfesky, Dan. “François Hollande of France Meets Fidel and Raúl Castro in Cuba.” The New York Times, 2015. Biraghi, M., & Ferlenga, A. (2012). Architettura del Novecento. Torino: Einaudi. Butler, Tim. “Re-Urbanizing London Docklands: Gentrification, Suburbanization or New Urbanism?”. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 31.4 (2007): 759–81. Cronin, Sean. “Russia and Abu Dhabi in Talks to Develop Major New Airport in Cuba.” The National, 2015. Gossop, Chris. “Towards a More Compact City - the Plan for London.” In 40th ISoCaRP Congress, 2004. Hein, Carola. “Hamburg’s Port Cityscape. Large-Scale Urban Transformation and the Exchange of Planing Ideas.” In Port Cities: Dynamic Landscapes and Global Networks, edited by Carola Hein. London: Routledge, 2011. Hoyle, Brian S., ed. The Port-City Interface: Trends, Problems and Examples Vol. 20 No 4, Geoforum. Great Britain: Pergamon Press plc, 1989. Hoyle, Brian S., and David A. Pinder, eds. European Port Cities in Transition. London: Belhaven Press, 1992. Konvitz, Josef W. Cities & the Sea: Port City Planning in Early Modern Europe. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978. Meyer, Han. City and Port. Transformation of Port Cities. London, Barcelona, New York and Rotterdam. Utrecht, the Netherlands: International Books, 1999. Miller, Greg. “Cuba’s Fast-Growing Mariel Targets Transshipment Cargo.” JOC, 2016. Ravsberg, Fernando. “Cuba Inaugura El Puerto Más Moderno De La Región.” BBC Mundo, 2014. Schubert, Dirk. “Three Contrasting Approaches to Urban Redevelopment and Waterfront Transformations in Hamburg: ‘String of Pearls’, Hafencity and Iba (International Building Exhibition).” ISOCARP Review 12 (2014): 48-61. Wainwright, Oliver. “Cuba for Sale: ‘Havana Is Now the Big Cake – and Everyone Is Trying to Get a Slice’.” The Guardian, 2016.

Images: Nieto, P. La Habana. Imágenes de una ciudad colonial. ISUU https://issuu.com/pepe_nieto/docs/libro_la_habana_low_res_2 .2013 Images by the Author i6 Satellite view of the city of Havana. Bing i7 Nieto, P. La Habana. Imágenes de una ciudad colonial. ISUU https://issuu.com/pepe_nieto/docs/libro_la_habana_low_res_2 .2013 i9 Carlos, Zeballos, .(2016) “Hamburg water front”. http://architecturalmoleskine.blogspot.se/2013/04/hafencity-large-urban-projectin.htm i10 Brenner, P., jiménez, M. R., Kirk, j. M., & LeoGrande, W. M. (2007). A contemporary Cuba reader: reinventing the revolution: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers i1

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View of the Hai Phong Area. 2016.i11

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Bird view of the Masterplan design by Vittorio Garatti.1971.i10

Water provision Cuba’s mainstream of potable water

As in many cases Cuba’s water supply is comprised out of two classes, namely the surface- and the groundwater. Both are being governmentally managed through the National Institute of Water Resources (“Instituto Nacional de Recursos Hidraulicos INRH”). The majority of Cuban surface water is supplied through watersheds. The watersheds are locally managed through National Watersheds Councils (“Consejo Nacional de Cuencas Hidrograficas CNCH”) and make up to more than forty percent of Cuba’s water supply, making them one of the major water source of Cuba. The most important watersheds are: Ariguanabo y Alemendares – Vento, Cuyaguateje, Hanabanilla, Zaza, Cauto, Guantanamo-Guasa and Toa. As you can see these watersheds span over the entirety of the Cuban island, so is that 11 of the 14 Cuban provinces are being provided with potable water from one of these high priority watersheds.

Joint Venture : •INRH •Grupo Martinon •Aguas de Habana (owned by SUEZ)

Low density of Chlorination Stations (app 250 stations), majority of which using sodium hypochlorite as a disinfectant.

Ariguanabo y Almendares - Vento

Very High density of Chlorination Stations (app 1200 stations), majority of which using sodium hypochlorite as a disinfectant.

Hanabanilla

Cuyaguateje

Zaza

Toa High density of Chlorination Stations (app 600 stations), majority of which using sodium hypochlorite as a disinfectant. Cauto

Guantanamo Guasa

Surface WaterTreatment Plants Owned by INRH Small Capacity Medium Capacity Large Capacity

Sources: •Josenrique C. and Omar De L., Evaluation of Cubas’s water and wastewater infrastructure including high-priority improvements and order-of-magnitude costs (2010). • Perez, A.I., Cardona, R., Locay, L. and So-lo-Gabriele, H.M.,Water and Wastewater Infrastructure Priorities for Cuba with Emphasis on Havana, Includ-ing Some Benefit-Cost Considerations.ǁ Cuba in Transition, no 19. (Washington: Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy. Papers and Proceedings of the Nineteenth An-nual Meeting of the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy (ASCE) held in Miami, FL, 2009), 472–486.

WATER

SOCIETY

INTERTWINING DEVELOPMENTS

ALEXANDRA HEIJINK

Solutions for the imbalanced water problems in Alamar

Water scarcity, usability and defense are well known concepts for the largest Caribbean island. This article will focus on Alamar, which is the largest “new town” of the world and it is located next to City of Havana. The suburb is similar to the rest of Havana region which hasn’t had much development over the past decades, a few steps behind on different subjects. Overall, an imbalance exists between the general scarcity of water and the sudden large availability of water in the surrounding ocean and for example shortterm heavy rainfalls. Next to the lack of water infrastructure Alamar is also dealing with the missing layer of the public realm with in particular the cultural dimension. By learning from worldwide projects that have dealt or are still dealing with related issues, Alamar can make integral decisions for future developments that deal with several problems together. Therefore this article focuses on the cultural dimension of living with water, by defining how to intertwine the existing structures with new structures for the public realm. Finding a balance between availability and demand is the main focus. Firstly the existing situation of Alamar will be evaluated, secondly different possibilities ranging in scale of new structures that deal with the public realm will be argumentized, and last the integration of both will be viewed.

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and balances by using the public sphere will be addressed. At last, a comparable case study will be used as references where blue and green layers were integrated in the creation of a public design. To summarize, by examining possibilities for combining steps in overlapping developments that the city of Alamar currently needs, Alamar can be concerned with intertwining basic water necessities and social issues at the same time.

A 15 minutes drive departing from the city center of Havana to the east driving along the coastline intersects with the largest New Town of the world. Alamar is known for it’s soviet-style ideology and architecture and it’s social housing program that characterizes itself as a top-down plan, built in only a short period of time. Although Alamar has somewhat the same water supply problems as the rest of Cuba, it is characterized by the amount of contaminated water it is surrounded by. (Calzadilla, 2012) It is also dealing with another issue that is currently lacking in the prefabricated city. There is a missing layer which is the public sphere providing for social and cultural activities. Inhabitants of Alamar most of their time have to travel to Havana for their social lives and employment which is also due to the fact that Alamar is known to be a bedroom community. Overall, it is a city built for 100.000 inhabitants that seems to be out off balance regarding the public realm and dwellings next to the demand and availability of water.

An introduction to Alamar and it´s water problem It was never intended to be a social housing block project. Originally, Alamar should have become a luxurious urban villa extension of Havana. The infrastructure for this plan was already built, when it had to make room for the ‘New Man’ related plans from Fidel Castro’s revolution. This resulted in an infrastructure that didn’t properly fit the new building plan, since the original plan with it’s infrastructure was meant for a significantly smaller amount of people. Alamar nowadays is trying to fix the unbalance between the amount of inhabitants and the amount of facilities to work as a city, for example by self-built small sheds to provide for employment and other activities. It is one of many other New Town´s in the world. Following the INTI that is currently researching eight New Town´s around the world, Alamar is isolated from Havana´s city center itself and suffers from a lack of identity and a monotonous landscape. (INTI, 2017) To get a grip on what the scope of water problems in Cuba and in specific in Alamar are, it’s helpful to distinguish two types of layers of water. There are basically two types of blue layers that can be distinguished; the infrastructural layer and the layer with a landscape point of view. For the infrastructure of water, the Cuban government utilizes three distinct classifications for the level of potable water accessibility. These are ‘residential connection’, which means possessing water connection within one’s residence, the ‘public service’, which means receiving water from potable water trucks, and ‘easy access’, which means having a water connection within 300 meters of one’s residence. (Cueto & de Leon) Alamar seemingly is dealing with the third category. As shown in the first diagram, the city is confronted with water on different scales. It is of main importance to understand the existing layers and locations when the intention is to find intertwined solutions.

In this paper, the challenge for Alamar in becoming a workable city of it’s size is of main importance. Thereby, the emphasize is on how to include fundamental water supply problems in designing future integral public and social spaces. Explicitly designing with social and public spheres will be addressed, since Alamar, and the Havana region in general, need to take multiple steps at a time in the near future. This means that taking a closer look at possible integrated and integral designs that includes different subjects such as water issues and social relations for the future is of main importance. There is great potential for Alamar with it’s green spaces, open spaces and abandoned places to find back the balance in the public sphere to include other issues in Alamar and to gain attention for the problem by the public. How to intertwine these two aspects in new developments will be key subject of this paper. Therefore the research question to guide this paper, is: ‘How can water needs be intertwined with new necessary social and cultural structures in Alamar?’ In order to develop this question, firstly some background information of the water scarcity problem and it’s imbalance will be given and next to that the current situation in Alamar will be examined. The mapping of existing places where green and blue layers meet built and unbuilt space is where opportunities come forward and where the imbalance is most present. Furthermore, future possibilities on how to gain awareness 111

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Where water meets the built environment of Alamar

Piscina gigante

Piscina Salvador

Green open fields

Alamar´s open spaces.i1

that Alamar households, shows that Alamar lacks a sufficient amount of used public space and facilities. What is even more striking is that the first places that became abandoned in Alamar and mostly still are public facilities as well. Several of these places became abandoned probably because there was a lack of facilities and sources, like water, to be able to use them. That particularly in Alamar this abandoning happened with public functions can be seen as remarkable since Alamar is known for the huge amount of housing blocks with 100.000 inhabitants that all are longing for external public places. A few examples of these abandoned places are two large swimming pools, a theater and a cinema. The biggest swimming pool of the two, with a surface of about 100 by 200 meters, is situates in the fallow area in between the built area and the coastline. Altogether, as shown in the diagram, Alamar in fact isn’t lacking a sufficient amount of green and blue layers but moreover is lacking possibilities for the management on how to use them. This already insinuates that there is an imbalance in availability and demand.

Existing green and blue layers Although Alamar is situated near the coast, the built structures start merely a few hundred meters away from the coastline so there currently isn’t a close relation between the built environment and the surrounding ocean water, as shown in the diagram. Following the coastline of Havana to Alamar, there can also be found that Alamar doesn’t have a strong identity related to the coast. Starting in the west, the Mariel harbour plays an important role in the trade of import and export. Then, going more to the east, Miramar is situated that identifies itself as a destination for high-class tourism, with tourists swimming in pools full of water. Overall, Alamar is situated in between the touristic and relatively developed areas to the west and the even more touristic areas such as Varadero to the east. Along the west side of Alamar runs the Cojimar river, which is connected to the Vento Aquifer situated to the south of Havana. In general, the relation seen from Alamar with the river isn’t very clear and the water is mostly polluted. Compared to the inner city of Havana, Alamar has a sufficient amount of open and green space in between the built structures and is also known for it’s large scale urban agriculture. The amount of housing compared to the amount of public facilities 112

Existing green and blue layers in Alamar.i2

Correspondingly the ocean is more seen as a burden where the city needs to be defended from, as to be found in the Malecón, instead to be seen as a possibility.

Imbalance Mario Coyula Cowley, one of Cuba’s leading architects and urban planners, describes the situation which the Havana region currently is in. He argues that the country is situated between two contrary conditions. On the one hand not enough money, and on the other hand too much money, too fast coming from North American investments that could cause ´dangerous forces of uncontrolled development´. It means that the Havana region is in a stage in which it simultaneously has to take decisions on multiple subjects. A duality can be found as well in the amount of water that Cuba has available. In general there is a lack of available water for Cuban people but on the other hand they are surrounded by the ocean and confronted with heavy rainfalls that hit the island once in a while. The current urban fabric isn’t able to keep the huge amount of water that in a short period of time comes accessible, since it currently just infiltrates in the soil and therefore becomes unreachable for the Cuban people. Furthermore, due to the short course of the river and the rapidity with which rainfall reaches the sea, only a limited amount of rainfall recharges into underground freshwater aquifers along the way. (Díaz-Briquets, 1995)

An imbalance between availability and demand, causes that water issues are brought to the fore. But what makes water issues play such an important role in the development of countries? Water scarcity can be defined as the point when the demand by all sectors, including the environment, cannot be satisfied fully. The consequence is that all social-economic developments and the maintenance of healthy ecosystems cannot be withstand. It means that when addressing water scarcity, there must be a multidisciplinary approach that will maximize the economic and social welfare without compromising the sustainability of vital ecosystems. (Bonnefoy, 2002) This in particular is the case for Cuba since this country hasn’t had much development in the past years. The lack of development over the last decades in Cuba is caused by a lack of materials and supplies, money and opportunities that resulted in an economic decline. One of the main important consequences of this economic decline is that 113

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Cojimar River

the Cojimar river, where urban water channels could be a solution, with for example ‘de Grift’ in Apeldoorn. Since there is enough open space in Alamar, an open water channel could be suitable to drain pollution and store rainwater.

Cuba is dealing with different issues related to water. These problems range from coastal protection and rainwater damage to the deterioration of water supplies and sanitation services, the pollution of water and the scarcity of water in general. (Bonnefoy, 2002) Not only Cuba is dealing with water problems, it’s a problem recognized globally. Water scarcity problems and it’s imbalance will mostly be recognized in the built environments thus especially in urban areas since 66% of the global population is expected to be living in cities by 2050. As argued by Mark Fletcher, it is vital that urban areas will cope with and help tackle the water scarcity. (Fletcher, 2015)

When equilibrating water issues, different problems should be taken into account. The specific problems that in a specific place are occurring, are defined by the context of the place itself. To answer the main question of this paper: how can water needs be intertwined with new necessary social and cultural structures in Alamar? It is certain that firstly the existing layers should be defined beforehand. When searching for integrated solutions, there are two important facets that occur. The first one is to gain awareness of the problem by the public so that inhabitants might feel responsibility and see possibilities to contribute to solutions for the problem. This can among other things be achieved by showing the problem in public designs, which can even be achieved with a small intervention. Next to this is the importance of understanding the context of a specific place, what the actual water availability of the place is and thus which possibilities are within reach. Gaining strong senses of identity via the engagement with water is of main importance. Altogether, by designing integrated interventions that improves both water issues and the public layer of Alamar, one will find that even small scale interventions, by interrelate them to each other, they can have great influence on the city of Alamar as a whole.

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Strategies for intertwined solutions

Mandela Park Almere, 2010-2011.i3

flowering shrubs. The spots where the water features are visible the most, is where the 200 meter long pond that runs along the park meets the paths and bridges that are crossing the water. By doing it in such a way, visitors are in strong relation and can be even in near contact with the water on warm summer days. There is a second, more technical aspect of the park that includes the use of rainwater. One of the high towers located along the park, is able to catch rainwater and transport it to via the park into the parking area that’s underneath the plan. Via the park it get’s cleaned and transported back into the building for grey water use.

Almere There are several New Town’s around the world that have had comparable issues that Alamar currently is dealing with. The city of Almere is one of those. It is also one of the other New Town’s that the INTI is currently studying. ‘Almere, now a city of over 100.000 inhabitants, has existed less than two decades. In that short time the city has demonstrated enormous potential and vitality. It will be possible to make the quantum leap from an agglomeration of distinct ‘equal’ centres, each with its own concentration of facilities, to a city with a recognizable hierarchy in the programmatic development.’ Rem Koolhaas for Almere

This being said, one of the mayor tasks for Havana and Alamar is to find well-considered plans that integrate different subjects ranging from neglection of buildings to water supplies, that can prepare Alamar for the upcoming future. An integration across different sectors is needed, and thus the intertwining of existing and new essential structures need to be developed. A recent research project in Havana is aiming to shift the focus about water to a social perspective. They developed a cooperation project that intends to influence the daily habits of locals in order to minimize inappropriate uses of water. (Domínguez & Hernández, 2014) In the approach of the project of Arup, the aim is to create water-sensitive urban designs which considers the water cycle as a whole and uses measures such as green spaces to both manage water and provide for public amenities. Creating strong senses of identity for public spaces is important, that can be accomplished by gaining access and engagement with water. (Arup, 2014) Location specific possible solutions In the diagram, three examples of places in Alamar where water meets the environment are shown. For each of those places possible location specific solutions are given. The first image shows the abandoned swimming pool near the coastline, in which the Discovery Green in Houston could be a exemplary solution. This is a low budget urban green space that aims to provide it’s citizens a source of health and diversity for it’s citizens. The next image shows a flooding near the coastline, where a bioswale, which is a system for infiltration and drainage, could be an example. The last image shows the amount of pollution in

Almere has had a few projects in the last years that are derived from a landscape point of view. One example is the Mandelapark, designed by karres+brands. The park is located in the new business district that includes three large office towers and is located near the station of Almere. The park can be described as a green oasis in a highly urban environment. The park is designed with attention to water features, grasses, perennials and 114

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Conclusion for intertwining water with public spheres in Alamar

Specific locations in Alamar

Possible solutions

Floodings near coastline.i6

Bioswales Kronsberg, Hannover.i7

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Discovery Green, Houston.i5

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Piscina Gigante Alamar.i4

Bibliography: Bonnefoy, P. 2002. “Coping with water crisis in Cuba.” International Development Research Centre. https://www.idrc.ca/en/article/ coping-water-crisis-cuba. Calzadilla, E. 2012. “Rivers and Streams in Alamar.” http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=82685. Díaz-Briquets, S., Pérez-López, J.F. . 1995. “The special period and the environment.” Domínguez, D.L., Hernández, R.V. 2014. “Think of water from a social perspective. A researchproject in Havana.” ScienceDirect. Fletcher, M. 2015. “The Water Scarcity Crisis.” Arup. http://www.arup.com/the_water_scarcity_crisis?sc_lang=en-GB. Freeman, B. 2014. “History of the Present: Havana.” https://placesjournal.org/article/history-of-the-present-havana/. Gehl, J. “Projects for Public Spaces.” http://www.pps.org/reference/jgehl/. GroenBlauw, Atelier. Urban Green-Blue Grids for sustainable and resilient cities. Institute, International New Town. 2017. New New Towns.

Images: Pollution Cojimar river.i8

Urban water channels - de grift, Apeldoorn.i9

Images and diagrams are made by the Author Karres, Brands. 2011. Mandelapark. In Landezine i5 Discovery Green, Houston i6 Chi Zhang. Floodings near coastline i7 Bioswales Kronsberg, Hannover i9 Urban water channels, de Grift, Apeldoorn i1-2-4-8 i3

Diagram: possibilities of intertwining water sollutions with designing public spaces

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The social side of Havana’s love-hate relationship

ANNE BELL Founded on water: an introduction

of water that was responsible for the city’s development was the supply system for fresh water. It has its origin in the outskirts of the city with aqueducts reaching towards the city walls. It was along these lines where the city expanded in the form of rural towns and retreats for the rich.

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La Habana, Cuba’s capitol city and urban representation of a reforming future, is probably one of the most overwhelming places to visit at the moment. It’s a city that is begging for development, though one can sense that this is actually already close to come. The buildings are in severe decay but one can see how great they were. It’s as if the city lives in both the past, the present and the future at the same time. The ‘Modern Havana’ is close, yet development is urgent.

The presence of water was the main reason for the initial founding of Havana. At the moment there’s a clear tension of a new and more modern Havana to come, thus the question that remains is whether the water can once again take the lead in the city’s development. But what does the presence of water actually mean for a city like Havana? How do the people of Havana use and appreciate it? Does it give a social or cultural importance to the city? Now that Havana seems to be on a turning point in history it offers great opportunity to answer these questions in the exploration of water as urban development tool. In the exploration of the neighbourhood of ‘Havana Profunda’ (also know as Deep Havana) as a case study, we discover several other aspects of impact on urban development in Havana, such as political priority and social interaction. On these the effects of water in public space are tested. Main questions discussed in this investigation are: “How will the development of the Havana harbour contribute to the social regeneration of the adjacent districts of Deep Havana?” and “What can the use of water in public space do for the development on an area and its community?”. This essay will conclude with a concise advise on urban development and strategic regeneration using water as main development tool.

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The harbour redevelopment district If we look at the current development status of Havana, it is the redevelopment of the entire harbour area (image 2) that is attracting great attention. Since the industrial programme of the port is moving to Puerto de Mariel (a natural water inlet 60km west of Havana) a lot of space and buildings will become vacant in the harbour area. It seems like after years of socialist ignorance of the capitol city in favour of the rest of the country it is now finally Havana’s turn. There are amazing plans to turn the harbour area into a modern waterfront district.

It is the political system that is mainly responsible for the way the city looks nowadays. In the socialistic system \ priority goes to communal services such as health care and access to education for everyone. There are no homeless or starving people, but everybody lives just above the poverty threshold. It is this approach that also caused the budget for maintenance to dry up entirely.

As Han Meyer describes there was a turning point in history when cities wanted to open up to the water, all of a sudden noticing the qualities of harbour areas. For many cities this happened around the time that the capitalist system evoked the appreciation of the consumer domain (Meyer 1999). The redevelopment of the inner-city harbour of Havana is a comparable situation to these historic events and can therefore learn form cities dealing with this form of development in earlier stages. The waterfront area will very likely become a touristic hotspot, as this is a very central part of the city, connecting Habana Vieja to Habana Regla and Profunda among others. It becomes a very interesting site for further development and could potentially become a new vibrant urban neighbourhood that represents the modern Havana. It is therefore very relevant for the development of the entire city. At the moment there are several parties involved in the redevelopment of the area, including many studies of comparable projects elsewhere in the world.

Another source of destruction is the Atlantic Ocean, as the salty air makes all material corrode in the blink of an eye. For this Havana has an intimate love-hate relationship to water in many ways. Facilitating its connection to the Atlantic Ocean, Havana houses a quite substantial inner-city harbour that dates from the foundation of the city. The cities ‘living room’ is the Malécon: an 8-kilometre stretch of ocean waterfront. Havana was build upon and around the water, yet the Cubans do not know how to handle all this water and flooding is a common thing. The fresh water supply system is just as apparent as you can find the tanks on the roofs everywhere. The pressure is not sufficient in the antique piping network under ground for the water to get delivered to every building, let alone to all parts of the city. Looking at the history and development we learn that Havana was founded as a water city and after that developed as such. At first, of course, the city is situated along the coastline of the Atlantic Ocean and wrapped around the harbour. Looking at the development map (image 1) one can easily conclude a clear expansion towards the west: Havana was build from the water towards the land. When it comes down to the development of the now popular area of Havana Vedado one sees an expansion in the opposite direction. This is not as strange as one might think but merely another point to prove Havana’s water oriented development. There’s a secondary network of rivers and lakes to be found in Havana and the Almendares River was the one responsible for Vedado’s founding. Once again the water was taken as the starting point of the city’s founding. The third source

The social side of water The harbour waterfront redevelopment can be seen as one of the most obvious contemporary examples of water as urban development tool. This not only counts for Havana but for all cities trying to gain importance on a global scale, as waterfront development is often associated with city branding strategies. Kim Dovey stated a critique on Melbourne’s Southbank waterfront development, arguing that “[…] one of the most troubling challenges facing urban designers and planners

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WATER AS TOOLKIT FOR DEVELOPMENT

Most relevant and interesting is the question how a rather neglected area as Diez de Octubre will ever develop. It is obvious that this will never happen because of governmental priority, but only by a bottom-up societal intervention or side effects of the harbour redevelopment plan and other comparable future strategies focussed on adjacent city regions. In its current condition it is very unlikely for the area to develop bottom-up, since there is no sense of a bigger picture. There’s work to be done on the social side of the not yet existing sense of community and identity. The lack of public space in this area should be addressed with this greater impact in mind. This is the point were we can question how water can be used as a tool for development. How can water be deployed in the transformation of public space in order to shape a community?

Harbour development

Vedado development

Aquaduct development

Old

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Havana Profunda

today is that the economic and cultural forces of globalisation so often lead to a proliferation of formulised place-making the sense that if you’ve seen one waterfront, you’ve seen them all” (Dovey 2013). This warning of Dovey must be taken very seriously and is an opportunity for Havana to learn from other cities dealing with waterfront development previously. Architecture involved in the practice and strategy of city branding is often accused of ignoring context and identity, or, as Jencks argues: “iconic architecture as a loss of coherent context” (Jencks 2011). This ‘formulised place-making’ is seen as a thread for urban development as it often mismatches local identity. Therefore, the redevelopment of the harbour also has great social impact that has to be taken into account. In this case it is the effects of the phenomenon of city branding that is causing troubles though, not the presence of water itself in public space. Wiliam H. Whyte wrote an extensive research on the use of public space and all factors influencing the success of a place. About the contribution of water in public space he says the following: “Water is another fine element, and designers are doing creative things with it. [...] In only one major respect is something lacking: access” (Whyte 1980). His statement can be read as a way to deal with it: as not just a decorative element,

Development of Havana through water.i1

Harbour redevelopment zone.i2

but as an interactive addition to public space. It is the interactive side of water that gives it is special character: why people love water. Water has to be felt and touched. People love sticking their hands or feet in it or maybe even splash about. Looking at the Madrid Rio project by West 8 we can quite clearly see the effect of accessible water in public space. In places like Madrid and Havana temperatures rise to unbearable height in summer. The water is in this sense a place that offers an option to cool down. Besides, the presence of shaded water makes the hot air less humid and therefore a nice place to hang around (image 5).

topics of urban life, ranging from the stimulation of consumerism within the practice of city branding to the shaping of and intimate place that can help restore a sense of community and identity. In the case of urban development both directions require different approaches, thus awareness of which impact one is dealing with is necessary in order to ensure the right result.

In the same research, Whyte also discusses the influence of the sound of water on public spaces. Waterfalls are often referred to as quiet and peaceful, even though the actual sound can be louder then street noise, reaching almost 75 decibels. But the sound is masking others and thus creates a sense of intimacy and privacy, allowing people to have loud conversations without being overheard by others. “On the occasions when the water[f] all is turned off, a spell is broken, and the place seems nowhere as congenial. Or, as quiet” (Whyte 1980). The charm of water is an impact touching on many 120

As described by Atelier GROENBLAUW, throughout the history of Western urbanisation “[…] urban green areas have traditionally had functions relating to representation, wellbeing or urban hygiene. […] Lawns between blocks of social housing estates are a by-product of democratisation. Public parks such as New York’s Central Park occur only in Western societies and socialist countries, and serve a function of leisure and recreation for the citizens” (Lichtenberger, 1998). It is the public green space (or blue) where people meet, come together and discuss the perks of life (Atelier GROENBLAUW) .

Deep Havana: a case study Diez de Octubre is an interesting neighbourhood in the sense that it is affected by both topics discussed: it requires bottom-up development depending on social coherence and is situated next to Havana’s future waterfront development area. The contrast to the modern waterfront district couldn’t be any bigger, for Profunda is seen as a poor area with small houses and a small grid structure. When completely subject to side effects of the adjacent development strategy of the harbour, Havana Profunda will probably undergo big transformations since the area has absolutely nothing to do with the touristic side of Havana at the moment.

Thus, in order to restore the public life and identity of Havana Profunda the use of water as a social mediator in public space will have to restore their awareness of the bigger picture. When looking at Profunda’s history with water (image 4) we learn that it was mainly the Luyano River and its branches that have caused the informal founding of the neighbourhood. The fertile soil and the irrigation network of river branches seemed the reason of settlement for tobacco immigrants in the 17th century. It was only in a third stage, when the harbour developed as an industrial area, that the residen-

The municipality of Diez de Octubre is an area at the heart of the city, serving as the residential 121

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back-end of the revolution-shaped, touristically attractive front-ends of Havana Vieja, Centro and Vedado. ‘Deep Havana’ or ‘Habana Profunda’ as it is nicknamed, is completely run for and by its residents and cannot count on any governmental priority. The level of decay in Deep Havana is a perfect example of how the socialist system over time ruined the city. The Diez de Octubre municipality can be seen as a collage of several districts, all with their own identity. People only meet on the streets surrounding their block or even only within their own building.

Urban zone

River/indsutry zone

Harbour zone

Tobacco development

Harbour development

Sydney’s Victoria Park as urban wetland.i3

public artworks, amphitheatres and large open spaces created as public settings for the community to enjoy. The amphitheatres also manage the function of detaining storm water when needed. These pubic spaces are mixed with indigenous wetland plant species and a moulded landform to re-create the sense of history, identity and community. The local ecosystem is supported by this plant selection and habitat creation, while the artwork and presence of human life in the form of public space represents the modern and improved water management achievements.

Sydney as waterscape Sydney’s Victoria Park is an example of how an intervention in the form of a waterscape can help restoring the identity of an urban-industrial area. Previously, the site of Victoria Park was part of a large ecological system of wetlands and lagoons, known as the Botany Swamp. In the 1800’s the site was first developed as a racecourse and later on developed and destined for heavy industry. It was the limitless supply of good quality groundwater that had attracted development to the area, but of course these heavy industries gradually deteriorated the site’s ecosystem, as they were very unsustainable.

Victoria Park has become a benchmark for designing with water in Australia and has redefined the role of water in urban development, as it illustrates the shortcomings of landscape as ornament. But most of all the design provided a valuable public domain for the community that has restored the identity of the site and the ecosystem that once prevailed.

Now, Victoria Park has become a mixed-use development area: housing, public domain, retail and commercial facilities are located on the former wetlands. HASSEL, the architects, explain: “The HASSEL design concept for Victoria Park embodied four key principles that relate to its place: a site-wide environmental strategy, interpretation of the natural wetland systems, site connectivity, and community development” (HASSEL, 2013). The latter is of course most interesting in this investigation on identity reshaping. In this HASSEL says there were a couple of plazas, playgrounds, 122

Development of Profunda in relation to water.i4

Conclusion

tial district of Profunda aroused. The Luyano River is in that sense not only the topographical but also historical connection between Profunda and the harbour. It is also this area that will play the biggest role in reconnecting Havana Profunda to the harbour and its cultural value. In a city that was build upon and around the water it is this exact same tool that can be used hundreds of years later to restore its historical identity.

In order to restore the identity of Havana Profunda and stimulate bottom-up development by communal intervention, the improvement of public space is essential. Water can be used as a tool in this development strategy in making public space more attractive and popular by stimulating our senses of touch and sound and improving the local climate. In the specific case of Havana Profunda the use of water goes further than being just a sensitivity tool for public space development: the use of water as tool and attractor matches the rich history of the area and therefore becomes a tool to restore the site’s history and identity. The confirmation of a nostalgic feeling helps the area to gain importance in the hearts of the community and will thus contribute to bottom-up development initiatives.

In areas like Havana Profunda, where drinking water is scarce, the accessibility of water for the greater public can be a gathering force in more ways than the interactive and accessible impacts of water in public space as described by Han Meyer. We can then think of water not only as interactive element in public space, but also as freely accessible necessity. This connection with water is strongly related to Profunda’s past, as it was the accessibility of the Luyano river and its branches that functioned as the necessary base for the first settlement: a proof of water being the right tool for development for the area and restoration of its identity.

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Madrid Rio: accessible water in public space.i5

Bibliography: Atelier GROENBLAUW. Historical importance and development of parks and public green grids. Retrieved from http://wwwurbangreenbluegrids.com/about/historical-importance-and-development-of-parks-and-public-green-grids/on 09.11.16 11.48 Charles Jencks. 2011. “The Coming of the Cosmic Icons.” In The Story of Post-Modernism: Five Decades of the Ironic, Iconic and Critical in Architecture. West Sussex: John Wiley & Sons Ltd. 202-245 Kim Dovey. 1999. “On the Move.” in Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form. Londen: Routledge. 155-170 Lichtenberger. 1998. Stadtökologie – Úberblick, die funktion von Grünflächen. Meyer, Camp and Pel. 1999. City and port : Urban planning as a cultural venture in London, Barcelona, New York, and Rotterdam: changing relations between public urban space and large-scale infrastructure. Utrecht: International Books. Willam Whyte, H. 1980. The social life of small urban spaces. Washington D.C: The Conservation Foundation. Hassel. 2013. “Victoria Park.” In Landezine: webpage. Retrieved from http://www.landezine.com/index.php/2013/02/victoria-park-public-domain-by-hassell/ on 27.12.16 13.12

Images: Diagrams are made by the Author HASSEL. 2013. Sydney’s Victoria Park as urban wetland. Retrieved from http://www.landezine.com/index.php/2013/02/victoria-park-public-domain-by-hassell/ on 27.12.16 13.12 i5 Likealocalguide.com. Madrid Rio: accessible water in public space. Retrieved from https://www.likealocalguide.com/media/cache/ ac/8f/ac8fe9010d56caebdd7e31e42e569299.jpg i1-2-4 i3

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1000000 > 100000 > 1000000 0 > 100000 0 < -100000

Trading water

-100000 < -1000000 -1000000 <

Water shortage is a hot topic nowadays. In countries with severe drought, water can be as valuable as a bar of gold. One of the most popular comparisons thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s used to make people realize how their consumer behavior influences water shortages is the amount of water that is used in the process to make a certain product, with the huge amount of water to produce a piece of meat as most characteristic example. Something thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ignored in this example is the role of trade: with exporting a product a certain amount of water is exported as well. This map shows exactly that relation between trade and water by showing much water countries loose through exporting and importing their most important trade products. Countries colored in a shade of yellow represent the loss of water through trade, whereas blue shades show which countries actually win water.

Mexico 1446897

USA -934962

R aw Nickel 5,9 kg

Telephones 2,02 l/kg

Iron Ore 5,9 l/kg

Least water efficient countries per continent, in litres of water.

R aw s ugar 132 l/kg

Solomon islands -971

R efined co 86 l/kg

South africa -758542455

Tea 8860 l/kg

Most water efficient countries per Continent, in litres of water

Indonesia 7305902393567100

India -6717530469

Aluminium 35900 l/kg

Zimbabwe 63585841509

Brazil -174899

Linen 73000 l/k g

Sri lanka 955686793032564

Turkye -69838988

G old 477000 l/kg

Chili 1053528425

Spain 7460565

S heep & G oats 7966,5 l/kg

Cuba 278259 Aruba 1490791

In litres of water

Peter Mudde I Zaira Pourier I Bram van Klink I Michiel Schuurmans

A PATCHWORK OF CULTURES

BRAM VAN KLINK

The Caribbean is a region with many historical faces, varying from English style villages to Taïno Indian huts or from Dutch Canal houses to archeological remains of cave men. For thousands of years different groups entered the Caribbean region and brought in a new culture to melting pot, resulting in a plurality of architecture styles being scattered over the more than 700 Caribbean islands. All these groups had one thing in common: they made at one point the decision to cross the sea and explore the Caribbean islands over water. The most well known example is the invasing of three Spanish boats led by Christopher Columbus, who was looking for an international trade route. However, as Columbus emphasizes in his own diaries, the islands were inhabited already by people that ‘welcomed him as a god from heaven’.1 How this welcome eventually resulted in a genocide committed by the European invaders is a whole different story, but it does raise the question who these earlier inhabitants were and if they shaped the architecture of the Caribbean region like the several European colonizers would do in the following centuries. This article gives an overview on which cultures contributed to the Caribbean islands, emphasizing on Havana in particular, starting with the first cave men pioneers and ending with the last European colonizers. We peel of layer by of the cultural plurality where the Caribbean consists of to find an answer to who came to the Caribbean and why did, and how water played a decisive role in this process.

entered the Caribbean. This group came from a Stone Age culture and was called the Cibony, and they originated from a branch of the Arawak tribes that lived in the South America. They started entering Caribbean region from the South. By hopping from island to island over the string of islands of the Lesser Antilles, they worked their way up to Cuba and spread over the Island where they developed their own culture. They brought sophistication to the islands; they lived in small towns that they established near coast and rivers where they fished, hunted, collected and even used some elementary types of agriculture. They were considered a very peaceful tribe.3

Our Western culture tends to give us a somewhat biased view on how history developed, especially when talking about ‘the new world’. Naturally, everyone knows that the Americas were inhabited by several indigenous tribes, but their culture, numbers and also current significance is relatively undervalued. Ask a random person that enjoyed western history what they know about the history of the Americas and they will most likely start with the discovery by Christopher Columbus 1492. However, the Caribbean wasn’t a blank sheet when discovered in 1492. It already had a flourishing culture, with several tribes that had their own significant way of living and putting their stamp on the Caribbean.

Centuries later, another branch of the Arawak started exploring the Caribean region, using the same route as the Cibonies did earlier. This group, called the Island Arawak or simply Taïno, started invading Cuba only fifty years before Columbus reached the island. The Cibony fell prey to this dominant Taïno culture and became their ‘nabories’, their servants. Bartolome de Las Casas, an early chronicler known as the “protector of the Indians,” described the Ciboney as “a most simple and gentle kind of people who were held like savages.” Living in small villages near by the water, the Taïno live from fishery. They were a seafaring people, and made canoes for up to 100 people. The typical Taïno hut, the so called bohïo, is one of the few remains of the Taïno that can still be found on the Caribbean islands.4

The story of colonization starts with a group that’s shrouded in mystery: the Guanahatabey. There’s not that much known about this civilization, which would probably be different if Columbus would have chosen an earlier moment to arrive in the Caribbean. When he got to Caribbean, still assuming he reached the Indian coast, the Guanahatabey groups that were left lived in the far West of Cuba and where almost culturally assimilated by a dominant group in the Caribbean, the Taïno. Diego Valazquez de Cuellar did the first written evidence of their existence in April 1514, more than 22 years after Columbus arrival.2 He wrote the Spanish king about ethnical groups living in the West of Cuba, who were ‘savages, who were living in caves and who had no agriculture’. The truthfulness of this information is somewhat questionable; Valazquez never visited the far West of Cuba and therefore only acquired all his information from what the Taïno told him. However, there might be some truth in this description. Architectural expeditions and historical research proved that their culture did not differ that much from one of the Paleolithic, although the Guanahatabey did use fishbone, wood and sea shells as implements. Their culture was not very sophisticated; they did not perform any military arts and did not have any type of religion. The most common theory among scientist is that they came from Florida, since they show a lot of similarities with the original tribes that lived in that region in about the same time span, around 6000 years before Christ. This theory means they were by any means able to built sealing vessel to make the cross over to Cuba, where they used hollowed tree trunks. Their architectural stamp on the island is basically nonexistent; they lived in open space camps in relatively small groups.

The Kalingo, also called the island Caribs, were the last tribe to start entering the Caribean region. This group, descending from the Carib tribes in South America, were formerly known as the ‘Island Caribs’ and not surprisingly the tribe that gave the Caribbean area its name. Like the Cibony and the Taïno earlier, they took the island route that started in South America and ended with a dead end in Cuba. Although they never made it to Cuba, they still impacted the life of the dominant Taïnos tribes living in Cuba. Like the Taïno, they were capable of constructing huge seaworthy boats. But where the Taïno used their boats merely for transportation, fishing or even sports, the boats of the Kalingo served a whole other purpose: warfare. Their social structure was built to be as mobile as possible; they lived in small groups and they were highly focused the military, giving them the reputation of most feared warriors of the Caribbean. They were notorious for their raids against Arawak towns were they stole the young women and allegedly ate the young men they fought against. Around Columbus arrival, the Kalingo conquered all the small Caribbean islands and pushed the Taïno out to Cuba and Hispaniola. Their presence in the

Around 200 years before Christ, a new group 128

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The first Colonizers

But then, on august 3th 1492, a young Italian explorer named Christopher Columbus left the Andalusian port of Palus to find a new Western route to India, based on the controversial idea that the earth was round instead of flat. The rest of the story is pretty well known; Columbus reached ‘the new world’ on the 12th of October while thinking he made it to India. Nowadays, modern historians contradict the image of Columbus as the misunderstood, heroic visionary as depicted by 19th century American romanticists in their search for a national hero. Some wilder theories go even further and dare to challenge the whole arrival of Columbus, claiming he got his knowledge from a group of Taïnos whose canoe drifted away from the Caribbean to the European mainland.6 Fact is that the moment Columbus went to the Spanish crown to claim the new land under the Spanish flag was an initiator for a new wave of colonialism that would have more impact on Caribbean region than the Guanahatabey, Cibony, Taïno or the Kalingo ever had.

Artwork of the Bohio.i1

As shown earlier, the Caribbean had been the platform of colonization for a long time already upon the arrival of the Europeans. Different native groups have started to explore the region, slowly pushing out the preceding group as the dominant culture. The Spanish that started to invade and conquer the Caribbean region were not just the logical next one in line to take part in this process; they completely wiped out all the preceding groups within a few generations, especially on the larger islands. Their interest was different; the Caribbean was a strategic place for the Spanish to establish staging posts or recruitments areas for expeditions to mainland Mexico. The effects of the presence of the Spanish were devastating for the people that lived in the Caribbean, especially the concentrated populations on Hispaniola, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Jamaica. Almost all the original Caribbean inhabitants fell victim of enslavement, social dislocation, and unfamiliar epidemic diseases; a genocide of huge proportions. Approximately 60,000 natives belonging to the Taino and Ciboney nations inhabited Cuba before colonization, and by 1550 most tribes were eradicated.7 The priest of Regla, Havana, a person very fond of the multicultural plurality of Cuba, confirmed in an interview that in there’s nothing left of the heritage of the natives in current day Cuba.

Arrival of Columbus on Cuba.i2

Moorish style building in Santiago de Cuba.i3

An English village green in Jamaica.i4

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The Spanish hegemony in the Caribbean lasted almost the whole 16th century, a time in which they had little to no competition in the region; other European powers weren’t capable of breaking Spanish monopoly yet. This was supported by the treaty of Tordesillas, in which pope Alexander VI was consulted to solve a long-term conflict between Portugal and Spain, the biggest colonial powers. The pope divided the world outside of Europe in half. One half was for the Portuguese, which were roughly Brazil and West Africa, and Spain would get the rest of the new world of America.8 The Spanish Caribbean, which was later called the Spanish West Indies, was an extension of the Spanish empire that was highly focused on trade. Mining products like gold or exotic agricultural products grown in the colonies had to be transported from to mainland Spain, where it was distributed from a special colonial trade house in Sevilla. The relation with Sevilla is still visible in the oldest architecture of the Caribbean: the Moorish style that was brought to the South of Spain through islamisation was now found in the Spanish colonies.

system was expanded even more. The start of the construction of a 4.852 meter long city wall was commenced in 1674, which was concluded almost 70 years later, in 1740. This ten meter tall wall, a huge construction, was built to give the city also from the landside. With the finishing of the city wall, Havana had become a seemingly impregnable European bastion. When the 16th century started, a couple of new European forces made their appearance in the Caribbean region. The products grown in the new world were proven to be economically very attractive, and when the Spanish empire started to show signs of decline Dutch, English French and other European Colonies were established, making the Caribbean another battleground of the rivalry between the big European powers. The question why precisely the Caribbean region was that attractive for the European powers is easily answered by Kees Kaan through looking at the only available way of intercontinental transportation in that era: sailing. The currents and wind influences where determined factors in how trade routes where shaped. When European trade ships were sailing to their colonies in the Americas, the most beneficial route to choose was to go southward first to reach the so called ‘trade winds’ first, which brought them to the Caribbean region. Consequently, the European ships would arrive in the Caribbean region first even if they would be heading for North America. On the way back to Europe, the easiest way to go was following the warm Gulf Stream to the north and later to across the Atlantic ocean, while using the prevailing winds of the Westerlies. Partly forced by these environmental influences, a business model was formed that shaped the Caribbean region culturally and physically drastically: the Triangular trade. Triangular trade was a shipping system consisting of three routes that were all based on a black page in world history: slavery. This started with the growth of trade in the Caribbean products. The demand from Europe caused a different land use in the Caribbean: huge plantations which covered thousands of acres to grow crops like sugar or tobacco, which were all shipped back to Europe. The cultivation of all this land was an extremely labor intensive affair. Therefore existing slave networks in Africa were used to provide a steady supply of workers from Africa to the Caribbean to produce enough sugar and tobacco to meet the European demand. During the four centuries of colonialism, more than five million Africans were shipped from Africa’s West coast to the Caribbean. At the same time, these slaves needed to be paid for which was done with European goods.

The Spanish trade in Caribbean goods resulted in a very ambiguous relation of the newly establish Caribbean cities and the water. The sea was obviously necessary for a good connection with the rest of the world to transport the trade product, but it created also an Achilles heel: piracy. The new established cities started to suffer from pirate attacks, and were consequently designed to withstand attack from the sea. Havana, being one of the seven cities founded on Cuba by the new Spanish Colonizer, also suffered from the piracy problem. Two main piracy attacks were most notable. In 1537, two decades after Havana was founded as the first city on Cuba, pirates captured Havana, only to give it back to the Spanish after the payment of a ransom of 700 ducats. A couple of years later Havana was again involved in a huge plundering attack by French pirate Jacques de Sores. Spanish authorities considered the problem and realized how important Havana was as a trade location; it was located on a very favorable route from the colonial mainland to Spain and it had a hospital natural bay that served as a perfect harbor. Both factors led to the building of Havana’s fortification system, el Castillo de Real Fuerza, which was completed in 1577. Later on, King Philip ordered the building of two additional forts at the entrance of the harbor. King Philip appeared to have predictive accuracy; notorious pirate Francis Drake was on the brink of attacking Havana but changed his mind in the middle of his attack when he saw the new defense systems. 9 In the centuries that followed, Havana’s defense 131

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region changed the normally peaceful Taïno way of living; they were in the process of adapting to the threat of the Kalingo and started to be more adept for fighting. The water got a whole other meaning to the Taíno, it used to be a place to catch fish and turned into a potential war zone instead.5

European goods

Cibony and Taino Guanahatabey

Caribbean products Kalingo

Invasion of the Caribbean by American tribes.i5

The successful triangular trade system made having a colony in the Caribbean a necessity for the biggest European marine powers. A lot of wars have been fought during the centuries and colonies went from one European power to another, causing the Caribbean to be a patchwork of different European architectural styles. The island of Sint Lucia is one of the most extreme examples of the wrangling between the Colonizers, the control on the island alternated seven times between the British and the French between 1762 and 1814.

in the city, but the most dominant architecture is not the trade halls or the docks but the prominent Catholic Church in the middle of the square.11 The British, normally being notorious for being a very conservative colonizer, had a less strict control on building rules from their government than the Spanish. Most buildings were under the administration and financing of private enterprises, organized under joint stock companies. Nevertheless, the English influence is still visible in the cities that have been under British administration. The larger cities, like Kingston in Jamaica, were mainly built like a contemporary European Baroque city with central spaces with names as Piccadilly circus, but the smaller villages showed an even more persistent English influence, a village in Jamaica, is laid out like a typical English village with a village green where a Parish church and a court house were located.12

The Spanish, the first colonizers of the Caribbean, were the once who hold on the most to strict rules laid out by the motherland. They hold on to this principle very strictly till the end of the colonial era, causing the urban layouts of all the mayor cities in the form Spanish West Indies to have a lay out very similar to the cities in the Spanish mainland. The urban rules were based on dictates of Catholic priests, that resulted usually in a very strict urban lay out with streets having right angles with each other, loads of plazas and sites specifically chosen for major buildings. In Havana the power of the church is very noticeable at the Plaza de San Francisco, as Cuban architect and historian Ayleen Barciaar states. This square is located next to the harbor and was the place where the ships arrived

The Dutch Colonial influences in the Caribbean are still noticeable in current days politics, since six of the Caribbean islands are still in a greater or lesser extend part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Willemstad, the Capital of the largest Dutch West Indies island Curacao, is one of the most characteristic examples of Dutch colonial 132

Triangular trade.i6

architecture. Because the Dutch colonizers came from a very urban background, this was highly reflected in the urban lay out of the colonial cities. The laws that were set up by the government for the newly established cities in the Dutch West Indies were highly focused on urban density. When building the cities, the corner buildings of the streets were build first and the space in between was divided by plots which could be sold. Typical for the Dutch culture, the main goal of the colonies was mercantile advantage rather than ecclesiastical promotion or politics.13 Despite the obvious Caribbean touch in the colorful facades, the dense architecture on the warm Caribbean harbor of Willemstad shows surprisingly much similarity with the canal houses along the cold Amsterdam canals.

powers had another consequence. Cuba, unlike almost all the other Caribbean islands, stayed under the same control for almost all of its time as a colony. One year was an exception to this rule, which had a huge influence on the development of the city. Who else than the British had laid their eye on the keystone in the Spanish empire and were determined to capture of what was at that time one of the largest cities of the Americas. In May 1762, they launched the siege on Havana. Despite the impressive construction system, the British managed to gain control of the city three months and 5000 fallen. The British would eventually only hold Havana for a year, they traded it for Florida with Spain in the treaty of Paris. Nevertheless, they imposed new economical policies that changed Havana profoundly: they allowed merchants from other European nations and Caribbean islands to sell their goods in Havana as well. This started the story of Havana becoming the largest trade city of the Caribbean, bringing in all the influences from all over the world.14

Other than the Dutch, English and Spanish colonizers, the French did not succeed to implement a typical French planning culture in their colonies. Besides the already turbulent governmental situations in all the Caribbean islands, the French colonies suffered from earthquakes, volcano eruptions and revolutions in different places. Therefore predominantly architectural examples refer back to the French culture. For Havana, the entrance of other European

The ongoing story of thousands years of invasion ends with the decolonization in the 19th century and most of the Caribbean islands gained their independence. More important, water loses its decisiveness in the development of the islands 133

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African slaves

for Japanese pirates, and had one important port that was located outside of the city, and in when in the 19th century the concession were introduced, they were located outside of the walled city. The two largest concessions in Shanghai were the British settlement and the French concession, established in resp. 1845 and 1849 northern of the original walled city. The English settlement would later merge with a smaller American settlement to create the so-called international concession.16 Unlike the French, who built their concession as a residential area, the British were highly focused on trade, and built their settlements along the waterfront of the Huangpu River. The typology of the buildings that the British built was very much linked to the way of trading at that time: they had to offer a place where the merchant ship factor could sell the goods and directly purchase eastern goods to take back home. To accommodate this process, so-called factories were established on the shore of the Yangzee River. These British building types where built in a very significant style; the so called Comprador style. This particular style was the product of colonialism and imperialism; it was the fusion of Chinese vernacular architecture with the British colonial classicism.17

Although nearly no place on earth was safe for European colonialism in its hay days, it had a completely different effect on the Chinese coast when compared to the Caribbean. China was never really colonized15 (with the exception of Macau and Hongkong) but enclaves of western buildings do occur in certain scarce areas on the Chinese coast. These western enclaves were called concessions. These concessions started after the first Anglo-Chinese war. This war, also known as the opium war, caused a mayor change in Chinese policies regarding international trade. Different peace treaties allowed foreign nations to start extraterritorial grounds on Chinese soil. These extraterritorial grounds were the start of what would later become the so called ‘concessions’; places within or next to Chinese cities that were governed by foreign powers and built in the style of the country that occupied them so that the Western people that lived there wouldn’t feel estranged from their home country. A very well known example is the international settlement on Gulangyu Island, located next to the Chinese city Xiamen. The buildings built in Gulangyu Island are all in the very Western Victorian style, all done by the Western communities from more than thirteen countries that lived on Gulangyu. At the same time, a few kilometers further the city of Xiamen was completely built in Chinese vernacular architecture style. The contrast was even bigger in Shanghai. Shanghai’s location had everything that’s necessary to transform it into an important international dock. It was easy to reach from the ocean so international ships wouldn’t have to sail for a long distance through unknown water, and at the same time it was connected through water with inland China and the wealthy Yangtze valley. The original city was walled, to protect its citizens 134

Dutch Canal houses in Willemstad.i8

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Gulangyu Island, near Xiamen.i7

References: William Marder, Indians in the Americas. (San Diego: Book Tree, 2005) P. 83 D.H. Figuruedo, A Brief history of the Caribbean. (Kean University, 2008) P. 1 3 Nicolas J. Saunders, The peoples of the Caribbean, an encyclopedia of archeology and tradition. Santa Barbara: ABC CLIO (2005) P.15 4 Nicolas J. Saunders, The peoples of the Caribbean, chapter T 5 Nicolas J. Saunders, The peoples of the Caribbean, chapter T 6 Rob Hartmans, Cristoffel Columbus (1451-1506) Historisch nieuwsblad 1 (2010) accessed April 17th 2016, http://www.historischnieuwsblad.nl/nl/artikel/26284/christoffel-columbus-1451-1506.html 7 James S. Olson, Historical dictionary of European imperialism. Westport: Greenwood publishers group (1991) p. 161 8 Nicole Plummer Rognmo, Opposition to Spanish monopoly: The unwelcomed French, English and Dutch. Institute of Caribean studies and reggea studies unit (2013) 9 Alejandro de la Fuente. Havana and the atlantic in the 16th century. University of North Carolina press (2008) 10 Ronald Findlay, Triangular trade and the Atlantic economy of the eighteenth century: a simple general equilibrium model. Princeton University (1990) 11 Edward E. Craince. Historic architecture in the Caribbean islands. University press of Florida (1994) P. 29 12 Edward E. Craince. Historic architecture in the Caribbean islands. P. 12 13 Edward E. Craince. Historic architecture in the Caribbean islands. P.46 14 Edward E. Craince. Historic architecture in the Caribbean islands. P38 15 Sharon Larson. Was China ever colonized? Last updated on March 1, 2011 https://www.quora.com/Was-China-ever-colonized 16 Susy Gordon. Unequal legacies: The stories of Chinaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s foreign concessions and treaty ports. (2010) Accesed on April 22nd, from echinacities.com 17 A.J. Jacobs. The worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cities: Contrasting Regional, National and Global perspectives. New York: Roudlegde (2013) P79 1 2

Images: Antonio Guerrero, painting From http://www.cigarro.nl/wb/media/columbus_op_cuba.jpg, accessed on 24th of April i3 Image by the Author i4 http://www.will-robson.com/keyword/manchester;mandeville/, accessed on 24th of April i5-i6 Diagrams are made by the Author i7 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gulangyu_Island, accessed on 10th of March i8 http://www.prachtigcuracao.nl/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/tumblr_m35xu4FTp71qzqvm2o1_1280.jpg, accessed on 23th of april i1 i2

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when other transportation methods are invented. However, years of relative isolation through water have caused a cultural warzone that resulted in a beautiful assembly of architecture styles, which is mostly adopted as being their own by the newly formed countries. The process that led to this assembly proves once again how natural forces play an undeniable role in how we shape our built environment.

CHI ZHANG Influence of water on politics

Regard the sea as a barrier

Spanish ships conquest and early colonization

Fidel Castro and the Cuban Revolution ended the exercise of U.S. power. For 50 years, the United States retaliated with covert operations, assassination plots, political isolation and punitive sanctions, all for a return to the old days. The stated goal of the sanctions is to “isolate the Cuban government economically and deprive it of U.S. Dollars.” 2 During the period of embargo raised by the US, Cubans lived really hard lives without any daily necessities. Medical supplies were scarce since then. This act tightened the US trade embargo by prohibiting the sale of food and restraining the sale of medicines and medical equipment to Cuba. The embargo also affects the access to good water and restricted the sale of water treatment chemicals. Many water-born diseases have risen causing a higher mortality rate from those diseases.

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After finishing with the rebellion of Hatuey, Diego Velázuez was determined to begin the conquest and colonization of the rest of the island. And with that purpose he organized his men in groups which some Indians were incorporated, to use them in the hardest works, as making roads among the dense forests, to load on their backs weapons and tools, and to look for foods in the sea.

The mixture of different religions and Marxism shapes Cuba in a unique way that you cannot find the same situation anywhere. In order to develop itself with the communism faith, the Nation faces many challenges of different issues and it is actually really hard to tell what is going to be the future of Cuba. The shortage of water is the first eye-catching thing to be concerned. Instead of dealing with the economic hardships and political issues, the country must contend with ailing and often obsolete infrastructure. Without the money from the foreign country within Caribbean areas, it is impossible for Cuba to revive material well-being life of the local people. Instead of continuing its tightly controlled spiritual and economic marketplace, Cuba changed its constitution to lift the ban on religious activities and allow economic aid to flow into the island via religious groups. Since the Cuban government has accepted the relative freedom of religion, which could bring Cuba dramatic changes, the growth of the economy of the country became promising. From my point of view, religion has played an important role in the development of politics, economy and culture of Cuba. By studying the tradition of religion in Cuba, I found out that the role in which the water played intrigued me the most. As a fluent material, water became the possible reason that isolated the country for a long time. As a fluent material, water became a kind of intermediate between different matters. So I decide to discover the secrete relationship between the water and Cuba in terms of political aspect and cultural aspect.

On his first visit, Columbus optimistically assessed the island’s natural beauty and the abundance of wildlife, noting the variation of coastal harbors, high mountains, tropical rain forests, and rolling savannas1. At the end of 1510, two groups departed from Baracoa: one toward the Indian region of Maniabón (to the north of Holguín) and another toward Bayamo. Once conquered by the Spaniards the regions of Baracoa, Bayamo and Maniabón, these onces undertook the occupation of the rest of the Cuban territory.

The Cubans were proud of the great revolution, but the bad quality of living forced them to flee to the other side the ocean, the Miami. As a result of the harsh living condition in Cuba, the selfmade rafts have been sailing to Miami carrying thousands of Cubans one after another under the risk of sinking with the self-made rafts. The Truck Raft (i2) in the picture is an interesting example of what the Cubans did for floating across the sea. It is apparent that some additions were made on the original truck to transform the truck to a raft.

From these establishments that changed its primitive location mostly, the conquerors began the exploitation of the resources of the Island. The economic activity was sustained in the work of the natives, delivered them to the colonists for the kingdom by means of the system of “commands”, a kind of a granting personal, revocable and not transferable, through which the colonist committed to dress, to feed and to Christianize the aborigine in exchange for the right of making him work in benefit of the prevailing government. The dominant economic line in these first years of the colony was the mining and fishing, specifically the extraction of gold, activity in which commended Indians were used as well as some black slaves that were integrated from very early to the ethnic conglomerate that centuries later it would constitute the Cuban town.

Instead of paying a role in articulating the island to the other countries, water could be regarded as a barrier to block the whole country from the outside world. In order to flee the country, Cuban people have to think of a way to go across the sea. This kind of geographical feature was taken advantage by US to limit the development of Cuba. Regard the sea as a bridge “I started thinking about that and how to make that something not about separation, but about unification. And so it’s the sea that separates us, but it’s also the sea that unites us.” 3 said by Blanco who is an award-winning poet who came to the U.S. with his Cuban exile parents from Spain when he was an infant. He was raised in Miami.

This is the fact that the island was conquered by the Spanish by means of ships, which illustrate the fact that water has played an important role of the conquers.(i1) As a mean to let the conquerors to get close to the island, water contributed to shape the country in a unique way.

The opening gate of U.S. is absolutely an opportunity for Cuba to develop the decayed the economy. As a result, the importation and exportation are getting more and more frequent between Cuba and U.S., which means more and more investment is going to emerge on the island 138

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THE INFLUENCE OF WATER ON POLITICS AND CULTURE

specific pattern of movements into the scalp of the head. However, if a person is entering Santeria for the need of healing5, they will undergo the blessing of the head, in which coconut water and cotton are applied on the head to feed it. Once cleansed, there are four major initiation rituals that the initiator will have to undergo: obtaining the beaded necklace, receiving the Warriors, making Saint, and ascending the throne. In the summer of 2000, two award-winning photographers, Claire Garoutte and Anneke Wambaugh,6 were researching AfroCuban religious practices in Santiago de Cuba, a city on the southeastern coast of Cuba. A chance encounter led them to the home of Santiago Castaneda Vera, a priest-practitioner of Santeria. The result is an extraordinary visual record of Afro-Cuban religious experience. The striking photographs in both black and white and color (i6,i7) described several different ritual practices: the feeding of spirits, spirit possession, and private and collective healing ceremonies. Describing the powerful intensity of human-spirit interactions, and evoking the sights, smells, sounds, and choreography of ritual practice, the images takes me deep inside the intimate world of Afro-Cuban spirituality.

In this case, the sea play an significant role of connecting the island to the rest of the world. Apart from getting assistance from outside, the local people can visit their relatives at the other of the sea. In addition, the sea itself, has a lot of potential to be developed. Influence of water on culture

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In the first part, I demonstrate that water played an important role in shaping the island politically from colonized time period to the revolutionary period. In the second part of the paper, I will illustrate the influence of water on culture of Cuba. In this case, I will use religion as a media to explain how the water has been used or recognized by the religious people in Cuba. Ships of conquerors towards Cuba.i1

Water can not only be used to express the spirituality of the religion, but also be recognized as a symbol of some religion. Yemaya is Queen of the sea and salt water, mother of fish and represents the universal mother and motherhood, intelligence, common sense and reason. She dresses in her navy blue with whore fringes which represent water and the white foam from waves.

Water as a religious simbol.i3

The using of water in religious ceremony African indigenous religions are little different from many of the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s more dominant religions. They believe in the concept of God and the supernatural. The supernatural is anything that is beyond what is observable, including things relating to God or spirits. This belief is part of their everyday lived experience.

The using of water in daily life

There is a religion in Cuba called Santeria which is a combination of Catholicism and a Afo-Cuban religion. Santeria does not use a central creed for its religious practices; though it is understood in terms of its rituals and ceremonies. These rituals and ceremonies take place in what is known as a house-temple or house of saints, also known as an ile. Most iles are in the homes of the initiated priests and priestesses. Ile shrines are built, by the priests and priestess, to the different orichas, which creates a space for worship. To become a Priest or Priestess of Santeria, the initiator must go through an intensive week-long initiation process in which the teaching of the ritual skills and moral behavior occurs informally and nonverbally. To begin with, the initiator goes through what is called a cleansing ritual.4 The initiatorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s godfather cleanses the head with special herbs and water. The godfather rubs the herbs and water in a

In Havana, water as an important element of religion is visible everywhere, if one knows what to look for. For some families, Afro Cuban religions steer much of their lives, while for others religion is not in command. It is common to find religious artifacts from a number of different religions in a household. Many have a big picture of Jesus Christ in their living room alongside statues of native Indians, seashells, Buddha, glasses of water on shelves with pictures of people placed nearby where one of the glasses of water may have a rosary in and around it.

Floating truck.i2

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It is common to find religious artifacts from a number of different religions in a household. Many have a big picture of Jesus Christ in their living room alongside statues of native Indians, seashells, Buddha, glasses of water on shelves with pictures of people placed nearby - where

Religious simbol.i4

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as well. The most economic gain of Cuba right now is from touristic business, which defines the whole country as a touristic place, especially the capital of Cuba-Havana. Corresponding to the opening of the trade of Cuba, the freedom of religion is not as restricted as the old times. As a result, the food supplies and medical investment are coming to Cuba via the foreign religious groups.

plays an significant role in their spiritual mind of Cuban people as well. As conclusion, there is no doubt that water as a physical matter contributes to religious activities, which is an important cultural background for Cubans. Conclusion

one of the glasses of water may have a rosary in and around it, old railway nails hammered into the floor, a dead turtle in an iron pot in the stairway leading up to the house.7 If you walk along the street in Havana, you may encounter the situation that Animal residues, flowers or other objects (i4) may be lying in street corners and gutters. Puddles from wash water may contain herbs used as part of cleansing rituals. Speak of cleansing bath, it is a fascinating tradition of their religion which is used for purifying people of any bad influences they may have accumulated. This could involve bathing with eggshell powder. Some would also include fresh flowers, depending on the desired achievement. It is said that pour water with a spray of perfume in it over the body would cleanse the body, protecting it against evil minded spirits that might seek to possess it. Many initiates do these cleansings frequently, monthly, weekly or daily. They will also do them when instructed so as to solve a problem. If many things go wrong, a cleansing of the body or house may be required to reestablish balance, depending on what the problem is. One may seek out someone to divine the problem to inform what should be done and which Oricha or spirit will help. It may be required to wash the house with

Religious ceremony in Cuba.i5

Water healer of Cuba.i6

a blend of a special flower, cascarilla, honey and other ingredients. Not only the washing water is considered, but also the place where they may need to dispose the ritual objects, like in a river and sea or, more specifically where the river meets the sea.

living in Cuba.7 She doesn’t have an identification card, a birth certificate, or any public record in her name. She’s one of the few Cubans who doesn’t go to elementary school, despite a compulsory primary education system that boasts a 99% literacy rate. Yenny also never takes any medicine or goes to the doctor, despite the fact that Cuba is known for having some of the best medical personnel in the world. That’s because Yenny (i6) is part of what could be the last generation of Cuba’s mysterious water healers, or “Acuaticos.” And as the youngest member of her clan, she’s fighting to keep the dying tradition alive.

These kinds of precautions could keep you from the bad influence. One such precaution was to stay behind the dancing participants, furthest away from the sacred batádrums, shielded from their power. To hinder catching undesired energies released during the toque. It was important to clear the space after all the dancing. They thought of the toquesas a way of cleansing oneself; dancing all bad things out of the body. Therefore, at the end of every toque, a bucket with a water mixture would be placed in front of the sacred batádrums playing the closing solo rhythms. Participants should be present so as to move their bodies and cleanse any possible bad accumulations. All bad things present will be concentrated in the water mixture and this will be thrown out the front door. In Havana, such concerns about precautions for avoiding bad magic, sorcery and luck were constantly in everyday conversation. It is said that there is a mysterious water healers 142

Normally seen as a physical matter, water indeed connect the island with the rest of the world so that the island could be noticed by the conquerors. By taking advantage of the resources in the sea, the island was under the fast development after the conquers. An the other hand, it also limit the development of the island by blocking it from the rest of the world. After the revolution of Castro’ regime, the island was regarded as enemy by the US because of the Communism regime which is against the ideology of United Sates. Without the assistance of other countries, the Cubans had to survive on their own. Although the religion has been banned for decades, the religious people never gave up the religious activities. Large number of local people got medical help from the religious group by receiving herbs that was cultivated by the religious people. With the background of the religion in Cuba, the local people are still able to get benefit from the religious group by receiving food supply and medical supply after the ban on religion was lifted in Cuba. Since the freedom of religious activities was regained by the local people, the role of water in the religious culture becomes increasingly important more than ever. For the religious group, water is not only a physical matter, but also a spiritual symbol recognized by religious people.

The Acuaticos are a Cuban mystical sect – some call it a religion – that believes water alone can cure all disease. Its followers mistrust all formal institutions, including schools, hospitals and the government in general. Virgin Mary allegedly appeared to Antoñica a second time to lay down the principles of the new faith, which is based on the tenants that Acuaticos should never get paid for curing others with water, and should not participate in politics.

As a conclusion, it is obvious that the importance of water to Cuba cannot be ignored. From the beginning of the Catholics’ arrival to the later on Afro-Cuban religions’ development, water has been playing a crucial role during the special period, politically and culturally.

Different usage of water constitutes different religious activities, which illustrates the importance of water for religious people. Further more, water 143

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Without the water, the Spanish would not discover the secret island far away from their territory. Without the water, the United States would not start or lift the embargo, as a force to shape the country for 50 years. Without the water, the spiritual world of the religion would not be associated with Cuban life.

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Religious activity.i7

Bibliography: Spanish Rule, Colonization, http://www.countriesquest.com/caribbean/cuba/history/spanish_rule/colonization.htm US Department of the Treasury, Office of Foreign Assets Control, What you need to know about the US embargo. An overview of the Cuban Assets Control Regulations, Title 31 Part 515 of the US Code of Federal Regulations, in http://www.treas.gov/offices/ enforcement/ofac/programs/cuba/cuba.pdf, accessed 23 January 2009. 3 Cuban-American Richard Blanco: We All Belong to The Sea Between Us, http://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/cuban-americanrichard-blanco-we-all-belong-sea-between-us-n409986 4 Santería - Rituals and Ceremoniesm, http://www.liquisearch.com/santer%C3%ADa/rituals_and_ceremonies 5 Santeria religion in Cuba, http://holidaycuba.blogspot.nl/2013/11/santeria-religion.html 6 Crossing the Water: A Photographic Path to the Afro-Cuban Spirit World, ISBN100822340399, ISBN139780822340393 7 Cuba, Santería & The Dances of The Orichas, (page29) 8 Meet the last of Cuba’s mysterious water healers, http://fusion.net/story/324029/meet-the-last-of-cubas-mysterious-water-healers/ 1 2

Images: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Cuba http://www.floatingcubans.com/ i3 http://johnbiggsoklahomawriter.com/cuban-santeria/ i4 http://pcnw.org/gallery/exhibitions/archive/crossing-the-water-a-path-to-the-afro-cuban-spirit-world/ i5 A tambor by the water’s edge p. 64 A tambor for Yemayá at the water’s edge (she is patron saint of the sea). The tambor is 50 meters from the Church of Regla on Virgen de Regla’s day, the 8th of September. Notice the santera dressed in blue with her feet in the water. It is believed that this will gain a closer connection toYemayá while praying. i6 http://johnbiggsoklahomawriter.com/cuban-santeria/ i7 http://pcnw.org/gallery/exhibitions/archive/crossing-the-water-a-path-to-the-afro-cuban-spirit-world/ i8 http://pcnw.org/gallery/exhibitions/archive/crossing-the-water-a-path-to-the-afro-cuban-spirit-world/ i1 i2

Religious activity.i8

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PETER MUDDE

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The Caribbean is for many a location they can only dream off. It is a popular holiday location existing out of more than 30 islands with a reputation of white bounty beaches surrounded by azul blue water. But many tourists are not realizing that most of the islands are facing serious water shortages every year. Many islands in the Caribbean are dependent on rainfall for fresh water. Because of a dry and wet season climate it is difficult to have a consistent water supply over the year (Balch, 2015). However, Cuba is besides climatic factors also dealing with structural problems. Lack of maintenance of the water infrastructure has caused the situation to become even bigger.

Water shortage is not one of the first things you would think off when you imagine the Caribbean. The Caribbean is a tropical area consisting out of more than 30 islands surrounded by crystal clear water. But every year are islands dealing with water shortages. Thereby is the largest island, Cuba, no exception. After setting the Caribbean scene, there will be looked at how the Cubans deal with water shortage and the impact on their daily lives. Whereafter a digression will be made about the water conditions in Uganda. The comparison with Uganda sets the water conditions of Cuba in a new perspective. To conclude will be looked at the influence of the growing tourism on the water issue in the future.

struggling with water shortages according to old newspapers. The American newspaper ‘Hopkinsville Kentucky New Era’ writes on May 16th 1964, that the regime of Fidel Castro admits being worried about the acute water shortage in Havana. The, in that time, head of the Cuban Water Resources Institute, Faustino Perez, defends the problem. According to him has the shortage been inherited and was not created by the revolution. Local Havana newspapers would have blamed the shortage on drought, inadequate water mains and daily leakage of 30 million gallons from damaged water pipelines in Havana (unknown, 1964). An intriguing side note to this situation in 1964 is that the water shortage also led to a confrontation between Fidel Castro and the American naval base at Guantanamo Bay. Fidel Castro accused the naval base of the fact that they were tapping of water from Cuba’s rivers. And therefore shut off the water supply down to a dribble. The rear admiral John Duncan Bulkely of the American naval base final answer to Fidel Castro was to take out a section of the pipeline to show that they were not using Cubans water. (Roberts, 1964)

Drought is a returning issue in Cuba. Cuba has a tropical and wet dry savannah climate. The country is facing a dry season from November till April, followed up by the wet season from May till October. Around 75 percent of Cuba’s rainfall is in the wet season. In the wet season has Cuba sometimes too much water what results in floodings, while the dry season deals with drought. Due to climate change is drought a growing issue in Cuba. In 2015 caused El Nino (a warming of the tropical Pacific Ocean that effects global weather patterns) the worst drought since 1901. This caused desperate times for the Cubans. During these harsh times told Nuris Lopez, a hairdresser in the south of Cuba, to the Huffington Post in an interview: “It is hard to believe, but many of us are hoping for a hurricane. I might lose my roof, but at least I could clean my house.” The year-long drought left more than a million people without drinking water. All over the country were water trucks commissioned to supply people, as Nuris Lopez, with water. (Mosbergen, 2015)

It is interesting to read that the newspaper in 1964 wrote that there were a daily leakages of 30 million gallons of water because of inadequate water mains and damaged water pipelines. Because besides drought, is Havana still dealing with an inadequate water system. Water system In 1959 has the country been liberated of dictatorship in order to create a better place for the Cubans where first necessities of life are for free and in abundance. Many people describe Havana as a place frozen in time. But many things have changed, only some things remained. The streets are dominated by classical American old timers from the ‘50s, driving around in a decor of baroque buildings and crumbling façades. Due to political and economical problems stayed development and maintenance behind. The water system is no exception on this. Most of the households in Havana are connected to a water pipeline structure. The system dates back to a plan which is made in 1899 to distribute water through the city. The households that are not connected to this grid are by any means dependent on alternative water supplies. Unfortunately is the grid in poor condition due to low maintenance whereby many more households are relying on other water resources. Around 70 percent of Havana’s 3.158 kilometres of pipelines is in poor shape whereby

The drought caused by El Nino in 2015 was affecting the country on a large scale. Drought leads to less drinking water, but is also able to dry out rivers, which has a big impact on agriculture. The drought was that severe that the Water Resources Institute implemented a cloud seeding program. Therefore was in September 2015 artificially rain induced by a Russian Yak-40 aircraft to increase precipitation in areas that feed into the Cauto river. The Cauto river is the country’s main source of water for reservoirs (Tejas, 2015). Cloud seeding involves spraying chemicals into the air that increases water condensation and prompt heavier rainfall. It is questionable if manipulating clouds is the right thing to do. Besides the ecological consequences is it just a temporary solution for the water shortages. Drought and water scarcity are not only problems of these times. In 1964 was Cubans capital under the ruling of Fidel Castro, Havana, already 146

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Dealing with water shortage in Cuba

water pumped to the city from nearby reservoirs gets lost (unknown, 2011). According to figures by Cuba’s water sector regulator National Institute of Hydraulic Resources fails around 55 percent of the pumped water to reach its destination due to leakages, another 22 percent is lost inside the households. Havana water, the city’s water utility, and state industries are therefore responsible for a water loss of 80 percent. (Hong’e, 2012)

10.000 litre of water, 5 litre for him and 5 for his neighbour. The truck will come to fill their tanks early in the morning or late at night. ‘It has to happen secretly, because otherwise other people in the street will tell it to the government.’ (Carlos, 2016)

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All over the Cuban island has around 73 percent of the population access piped water. This means that more than a quarter of the people are not connected to a water system and dependent on receiving water via other resources. The most common solution for this problem is water delivery by water trucks (Grogg, 2015). In Havana are around 60.000 families dependent on large coloured old timer trucks provided by the state to deliver water. (Garcia, 2015).

A water truck driver fills jerry can for a citizen of Havana in front of ‘El Capitolio’.i1

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It is not an uncommon sight to see a big tanker truck full of water worming through narrow streets of old town Havana. The path of the trucks are easy to track down by following the puddles of water on the street or by following the honking and rumbling sound of their diesel engines. The tankers are like ice cream trucks on a hot summer day in an idyllic American neighbourhood. Only it are not the children running for ice cream, but people desperately in need for water, with jerry cans and all kind of empty bottles to fill with fresh water. It is for many a daily routine to walk through the dilapidated streets of the capital with filled jerry cans of water to supply their families. The big trucks are called ‘pipa’s’ and look even older than the water grid itself. The pipa’s are driving around for everyone in the city, because the water grid can’t always keep up with the demand. But this doesn’t mean families are daily provided with water. Hotels, hospitals, government and other public buildings have the first priority. Therefore families have to wait for water sometimes for days. A casa particular owner, Carlos, in the touristic Trinidad has taken water control in his own hands. It is always uncertain when and how much water he will have. On average receives he once in the ten days a water truck that provides him with water. Even though his two tanks of in total 5000 litres of water is only enough for 5 days. Carlos says he needs to be a wizard sometimes to provide water for his guests. To run a business he needs water, otherwise his casa particular will have to close down. To bring water in the tanks with magic he needs to go ‘underground’, into the world of water dealing. Together with his neighbour he has an agreement with a water truck driver that they can buy a whole tank, illegally. A water truck contains

To keep a household running is also water needed. Therefore affects water shortage the daily routines and lives of many women. An academic study of 166 families, combined 538 people, in Old Havana showed that 57 percent of the families were headed by women. The survey showed that most of the people have to haul water to their homes every two or three days. The worst difficulties in terms of access to water and sanitation were experienced in female-headed households. (Grogg, 2015) Denia Arrascaeta suffers with water shortage nearly on a daily basis. “Sometimes I don’t even have water to drink,” she told IPS (Inter Press Service). At her grandmother’s house, the water supply is more regular, so when the shortage becomes acute, she fills several big bottles and carries them the eight blocks to her home. The 39-year-old accountant lives in a neighbourhood on the west side of Havana, where the water supply is more erratic. “Occasionally, my grandmother’s tap also goes dry, and we have to wait for the ‘pipa’,” she said. (Grogg, 2015) “In Old Havana, at the heart of the Cuban capital, the situation is no better, says Yaritsa Oliveros, who lives in Jesús María, one of the neighbourhoods in the old city. At the age of 25 she supports her mother and her four-year-old daughter while working as a cleaning woman in a municipal government office. “We go several days without water and sometimes suddenly it starts to flow in our building in the early hours of the morning,” she told IPS. “We collect all we can in different containers, because we don’t know when the taps will run again.” (Grogg, 2015) 149

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The water shortage is stressful and demanding which sometimes leads to impatience and aggression. The need for water is sometimes that severe that people take control in their own hands. Truck drivers are sometimes forced to stand of their water or the entire truck. In 2004 hijacked thirsty Havana residents a water truck according to a news article on Cubanet. Because of hurricane Charley were water supplies low at that time. A group of residents overtook a water truck with force and distributed the water to their neighbours. The truck had been sent to supply a bakery operated by a government agency. After the truck’s operator delivered the water to La Eminencia bakery, asked the residents to give them the remaining amount of water. The hijackers simply overtook the truck when the truck driver refused. (Rodríguez, 2004)

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Repairing a water pipe in Havana Vieja.i3

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Plan of water main distribution of Havana 30 June 1899 56th Congress, 1st Session. House of Representatives.i2

that they were doing this.

Around 73% of the Cuban population has access to piped water, compared to around 14% in Uganda. According to statistics of Unicef and a Ugandan demographic health survey is 1 out of 10 rural Ugandan households connected to piped water in contrast to 1 out of 6 Cuban families (Mbonye, 2013; Unicef, 2015). This means that many people need alternative resources for water. Unfortunately are in Uganda still many communities relying on contaminated water sources such as open streams and open wells. Throughout the country has, only, 65 percent access to safe drinking water supplies. Thanks to many organisations that combat the water crisis in Uganda is this number decreasing.

Thanks to initiatives of development organisations is the water situation gradually improving. By drilling new wells close to communities will many of the burdens of water collecting be less. For many areas in Uganda it is not beneficial to create a difficult water system. Drilling new wells with clean drinking water closer to communities sounds like temporary solutions. But most of the time is this what is needed to support people’s daily lives. People don’t have to go to open wells or streams anymore. The short distances will give people more time and less health problems. And by placing them closer to the communities will social control be beneficial to the situation around the wells. Besides the accessibility to clean drinking water will this improve economical, social and health problems. (Unknown, 2016)

There are many development projects in Uganda that provide communities clean water wells. In many parts of Uganda is water collecting not an easy task. Research shows that this heavy task is mainly done by woman and children. Woman and children sometimes travel hours each day to collect water. Often is the collected water contaminated and unsafe to drink. It is therefore for many woman a heavy task to run a household. And for the children it takes them away from work and school. Besides the fact that people need drinking water, it therefore has more consequences on their lives. (Asaba, Fagan, Kabonesa, & Mugumya, 2013, p. 31) They have to walk big distances and spend a lot of time queuing at the wells, which takes in some areas in the dry season between 2 to 6 hours. Then they have to bring the heavy jerry cans of water back home over rugged and hilly paths. Often they carry the water by their hands or on their heads. This can cause health complications such as prolonged fatigue, chest pain and headaches. Research shows that the children and woman are even sometimes distressed because of dangers around the improved or unimproved water points, such as verbal and physical assault and rape. Sometimes rise the frustrations so high, that even between the water collectors physical and emotional exchanges occur such as fights between children or youths about jumping the queues. (Asaba et al., 2013, p. 35)

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Three children in Wakiso, Uganda, on their way to the nearest water well.i8

Public water in Uganda

It is a difficult sight to see a group of children struggling with an old bicycle and many old yellow jerry cans. Knowing that the way is long on a sandy road and that it is not the last time they will do it. But the children seem happy and having fun together. After asking if we could make a picture of them they felt tough and proud. Tough because of the heavy labour they were able to do, proud because ‘muzungus’ (white men) wanted to make a picture of them. For the boys it seemed completely normal 152

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Water truck driver connects the water pipe to the water system of a Hotel in Trinidad.i6

Water truck driver drinking from his own tank.i5

Late in the evening is a house supplied with water in Santiago de Cuba.i7

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Cleaning plaza de la revolucion two hours after Raul Castroâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s speech on 1 may 2016.i4

The lifting of the embargo will lead to an increase in tourism. The hotels have already the priority to be supplied with water. The future will bring more tourists to the island, but not more water. Today the government insists that the tourists are fine because they can all have bottled water (Calzon, 2013). But the bigger questions is, how are the Cubans? If the country is not even able to support the Cubans with enough water, how will it cope with the growing group of tourists?

Water change Unfortunately is water shortage not something from the last few years in Cuba. However Cuba is on a moment of political and economical shift due to the lifting of the American embargo. The question is if this will improve the situation for the Cuban population. According to Carlos is the government corrupt. The government has the power and cares first about themselves, later for the Cubans. The government doesn’t want to repair the aqua ducts because it is business and power. The people who pay the most will be supplied with the pipa’s, other people are forced to come by with buckets. (Carlos, 2016)

Rooftops of the neighborhood Vedado in Havana.i9

the buildings. The tanks have to provide the house with water until the next pipa comes. Catalina, a casa particular owner in Santiago de Cuba, explains that their entire house runs on the tanks that are standing on their roof. While sheltering under a corrugated iron roof for a heavy rainfall in the beginning of the rain season you immediate question yourself ‘why don’t they catch this rain for later use?’ Catalina didn’t have a right answer for it, but explains that they ‘just’ don’t do it. When they need water it doesn’t rain and visa versa. The rooftop tanks are an outcome for moments of water scarcity. Only it brings new problems with them.

“My mother complains of back pain, from having to carry so much water,” said Oliveros. The survey also confirmed that women carry the greatest burden with regard to the administration and use of water, because they organise and reorganise their daily lives around its availability. “Household tasks take longer, and the women arrive late at work, which generates problems due to incomprehension. It’s a chain of things that are affected in their personal lives, with a heavy impact on their physical and mental health,” professor Fleitas said. (Grogg, 2015)

Open vent pipes allow the introduction of more contaminants, and the hot Cuban sun encourages the incubation of water-borne diseases (Wainwright, 2015). A bigger issue is the devastation it sometimes causes. Many of the buildings in Havana are in bad condition due to lack of maintenance and it happens that the buildings are not able to carry the heavy weight of the water tank anymore and collapse.

Water storage When you get high enough in Havana you will be able to discover another water network. A network of roofs with tiny vegetable gardens, chicken coops, makeshift apartments and colourful clothes drying on laundry lines accompanied by blue water tanks. Against the dilapidated grey façades and red roofs are the blue water tanks easy to spot. Many households have on their roof a large water tank for storing water piped up by electrical pumps. (Miroff, 2015) The tanks are filled by the water trucks by pipe system inside

Asaba, B. R., Fagan, H. G., Kabonesa, C., & Mugumya, F. (2013). Beyond Distance and Time: Gender and the Burden of Water Collection in Rural Uganda. WH2O, 2(1), 9. Balch, O. (2015). Making rain: can technology drought-proof the Caribbean? Retrieved 17-04-2016, from http://www.theguardian. com/sustainable-business/2015/feb/18/caribbean-water-crisis-forcing-long-term-reliance-on-desalination Calzon, F. (2013). Cuba and Cholera: Good Hygiene and Good Government Can Save Lives. Retrieved 19-04-2016, from http://www. americasquarterly.org/content/cuba-and-cholera-good-hygiene-and-good-government-can-save-lives Garcia, I. (2015). Havana, Between the Scarcity of Water and the Rains. Retrieved 15/03/2016, from http://translatingcuba.com/ havana-between-the-scarcity-of-water-and-the-rains-ivan-garcia/ Carlos. (2016). Transcript - Casa particular owner about water shortage. Grogg, P. (2015). Water Shortages Have a Heavy Impact on Women in Cuba. Retrieved 15/03/2016, from http://www.ipsnews. net/2015/12/water-shortages-have-a-heavy-impact-on-women-in-cuba/ Hong’e, M. (2012). Water shortage affects 10 percent of Cuban population, xinhuanet. Mbonye, P. N. (2013). DFID, UNICEF Launch USD250,000 Safe Water Supply Project in Moroto. Retrieved 17-04-2016, from http:// www.unicef.org/uganda/media_12463.html Miroff, N. (2015). Havana, from on high. Retrieved 18-04-2016, from http://www.washingtonpost.com/sf/world/2015/03/07/onhavanas-rooftops-a-secret-world/ Mosbergen, D. (2015). Cuba suffers through the worst drought of ‘the last century’. the world post. Roberts, P. (Writer). (1964). Castro’s pipelines cut on Guantanamo Bay: Britisch Pathe. Rodríguez, M. L. (2004). Thirsty Havana residents hijack water truck. Retrieved 17-04-2016, from http://www.cubanet.org/htdocs/ CNews/y04/ago04/23e1.htm Tejas, A. (2015). Cuba Turns To Cloud Seeding Amid El Nino-Triggered Drought. International business times. Unicef. (2015). Cuba - Water Supply - Rural Population - Proportion of Rural population served with Piped Water (%). Retrieved 23-042016, from http://knoema.com/atlas/Cuba/topics/Water/Water-Supply-Rural-Population/Piped-Water-percent Unknown. (1964). Castro Regime has water shortage, Kentucky New Era, p. 19. Unknown. (2011). Cuban Capital Faces Worst Water Shortage in 50 Years, The Latin American Herald Tribune. Unknown. (2016). Clean Water for Uganda. Retrieved 18-04-2016, from https://www.onedayswages.org/community/blog/2016/02/ clean-water-uganda Wainwright, P. (2015). Water Purification Systems for Cuba. Retrieved 18-04-2016, from http://www.paulwainwrightphotography.com/ cuba_water/the_need.shtml

Images: i1 From 56th Congress, 1st Session. House of Representatives. Document No. 2. Annual Reports of the War Department for the Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1899. Washington: Government Printing Office. 1899 i2-9 Images are made by the Author

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QUAN SUN destinations raises fundamental questions about the ethics and politics of water access (Gössling et al., 2012).

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International Tourism Water Consumption & Domestic Water Supply

Tourism in Cuba is an industry that generates over 2 million arrivals per year, and is one of the main sources of revenue for the island. As United States reestablished diplomatic relations with Cuba in 2015 and the tourism industry is expected to greatly benefit from normalized relations with US in the near future. This tourism boom may in one way boost the country’s economy, but on the other hand put extra pressure on its dilapidated and fragile urban infrastructure systems, especially water supply systems. In the tourism sector, water consumption per tourist in Cuba can be up to 1,000 litres /day. While only about 3/4 of local people are able to get the access of piped drinking water. Thus the aim of this article is to research the water supply condition in Cuba and impact by the surging tourism and discuss on the relationship between the water use of locals and the one of tourists.

In comparison to water use in other economic sectors, tourism is usually less relevant, because in virtually all countries of the world, agriculture dwarfs tourism-related water consumption. However, in some countries, as well as regionally, tourism can be the main factor in water consumption. In such areas, it can increase direct pressure on already diminished water resources and compete with other economic sectors as well as the subsistence needs of local populations (Thiel, 2010). In addition, while direct water use is more relevant for water management in the destination, indirect water use is responsible for a greater contribution to the overall amount of water used. In particular, food and fuel production have been shown to have comparably large water footprints: transport to the destination alone can more than double direct water use. Food is, perhaps, the most relevant factor in water use, though people eat whether they travel or not, and the addition tourism makes to water use through the consumption of higherorder food is not as yet identified. Furthermore, the increasing competition between tourism and other users, including the water rights and the food and water security of local people in a number of

Although the percentage of the international tourism share of domestic water in Cuba seems does not account much, the impact of international tourism could not be neglected through the growing trend of the tourism industry. After the collapse of USSR, a new Ministry of Tourism was created in 1994, and the Cuban state invested heavily in tourist facilities. Between 1990 and 2000, more than $3.5 billion was invested in the tourist industry. The number of rooms available to international tourists grew from 12,000 to 35,000, and the country received a total of 10 million visitors over that period. By 1995 the industry had surpassed sugar as Cuba’s chief earner and had been surging through the following decades. Tourism to Cuba reached a record last year, when 3.5 million people visited, according to state news media. The number of Americans who traveled to Cuba increased 77 percent in 2015 from the prior year. Airbnb, the home-share service, announced last week that in its first year in operation, more than 13,000 American travelers had booked stays in Cuba. Nearly 4,000 homeowners have listed their homes there. However, Cuba has a planned economy and as that term already implies the supply chains don’t cope well with things that are not in the plan. Those plans are 5 years long and don’t account for the recent surge in tourism. Cuba needs very large infrastructure investments in order to be able to meet current and future demands from tourists. The rapid increase of tourist inflows and tourism-oriented facilities is testing Havana’s dilapidated urban infrastructural network, e.g., the water supply system. Ten Days in Havana As a part of international tourists, during the ten days in Havana, we lived in a complex highrise apartment building with the Teatro America at the lower floors. That building is located at street Galiano, Centro Habana, one of the fifteen

Visitors in Cuba 1985-2011.i1

Selected water use and tourism parameters.i2

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TOURISM: A THREAT TO THE WATER SUPPLY IN CUBA?

municipalities of Havana where water supply is the most critical in the whole municipality, depending mostly on delivery by cistern trucks. The same or even worse situation goes with the water supply in Havana Vieja where the civic water pipes are older and the streets are narrower for the trucks to get in. People live in Havana Vieja, as what our Airbnb host said, only have the access to pipe water four days a week. For the rest days of the week, they could only either take whatever vessels and cistern they have to collect water from the water trucks coming into the community, or make the water from the trucks pumped up to the water tanks on the rooftop of the building. The water of one tank can cost between 10 and 15 CUC, which is usually paid for by collecting money among all neighbors. The owners of B&Bs and private restaurants have the luxury of buying it for their businesses, but for most residents in Havana the price is too high.

time, the water is also pump up to the extra water tanks at the rooftop of the building (figure 2). The water then is stored at those big tanks so that during the rest of the day, residents in the building could use the water stored in the extra tanks. This double-pumping, storage and transfer system represents a typical water supply mechanism for renovated residential buildings in the city center of Havana. The Status Quo of Water Supply in Havana, Cuba The water distribution system of Cuba is managed on a national level by the governmental agency “Grupo de Empresas de Acueductos y Alcantarillados” (GEAAL) under the direction of the INRH. GEEAL is subdivided further into local entities who manage their respective provinces or townships. In total the nation’s distribution system is comprised of approximately 19,000 km of pipe network (Cubagua, 2007). Pump stations throughout the island are utilized to transport water from chlorination stations and water treatment plants to the general population. As of 2006 there were a total of 2,375 pump stations in operation in the country. The Cuban government

But the water supply condition in where we lived seems much better than the normal situation. In spite of twice power cut after the rain, the water supply of the rooms was better than expectation (only the water pressure is a bit low). According to our Airbnb host, each day from 7a.m. to 12a.m. and from 6p.m. to 10p.m., the tap water is provided by the civic water supply system and during the same 160

The additional tank on rooftop of a building in Central Havana.i4

and 18 are on reserve. The system also includes 44 lift stations which utilize an additional 101 pumps. The length of the water mains is estimated at 374 km and the length of the distribution network is estimated at 3594 km (Alonso Hernandez and Mon, 1996). Eighty percent of the mains and distribution pipes are more than 40 years old, of which an estimated 1800 km are in need of repair. The system lacks metering, which greatly limits the ability to quantify the amount of water transported throughout the system. The system also consists of 13 water storage tanks, of which 9 are in service, with a total capacity of 210,200 m³.

utilizes three distinct classifications for the level of potable water accessibility. The three categories are “residential connection”, “public service”, and “easy access”. These categories correspond respectively with, possessing a water connection within one’s residence, receiving water from potable water trucks, and having a water connection within 300 meters of one’s residence. (Josenrique Cueto and Omar De Leon, 2014) Piped drinking water is available to 72% of the national population. Water is available via public taps or through water trucks to another 21 % of the population, suggesting that 93% of the population is served by improved drinking water sources (PAHO, 2000), with 98% access in urban areas and 82% access in rural areas (Vazquez et al., 2002). The remaining 7% of the overall population is without improved water sources. The time of service is also variable. PAHO (2000) reports that 79% of the population has access to an intermittent water supply (average of 12 hours per day).

About 55% of the water supplied is lost to leaks within the distribution system (Scarpaciet al. 2002). The Central system, which services a population of more than 800,000 people, is subject to the greatest amount of leaks due to the old age of the system and lack of adequate maintenance. Repair of leaks is further hampered throughout the distribution system due to the lack of functioning valves, which makes it impossible to isolate sections of the distribution system for repair. The water supply system is unstable because pumps are in need of repair and because of frequent interruptions in the electrical supply needed to run the pumps. The pumps are in need of surge

Urban systems with disinfection are estimated at 84% of the total. Water distribution for Havana is separated into 4 systems which include 55 supply centers and 158 pumps, of which 140 are in use 161

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A water truck in Havana Vieja.i3

source water quality. A considerable investment is needed to implement technologies to treat domestic and industrial wastewater prior to discharge to receiving water bodies.

satisfactory. Hence, the upgraded works are not likely to have triggered a significantly positive impact for local water provision although no statistical data is available. In other words, tourism has prompted infrastructural upgrading of an area where such improvements had only a marginal impact for residents. (Andrea Colantonio, 2014)

And in order to mitigate its own contribution to climate change and its pressure on limited water resources, tourism needs to engage in energy and water management, as well as education and behavioral change to encourage tourists and staff to engage in water-saving measures. It is important to make every tourist be aware of the real water supply situation in Cuba and their small but possibly significant influence to the daily life of local people, which hopefully would make some positive change to the water supply issue in Cuba.

Conclusion

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Although we still could not conclude whether the influence of tourism to the water supply in Cuba would be an impact or in a long term a positive influence. What we can conclude is that the water infrastructure of Cuba is in need of repair and upgrades. Priority should be given to maintaining the continuity of the water supply and protection of

Residents’ Answers to the Statement that Water Provision in Their Area had Worsened since the Beginning of Tourism Development.i5

(SA), agreed (A), were neutral (N), disagreed (D), or strongly disagreed (SD) with the statement that the “water provision in their area had worsened since the beginning of the tourism development.” Out of 152 valid answers, 111 (73 percent) answered Disagree or Strongly Disagree, 19 (12.5 percent) answered Strongly Agree or Agree, while 22 (14.5 percent) did not have an opinion. Moreover, Figure 1 shows that the Strongly Disagree and Disagree answers outnumber the Agree and Strongly Agree answers in each and every tourist poles. These results do not provide indications on the quality and level of water provision received. However, they indicate that it is impossible to establish a positive correlation between the development of tourism activities and the worsening of water provision in any of Havana’s tourist poles. A well known Havana-based architect shares the same conclusions and goes further claiming that water provision has improved rather than worsened in some of Havana’s districts as a result of the development of tourism activities. For example, the construction of the Hotel Meliá Cohiba along the Malecón in Vedado has entailed the upgrading of the local aqueduct to bring water to its new 462 rooms. This, in turn, has benefited the water service to local residents. It is worth pointing out that the water provision of this area was already

suppressors and metering systems to assure that they are functioning as expected. Because of the intermittent loss of water pressure and subsequent reinstatement, the system is subject to the so-called Water Hammer phenomenon of vibrations, which accelerates the deterioration of the pipes and junctions. (Helena M. Solo-Gabriele and Armando I. Perez, 2008) Water scarcity causes many families to improvise to collect the precious liquid. Substandard water storage is the leading cause of epidemics like dengue fever or chikungunya, which cause dozens of deaths every year or the outbreak of cholera, a disease that had been eradicated in Cuba since the early twentieth century. (Iván García, 2015) The Influence of Tourism—Positive or Negative According to a survey by Andrea Colantonio in 2014, results on residents’ perceptions on tourism impact on water provision: The results of questionnaires administered in Havana’s tourist poles confirm that current levels of tourism development are not directly associated with the worsening of water provision. Residents of tourist areas were asked whether they strongly agreed 162

Bibliography: Gössling, S., Peeters, P., Hall, C., Ceron, J., Dubois, G., Lehmann, L. and Scott, D. Tourism and water use: Supply, demand, and security. An international review. Tourism Management, 33(1), (2012). pp.1-15. Andrea Colantonio, Tourism in Havana during the Special Period: Impacts, Residents’ perceptions, and Planning Issues, (2014), PDF available : http://www.ascecuba.org/c/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/v14-colantonio.pdf Solo-Gabriele H M, Perez A I.,Cuba’s water and wastewater sector: environmental literature, institutional and economic issues and future work[J]. Cuba in Transition, 18: 378-389. (2008), Josenrique Cueto and Omar De Leon, Evaluation of Cuba’s Water and Wastewaer Infrastructure including High-priority Improvements and Order-of-Magnitude Costs, (2014), PDF available: http://www.ascecuba.org/c/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/v20-Cuetoanddeleon.pdf Iván García, Havana, Between the Scarcity of Water and the Rains , (2015), https://translatingcuba.com/havana-between-the-scarcity-of-water-and-the-rains-ivan-garcia/ http://translatingcuba.com/carriers-tanks-and-trucks-the-ways-to-get-water-14ymedio-luz-escobar/ http://www.globalwaterforum.org/2013/07/16/tourism-and-water-interrelationships-and-management/ http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=120167 https://www.theguardian.com/travel/2015/oct/30/travel-to-cuba-increases-us-trade-embargo http://chinawaterrisk.org/resources/analysis-reviews/alleviatingwater-scarcity-in-cuba/

Images: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/a9/VisitorsCuba.png/1280px-VisitorsCuba.png Gössling, S., Peeters, P., Hall, C., Ceron, J., Dubois, G., Lehmann, L. and Scott, D. Tourism and water use: Supply, demand, and security. An international review. Tourism Management, 33(1), (2012). i3-4 Images are made by the Author i5 Andrea Colantonio, Tourism in Havana during the Special Period: Impacts, Residents’ perceptions, and Planning Issues, (2014), PDF available : http://www.ascecuba.org/c/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/v14-colantonio.pdf i1 i2

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THE CONCRETE BEACH

ROBIN CALS

How Havana copes without the sand

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Beautiful beaches have always been a major tourist attraction in big cities. But what if coastlines are not suitable for beaches? Multiple reasons like the lack of money and the sea being too rough are the cause for the absence of a sandy beach in Havana, Cuba. Instead of tourists laying on their towels, it’s cars driving a six-lane road. But this road, called El Malecón, is more than a separation of the city and the ocean. During the build of the ‘building’, its use already shifted from protecting the city to facilitating social activities. Since its completion in 1952, the appearance of the seawall hasn’t changed. It’s now the most important public place for Cubans to hang out and its nickname ‘Havana’s social living room’ only gives away a few of the activities taking place. Local fishermen, love couples and groups of friends occupy the wall and form an open air museum for visiting tourists. The combination of culture, atmosphere and activities makes this place unique and makes locals as well as tourists forget about the sand, the towels and beach balls.

This is just one of an incredible amount of songs about the beach. The Zac Brown Band, in this case, talks about the cavalier life on the beach. But what is it that makes the beach so beloved? Why do tourist visit beaches every year in such large numbers? Instead of answering these question, big coastal cities invest in making the most out of this beloved piece of land. Spain, for example, has more than 6000 kilometres of coastline and is therefore strongly linked to the sea. The coastal area is one of the major economic resources and has high priority in the spending of governmental money. Every year the Spanish Government invests around 200 million euro, only in restorations and monitoring of the beaches (González et al., 2007).

In 1901 the first of three building phases began. The main purpose of El Malecón was to protect Havana from the water and the so-called Nortes, a strong and cold north-easterly wind. After building the first 500 meters, of a total of 8 km, the American government built a beautiful roundabout to celebrate the completion of the first phase. After this first year of building, the new ‘building’ already wound up serving more for night-time promenades by Habaneros, for lovers and most of all for individual fishermen. After this first stretch, for which several public facilities were demolished, construction works were resumed in 1921 and again in the 30’s. Beyond the architectural values of El Malecón and its surrounding buildings, its great charm lies in being somewhere to stroll or hang out on a stiflingly hot day. It is advertised as ‘a place where couples come to make amends at sunset, in the company of fishermen and children. Havana’s outdoor lounge’. However, in reality the place is especially popular among Cubans of lesser means whose other means of entertainment are limited. The individual fisherman cast their lures, as a mean of income for their poor families. In addition, it is a hotspot for prostitution by women, as well as by men.

In other parts of the world, there is either hardly any money to spend on such projects, or it is just impossible to have a beach. Does the former lack money because there are no tourists, or are there no tourists because the beaches are in bad conditions? In the latter case there is a variety of options; the place is simply not situated at the coast, or the coast is not suitable for a beach. In this text we elaborate on a place where there is no beach; in this case Havana, Cuba. To get a grip on why the old city centre and its expansions have no cherished edge of sand, aspects like natural features, economics and the logic of the inhabitants needs to be taken into account. First, a short history of the building of Havana’s Malecón will be given, then we look into what functions it serves and the unchanged situation of the seafront. To put the Habaneros’ train of thought in a broader context, we look at the differences between Havana and European cities.

At first, this ‘edge of concrete’ does not sound really appealing for tourists. At least, not as appealing as La Habana Vieja, the old city centre. However, since El Malecón is so popular among locals, visiting foreigners are curious what makes this place interesting. A funny discovering when looking at reviews of tourists who actually visited this site, is a clear dichotomy. One group is ecstatic about the place and come up with arguments like: ‘At sunrise and sunset, this boulevard has something magical.. In the early morning you see joggers, in the evening the local Cubans and tourists come together to share a bottle of rum and enjoy the sunset.’ And ‘At twilight, this place fills itself with people. Here you can meet the real locals, who won’t try to sell you something’. On the other hand there are a lot of negative reviews, which mostly address the lack of shadow, the decay of the buildings and remarks like: ‘..actually, this road next to the water is nothing less than a busy arterial road on the outskirts of the city’. A closer look at these reviews shows us that 90%

El Malecón If Havana does not have an ‘edge of sand’, what is its edge made of? Before 1901, the Cuban capital suffered a lot from the rough ocean. The coast consisted of rocks and some coral reefs. Ramshackle coastal roads were constantly affected by northern weather systems and at the end of the 19th century, Don Francisco de Albear undertook a project to come up with a complex but smart design for a seawall. Albear, considered to be the greatest Cuban engineer at the time, wanted to make the protective wall a lot more 164

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than just a promenade. The avenue he designed was supposed to be constructed 4 meters above sea level and would cost 850.000 pesos, but the Spanish government did not issue the building permit and the proposal was postponed (Scarpaci, Segre, & Coyula, 2002). The project soon got the name ‘El Malecón’, Spanish for the seafront.

‘I got my toes in the water, ass in the sand Not a worry in the world, a cold beer in my hand Life is good today, life is good today’

of the positive reviews is about meeting the locals and the nightlife of the site, while at daytime the majority of the reviews is negative.

somewhat vulgar video clip then makes clear that he celebrates this freedom on the Cuban seafront: El Malecón. In an article on Definitely Different Cuba, a network of international travel operators of travel to Cuba, I found another recommendation. Websites like these are without a doubt not entirely objective, but Claudio Pairot’s description of Malecón’s ambiance is spot on:

The fact that this site is so popular, was affirmed by the songs I heard in Cuban taxis. While driving on El Malecón, this one song about the famous street kept being repeated on the radio. My bad Spanish made that I only understood one word of this song: ‘Malecón’. As soon as I had internet, I searched the lyrics of the song and I found an appealing music video clip as well:

‘If you want to learn what Cubans are talking about, dreaming about, arguing about, laughing about, crying about, you have to take a walk down to Havana’s seaside wall, known as the Malecón. Cuban singer Carlos Varela wrote a song about the city’s iconic wall: “al muro donde acaban todos, donde empieza el mar” [where everything ends, where the sea begins]. If you find yourself in Havana, in the height of summer, head to the Malecón. It’s a great way meet and mingle with habaneros and cool down with the sea air.’ (Pairot, 2016)

‘Si preguntaste, si averiguaste, por mi Ahora estoy mejor que nunca Es mejor solo que mal acompañao Ahora cojo menos lucha Voy a seguir cantando, producciendo, viendo la vida a color Voy a seguir siendo Jacob el inmortal, hasta que se seque el malecón’ A short translation and summary of this span learns us that ‘Jacob the immortal’ finally feels freed from bad company, will continue singing, producing and watching life in colour, until the seafront dries. The 166

Still frame of Jacob Forever’s video clip, shot on the Malecón.i2

Acceptance

left aside in this text, as we zoom in on the social aspects of the place. The motto that describes the atmosphere best is: ‘Living in the minute’. Nobody seems to worry about what happens tomorrow or when the next flooding will come. To come back to the question of how the population copes with the absence of a sandy beach, they simply replied: ‘We’ve just finished work and want to talk and drink a beer, we don’t need a beach.’ Tourists need a beach, the inhabitants of Havana just want a beer and a conversation.

The popularity of El Malecón is visible amongst different groups of people, like fisherman, love couples, tourist and music artists, together with the fact there is hardly any change in the appearance of the place, tells us a lot of things. Since the completion of El Malecón in 1952, the road is accepted and used as it is. On one hand, this can be explained by the fact that there is little money and means to change such a large scale project. On the other hand the unchanged situation is hard to understand if we look at the fact that there have been 18 hurricane strikes in Havana, in the past 100 years, with severe flooding as result (Pérez, 2001). The biggest change can be found in the building regulations. Since 2005, residential development along El Malecón is banned by the Cuban government (Perez, 2014). This rule is mainly introduced to ensure the safety of the inhabitants.

Social life This distinction between the life of tourists and the life of locals is very clear in the Vedado neighbourhood. In the 1950s the area became popular for American tourists and a coastal strip of around 500 meters was built with big hotels, casinos and theatres. After the revolution, the apartment buildings and the colonial villas in between the exclusive hotels fell in disrepair. Nowadays, the difference between the two groups, tourists and locals, is so big that most of the locals are not able to visit the leisure venues built for the tourists, for the simple fact that these are too expensive.

The real question here is whether the lack of change can be seen as an acceptance of the situation. The positive reputation of the place and the use as a stage for a video clip about freedom are indicators that it’s seen as a place that meets the wishes of the inhabitants. The flood hazards are 167

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El Malecón as barrier between the city and the ocean.i1

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Locals on the Malecรณn wall, fishing for their meal.i4

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Cubans hanging out on the Malecรณn, accompanied by tourists.i3

Barcelona beach.i5

Europe & Tourism

& Cooper, 2011).

The fact that tourists want a beach is a strong argument for European cities to build artificial ‘beaches’ without having a coastline. The city of Paris for example, started in 2002 with Paris-Plages on the riverbanks of the Seine. The waterfronts, complete with 5.000 tons of sand, deck chairs and volleyball fields form a huge draw for visitors (Pradel & Simon, 2012). Berlin, Brussels, Vienna, Gothenburg, Copenhagen, Amsterdam, London, Hamburg and Warsaw are other examples of cities with the so-called ‘Urban beaches’. This trend of providing beach facilities for tourists (and inhabitants) shows that governments are more than willing to invest in waterfronts. In the beginning of this text it was already stated that the Spanish Government invests around 200 million euros a year, only in restorations and monitoring of the beaches. So what triggers tourists and visitors to spend time on European seasides? When asked what motivated beach visitors from Ireland, Turkey, Wales and the USA, the main aspects were notably cleanliness and water quality. But also aesthetic and emotional factors such as scenic setting and general ambience, and practical concerns such as proximity and range of activities available are revealed to be very important (McKenna, Williams,

If we reflect these requirements to the Cuban seaside, there are a few aspects very easily comparable. Aesthetic- and emotional-wise, the scenic setting and architecture of the buildings on El Malecón can easily match Barcelona’s atmosphere. In addition to that, the proximity and range of activities available can be considered to be perfect. However, the Cuban coasts fail in the first two aspects: notably cleanliness and water quality. In Havana the pavements are ramshackle and the water is too rough to swim. In addition to the requirements given above, beaches like the Barcelona beach have much more to offer. The Spanish second city is considered to be very fortunate with the amount of sand they have. The width of the multiple beaches provide a lot of space to have extra functions like art installations, beach clubs and sports courts like volleyball and fitness. All these extra functions make it possible for tourists to spend a whole day, or even more at the beach.

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His persistence and fragile existence is both the opening and closing of the documentary. Dealing with the situation of uncertainties and trying to keep his head up. Conclusion To get back to the subtitle of this paper, ‘How Havana copes without the sand’, it’s becomes clear that the coastline of Havana is something different than the beaches I am familiar with in Europe. Instead of being flooded with tourists, the Malecón –The concrete beach- belongs to the locals. It’s a living room, a workspace and an arterial road at the same time. The main place to socialize and relax after work. The fact that the Cuban seawall is so popular among locals, is also the fact that it’s popular among tourist. Here one can see the real Cuban day-to-day life. Contrary to Habana Vieja or in the big hotels, where tourists dominate the business, on the Malecón the tourist is the guest. Although they’re welcome, tourists should not expect to be pampered.

Documentary maker Sandra Gómez made several documentaries in Havana of which Las camas solas (2006) and El futuro es hoy (2009) are shot on and around the Malecón. Her work presents this social space as a ‘complex place of representations, histories, possibilities, temporalities and identities’ (Lord & Zarza, 2014). In the latter documentary, translated as The Future is Today, Gómez films different profiles of people inhabiting, working or living near the Malecón (Gómez, 2009). Again the fisherman is one of them. This person is seen by the maker as the best metaphor of the place.

And that is the answer to the question: Havana copes without the sand by being a social living room for everybody. A place where everybody can be themselves. And if you want to swim in Cuba, you should not be in the living room.

Bibliography: Gómez, S. (2009). El Futuro Es Hoy [Documentary]. Cuba. González, M., Medina, R., González-Ondina, J., Osorio, A., Méndez, F., & García, E. (2007). An integrated coastal modeling system for analyzing beach processes and beach restoration projects, SMC. Computers & Geosciences, 33(7), 916-931. Lord, S., & Zarza, Z. (2014). Intimate Spaces and Migrant Imaginaries: Sandra Gómez, Susana Barriga, and Heidi Hassan New Documentaries in Latin America (pp. 199-217): Springer. McKenna, J., Williams, A. T., & Cooper, J. A. G. (2011). Blue Flag or Red Herring: Do beach awards encourage the public to visit beaches? Tourism Management, 32(3), 576-588. Pairot, C. (2016). ON HAVANA’S MALECÓN WALL. Retrieved from http://definitelydifferent.cubatravelnetwork.com/ post/137632290506/on-havanas-malec%C3%B3n-wall Perez, I. (2014). Cubans find preparing for climate change hard, expensive and essential. E&E Publishing. Pérez, L. A. (2001). Winds of Change: Hurricanes & the Transformation of Nineteenth-century Cuba: Univ of North Carolina Press. Pradel, B., & Simon, G. (2012). Quand le citadin joue au plagiste. Paris Plages, des référents touristiques dans le quotidien urbain. Espaces et sociétés(3), 69-84. Scarpaci, J. L., Segre, R., & Coyula, M. (2002). Havana: Two faces of the Antillean metropolis: UNC Press Books.

Images: Images are made by the Author [Still frame of Jacob’s Forever’s video clip, shot on the Malecón] [Screenshot]. (2015). Retrieved November 16, 2016, from https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=UpbfrdYCSXo i3 Vik, B. (2016). [Cubans hanging out on the Malecón, accompanied by tourists.] [Photograph]. Retrieved December 31, 2016, from https://stoneslife.org/2016/03/24/havana-cuba-anno-2016/ i5 Zanardi, B. (n.d.). [Barcelona Beach]. Retrieved January 1, 2017, from https://blakezanardi.wordpress.com/barcelona/ i1-4 i2

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Not being able to go inside the theatres, restaurants and bars that are dominating Vedado, the locals looked for other places to go in their spare time. From the very beginning, the Malecón was one of these places. With so many different social activities, varying from fishing to making music, the place soon got the nickname Havana’s ‘social living room’ (Lord & Zarza, 2014). But in fact, it’s much more than a living room. The fishermen are working to get their daily meal, while tourists join during night time to admire the Cuban’s day-to-day life. The wide variety of activities makes the space into a very illusive place, made from non-identical or contesting cultures of time. The multi-use of this space by different cultures and ages turns the space into a place that’s intimate, agonistic and public at the same time.

NARRATIVES ON WATER LANDSCAPE

WEI HUANG

A Discovery of People’s Behaviors in Waterfront Areas of Havana

study area: East side of Rio Almendares, El Malecon lecon El M a

a re

Diagram 1: Study area

Introduction of Vedado

The water landscape alongside Vedado, Havana

Before dealing with the water, it is unavoidable to draw a general picture of Vedado itself. As a main part of Havana, the house condition in Vedado is almost the best of the whole city, with most of which built in 1950s. And a number of tourists and Cubans from other districts of the city come here because of numerous commercial, cultural facilities and exclusive hotels. In this sense, the fact that there are people of diversified cultural backgrounds, nationalities is one part of Vedado’s identity, which also indicates the flexibility in human behaviors and activities.

The architect Bernad Tschumi suggests the disjunction between the space itself and the events happening. Starting from this point, rather than the detailed description of the water landscape itself in Vedado, it is more appropriate to tell the story and the implications for it. It is precisely speaking, the narrative of how people constitute their lives in Vedado. Therefore, when dealing with the water landscape in Vedado, which are areas along the Rio Almendares and the coastal areas in Malecón, it is inevitable to pay close attention to the people’s behavior in Vedado. Specifically, it is about how people perceive – according to what they see, smell, hear etc. and about how they experience and interact with the river and the sea – based on people’s experiences, memories and living conditions. On the one hand, the natural features of the waterfront area is the base of the overall narratives; on the other, the cultural and the social backgrounds of people themselves finally decides the outcome of the narratives. As far as I am concerned here, I would like to make separate analysis on the two waterfront areas in Vedado and then through the integration and comparison to redefine the water landscape in Vedado and

There are two main types of waterfront areas in Vedado, one of which is along the Rio Almendares and the other is the coastal place, one main part of the whole El Malecón. Both the waterfront areas along the whole Rio Almendares and El Malecón are pretty large-scale areas which is kind of difficult to explain explicit every part. So that is the reason why I only pick out the fragments for both of them within the Vedado district. Through the exploration and comparison of the two particular water landscapes, the aim is to find a way to better approach the role of water in the urban fabric.

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Based on the fact of the close interaction between people and the water itself, it is of great importance to constitute a water landscape narratives based on how people perceive and further how people experience and engage with the water. Here I would like to set Vedado district in Havana, Cuba as an example to explore details about what to grasp, why and how to structure such a narrative of water.

e nd

Since the very beginning of a life and the development of cities, water has been playing an important role, which implies a close interaction with people’s daily life based on the supply of water to some extent, drinking water, irrigation, laundry, etc. It is inconceivable to establish certain society within a condition of no water existing. But more significantly than the daily supply, the water can be what directly implies the human behaviors and activities related to the water. The waterfront life style of no matter the local or foreigners is tightly relevant to the creek, river or the sea. It is not so hard to find people fishing, washing, boating or swimming.

Al m

Simon Swaffield, ed., Theory in Landscape Architecture: A Reader

Vedado

Ri o

“On the one hand, narratives structure the values people live by; on the other, the strength of narratives lie in their fictions. As Hayden White argues, this situation is unavoidable, since tropes and narratives constitute the way we understand and explain the world. It is an ironic but also critic position.”

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Rio Almendares.i2

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Forest system, Rio Almendares.i1

to reconstruct the whole understanding of the interaction with water there.

is rightly for local people in the waterfront. As a stranger happens to be there, you will feel that everyone is looking at you with the curiosity. This part of Rio Almendares is like a “forbidden land” separated from the whole waterfront there.

The Rio Almendares The Rio Almendares is located to the west of Vedado district, of which the land is not fully or premeditatedly exploit alongside the river line, with more than half covered by trees. Maybe it is more precise to say that this area is redeveloped pretty well to be an enormous forest park system which extends directly into the heart of Havana. The part within Vedado is with no doubt mostly covered by greenery, except for several spots with buildings for living, warehouses and a small ferry and three bridges connecting the other side of the river. And in these parts of the river, it seems not so many activities happen there. The experience differs among different parts because of different spatial attributes.

connecting roads

Rio Almendares Warehouses

El Fanguito Diagram 2: Elements of Rio Almendares

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When comes to the coastal area in El Malecón of Vedado, we could get a vast view of the ocean, which is very impressive and appealing. The coastal place consists generally of the short wall to resist the flood, the Malecón road, commercial programs and the blocks of hotels for tourism. The tourism implies that the people here are a mixture of foreigners and local residents. Thus correspondingly, it is pretty easy to find people selling stuff on the pedestrian pavement like drinking, eating and artworks, which is a kind of commercial activity. Besides this, the normal activities like swimming, fishing and informal music performance also happen around the water. However, which attracts me a lot is something special or spiritual I could say. There are people sitting alone and in silence as if deep in their own world. And some lovers nestling up, viewing the setting sun above the sea. Compared with normal activities, the frequency of spiritual ones more relate to the high quality of the water area with beauties. Besides that, the time is also a crucial element influencing the generation of spiritual behaviors, usually more during the night than in the daytime. The darkness means relatively less exposure to the public and more privacy to be just yourself. The weak light from the street lanterns is beneficial for the private sense as well.

Within the part of the river, speaking of the residential buildings, there is an area occupied by a local community, El Fanguito, which is kind of like a slum, a certain place full of informalities. Consequently, one part of the waterfront area is almost fully occupied by this informal settlements. And without the care from the government, although diverse, the quality of the environment is generally not in a high level. Here, the standard of quality doesn’t come from any official or a fixed rules, but from the common sense, related to the beautiful scenery and the purified water quality. Also, because of the dense residential spaces, there is little left for the waterfront to be open spaces which like a buffer zone in between the functional constructions and the nature. The natural quality of this water landscape is actually not satisfying. But still, we could get multiple activities related to the water in this narrow, disordered place. When staying as the individual, people sun clothes in front of their house doors, row boats on the river. And sometimes people sitting as a small group on a stone facing the river, chat with each other and have a rest. According to these scenes we could say all the behaviors relevant to the river are flexible, mutate, coming from the daily life of the communal sense and quite normal in a way.

Another fact to be mentioned is the classification of people interacting with the waterfront here. Although the richness of activities in the whole coastal line, we could still see the difference between tourists and Cubans. Cubans, generally speaking, have more tight relation with the place than tourists when seeing from the type of behaviors, and the activities are more diversified. For Cubans, we could see people fishing, swimming, jogging along the road and staying several hours to do whatever chatting or playing music, which are normally longstanding, and have close interaction with water. But for tourists, it is unimaginable to spend even more than one hour just sitting at the short wall or jump to the sea. On the one hand, the time for tourists is limited to experience the whole Cuba. On the other, the relatively loose interaction is because they are not enough familiar with this area, no matter what of spatial attributes or cultural, social parts.

When seeing from another point, the diverse activities are just generated of people within this local community. For people first being there, it is even hard to find the way leading to the river since the informal settlement forms a maze like route system. And the purely residential area of a small scale have a strong communal sense, which

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Ferry

The coastal area in Malecón, Vedado

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El Fanguito.i3

Cuban Tourists Clothes sunning, El Fanguito.i4

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Diagram 3: Activities in Malecon

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Eyesight The coherence of the visual perception, with similar ocean scenery.

Eyesight The incoherency due to El Fanguito and 3 connecting roads. Hearing

Not just the sound of the natural features, the sound from the city and people also influence.

Hearing Influecing elements: sounds from human activities, El Fanguito and 3 connecting roads. Touch

The general perception of the materials, concrete, water, etc.

Touch Influecing elements: the artificial materials in the natural environments Smell

Influencing elements: flavour of food of different restaurants, tail gas of the traffic.

Influecing elements: The flavor coming from El Fanguito, tail gas of car traffic from the connecting roads.

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Smell

Taste Taste

Influencing elements: food of different restaurants.

absent Nothing for tasting.

ROUTE

lecon El M a

Diagram 4: Visitorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Experience analysis: East of Rio Almendares

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Diagram 5: Visitorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Experience analysis: El Malecon

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right there.

Above there is an abstract diagram to show the experience of two particular waterfront areas, using five basic senses as the measure standards. Basically, human body’s direct perception about the world is the synthesis of these senses, eyesight, hearing, touch, smell and taste. Of course, it is the fact that the experiencing process is too complicated to totally explain it in this short text. Therefore, here I would like just to simplify the process and to show the primary information and results. So basically the diagram shows in the whole route of respectively El Malecón and Rio Almendares, the perception of human body with five senses.

Conclusion Through the comparison of the local and tourists, we know people with varied cultural backgrounds interact distinctively with the landscape, and the programs in the waterfront areas help to define how people behave. Further, even for the same landscape, the time will influence the outcome. Through the tracing of human behaviors in two waterfront areas, we could find that how people behave and react is not just linked to the natural features of certain specific area like the scale of water or the quality, there are also other elements influence the results. Owing that it is the nature in urban environment, the effects coming from the city, the solid urban constrcutction and time-related differences. But one thing needed to be mentioned is that normally it is easier for the high quality of landscape like beautiful scenery to lead to spiritual activities.

From the overall comparison of the two series of diagrams we could already judge the apparent difference. In the diagram of El Malecón, each line shows the general coherence from the beginning to the end, when in spite of the small fluctuations. But in the diagram of Rio Almendares, there are several times of jumps in the route. This indicates the essential difference between the water landscape of El Malecón and Rio Almendares. The coherence in experience means the coherence in the water landscape itself. The waterfront area in El Malecón is comprised of a variety of programs, almost the similar mixture in each fragment, leading to the similar experience of people. But for Rio Almendares, with most of the area occupied by natural features, the bridges connecting two sides of the river and the constructions, no matter if they are for living or storage, stand out easily to give in a way a surprise for people owing to the great distinction between the nature and the built fabric. Specifically speaking, the surprise derives from the voice of car traffic on the bridges and people in El Fanguito, the smell of lunch cooking, the materials of trees and walls, etc. And the absence or not of the taste is related to the presence of programs of restaurants or cafes.

The last but not least, the reality if the landscape is coherent, if there are unpredictable fragments in the whole landscape, plays a key role in people’s overall experience of the area itself. Therefore, to do the narratives on the water landscape helps us to understand this particular environment. More significantly, through the investigation about how different people behave and interact with different water landscape we could roughly draw a line of water’s role both in the urban fabric itself and in our daily life.

Both waterfront areas are the merge of built environment and unbuilt environment. But nevertheless, seeing from the diagram, in terms of spatial attributes, of them one is mostly transformed into a place with more artifacts while for Rio Almendares, the natural still takes the most space. Through the comparison, I just show the essential difference of two landscape, with no intension to judge which is better or not. And it is impossible and makes no sense to try to judge it. This kind of difference rightly illustrates the different roles of these landscapes in Vedado and the story they tell in the collaboration with people

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The comparison of Rio Almendares and El Malecon

Bibliography: Simon Swaffield, ed., Theory in Landscape Architecture: A Reader (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), 142. Bernard Tschumi, Manhattan Transcript, (Academy Editions, 1994) 3 Bernard Tschumi, Architecture and Disjunction, (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1996) 4 Christian Girard, ‘Back from Fast Forward: Architecture, Bodies, and Technologies’, in The State of Architecture at the Beginning of the 21st Century (The Monacelli Press, 2003), 98-99 5 Jonathan Mosley and Rachel Sara, ‘Introduction: The Architecture of Transgression, Towards a Destabilising Architecture’, in The Architecture of Transgression, ed. by Helen Castle (Architectural Design Press, 2013), 14-19 6 Rem Koolhaas, Junkspace, (Quodlibet, 2006) 7 Junzo Kuroda and Momoyo Kaijima, Made in Tokyo: Guide Book, (Kajima Institute Publishing Co., 2001) 8 Robert Venturi, Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture, (The Museum of Modern Art, New York, 1977) 9 Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown and Steven Izenour, Learning From Las Vegas (The MIT Press, 1977) 10 Kim Dovey, ‘Informalising Architecture: The Challenge of Informal Settlements’, in The Architecture of Transgression, ed. by Helen Castle (Architectural Design Press, 2013), 82-89 11 Peter Newman, Resilient Cities Responding to Peak Oil and Climate Change (Washington: Island Press, 2009) 12 Jean-Jacques Terrin, Villes inondables: Prévention, résilience, adaptation (Paris: Editions Parenthèses, 2015) 13 Keller Easterling, Extra statecraft: The Power of Infrastructure Space (London: Verso, 2014) 14 Aiello, J. R., ‘Human Spatial Behavior’, in Handbook of Environmental Psychology, ed. by D. Stokols & I. Altman (New York: Wiley, 1987) 15 Barker, R. G., Ecological Psychology: Concepts and Methods for Studying the Environment of Human Behavior (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press) 1 2

Images: i2 Mario Cabrera (2013) The overview from the west side of Rio Almendares to photo El Fanguito, accessed on 1 Jan 2016, https:// www.mariodcabrera.com201301cuba-contaminacion-en-mas-de-doscientos.html.jpg Other images and diagrams are produced by the author

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Historical Layers alongside the habor Compared with Vieja Center

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The construction of the Alameda de Paula, one of Havana’s first promenades, was commissioned by Captain General Felipe de Fondesviela, member of the court of King Carlos III, and built by architect Antonio Fernández de Trebejos in 1777. Initially, this promenade was merely a dirt track with some benches, flanked by two lines of poplars. It was named Paula after the nearby church of San Francisco de Paula. This stretch became one of the city’s most visited places after a tiled pavement and stone seats were added in 1805. A few years later, a fountain with a marble column was built in honor of Captain General Leopoldo O’Donell. Today, the column survives.

The harbour alongside Havana Vieja has a long history developed since 1691. It is not only a place providing leisure and transport functions, but also revealing the history of its development in different periods. History layers are revealed through different space typologies, architectural styles and functions. Different layers reveal special identities in each period. If these different historical layers are preserved, then the cultural identities will be kept. On the contrary, if these historical layers are replaced by new ones, rather than juxtaposed with old layers, then cultural identities will be decreased.

scape is still one important part of citizen’s daily life. Walking area and public traffic is separated from each other. Walking area is near the harbor. It is the time that people near bay so close. After 1950, this area was rebuilt, tram was canceled, and harbor was extended to widen the road. In this period, the promenade is in between tram way and the bay. After that, the promenade becomes the space between two roads. In this period, the promenade which was kept through long time with narrowed street. The landscape of bay is far away from it. Because the space is in between two roads, this area becomes pretty cherished. The government decides to rebuild this area to recall its original idea that this area is used for leisure and walking.

In 1766, the Alameda de Paula was built as pedestrian area. Carriage is separated from the walking area. Walking area is used for public life, for example, talking, sitting and walking. Although this area changes a lot during passing time, most of the main pedestrian area and the idea is kept nowadays. Currently, this area is called the oldest promenade in Havana.

There are three main strategies to rebuild it- maintain, Demolish and re-use it. This area has a lot of old storage houses which occupied a lot of spaces. Some of them are valuable because of their cultural value. But the sea erodes the building, so some of these buildings need to be maintained.

In the history, this promenade was defined by waterfront fence and benches. Trees were planted alongside the benches. Space of promenade has the function to provide leisure space. Landscape is dominant in this period. On the other side of the benches, public transport was on the public side of buildings.

In the future, this area will be strengthened in its leisure character. The space is one of the cherished space for people to relax, to share the beautiful nature.

In 1841, the narrow stairs were expanded and several lamps were installed, making it even more attractive for Habaneros. And in 1845, the pavement, benches and stairs were improved, and a lovely esplanade was built. By 1847, a marble fountain was installed. And it was around that time that construction works began for many of the mansions near the promenade. The area kept gaining in popularity and more mansions were built around it. Many of these constructions are now regarded as jewels of Cuban architecture. Unfortunately, in 1911 part of the promenade was demolished by a US company to make room for port and storage facilities.

The programs alongside the harbor is not much, only one restaurant and market. These two programs are not near the Alameda de Paula. In the future, there will be more programs alongside the harbor. Symbiotic relationship with Harbor Cultural layers also includes the programs alongside the bay. The use of the bay is related to the city development pretty much, especially the internal bay in Vieja, Havana, I want to research the relationship between harbor and city development. Because Vieja develops starting from the harbor around 1691, the city is formed by the influence of the harbor in different ways. Also, the harbor influences the city in different ways during different periods. So the relationship between city and the harbor is in Symbiotic way, because the function, typology, building style alongside the harbor change during the development of Vieja.

In this period, carriage is almost replaced by other kinds of public transport: Tram. Tram railway was built in original carriage space. In this period, transport space is separated from promenade too, just the original concept. The promenade was narrowed to small space. Then the tramway was added between buildings and the promenade. At this time, carriage is replaced by tram gradually. The landscape did not change too much alongside the harbor. The land184

In 1691, the city developed from the harbor of Vieja. This harbor is used to provide ships and traffic. In this period, function of the harbor is mostly 185

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CULTURAL IDENTITY FROM HISTORY

Shift from Old Layers to New Layers

During 1800s, a lot of trading and commercial is developed alongside the harbor. This time, the harbor is more like the commercial space for citizens. There is new historical layer is added in. This layer is about the trade market and commercial alongside the harbor. This layer is related the flourished commercial which was brought by shipping. After 1900s, the commercial and trading went away from harbor. Into city center. The commercial layer vanishes in this period. A lot of storage spaces left with no use. After that, traffic develops sharply. Because the infrastructure needs to be developed to satisfy the large flow of people. Two roads were built alongside the harbor, which was the tramway and partly walking areas. The promenade area becomes smaller and smaller. The traffic and narrow promenade is the result of current development of the harbor.

Function shifts through all the time. The problem is that the new function does not juxtapose with the old ones, but replace them with new one. Function shift is divided in two parts. One is that original space is changed to new space, then new functions involve in. The other part means space is still there, but the program inside is changed. In the second case, new function gives the old building new life. Although the functions change, historical layers are preserved, because cultural layer is preserved through existing buildings, the new functions are new layers.

Although the relationship between city and the harbor is in Symbiotic way, there is paradox that the different historical layers are not revealed in the harbor nowadays. The only layer showed in the harbor is the modern buildings in promenade and road in typology, and traffic in function. That causes the decrease of cultural loss in Cuba. Function Shift

Current state of the Bay Waterfront in Havana, Cuba.i1

Looking at city center of Vieja, old traffic system is not changed much. Low- speed promenade and narrow road. Road system is not changed. American cars just fit in these roads. Then people can see strange scenes- people, carriage and American cars share same narrow roads between dwellings. Street becomes collective space of different traffic systems. Different traffic systems acculturate the different layers of traffic systems.

Section A-A in 1800,1900, 2015.i3

As a result, we can say that the harbor is developed with city in symbiotic relationship. The functions and typologies change with the development. We can see the typologies and functions change through time. The new layer replaces the older one, rather than juxtaposes with old ones. The Alameda de Paula is the most important part in this area, because it is the only promenade to provide leisure activities in this area. Alongside the harbor, a lot traffic junctions. As a result, the function of the harbor nowadays is mainly for traffic. The programs and outdoor space is not that much to provide activities. In the future, there will be more leisure place to share with citizens. The programs will be much more than now.

When looking at the traffic system of bay waterfront, we can see the latest one- road for cars has replaced the old ones for sharing promenade, carriage and tram. The obvious reason is that the road is important for high- speed traffic. People needs to be separated from cars. However, the result of strategy is that city center is separated from bay waterfront by the road. There is no spatial connection between city center and bay waterfront. The function of waterfront is changed from collective public space to lifeless promenade. The function of waterfront is too simple to attract people to go there. For example, the programs are just ferry station, restaurant and souvenir market. The restaurant and market are places for tourists. But the waterfront promenade is not combined with buildings. Although the beautiful nature of waterfront give people good feeling, there is no reason for people to stay outside of the programs. The life alongside the waterfront is not in collective way, not like the public life in city center. So there is no people staying there and enjoying public activities.

The promenade is separated from the residential area because of the different height of two areas. One the promenade, there is only plenty of people in public programs, rather than outside. The neighborhood is in poor condition.

Almost Nobody on Platform over Water.i2

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A-A Section of Alameda de Paula.i4

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for traffics. Alongside the waterfront, ferries are for travel to the opposite bank. Also, one important promenade designed in 1691. That promenade continues to nowadays. We can see the first idea to handle the relationship between landscape and cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lifestyle. The first position of the promenade is for leisure. This area is designed as low- speed area. People can walk without worries. When walking on the promenade, the sea is just behind the railings. At this time, Space typology in promenade is used to provide low- speed wide walking area which is related to landscape directly.

1 1. Ferry Station & Mariner

2. Ferry Station

3. Promenade

4. T- Sightseeing Platform

5. Restaurant

6. Supermarket

8. Church

9. Industry

Function Distribution of Bay Waterfront.i5

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The waterfront function totally changes from history to that today. As a result, the separation of functions make public life lifeless nowadays. In conclusion of this part, because of the function of waterfront is changed to single one, rather collective one in the history, people do not like to stay there and participate into public spaces. Public activities are closed in programs, or in city center. Both of these two chances are separated from traffic and solid buildings. There is no reason for formulation of public activities. Typology Shift

Also, the typology of Armor plaza of Vieja is remained until today. In the history, it is plaza for Spanish lords to entertainment, for example, boxing, riding. People lived nearby just watch these activities in their dwellings. Nowadays, it is a place for local and tourists for public life, openair restaurant. Also, because of the preservation of old buildings, people nearby can also see the activities taking place on plaza. The combination of dwellings and plaza is not separated. Also, the circulation of interior and exterior is not changed in public programs. The culture of public life is preserved when typologies help to strengthen the public life.

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The typology shifts a lot of times alongside the harbor. In the history, the harbor has plaza, avenue and sightseeing stand. These things all reveal the cultural identity of that period. However, they are shifted through time passing. In the history, the waterfront has a lot of collective spaces. For example, the collective low- speed area. The area was used as the place for public life. Because this area is the first part of Vieja. The beautiful nature and convenient traffic (ship) attracts people regarding this area as social place. Then the development of public space for collective activities were developed. But with the development of industry, new roads and solid buildings made this place as lifeless place because the typologies of this place is changed. The plane land for social and carriage is gone. The combination of green area and promenade is gone. Also the combination of dwelling and plaza of bay waterfront is gone. The typologies of public space which strengthened the relationship of human and nature, human and human is gone away. Now the separation of different activities are separated because of the difference of space height, solid buildings compared with typologies preserved in Vieja city center.

the waterfront be the entrance of Vieja from airport and the other side of the bay. (The opposite side of the bay waterfront will be developed as tourism in landscape reason) Because Vieja is the first place built in Cuba, so the first impression of waterfront should be the culture of Cuba. Vieja is the entrance of Havana. Then, it is the entrance of Cuba. So the expression of historical layer in the future is really important to tourists and locals. The culture of Cuba in waterfront will attract more people to come, and increase the confidence and identity of locals. Conclusion The harbor developed for a long time. In different periods, we can see different layers which describes a particular cultural identity in that period. However, with the development of harbor, these layers are replaced by the latest one. This replacement caused the decrease of historical layers shown currently. That is the reason we lost some national identity in the harbor, where the country starts.

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The limitless spaces leads the collective historical layers, which preserves the favor of public life. The preservation of public life can be analyzed in two parts. One reason is the love of public life. Because of climate reason, courtyard and open ground floor is used normally in public programs. Then the ground floor is limitless for ventilation. Passengers can see and hear performance in open space of public programs. People can easily find locals participating into public life with activities in public programs. For example, some old people just dance simultaneously hearing music from open space of restaurants. They shake hands with each other although they do not know each other. The collective activities in Cuba formulates the identity of culture. The public space is preserved, then collective culture is preserved. Historical layer in public space is preserved. Although function of some public places is changed, but the cultural layer does not change.

Function of public space is also changed through years in Vieja. However, the cultural context does not change in public space of Vieja center, both in street and plaza. But the cultural layer changes because of the high- speed traffic.

Changeless Promenade Although the function, style and typology is changed, the thing that is remained is promenade for tourists and locals. In the future, the promenade character will be preserved and strengthened. People can see the changes of elements because of technology development, but the favor for public life does not change for Cuban. The spatial character is totally different from bay waterfront and city center, but there are possibilities to transfer the same idea about public life in waterfront. The cultural layer of promenade can be strengthened through combining public life and cultural activities. In the future, the waterfront will be developed totally with tourism aim. Because the waterfront is fulfilled with the cultural identity of Cuban culture. But nowadays it becomes the area only with functional value. The improvement of ferry station and train station also will be make

Because of the preservation of typologies, fusion of public space, activities are preserved when people holding important festivals or share social life in city center. Original public space in city center can be seen as stage of different activities, different people. The character of spaces is preserved. On this stage, people can see and participate into activities easily. New restaurant is built with combination of original street and traditional courtyard. 190

Bibliography: Gene Desfor, Jennefer Laidley. (London: University of Toronto Press 2001)“ Reshaping Toronto’s Waterfront “, 25-26. National Research Council (U.S.). (America: National Academy of Sciences 1980) Committee on Urban Waterfront Lands” Urban Waterfront Lands”, 60. 3 Stephen J. Craig-Smith, Michael Fagence. (London: Wesport 1995)” Recreation and Tourism as a Catalyst for Urban Waterfront Redevelopment: An International Service”, 36. 4 David Wojnarowicz, Amy Scholder. (New York: Grove Press 1996)” The Waterfront Journals”, 78. 1 2

Images: All the images and drawings are made by the Author

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“The pollution of the rivers, dams, and wells is due to several factors. The proximity of latrines, the application of long-term chemicals in the fields, and terrain characteristics are among the culprits. The vice president of the National Assembly and the National Center of Hygiene argues that other sources have been explored for the purveyance of the water, but with negative results.” Lizandra Díaz Blanco, Journalist and radio host in Cuba

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“The fishermen of Cojimar, dairies whose cattle graze along the banks and various farms are all near the river, with each involved with products that end up on our plates.” Erasmo Calzadilla, Journalist of Havana Times

How can a river serve a community? How can a community be friendly to the river? With the development of Cuba, the Alamar city will change a lot, how will this river be? This paper will start from finding out the main factors which will pollute river (point-source pollution, non-point source pollution and invasive species). After that we can know the main reason of the pollution in Cojimar River. And then looking back to the actuality of people’s activities in Alamar, we will find its positive and negative influence to the river. Finally I will give some good future scenario through studying some references to make people’s activities in Alamar more river-friendly.

Chapter one

Non-point Source Pollution

River Pollution When we look at the map of Alamar, it is easy to find a river running between Alamar and Cojimar. This is Cojimar River. This river starts form an inland lake and end at a bay with a historical building. Forest cover the both sides of the Cojimar River so it still looks pretty in satellite image. If we go by its smell and appearance, the Cojimar River is extremely sick. Hundreds of sewers discharge their sewage into its bed. In addition to that, there’s the Suchel Company. This cosmetics firm — associated with the fragrance, good hygiene and cleanliness — makes a magnificent contribution of toxic wastes. The fishermen of Cojimar, dairies whose cattle graze along the banks and various farms are all near the river, with each involved with products that end up on our plates. When we zoom in the map, we can still find many small boats stopping at the mouth of river. People still live by this river though it is getting worth with the opening of Cuba. Another interesting thing is that there’s a pretty grove in which the city’s biggest gay “hook-up” area is located. It’s curious how nature insists on mixing pee and poop (from the river in this case) with eroticism and sexuality. River will be changed with its area and the resident there. Alamar is famous by its organic urban agriculture. When we look at the polluted Cojimar River, what is the role of urban agriculture? Firstly we should know how farming can impact river. There are three main kinds of river pollution. They are point-source pollution, non-point source pollution and invasive species.

Non-point source pollution is more subtle and diffuse than point-source. The harmful effects of non-point sources are cumulative and lasting. A key non-point source of pollution on the river is storm water runoff from farms, roadways, docks, and boatyards; the runoff can contain everything from petroleum and sediment to nutrients and pesticides. Unlike point-source pollution, where an offender can be traced to a specific outflow pipe, people live around the river are all contributors to the non-point source pollution problem. The cars and trucks leak oil, or other chemicals, that are washed from the roads and parking lots during rainstorms into nearby waterways. The fertilizers and pesticides applied to lawns run off into ponds or directly into tributaries of the river. The litter flows from communities during storms and is carried for miles throughout the watershed. And wastes from our failed septic systems and the cows in field contribute unhealthy levels of bacteria to the river through seepage and storm water drains. Most of us are offenders, and are unaware of our impact. Often, offenders simply are doing things they’ve always done around their homes and gardens, businesses, and parking lots, impacting the river but without fear of prosecution. We’re simply not carted off to jail for over-fertilizing our lawns. The fact is that traditional methods of enforcing point-source polluters -finger-pointing, regulations, and fines -- are largely ineffective means of dealing with non-point source polluters. Environmental education and voluntary compliance are the keys.

Point-source pollution

Invasive Species

Point-source pollution can be traced and attributed to a particular pipe or a specific fixed location. It’s possible to identify and point a finger at specific offenders. Identifiable point sources have been, and continue to be, responsible for discharging materials that affect the river; these offenders include municipal Sewage treatment plants and industries such as pulp mills and big factories. Discharges range from warm water to contaminants such as bacteria, chemicals, and metals.

Invasive species are alien plants or animals introduced into an ecosystem. They may not belong in their new environment, but they have an uncanny knack for capitalizing on man’s point and non-point pollution mistakes. Away from their native environment, where they lack natural predators and natural controls, invasive species populations are apt to spin out-ofcontrol, wreaking havoc on native ecosystems and knocking them out of balance. Once established, invasive species often assume a stronghold at the expense of native species, at times supplanting them completely. Invasive species run the gamut from pretty plants like the water hyacinth -- referred to by biologists as a “green cancer” -- to foreign animals like

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Housing

Farming Land

Shed

Housing River and Sea

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River and Sea

Farming Land around Cojimar River.i2

Production Activities in Alamar.i1

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Factory

Pet Waste

Fertilizer

Motor Oil Nonpoint-source Pollution

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Point-source Pollution

Invasive Species

Three Main Ways of River Pollution.i3

River-friendly organic farming in Alamar.i4

wastewater from the Town of Cotorro (total population of 74,500) is collected. The rest is permitted to run off into the nearest waterway which ultimately makes its way in the upper reaches of the Almendares River. The original intent of collecting the wastewater was to pump it to El Pitirre Reservoir located outside of the Almenda Res-Vento watershed; however, due to an inoperative pump station (Alonso Hernández and Mon 1996) this wastewater instead enters the San Francisco River (which ultimately flows into the Ejército Rebelde reservoir). Within the industrial wastewaters, the metallurgy center, including a nonferrous metal smelter (Antillana de Acero) and its secondary foundries, are of particular concern. Not only do the metallurgy-related industries appear to discharge poorly treated residual effluents directly to the river, they also impact water quality through metal-laden air emissions which deposit within the watershed and are carried to the upper reaches of the Almendares River by stormwater runoff (Lima Cazorla et al. 2005).’ Through this paragraph of Havana area’s waste water we can find the density of factories in Alamar area is low but the Cojimar River is still polluted which means the restrictive measure does not work well. So a more active resolution is needed.

the armored catfish. According to biologists, invasive species are nipping at the heels of habitat destruction from development as the leading cause of biodiversity loss in the river system. Chapter Two Why Cojimar River Polluted? Sewage from state-run factory This three way are the basic pollution source of river, what impact Cojimar River most? Through some research of Havana-Alamar water system, we can find there is a factory--the Suchel Company stand on the upstream of Cojimar River. This cosmetics firm — associated with the fragrance, good hygiene and cleanliness — makes a magnificent contribution of toxic wastes. This is a point-source pollution. Generally, this kind of pollution need government and policy to restrict it and make sure it wastes after cleaning. But this is a passive way which is always not that efficient. Here is a description of waste water in Havana. ‘The upper Almendares suffers impacts from domestic wastewater, industrial wastewater, and agricultural runoff including runoff from pig and cattle farms . About one-fourth of the domestic

Waste from informal production sheds In the excursion, we can find many trash and byproduction waste in the bay. Where do they come from? Through the research, I found many of them are household garbage and production waste. They are drop off everywhere on the street and nobody care them. Obviously they will finally go in to the river or sea by rain flood or wind. The reason of household garbage is easy to find, lacking of garbage can and recycling center. Where is those production waste come from? I found that besides the formal production factory, another factor in Alamar is the informal production in those self-built ‘illegal’ sheds. This informal production also produce non-point source pollution. The absence of local job opportunities has resulted in a wide range of informal production in Alamar. These initiatives are often extra occupations outside the regular job work-hours, in an attempt to have some additional income upon the state-regulated salaries. Since the urban plan of Alamar was never finished due to a lack of means, an official municipal central is missing. Contrary to the more formal commercial facilities, the informal manifestations have now become

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Go to river through rain

From the book <Conquering Nature: The Environmental Legacy of Socialism in Cuba> , we can found the sugar cane industry also pollute environment. In 90s Sugar industry is a principal source in Cuba because of the lack of pollution control. Same as other industry, government start to make rules to control the pollution. 5 “Previously, high volumes of all this waste poured into the Guaní and Managuimba river basins. The alcohol distillery generates 800 to 900 cubic meters (of wastewater) per day, with an organic matter concentration of between 40 and 60 milligrams per liter, thus requiring a large amount of oxygen to reincorporate it into a river as reusable water,” explained the Director of the plant, Ramón Santos Díaz.6 At the distillery and the sugar mill of the same name, technological changes were made to mitigate pollution and, for 2016, the wastewater treatment system is expected to begin irrigating over 500 hectares of sugar cane fields. There is a big factory Stella in Alamar , I am not allowed to enter and the guard told me they are sugar industry. I am not sure if the controlling of industrial pollution works but the Cojimar River is still polluted. The post-harvesting production is an important part in the whole farming chain. Besides controlling the industry, I think make the factory more organic is a wise way. 7

Another kind of waste pollution in Alamar is the logistics. The logistics in Alamar is very irregular. People use all kind of truck or American old car to transport food to market. Also we knew form Vivero that transporting those raw material they produce such as mint or vegetable dyes to another city will lead to gasoline waste on the road. These old cars are all out of maintain which means they are easily to leave gasoline on the road. These motor oil will flood into river by the rain. Pollution not only come from transporting goods, but also commuters. Alamar is famous of its urban agriculture. This is a good example to show how people feed themselves in an organic way. But this is not what Alamar planned to be like. Alamar was planned as a full-functional community with resident, market and production. Because of the embargo, these buildings did not be finished. Alamar is more like a bedroom community now. If we make a simple calculating, 93330 people live in Alamar, (45% of them are labor force (from the age structure of Cuba), 93330x45%=42000 jobs requirement. Through the excursion, the atmosphere of Alamar become clearer. It is a sleeping city. Most people live in Alamar travel to Havana to work every day because it is hard to find a local job in Alamar. And there are still a lot of people hanging on the street with nothing to do. They get money from the welfare or their kinsfolk in Miami. Bedroom community will lead to a serious problem which can be easily found in Beijing nowadayshigh carbon footprint in the way to work. This is already happened in Alamar now though it is not that obvious. Buses in rush hour are very crowded to move people to their working area, but the bus in back turn is always empty. Taxis are not easy to catch in rush hour and Alamar people are used to share a taxi with 6 strangers in a price of 10 CUP per person. This kind of carbon emission can provide very low value, only move people to the work place every day. The waste of bus and car will finally flood into river and make it worse.

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No pollution from organic farm

Citizens and community leaders participate in a Salt Lake City workshop.i6

with technical planning staff, steering committee members and policy makers. It is imperative that the public “buy-in” to the Blueprint Jordan River Vision, and that the project’s sponsors know the community’s values to create a corridor that meets community needs and has the political support necessary for implementation. Public involvement is important so that the planners can narrow the field of alternatives. In addition, through the process the public comes to understand the tradeoffs and compromises inherent in project development, so many sectors of the community are satisfied with the project outcome. Most importantly, the public is an endless source of passion and creative ideas that lead to the best ultimate solutions. Through building up organizations and workshops, the cooperation of professional planner and local community people become possible, community can be more positive to be river-friendly. 9

How can a community work with river problem? The Jordan River Commission has created two River-Friendly Recognition programs, one for communities along the Jordan River and another for physical projects within 1/2-mile of the river corridor. These voluntary programs are intended to encourage and recognize local planning and development design efforts that exemplify the spirit of the regional, community-driven Blueprint Jordan River vision. It inspires healthy competition and recognizes the hard work and dedication of local planning staff, elected officials, and private enterprise to improve the Jordan River corridor. Both programs are based on recommendations in Envision Utah’s Blueprint Jordan River, and Jordan River Commission’s Best Practices for RiverFront Communities. This program is completely voluntary, and in no way regulates the ability of each individual community to develop their portion of the river corridor the way they see fit. Instead, it is intended to reward projects that embrace the Jordan River, making it a better place for 2.2 million residents of the Wasatch Front. Public involvement was a critical component to the Blueprint Jordan River visioning process. Interested citizens, who outlined their vision for the Jordan River corridor, joined in a shared mission 198

Waste from organic agriculture in Alamar may be also a reason of non-point source pollution. But the result shows that the organic farming nearby does not use pesticide which means they do not contribute much to the river pollution. Through our interview of the lady from Vivero (the biggest and the most famous organic farming in Alamar), we can know how the urban farming in Alamar city use the water: ‘...And then, the water that we use is under ground. We have a well. From this well we have different irrigation systems: drip, sprinkler, micro DIY, depending on the crop. We have a small tractor. This tractor is only for pictures, he is always out of order. To prepare the land and to well the soil we use animals. We have oxen, we have three horses and we have a car to move material from point to point. We try to make the more sustainable possible......It is not necessary to treat it. It is good. It is not the same as the water that you drink. It is illegal to use public water......With the well that we have we don’t have a problem, but in the summer it is hard because sometimes we have two supply water two times in a day. This well is 34m deep but the structure is only 24. We always keep 10 meters to conserve because this place is very close to the cost and you have a very high exploitation to this water to salinization. But until now we haven’t had problems...’ 8 The organic farming use water in a good way. The best new is that they do not use any fertilizer. The waste water from the land is without any chemical source. And the incoming water to the land is only well water and rain. The irrigation of the farming in Alamar is river friendly now. But there is still some problem. The cattle they owe in the farm near river may destroy the vegetation which cover the river bank. This will lead to naked earth and soil erosion. And the cattle’s waste may also go into river directly. This can be easily resolve by district the action circuit of cattle.

Invasive Species The invasive species does not impact Cojimar River much but it still need prevent. With the opening of Cuba, it is predictable that the out coming species from ship or food may threat the ecology of Cojimar River. Out coming weeds also may thread native agriculture while some can provide beneficial. Weeds reduce yield in agriculture, though they may provide essential nutrients. Some deep-rooted weeds can “mine” nutrients from the subsoil and 199

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Waste from logistics

the most vibrant public social meeting places, dominating the street life. However, although most of the structures are legal and the ground on which they stand is rented, the self-built sheds are often of very poor quality and are an eyesore for the local urban planners. These sheds are in a middle area and it is hard to control both the product quality and product waste pollution. Wasting construction material, broken tires, food package and wasting electrical component, all these waste from the informal production shed can be found everywhere. They will all finally pollute water and they are hard to control.

when gathering these activities together. Just like what Jordan River community dose, a craftsmanship production organization will be founded first by local planners, artisans and artists. This organization can work with local community people and help them to improve their production-from furniture fixing to furniture designing, from textile producing to textile art craft. This organization can help people make higher value production and earn money from it. Also in the whole production process, people will use more organic raw material, such as coconut artisan or organic dye textile. This will give these productions a stronger Alamar tag which also cultivates local people organic and environmental friendly awareness. Besides these, providing more local employment is also a beneficial. Working in a place 5 minutes walking is much more environment friendly than 20 minutes driving. Improving the whole community’s production activities into a higher level can lead to a more riverfriendly production process, better development local economy and more environmental friendly awareness, which can make Alamar be a riverfriendly community from the root.

deposit them on the topsoil, while others provide habitat for beneficial insects or provide foods for pest species. Many weed species are accidental introductions that accompany seeds and imported plant material. This also need a watch and control from government and farmers themselves. Chapter Three

Through the analysis of the main reason which lead to Cojimar River pollution, I found the following reasons. 1. Formal production-factory is the main reason of the point source pollution. 2. Local informal production activity hiding in shed will produce much non-point source pollution (non-degradable waste) which is hard to control. 3. Logiest of both commuters and goods also produce non-point source pollution (waste gasoline) and high carbon emission. There is some advantage in Alamar which can be good opportunity to improve the case now: 1. Organic agriculture. This is a fantastic factor we can find in Alamar. They use a sustainability and water friendly way to produce healthy food which can feed 1/5 population in Alamar. This kind of organic lifestyle can be expanded to more sector in Alamar community life. 2. Artisan and artist. Though the artisan in the shed will produce pollution, but if there is a better working place, they can create more value. Also there are some famous artist group and rap singers in Alamar. They both show the potential of Alamar to be a creative community. For those formal factory, local government need more efficient and detailed laws to control the waste. This is a political-level problem which need time and the development of whole country. But we can do more from now on to solve the waste problem which caused by local ‘illegal’ production activities. To make the case more easily controlled and organized, gathering these production activities together and improve them into a higher level is a good solution. Which means the logistics of raw material and products shipping can be higher efficient which can save more carbon waste and the trucks they use can be in better condition to leave less waste oil. Improving the production process and final products is also helpful. Now those production activities happened in sheds are mainly fixing, wooding, furniture making or easy food making. These activities cannot create much value while leave much waste. But things can be different

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What can we do to make Alamar a river-friendly Community?

Bibliography: Erasmo Calzadilla,(2012) Rivers and Streams in Alamar. http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=82685 River-friendly Farm, http://www.theriverreturns.org/protect/solutions/ 3 Ibid 1 4 Armando I. Perez, Roberto Cardona, Luis Locay, and Helena M. Solo-Gabriele (2009), Water and wastewater infrastructure priorities for Cuba,476 5 Sergio Diaz-Briquets,(2000) Conquering Nature: The Environmental Legacy of Socialism in Cuba. 6 Ana Margarita González, (2016)The obligation to clean up the environment, http://en.granma.cu/cuba/2016-01-11/the-obligation-toclean-up-the-environment 7 Ibid 6 8 Interview of a lady in Vivero Organic Farming by TU Delft students, (2016) 9 George S. and Dolores Doré Eccles Foundation,etc, (2008)Blueprint Jordan River, http://slco.org/blueprint/pdf/BlueprintJordanRiver. pdf Adler, Robert W., J. C. Landman, and D. M. Cameron. The Clean Water Act: 20 Years Later. Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993. Gleick, Peter H. The World’s Water 2000–2001: The Biennial Report on Freshwater Resources–2001. Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 2000. 1 2

Images: Xiangfei Chen (Author), (2016) Diagram of production activities in Alamar Unknown photographer, Blueprint Jordan River,(2008) Citizaens and community leaders participate in a Salt Lake City workshop https:// www.lahti.fi/palvelut/kaavoitus/osallistuminen i1-2-3-4-5-6 i7

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YUWEI SUN

Malecón seawall as public space

The Malecón is a broad roadway which stretches for 8 km along the coast in Havana, Cuba, from the mouth of the Harbour in Old Havana, along the north side of the Central Havana neighborhood, ending in the Vedado neighborhood. The Malecón continues to be popular among Cubans, especially among those whose other means of entertainment are limited. It is also a means of income for poorer families, as individual fishermen cast their lures there. Although the houses lining the Malecón are mostly in ruins, it remains one of the most spectacular and popular destinations in Havana. It is a simple straight board road however it elaborates the lifestyle of the residents. This road is firstly built by Americans and later accomplished by Cuban governments in different period. So it is related tightly to history. The Malecón is beyond transportation space and function as important public space of the city. Activities of citizens happen on this road. It connects different parts of Havana together. What make this transportation space so attractive is the fact that it is interface between the sea and the city. This road as interface tightly connects water with city life. So I would like to explore the environment near the Malecón and how people behavior in this certain location. The aim is to see how the interface between sea and city function as important public space and how water shapes city life.

of the Havana Malecón seawall. The first stretch was built between 1901 and 1902 and covered the distance between the Paseo del Prado corner to Calle Crespo. The second section and rather more complicated on an engineering standpoint was started 1902 and completed in 1921. This stretch completed the

Cuba lies in the Caribbean. The north coast faces the Atlantic Ocean and the Caribbean Sea lies on its south coast. Cuba lies on the relatively small Caribbean tectonic plate. Between Cuba and Jamaica lies the Cayman Trench, which is 7,200 m deep. This separates the North American and Caribbean tectonic plates. Due to tectonic activity Cuba has been gradually tilted, causing the formation of limestone cliffs in the north and mangrove swamps on the south coast. Cuba has a subtropical climate. It is predominantly warm with an average temperature of 25.5 _C and average relative humidity of 78%. The average rainfall is 1,386 mm per year. Two seasons can be defined for Cuba, a dry season (November to April) and a rainy season (May to October).

Malecón up to the Monument to the Victims of the USS Maine. Then in the ongoing 27 years, the Malecón was left basically untouched. Then Industrial revolution happened, which lead to rising of middle class who promote development of Vedado area. So in 1948, with financial help from numerous private entrepreneurs, the Malecón road construction finished in 1952 till the mouth of the Almendares River. Malecón today is well defined at its two ends by the colonial forts La Punta to the east, along the neck of the bay with the iconic silhouette of the Morro visible immediately behind, and La Chottera to the west at the river mouth.

With 2,500,000 inhabitants Havana is the capital of Cuba, Havana is protected from the sea by the Malecón seawall. Besides protecting city from flooding, the Malecón also has a significant social value. The inhabitants of Havana use the Malecón as a place to socialize. Especially at night, when a lot of inhabitants come together to meet informally or to fish at the Malecón wall. The seawall is not used for port activities and there are no possibilities nor facilities to berth ships.

Malecón is disputable most important public space in Havana, while the original intention to construct this seawall is preventing floods. Cuba locates in Caribbean Sea, influenced by extreme weather condition deeply. Hurricanes can hit Cuba between July and November. Storms can affect Cuba in other months as well. Between October and April cold fronts can cause strong winds (that may reach hurricane-type forces), heavy rainfall and high waves. Dangerous wave conditions can develop, particularly for winds that are generated by cold fronts in the Gulf of Mexico. Malecón was firstly designed to be a boulevard. Then influenced by weather issue, designers decided to make it a seawall to protect Havana area. During different phases of Malecón, section kept changing to protect the city better, however still not effective enough till now. Even today, floods still occur time to time. In picture is a small girl standing in front of huge wave. We can tell from the photo that situation in terms of flooding in this area is still serious. Although disasters are horrible, the romantic way in which Cubans treat fierce nature is also surprising. In picture is how people have fun with waves when hurricane came. This reminds me The Old Man and the Sea. I can still find the spirit of the aging Cuban fisherman. They love nature and they dare to fight with nature.

Construction of the Havana Malecón began in 1901. At the start of the 20th century the buildings along Havana’s coastal road were constantly affected by northern weather systems and northern “barrios” of the city would often flood during the winter months. It was the American US Navy Civil Engineers, in conjunction with the US military who constructed the initial 2 stretches

Jumping off the Malecón.i1

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Malecón seawall

Phases of Malecon Seawall Boulevard Construction of the Havana Malecon began in 1901. At the start of the 20th century the buildings along Havana’s then ramshackle coastal road were constantly affected by northern weather systems and northern “barrios” of the city would often flood during the winter months.

The second section and rather more complicated on an engineering standpoint was started 1902 and completed in 1921. This stretch completed the Malecon up to the Monument to the Victims of the USS Maine.

the Monument to the Victims of the USS Maine Calle Crespo

Almendares River.

It was the American US Navy Civil Engineers, in conjunction with the US military who constructed the initial 2 stretches of the Havana Malecon seawall. The first stretch was built between 1901 and 1902 and covered the distance between the Paseo del Prado corner to Calle Crespo.

Paseo del Prado corner Havana

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during these decades there would be, for the most part, a 27 year hiatus, in which the Malecon was left basically untouched. This situation severely affected direct coastal transit into, what were then, the booming upper-class neighborhoods of Playa and Miramar. So in 1948, with financial help from numerous private entrepreneurs, the Malecon road construction recommenced until its conclusion in 1952 at the mouth of the Almendares River.

1 1901-1902 In 1901 and 1902, from the Paseo del Prado to Calle Crespo

Between 1948 and 1952 to the mouth of the Almendares River

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3 1948-1952

Between 1902 and 1921 as far as the Monument to the Victims of the USS Maine

2 1902-1921

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Malecรณn of Havana Vieja.i3

Cuba is an exception in modern world. It was cut off from world for decades. The country froze in 1960s and slowly decaying in the following 50 years until recently America stops the embargo. Now people in Cuba still drive their old cars whose doors can hardly open and live in old apartments whose façade is no longer complete.

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Copenhagen Waterfront Redevelopment

creativity. Current occupants include a hangar filled with street-food stalls, an experimental science and technology museum, the offices of design company and international cycling gurus Copenhagenize, and Denmark’s hottest fashion designer, Henrik Vibskov, who also runs a small café on the island. Even COBE, the designers of the new Paper Island redevelopment, have their offices in the warehouses. Relative affordability aside, the attraction of the island is obvious. It’s scrappy but instantly appealing, its plain concrete buildings flanked by palatial historic warehouses and offering gorgeous views across the water. It’s also right in the city center. Copenhagen’s new opera house is just to the north, while the world famous restaurant Noma is just south. But until a bridge currently under construction to the island next door is completed, it still feels slightly sheltered, accessible via ferry or a slightly long detour via another bridge. Backed by more partly redeveloped docklands, the area feels pleasantly unmanaged for somewhere in the heart of a major Western city. Previously as this island was for industry, there was no public access to this island. Now bridges are built. Everyone can go to this island and enjoy the creative atmosphere and beautiful sceneries on this island. In 2017, this five-year-period comes to a close and Copenhagen’s pop-up creative neighborhood must effectively come to an end. Construction will begin the following year along lines detailed in a plan from COBE architects, whose proposal was announced as the successful bidder.

“The way we live, work and play is by blending creativity, empathy and joy. This combination is infused into our approach helping brands understand, communicate and connect with their audience. We like to be challenged and are driven by unfamiliar opportunities and uncharted territory. Exploring possibilities and crossing boundaries in brand experience is what Paper Island is all about. We believe in the power of interaction and work with big and small brands of all shapes and sizes. Whether it’s an event environment, festival activation or brand-stand. A trade-fair, sales meeting or that immersive party, installation or performance. We could go on and on. Paper Island is a full service agency from concept to production. Drop us a line or stop by the island for a chat. We are always on the lookout for experiment and new collaborations.”7 Paper Island, also known as Christianholm, is one of most valuable real estate in Copenhagen. This island served as paper storage for many decades, hence name Paper Island. And since 2012, this island was left vacant. Divided from the city center by water of the harbor, this 29,000-square-meter island was perfectly located across from a series of important buildings of the city. After its contact expired in 2012, Copenhagen decided not to redevelop it immediately, and grant this island a period during which warehouses on this island can be let out affordably to “creative” business in order to make this city more interesting. It’s actually been a great success. Paper Island has become a very lively place. The tenants who moved in aren’t exactly fringe organizations, but they do read like a mini-roll call of Copenhagen 208

There’s two layers in Cuba, which are Cuba for locals and Cuba for tourists. These two layers mix together in every block while sharply separated by price. With CUC, tourists can eat in restaurants, rest in hotels, transport by taxis. While with CUP, locals can only eat a few kinds of food sold in certain shops and spend hours per day commute by bus. For tourists, there are many ways to entertainment, but none of them is affordable for locals. These two layers are never separate in space or time. They exist together. People in different layers can observe and communicate with each other easily, but both of them know there is a huge barrier in between them. The strange thing is, they can get along well with each other. After all, the local layer is the reason why tourists are there and the tourists layer brings locals hope. These two layers also exists in Malecón seawall. For locals, this seawall maybe the only spot for leisure activities around the city. They sometimes stay there for hours at night watching cars passing by and chatting with friends. They also observe tourists and try to talk to them. They are curious about what is happening outside the country and what would happen to their country. For tourists, they all eager to check this famous road. They also stay there for hours watching cars passing by admiring those gorgeous old American cars and beautiful decaying facades. They taking photos of locals kissing on seawall when sunset with background of shining sea and beautiful façade. Malecón is like a huge stage where locals and tourists act together for each other.

In fact, Malecón was only constructed to be a normal road. There was no ‘concept’ in this design. No matter plan, section or landscape, it was too normally designed to be such an attractive road. But everyone who have been there can hardly forget the beautiful scenery there. The reason why Malecón is so attractive may because of it context. On one side of the road is endless blue sea, the other side is lively city life. The board curved road offers sufficient space to admire the scenery. As the road is not straight, visitors will find as they move, what they see changes all the time. The other side of this area is blocked by a huge ceremony of nation. As a result, city tissue in this area is more connected in east-west direction. There are only a few transportation lines southwards. Central Havana area is a narrow city fragment in between sea and ceremony. This makes residents lean to move towards direction of sea. This makes Malecón even more popular among both residents or travelers. Malecón as street next to sea, is the lowest part of the city. People can always find Malecón and sea in between gaps of streets. So, travelers kept being remind of the existing of Malecón while wandering around the area. And for locals, the simplest way to position themselves is by finding out direction and distance to sea at the end of each road. This situation makes Malecón beyond its geographic realm and extent its psychology realm from seaside area to whole area. This public space shaped by sea called Malecón is not only the road itself. It contains all the roads towards Malecón. They together as a comb shape road system, offering local people several levels of public space.

There are three parts of Malecón and different part has different atmosphere. They are Malecón of Havana Vieja, Malecón of Central Havana and Malecón of Vedado. Vieja is the city-center of Havana and built next to Havana bay. It has the second highest population density in the city and contains the core of the original city of Havana. And it is a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Tourists like this part of Malecón. It connects to harbor and next to important sights. People can enjoy gorgeous scenery walking along Malecón when sun going down. Central Havana is an area in between Vieja and Vedado. This area doesn’t have high density of buildings like Vieja. It also not like Vedado,

Despite of Malecón there are other two popular public spaces in Havana: Wi-Fi Park and bus stops. Commonly, these three kinds of public spaces all connect to certain other functions besides leisure which are transportation, internet and fishing. 209

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which have well-organized streets and villas. It is an informal area for locals. This part of Malecón is occupied by mostly locals. Vedado is a central business district in Havana. It was developed in the 20th century, which is much later than Havana Vieja. It is a beautiful area with parks, trees and villas. In this area, most important business road La Rampa runs east to west. Malecón ends in this area at the mouth of Almendares river. This part of Malecón is surprisingly empty especially in daytime. Maybe the reason is La Rampa attracts people to stay in south part of the area. Another reason is this part doesn’t have large population. Instead, more and more fishermen appear when going westwards.

Malecón as public space

then ramshackle coastal road were constantly affected by northern weather systems and northern “barrios” of the city would often flood during the winter months. It was the American US Navy Civil Engineers, in conjunction with the US military who constructed the initial 2 stretches of the Havana Malecón seawall. The first stretch was built between 1901 and 1902 and covered the distance between the Paseo del Prado corner to Calle Crespo. The second section and rather more complicated on an engineering standpoint was started 1902 and completed in 1921. This stretch completed the Malecón up to the Monument to the Victims of the USS Maine. During these decades there would be, for the most part, a 27 year hiatus, in which the Malecón was left basically untouched. This situation severely affected direct coastal transit into, what were then, the booming upperclass neighborhoods of Playa and Miramar. So in 1948, with financial help from numerous private entrepreneurs, the Malecón road construction recommenced until its conclusion in 1952 at the mouth of the Almendares River.

These typical public spaces are all formed naturally without design. While the forming reason for them are different. For bus stops, people are forced by condition to stay there waiting for a bus. They do not have internet. They cannot afford magazine. The only way to kill time is chatting. In other parts of world, although people also gathered in station, they do not chat. In Wi-Fi park, condition is different. People volunteer gathering there and pay 2 CUCs per hour for internet which is huge amount of money for locals. Cuba have high level of education. People know they are blocked in this country. They eager to know what happened outside. In this spot, nobody talks. Everyone focus only on their phone. Malecón seawall is a nice leisure spot with beautiful scenery. Citizens enjoy sitting along the seawall at night. People are willing to come to this spot from home and they do not need to pay anything for it. They can even earn money by fishing. These three spots all have different functions and characters and they elaborate basic needs of public space that Cubans need.

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For Havana residents, Malecón seawall area have so many meanings. It is one of most important fast roads connecting different areas of Havana. It starts at the Havana tunnel, which is cross Havana bay and ends at the mouth of Almendares River. It connects Havana Vieja, Vedado Central Havana and Miramar. As this road is along the sea and without any traffic lights, drivers like go through this road. While in bad weather, huge waves can go over Malecón seawall. Then this road become dangerous. Then it is most important and famous public space in the city. In history, this road is a place to hold events. Vehicles and people gathered on this road to celebrate festivals. It was like an arena for the city. And it is still an arena for the city today. It is now the most beautiful spot for locals to socialize. Many locals gather there every night. It is also a spot for tourist to admire this beautiful decaying city. When searching Malecón in Google hundreds of beautiful photos appears. The most important thing is, this seawall is the place for locals and tourists to observe each other. They are mixed together on this road sitting next to each other and trying to talk to each other with curiosity.

After all, Malecón is a seawall. Although it doesn’t work well, it was built to protect the city from flooding. Till today, flood is still serous issue in Havana. Havana is located on a high-risk area of tropical hazards that cause high frequency of intense water penetrations. Massive rainfall and tropical cyclones are the main cause of the floods. In past 103 years, there was 68 floods happened in Havana. Malecón seawall itself is neither a well-designed public space, nor a well-functioned seawall. However it witnessed such long history of the city and so many daily activities of citizens. After all these years, it is now like a museum to the city, a wisdom elder to neighborhood.

Then this seawall is tightly related to history of this city. Different period of this sea wall represents different history period of this city. Construction of the Havana Malecón began in 1901. At the start of the 20th century the buildings along Havana’s

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It is also about politics. As an island, Cubans barely eat fish, which is because no massive fishing is allowed in Cuban law. In afraid of people escaping to US, Cuban government do not allow people to build their own boats in past decades. In this condition, fishing became the only choice. Fishing on Malecón is a typical photo of Cuba. Behind these photos are Cubans trying to feed themselves and trying to survive.

Conclusion

Bibliography: Oficina del Historiador de la ciudad de la Habana. Terea tecnica. Technical report, Centro de investigaciones hidraulicas - CUJAE, 2012. October. UNESCO CLT WHC. Old Havana and its fortification system, 2015. URL http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/204/. xS.A. Baart, Y.J.G. van Kruchten, R.T.McCall, and J.C.C. van Nieuwkoop. Coastal defence for Centro Habana. Technical report, TU Delft, CUJAE, 2006. M. Buccino, D. Salerno, and A. Capobianco. (2013), Physical model tests for the design of the seawall Malecon traditional, Habana city, Cuba: Intermediate report 3. Technical report, C.U.G.RI. Han Meyer. (1961), City and Port, transformation of port cities, London, Barcelona, New York, Rotterdam. 1999. Jane Jacobs. The death and life of great American Cities. https://paperisland.com/

Images: Tim Nafziger.(2009) Havana. Images are made by the Author i6-7 http://www.visitcopenhagen.com/copenhagen/paper-island-gdk916602 i1

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Multi-scalar and integral approach on designing with water

ANDREAS ROOT

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Is Havana doing sufficient?

Havana is exposed to floods almost once every five years, with emphasis on the once up-scale neighborhood of Vedado. Vedado is part of the areas most under the influence of coastal flooding tendencies and these tendencies are also increasing in occurrence. Adger explains that these issues can be and are tackled by several countries in multiple ways. It can take part in prevention and protection in a spatial way, in terms of policy, or in terms of social protection and prevention. In the case of Havana, there is a severe lack in spatial protection and prevention. Little adjustments to building are done but not merely sufficient. Resilience can be achieved by creating buffer zones within the flood line for infiltration and adjustments to buildings such as lifting ground floor facilities. The government will have to spend more money on floodproofing on urban and architectural scale.

nature. Havana is one of these cities that has many problems with its incapability to cope with the existing difficulties that derive from being a near water located city. With this paper, I will try to shed light on how major water- and coastal cities such as Rotterdam and other cities in the Netherlands deal with water issues and flooding. Furthermore, I will try to set aside a multi-scalar and integral approach towards designing with water, based on my findings where cities such as Havana may be able to profit from.

The main goal of this paper is to find out to what extend Vedado and subsequently Havana is doing sufficient enough to prevent their inhabitants from flooding and everything that goes hand in hand with the aftermath of a flooding. I am interested in this subject because it is highly related to my graduation design subject. Furthermore my goal is to try to figure out to what extent Havana is capable of implementing certain techniques used by some of these cities in close proximity of water that are able to cope with the arising issues caused by this proximity of water. I will try to do this by researching written papers about this resilience and architectural implementation methods on coping with water in frequently flooded area’s. Furthermore a trip to Havana will shed more light on the actual status of how Havana is din with coping with flooding in there urban space, on architectural level and on governmental policy level. While being there I will collect my own material and through conversing with residents of the neighborhoods I will try to get more insight in this topic of flooding.

Flood risks in Vedado As the image above shows, Havana is a city which is highly influenced by the forces of nature. It is directly and indirectly exposed to flooding due to hurricanes, cold fronts tropical storms and extratropical cyclones, leaving a path of destruction behind. Cuba has suffered almost seventy floods within the approximately last hundred years. Within Cuba, Havana is considered as a city with a high risk of high-frequency water penetration when a storm hits the island. It is inevitable. What are the main reasons for Havana being so vulnerable for these forces of nature?. A full understanding of Havana is not necessary, but with a focus on Vedado, principles can be found to be implemented within the whole city of Havana. The neighborhood of Vedado is one of the newest neighborhoods due to further development regulations and restrictions within the city of Havana. Vedado meaning, “the forbidden land”, which first was constructed of only forests and farms, afterward consisted of an upscale high-class residential neighborhood with a wide grid-structured urban plan. Forests or big green parks are hard to be

Almost fifty percent of the people nowadays are located in cities. The tendency to leave small towns and villages is becoming more and more relevant. A huge part of these attractive cities is located near the water due to historical advantages such as trade, infrastructure, and easy expandability. With these new tendencies to live near coastalor water-cities come flooding issues, which are dealt with in many ways by different governments. Due to water levels rising it is increasingly more and more pertinent to have an integral multi scalar approach to be able to withstand the forces of 214

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Flooded streets of Havana.i1

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Adapting to an issue such as flooding happens on many scale levels. Mainly because of the fact that it also affects a country on many scale levels. The fact that these issues are multi-scalar is one of the particularities in trying to deal with the mechanism that copes with flood prevention. A singular approach in prevention is not able to sufficiently safe the people and buildings from experiencing harm. Or as Neil Adger explains: “Crucially, an action that is successful for one individual, organization or level of government may not be classed as successful by another. Success, therefore, depends on the scale of implementation and the criteria used to evaluate it at each scale.” (Adger, Arnell et al. 2005, p.79) An example of changes that can be related to any situation, which Adger labels as an implementation or adaptation which can reduce the sensitivity of for instance collapsing buildings, is making a flood-withstanding ground floor construction in buildings that are within the flood line of an era, such as Havana. The way I see it, there are several kinds of levels of implementation in which a country can be active in its flood protection. It can take part in prevention and protection in a spatial way, in terms of policy, or in terms of social protection and prevention.

22%(15)

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103 year period - 68 floods in La Habana Vedado 21

Habana is located on a high risk area of tropical hazards that cause high frequency of intense water penetrations. Massive rainfall and tropical cyclones are the main cause of the floods.

20m 10m

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Havana Mole and its rocky shorelinei3 10

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Diagram of flooding in Cuba.i2

found. Why pick Vedado as a site to investigate flood prevention and possible implementations to create better resilience to flooding? Reasons for this is a particular entity within its perimeter, the Malecón. The Malecón is a sea wall that supposedly should protect the neighborhood of Vedado to occurring storms and waves crashing into its shoreline. So supposedly there is some protection against the sea. Furthermore, because of rising sea levels and the concern of the Cuban government addressing possible arising issues in the future because of this, studies were made by the Department of Dynamic Meteorology in Cuba to asses the most critical hotspots concerning flooding (Nicholls, Wong et al. 2007, p.01). This research indicates three zones of high sensitivity relating coastal vulnerability to flooding. One of these zones being the Havana Mole, a big part of Vedado combined with the Almendares river (see image). Main reasons for this part of Cuba being pinpointed as a high-risk zone for flooding is because of the arrangement of its coastal line. The coastline of this area is rocky and not gradual in terms of sudden earth inclination. This makes for easy wave development and therefore higher waves as they reach the shore. This research done by the Institute of Meteorology of Cuba is a frequently carried out research due to its highly

significant content for Havana. It also shows some of the flood risk assessments that the Cuban government partakes to be premeditated for such events as flooding. As the research concludes about the Havana Mole area: “The obtained results showed increasing coastal flooding tendencies on all the three studied area’s…..since the selected studied areas are usually affected by all kinds of severe events reaching the Cuban territory, it is possible to affirm that the detected coastal flooding tendencies are extensive to all the Cuban shore area. (Arenal, Baños et al. 2016). So not only is Vedado part of the areas most under the influence of coastal flooding tendencies, but these tendencies are also increasing in occurrence. What has had a great affect on the fact that it has come to this point for Havana, is because it is a country that in many ways extremely underdeveloped (Nicholls, Wong et al. 2007, p.317). Despite this, Cuba’s educational system and its health care system are highly advanced when compared with the rest of the world. It spends more than twice the amount of its national income on education compared with the Netherlands (13,5% in addition to 6,2%). Which is also one of the reasons it does not have the funds 216

So how does Havana deal with flooding in these three levels of protection? To start off with the spatial side of how Havana battles with a flood in their country. As the previous image shows, its main barrier against the sea is the Malecón. As we concluded earlier this is not a barrier which offers a great deal of protection. Of course it is arguable what could happen if the Malecón was not wrapped around the neighborhood, but it is not sufficient. Furthermore, there are architectural implementations on trying to cope with rising water levels, such as the Giron building, only 50 meters away from the Malecón (see image … ). Furthermore, during my trip to Havana, the buildings with public functions such as Hotels that are built after the revolution for the greater part moved their installations to higher located floors to prevent the flood from blacking out the whole building. Nevertheless, with twenty percent of the decaying buildings, mainly due to these environmental issues, including salty damp mist because of high waves, it is relevantly safe to assume that on an architectural scale Vedado has a lot of room for improvement (Mertins and Gómez 2014, p.210).

Existing green(buffer) and the floodline in Vedadoi4

to be as highly advanced in flood protection as the Netherlands. Moreover, its underdevelopment is also due to its halt in building anything because of the revolution starting in 1961. So as image 4 shows, we can argue to what extend the neighborhood of Vedado is ready for these occurrences, or even increasing occurrences when on a quiet day, the Malecón is even sufficient to protect the city from hurricanes, tropical storms and cyclones. The answer is no, it is not. The whole area of Vedado floods up till the street Linéa, which is seven hundred meters inland. Obviously what the government is doing to prevent homes, businesses, and facilities from being flooded and destroyed is not sufficient. There needs to be a change and the sooner the better.

To continue on prevention on several levels is the prevention in terms of governmental policy. 217

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A multi-scalar approach

heavy weather condition. Secondly, on a smaller architectural scale, they design sustainable spatial layouts such as raising electrical components in buildings to upper floors and placing buildings on higher grounds. Finally, they do a thought out crisis management evaluation to limit casualties in case a storm breaks through the dikes. This contains free-evacuation route and education in a quick response from neighborhoods. An example of this in the Netherlands is the Benthemplein(see image above) in Rotterdam, which collects water for temporal storage to ensure the sewage system does not get overcapacitated.

A quick digression When trying to compare Havana with the Netherlands, a country below sea-level and therefore evident in danger of floods, some differences occur. The Netherlands has a clear risk assessment for mapping the probability to which an area can be exposed to flooding(Drimmelen van, Koeze et al. 2013). These probabilities are deriving from many factors such as dike heights and engineering works present. Therefore when reviewing the paper of Drimmelen and Koeze the probability of witnessing a flood when located in the highest risk area in the Netherlands is 1/1250 per year. Whereas looking at the second image showing the Havana flood occurrence, the risk of experiencing a flood in Havana is about once every three years. The new safety approach in Amsterdam should even diminish the chances even more due to a multi-layered approach as they call it. This multilayered approach is not only applied in Amsterdam but through the whole country to ensure safety (Pötz and Bleuzé 2012).

2010, p.01). As GroenBlauw mentions, and to some extend the dikes apply to, is trying to create zones of buffering and infiltration. In case of the Vedado, the Malecón does not provide any green pockets, and everything is paved. Furthermore two parks that are behind the flood line, uphill are not doing anything to infiltrate or buffer water (image 4). An example of this in the Netherlands is the Benthemplein in Rotterdam, which collects water for temporal storage to ensure the sewage system does not get overcapacitated.

Havana versus the Netherlands

Final Thoughts and strategy

So when referring back to Vedado and taking a close look at this “multi-layered safety approach. It becomes clear that a lot of the problems of Vedado, and therefore Havana lay in the first two stages. They have, according to Bouali, a well thought out crisis management to make sure the population is safe. The first two layers, however, are less visible with an emphasis on the first layer of safety approach which is the layer of prevention.

The main goal of this paper was to find out to what extend Vedado and subsequently Havana is doing sufficient enough to prevent their inhabitants from flooding and everything that goes hand in hand with the aftermath of a flooding. Furthermore my goal was to try to figure out to what extent Havana is capable of implementing certain techniques used by some of these cities in close proximity of water that are able to cope with the arising issues caused by this proximity of water.

Something of more significance could be adjusting the Malecón to make it function as a sea barrier instead of just being paved surface that stops infiltration (image 6). An example of this is a design for the shoreline of Cleveleys (Image 7). It creates a barrier that has two functions, one of being public realm, the other of prevention against flooding. An intervention as this would of course be expensive to execute. A third and final intervention on urban level could be the second safety approach of The Netherlands which is the use of sustainable spatial planning. This refers to spatial partitioning, for example compartmentalization by means of secondary dikes or other structures (GroenBlauw 2010, p.01). This could be using new forms of infrastructure or grouping building blocks to create barriers and subsequently tackling risk management.

To try and shed light onto how Vedado, and therefore Havana could improve this part of Safety-approach, a couple of examples will be given to clarify.

When comparing the actions of Havana with actions of The Netherlands a clear difference was visible. The government of Cuba does sufficient in risk management of its own country when a flood occurs and with evacuation plans and alertness in that sense. The part where It lacks is in the actual prevention of a flood reaching the city. In terms of urban and architectural adjustments it could easily do more. It lacks infiltration and buffer zones. Many buildings are not flood proof enough to be able to withstand severe damage.

“The heavier rainfall caused by climate change will lead to more overflows in districts without sufficient buffering facilities. Rainwater buffering facilities can be realized by reducing the proportion of hard surface areas and introducing green roofs, rainwater ponds, underground reservoirs and decentralized infiltration systems.”(GroenBlauw

To start off with they make sure they prevent. So building dikes and dams that can withstand 218

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Benthemplein as waterbuffer during heavy rainfull, Source: Publicspace

According to a conversation with the deputy head of mission, Achraf Bouali, of the Embassy of the Kingdom of The Netherlands, ‘the main focuses of the government lay with an emphasis on first of all Healthcare, secondly education and thirdly military expenses. “ According to Bouali the people come in first place, when there is a flood, it is the people who matter. Buildings can be replaced. According to Bouali, in his knowing, not a single person has died during these floods because of the swift and organized response of the government with an evacuation. Nevertheless, people have died from floods created by massive rainfall, in which buildings were not capable of coping with the amounts of water (BBCNews 2013). So as I concluded in my short talk according to the Deputy Head of Mission of the Embassy of the Kingdom of The Netherlands it is not the policy what is the issue but the lack of maintenance of building stock and outdated construction. UNESCO, wanting to preserve as many of the heritage still present in Havana has offered a helping hand in this issue(UNESCO 2014, p.02)Finally, protection and prevention in a social aspect, there are several tools to work with that are not implemented in Havana yet with its main one being technology. Because of its underdevelopment, neighborhood text alarms, WhatsApp messages, and social media prevention is not possible to implement yet. These are technologies that can make for significant changes when it comes to casualty management when a flood strikes.

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These are adjustments that can easily be made in parts where decaying buildings are not used. The biggest terrain can be gained in adjusting its real flood defense. The Malecón, however, this is much more expensive and intrusive. If the government will not acknowledge the fact that they would have to spend more money on this issue it will be hard to develop in the subject of resilience.

Havana Cuba, possibility for urban intervention.i6

Bibliography: Adger, W. N., N. W. Arnell and E. L. Tompkins (2005). “Successful adaptation to climate change acros s scales.” Global environmental change 15(2): 77-86. 2 Arenal, I. M., I. H. Baños, E. G. Valdés, A. H. Mayo, O. O. D. Rodríguez, A. V. Llamo and J. A. R. Zas (2016). “The Coastal Flood Regime around Cuba, the Thermohaline Structure Influence and Its Climate Tendencies.” 3 GroenBlauw, A. (2010). “Buffering and infiltration.” Urban green-blue grids for sustainable and resilient cities Retrieved 20 november 2016, 2016, from http://www.urbangreenbluegrids.com/water/buffering-and-infiltration/. 4 GroenBlauw, A. (2010). “Multi-layer safety and water robust building.” Retrieved 20 november 2016, 2016, from http://www. urbangreenbluegrids.com/water/flood-risk-management/#heading-0. 5 Mertins, G. and O. S. Gómez (2014). “EL VEDADO/HAVANA (CUBA): CONSEQUENCES OF THE TRANSFORMATION PROCESS WITHIN A FORMER UPPER-CLASS RESIDENTIAL QUARTER.” Erdkunde: 209-217. 6 News, B. (2013, 30 november 2013). “Heavy rain in Cuba lashes Havana, killing two.” Latin America & Carribean Retrieved 20 November 2016, 2016, from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-25171388. 7 Nicholls, R. J., P. P. Wong, V. Burkett, J. Codignotto, J. Hay, R. McLean, S. Ragoonaden, C. D. Woodroffe, P. Abuodha and J. Arblaster (2007). “Coastal systems and low-lying areas.” 8 Pötz, H. and P. Bleuzé (2012). “Urban green-blue grids for sustainable and dynamic cities.” Coop for life. Delft, the Netherlands. 9 UNESCO. (2014). “Caribbean Action Plan for World Heritage 2015-2019.” Retrieved 20 November 2016, 2016, from www.unesco.org 1

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Urban strategy at Cleveleys waterfront.i7

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i1 Flooded streets of Havana, accessed on 20 October 2016 http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/world-news/havana-floods-torrential-rainhigh-5615103 i2-3-4-6 Image and diagrams are made by the Author i5 Benthemplein as waterbuffer during heavy rainfull, accessed on 24 December 2016, http://www.publicspace.org/en/post/results-ofthe-eighth-award-of-the-european-prize-for-urban-public-space i7 Cleveleys waterfront, accessed on 12 November 2016 http://www.maritimejournal.com/__data/assets/image/0027/474066/NOV_ Civils_2.JPG

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as an alternative source for irrigation in urban agriculture in Havana. To get a better understanding of the subject, first an introduction of the definition of wastewater and its uses is provided. This is followed by an elaboration on the benefits and risks of wastewater use in urban agriculture, the measures could be taken to manage these and the current wastewater system in Havana, Second, possible levels of intervention and the role of architects and urbanists in this process are discussed, supported by two interesting international examples. This will finally lead to some conclusions and recommendations for the case of Havana and the general architectural practice.

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With the fall of the socialist bloc in 1989, Cuba lost its most important political and economic partner. The national economy collapsed, followed by a severe scarcity in fuels, food and materials, and a standstill of most transport and production. As a response to the shrining food shortages, the inhabitants of Havana were forced to cultivate the vacant areas between the buildings, creating a local fresh food production to provide in the community’s livelihood. More than twenty years later, this practice has become strongly institutionalized. Not only is it still an important source of employment, income and food security for the city, but Havana has become internationally known as a front-runner in sustainable urban agriculture.1

With the fall of the socialist block, the Cuban economy collapsed. As a response to the shrining food shortages that followed, the inhabitants of the city of Havana started to cultivate the empty plots between the building blocks. More than twenty years later, urban agriculture is not only still essential for the food security for the community, but has become an important source of employment and income. Scarcity of fresh water, caused by urbanization and an inefficient water distribution system, is now threatening the existence of this practice. The reuse of urban wastewater has the potential to provide a more sustainable source for irrigation and even increase crop yields due to its nutritious content. Nevertheless, if used untreated, the use of wastewater can also pose substantial risk to the public health and the environment. Successful implementation is highly dependent on the level of economic development, the available resources and local objectives and requires collaboration of all parties involved in designing and planning cities.

Defining wastewater and its uses Urban wastewater is defined as a combination of some or all of the following components:6

However, scarcity of fresh water is one of the main struggles for the city of Havana and is threatening the existence and further development of this practice. After years of neglect, the municipal water distribution system has become inefficient and is in desperate need of repair. Most of the pipes are more than 40 years old, about 55% of the water supplied is lost due to leaks and the pumping stations often break down due to poor equipment.2 Inhabitants and other urban actors, such as healthcare institutions, industry, commerce and services, recreation and urban agriculture are constantly competing for means of supply. Since water has a higher economic value in urban and industrial uses than for most agricultural purposes,3 the government has now restricted the use of potable water for irrigation.4

Domestic wastewater, including blackwater (flushed toilets) and greywater (personal hygiene, kitchens, laundry, cleaning, etc.), Wastewater from commercial institutes and establishments, including blackwater and greywater, Wastewater as a rest product of industrial activity, Urban runoff, including storm water. The use of this urban wastewater in agriculture is not a new phenomenon but an increasing practice around the world, particularly in arid and semi-arid areas. It is estimated that worldwide more that 20 million ha of land in 50 countries are irrigated with urban wastewater and that more than 10% of the world’s population consumes foods produced on land irrigated with wastewater. Especially in low-income countries like Cuba both the need and the potential are evident: the growth of the urban population has on the one hand placed an immense pressure on the cities’ water resources, while on the other hand larger volumes of wastewater are being discharged. This wastewater is, intentionally or not, being used for irrigation purposes in and around the cities and has become a key element in ensuring the food security and the livelihoods of these farming communities.7

The local urban and peri-urban farmers are forced to look for other recourses. Local groundwater wells are costly and due to Cuba’s topographic features very susceptible to saltwater intrusion from the coast.5 Some try to collect rainwater on site, but most are depending on the close by natural waterbodies for their daily needs. Luckily, the proximity to the city provides the urban farmers with an alternative water source: the urban wastewater. Using waste water for irrigation appears to provide a more sufficient droughtproof solution for the urban agriculture sector, lifting some of the stress on the expansive fresh water to be used for applications of higher quality needs (such as drinking water). Furthermore, it has the potential to actually improve crop yields due to its often nutritious content and avoid surface water pollution. Nevertheless, if used untreated, the use of wastewater can also pose substantial risk to the public health and the environment.

However, the benefits and risks of this practice largely depends on the type of use. The International Water Management Institute (IWMI) defines the following classification:8

This article discusses the potential of wastewater 222

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WASTEWATER USE IN URBAN AGRICULTURE

Managing the risks PRELIMINARY

Measures that address the risks of the reuse of wastewater should make use of a combination of methods, a so called â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;multiple barrierâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; approach. These methods take in consideration the protection of four main risk groups: the agricultural field workers and their families, the crop handlers, the consumers, and those living near the cultivated fields. The measures can be grouped in five categories:11

Coarse screening and grit removal.

PRIMARY Sedimentation in settling tank; solid parts settle at the bottom, while oils and greases rise to the top. Both are then removed as sludge, and treated and disposed separately.

Wastewater treatment Crop restriction 12 Irrigation techniques 13 Human exposure control 14

Urban agricultural practice in Havana, Cuba i1

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Direct use of untreated wastewater; the application of wastewater taken directly from the urban wastewater network to the land as an irrigation source, Indirect use of untreated wastewater; the use of irrigation water abstracted from natural water bodies in which untreated wastewater has been discharged. In the first type of use, the farmers, local government and other actors deliberately exploit the benefits of the use of wastewater and to a certain extend have taken measures to manage this use and the corresponding risks. Unfortunately, much more numerous are the cases that are defined by their indirect use of untreated wastewater, either due to a lack of awareness or out of pure necessity.

However, in countries with limited income and means, the treatment of wastewater is not common practice and when other resources are scarce or too expensive, the urban farmers have no alternative but to use the polluted surface water to irrigate their crops. This water often contains the microbial pathogens that are contained in discharged domestic water and is responsible for the transmission of several diseases to both farmers and consumers. When polluted by industrial wastewater, the chemical composition can reduce crop yields and pollute both soil and groundwater.10

Benefits and risks The use of wastewater has the potential to provide considerable benefits to both the urban agricultural sector and the water resources management of a city. However, when used untreated, it can also pose significant risks to the public health and the environment. A good understanding of both the benefits and risks is needed to make the implementation more attractive, viable and safe. When treated and or implemented correctly, the

Chemotherapy and vaccination Although all of the measures are important, they last four are only able to reduce the negative effects on the public health after the event. The treatment of the wastewater is the only one that actually tackles these problems at the roots and offers the most opportunity for intervention by design. Treatment includes a series of processes concerned with the removal of solids and pathogens. There are three methods: physical, chemical and biological. Physical treatment involves sedimentation or filtration of wastewater. During chemical treatment certain chemicals are added to which other substances can be bound to force them to settle. With biological treatment, pollutants and other substances are broken down by bacteria or absorbed by plants.15 According to WHO (World Health Organization) guidelines the wastewater for irrigation should at least be treated to the secondary level, which allows it to meet the public health concerns, while, in contrary to tertiary treatment, still containing beneficial nutrients to farmers.16

SECONDARY Removal of main pollutants: in an aeration tank microorganisms are added to the wastewater to consume the remaining organic material, after which the mixture is clarified and the residue is removed as sludge for separate treatment.

TERTIARY Removal of specific pollutants with micro-organisms and the disinfection by chlorination or ultraviolet disinfection to kill harmful micro-organisms. The residual chlorine is removed.

In most developed countries the treatment process of wastewater includes at least the primary and secondary level before it is discharged. However, these activities are expensive and have high operating and maintaining requirements. Therefor they are a less common practice in undeveloped countries, where the treatment level normally only reaches the preliminary process. In some cases farmers do treat the water they extract from the polluted water bodies in their own settling tanks before using it for irrigation purposes. However, these private tanks are often improvised or do not have sufficient capacity,

BY PRODUCTS The solids and sludge that were residue from the primary and secondary processes are often send to landfills, but could potentially be treated to be used as agricultural fertilizers

Diagram 1; Levels of wastewater treatment in chronological order.i2

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use of wastewater in urban agriculture can have several benefits for both production, water resource management and the environment. Especially in areas where water is scarce, alternative sources can offer a more reliable drought-proof and less costly supply of irrigation water. This releases some of the stress on the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s freshwater resources, which can now be used explicitly for urban demands that require high quality water. A more integrated and controlled water resource management can avoid the pollution of surface water and additionally prevent the indirect use of wastewater by farmers downstream. The often nutritious quality of the composition of domestic wastewater has proven to increase crop yields, which results in a higher urban agricultural production and an improvement of the food security of the city. This can generate more income and employment, bettering the livelihoods of the farmers and their families. Furthermore, it eliminates the necessity of the use of artificial fertilizers.9

Direct use of treated wastewater; the use of treated wastewater with a controlled transport of the wastewater to the treatment works and of the affluent to the irrigation system,

POPULATION SERVED

TREATMENT & DISPOSAL

NOTES

Central (Habana Vieja, Centro Habana, 10 de Octubre, Cerro, Plaza, and part of Arroyo, Paya, and San Miguel)

1130 km. One part constructed in 1908-1915 and another part in 1940-1950

945.000

Primary treatment, Effluent disposed at Playa El Chivo near the mouth of Havana Bay

The system is overloaded. Currently servicing 945,000 but was designed for a population of 600,000. The system needs maintenance

Maria del Carmen (Boyeros and part of Arroyo Naranjo)

89 km. Constructed during the 1960s and 1970s

22.500

Secondary treatment, Effluent disposed to the Almendares River

The collection network has not been fully constructed and so the amount of wastewater reaching the plant is below its capacity. Plant is not operating properly and requires a complete rehabilitation.

Lower Almendares Watershed (Plaza, Marianao, and part of Boyeros and Cerro)

83 km. Constructed during the 1950s

102.800

Cotorro

23,5 km. Constructed during the 1960s and 1970s

20.000

49 km. Constructed between 1971 and 1990

96.000

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Alamar (Part of Habana del Este)

No treatment, Effluent disposed to the Almendares River

Sewage laterals have been constructed but the system lacks sewer mains.

No treatment, Effluent disposed to the San Fransiso River No treatment, Effluent disposed to the coast Diagram 2; Wastewater network Havana.i3

been forbidden, most of the city’s farmers have been depending on the local natural waterbodies as the main source of irrigation. This means that, perhaps without even realizing it, the uncontrolled and indirect use of untreated wastewater in urban agricultural is already a common practice in Havana. As we now know, this situation is not only a waste of potential, but dangerous for the public health. However, it seems unlikely that the Cuban government will gain access to the necessary financial funds for the improvement or replacement of the existing wastewater network in the near future. And even if this would happen, would this be the most economic and sustainable solution?

which results in only partially treated water.17

Wastewater in Havana Let us now return to the case of Havana. The collecting, processing and disposing process of the domestic wastewater of the city of Havana is the responsibility of the National Institute of Water Resources. The network, with a total length of 1570 km, is separated in five primary networks, which together facilitate about 1.2 million people (55% of the population of the city). Because the system was never designed to serve this large amount of inhabitants and is in some cases over a hundred years old, it is in desperate need of repair, technical updates and extension. As a result, most of the wastewater is currently only partially treated or untreated before it is disposed in the nearest water way. The situation is aggravated by the uncontrolled disposal of wastewater the many people that are not served by the municipal network and the industrial activities upstream. Because of this, both the rivers and the coastline in and around Havana are highly polluted.18

Intervention scale When discussing the progression from unplanned to planned use of wastewater for urban agricultural purposes, each country will have their own priorities. These are highly dependent on the level of economic development, the available resources and local objectives. Low-income countries, like Cuba, are likely to focus on minimizing the public health risk, while improving the cities’ food security, with minimal economic and technical means. To provide a more feasible plan of implementation

Since the use of the municipal potable water has 226

it is important to explore different scales of intervention suitable for the local situation and a more long-term gradual development process:19

more resilient and self-sufficient cities, which are able to mitigate the effects of climate change and urbanization. This requires the collaboration between urban developers, architects, governments, ecologists, water experts, farmers, managers of green space, citizens and all other parties involved in designing and planning cities.21

On-site treatment and use; wastewater from single institution or household treated for small- scale gardening, Communal treatment and use; wastewater from cluster of institutions or households for small communal agricultural plots,

In this context, designers, regardless of their interest in buildings, landscapes or entire cities, should assume a directive role in ensuring the integration of all measures part of the green-blue grid into an integral urban design that is both aesthetically and functionally attractive to the public.22 Nowadays there are of course already many architects and urbanists that concern themselves with these issues. Green roofs and facades, zero-energy buildings, collection of rainwater, waste flows, public parks and urban farming, they all are popular terms in the contemporary architectural practise. However, for some reason it seems like there remains a disconnection between the socalled ‘blue’ and ‘green’ grid, especially when considering wastewater and food production. Most architects and urbanists focus in their respective projects either on the implementation of measures to treat urban wastewater (sometimes combined with a green park or plants), or on sustainable methods of growing food in the cities. Even if a design addresses both, the two systems are often not directly linked. After treatment the water is used to flush toilets or directly discharged, while the cultivated crops are irrigated with potable water or rainwater. This is a waste of money, resources, energy and nutrients.

Decentralised treatment and use; wastewater from neighbourhoods or large communities for large urban agricultural plots, Centralized treatment and use; wastewater from city collected, treated and distributed from central location. We could wonder if this last step is necessary or even desirable. Decentralised systems, including on-site and communal systems, are so far not very common in urban environments, but can offer several advantages over centralized treatment systems. For instance, the decentralized system is more flexible and is therefore more effective in reacting on the rapid expand or densification of the city. The distances over which wastewater has to be transported and the amount of energy required would be reduced. Furthermore, in a decentralised system the treatment facilities could adapt their systems towards a specific type of wastewater, in order to treat more effectively and find the most appropriate and local purposes for the reuse of the water and the by-products of the process. This can allow for more small scale, low-tech treatment systems, such as constructed wetlands, of which the costs can be shared by several parties and not only the local government. 20

Inspiring designs

Role of the designer

In the following two design projects have been internationally recognized for their successful use the local urban potentials for the decentralized treatment and use of urban wastewater for the production of food.

So far, it seems that the implementation of wastewater uses in urban agriculture is an issue to be solved by political initiative and support, technical expertise, agricultural management and economic means. This is certainly not the case. For a successful integration of such a system in our cities, measures should no longer be considered separately, but as part of a higher context: the blue-green urban grid. This holistic approach should aim to interrelate and utilise all the aspects and potentials of the urban water management and the green infrastructure in order to create

A project that has been internationally recognized for its successful use the potentials of its urban surroundings in a very low tech manner is the Farming Kindergarten in the Vietnamese city Biên Hòa, by Vo Trong Nghia Architects. The Vietnamese economy is historically based on agriculture. However, nowadays the rapid urbanization of the cities, the transition into a manufacturing based economy, and increased droughts, floods and salinization jeopardize the water supplies, the food security and the traditionally strong relationship between the Vietnamese people and nature. 227

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LENGTH & DATE

NETWORK

Huertes Termales; horticultural gardens and pool.i6

Farming Kindergarten; vegetable gardens on the roof.i5

Huertes Termales; pathway covering the sewage collector of walled canal.i7

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Farming Kindergarten; aerial view of complex next to the shoe factory.i4

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The kindergarten is located next to a large shoe factory and facilitates the day-care of the children of factory workers. The concept of the building was to provide the children with a dynamic green playground in which the can enjoy and reconnect with nature, while made aware of the importance of agriculture and the processed involved. All program is accommodated under a sloping continuous green roof that encircles three outdoor playgrounds. On the roof green play areas and an experimental vegetable garden have been realised for agricultural education. Factory wastewater is treated and reused to irrigate the green areas and crops, and to flush the toilets. This measure has resulted in a remarkable 60% reduction of the buildings fresh water consumption compared to baseline building performance.24

Conclusion The use of urban wastewater as a source for irrigation is an increasing practice around the world. Especially in low-income countries like Cuba both the need and the potential are evident: the growth of the urban population has on the one hand placed an immense pressure on the cities’ water resources, while on the other hand larger volumes of wastewater are being discharged. This reuse of this wastewater is, direct or indirect, has become a key element in ensuring the local food security and the livelihoods of the urban farming communities. Furthermore, it has the potential to provide considerable benefits to both the urban agricultural sector and the water resources management of a city. However, when untreated, wastewater can also pose significant risks to the public health and the environment.

Another inspiring project are the Huertes Termales, a heritage agricultural landscape of 3,7 hectare next to the historical centre of Caldes de Montbui, a thermal city founded by the Romans near Barcelona. The vegetable gardens in this area were historically irrigated with the surplus of the thermal washing places of the city and collected rainwater that poured into the main irrigation canal, formed by three meters high stone walls.25

The ability to successfully implement the planned use of wastewater for urban agricultural purposes is highly dependent on the level of economic development, the available resources and local objectives. Creating low-tech decentralized systems that exploit the potentials of the local context and that form an integrated design element in the green-blue urban grid offer the most sustainable and economically feasible solution. This requires the collaboration of all parties involved in the designing and planning of cities. Architects should assume a directive role in ensuring that all measures are part of an integral urban design that is both aesthetically and functionally attractive to the public.

In the last century this landscape suffered gradual environmental and social degradation, caused by the pollution of the water stream that supplies the irrigation system, the privatization of the spas, the limited accessibility of the space and the lack of an organized gardener’s community. With the urban growth the irrigation cannel had become an open sewer, that poured much of the city’s wastewater to the vegetable gardens downstream, causing health risks for farmers, consumers and visitors of the landscape. To solve these problems, Ciclica + Cavaa arquitectes proposed to use the traditional water management to recover the private horticultural gardens as a public landscape that recognizes its historical value and encourages food self-sufficiency. The area was co-designed with and later managed by the gardener’s community and other local stakeholders.26

Bibliography: Nodals, A.R. “Havana.,” in Growing Greener Cities in Latin America and the Caribbean, ed. Thomas, G. (Rome: FAO, 2014), 10-19. Solo-Gabriele, H.M. and Perez, A.I. “Cuba’s Water and Wastewater Sector: Environmental Literature, Institutional and Economic Issues and Future Work.” Cuba in Transition, vol. 18 (2008): 378-389. 3 Heinz, I., Koo-Oshima, S. and Winpenny, J. “The wealth of waste: The economics of wastewater use in agriculture.” FAO Water Reports,vol. 34 (2010). 4 Altieri, M.A. “The greening of the “barrios”: Urban agriculture for food security in Cuba.” Agriculture and Human Values, vol. 16, no.2 (1999): 131-140. 5 Solo-Gabriele and Perez, “Cuba’s Water and Wastewater Sector,” 378-389 6 Van der Hoek, W. “A framework for a global assessment of the extent of wastewater irrigation: the need for a common wastewater typology,” in Wastewater use in irrigated agriculture: Confronting the livelihood and environmental realities, ed. by Scott, C.A., Faruqui, N.I., and Raschied-Sally, L. (Wallingford, UK: CABI Publishing, 2004), 11-24. 7 Carr, R. M., Blumenthal, U. J., and Mara, D. D. “Health guidelines for the use of wastewater in agriculture: developing realistic guidelines,” in Wastewater use in irrigated agriculture: confronting the livelihood and environmental realities, ed. by Scott, C.A., Faruqui, N.I., and Raschied-Sally, L. 41-58. Wallingford, UK: CABI Publishing, 2004. 8 Van der Hoek, “A framework for a global assessment,” 11-24. 9 Scheierling, S.M. et al. “Improving wastewater use in agriculture: An emerging priority.” World Bank Policy Research Working Paper Series, no. WPS 5412 (2010). 10 Scheierling et al., “Improving wastewater use.” 11 Carr, Blumenthal and Mara, “Health guidelines for the use”, 41-58. 12 When irrigation water of sufficient quality is for some reason not available, crop restriction measures can be taken to protect the health of the consumers. These measures can for instance include the limitation in cultivation of crops that are not for consumption, such as cotton, or of crops are not eaten raw, such as potatoes. The implementation of this measure is feasible since it does not require high costs or any specialized knowledge. However, it does not protect the other health risk groups, such as the farm workers. 13 Measures considering irrigation techniques have the potential to have an impact on both the amount of water being used and on the health protection of the farmworkers, the consumers and those living nearby. Spray and sprinkler irrigation are the most commonly used practices, but have the least economical use of water and the highest potential of spreading contamination, especially when used for crops with a large crop surface such as lettuce. More localized irrigation techniques minimize the contact between the wastewater and the plant, therefor offering more health protection. A well-known method that is successfully used in both developed and undeveloped countries is drip irrigation. This system delivers the water directly to the root of the plant, saving up to 80% compared to more conventional techniques. 14 The last two categories focus on hygienic, educational and medicinal measures, and are therefore not further elaborated in this article. 15 “Decentralised treatment.” Urbangreenbluegrids.com, accessed December 27, 2016. http://www.urbangreenbluegrids.com/water/ decentralised-treatment/ 16 Heinz, Koo-Oshima and Winpenny, “The wealth of waste.” 17 Carr, Blumenthal and Mara, “Health guidelines for the use”, 41-58. 18 Solo-Gabriele and Perez, “Cuba’s Water and Wastewater Sector,” 378-389 19 Scheierling et al., “Improving wastewater use.” 20 Urbangreenbluegrids, “Decentralised treatment.” 21 “Introduction to green-blue urban grids.” Urbangreenbluegrids.com, accessed December 27, 2016. http://www. urbangreenbluegrids.com/about/introduction-to-green-blue-urban-grids/ 22 Urbangreenbluegrids, “Introduction to green-blue urban grids.” 23 “Farming Kindergarten / Vo Trong Ngia Architects.” Archdaily.com, accessed December 28, 2016. http://www.archdaily. com/566580/farming-kindergarten-vo-trong-nghia-architects/ 24 Archdaily, “Farming Kindergarten.” 25 “Irrigation System in Las Huertes Termales / Ciclica + Cavaa Architectes.” Archdaily.com, accessed December 28, 2016. http:// www.archdaily.com/793625/irrigation-system-in-las-huertas-termales-ciclica-plus-cavaa-arquitectes/ 26 . Archdaily, “Irrigation System in Las Huertes Termales.” 27 . Archdaily, “Irrigation System in Las Huertes Termales.” 1 2

Images: Urban agricultural practice in Havana, Picture by author Diagram is made by author, based on information from Heinz, I., Koo-Oshima, S., Winpenny, J. “The wealth of waste: The economics of wastewater use in agriculture.” FAO Water Reports, vol. 34 (2010). i3 Perez, A.I., Cardona, R., Locay, L., and Solo-Gabriele, H.M. “Water and Wastewater Infrastructure Priorities for Cuba with Emphasis on Havana, Including Some Benefit-Cost Considerations.” Cuba in Transition, vol. 19 (2009): 478, table 3. i4 “Farming Kindergarten / Vo Trong Ngia Architects.” Archdaily.com. Accessed December 28, 2016. http://www.archdaily. com/566580/farming-kindergarten-vo-trong-nghia-architects/, image 17. i5 “Farming Kindergarten / Vo Trong Ngia Architects.” Archdaily.com. Accessed December 28, 2016. http://www.archdaily. com/566580/farming-kindergarten-vo-trong-nghia-architects/, image 8. i6 “Irrigation System in Las Huertes Termales / Ciclica + Cavaa Architectes.” Archdaily.com. Accessed December 28, 2016. http:// www.archdaily.com/793625/irrigation-system-in-las-huertas-termales-ciclica-plus-cavaa-arquitectes/, image 1. i7 “Irrigation System in Las Huertes Termales / Ciclica + Cavaa Architectes.”Archdaily.com. Accessed December 28, 2016. http:// www.archdaily.com/793625/irrigation-system-in-las-huertas-termales-ciclica-plus-cavaa-arquitectes/, image 2. i1 i2

The wastewater from the thermal spas was recovered as a source for the irrigation of the gardens and collected in a new public pool to accumulate and cool the water. From there, the water is distributed by the existing irrigation system. Residual organic material in the water of the pool is absorbed by floating gardens 230

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(phytotreatment). The city’s wastewater is channeled in a sewage collector that has been placed within the existing main canal, but hidden by a new walkway on top of its walls to improve the accessibility of the landscape.27

Vo Trong Nghia Architects try to address these issues in their design and simultaneously create more awareness among the future generation.23

DRINKING WATER POSSIBILITIES LIWEN ZHANG | SEBASTIAAN GEERDINK | ERIK BUSGER OP VOLLENBROEK

r: 3,0E01 f: 3,2E11 s: 4,0E12

Svalbard r: 1,3E03 f: 6,7E12 s: 2,2E13

Greenland r: 7,5E03 f: 7,0E12 s: 8,1E13

Russia

r: 8,7E f: 9,4E s: 1,5E

02 11 13

r: 4,9E03 f: 8,9E12 s: 5,6E13

Scandinavia

r: 1,9E02 f: 2,8E10 s: 7,5E12

Canada

Iceland r: 3,7E02 f: 2,7E11 s: 1,2E13

r: 8,5E02 f: 5,0E11 s: 1,2E13

British Isles

Central Europe

r: 3,7E02 f: 1,1E11 s: -

r: 5,5E02 f: 2,2E11 s: 6,5E12

South East Europe

r: 4,0E02 f: 7,0E10 s: 1,3E13

r: 6,5E03 f: 6,9E12 s: 6,6E13

Spain Portugal

United States

2,0E13

2,0E13 7,5E12

1,0E

5,0E12 2,5E12

L Total: 10E13

M Total: 10E13

r: 1,7E03 f: 4,5E11 s: 7,2E13

r: 1,2E f: 3,2E s: 1,2E

03 11 13

r: 2,6E03 f: 5,6E11 s: 2,1E13

Central America

North Latin America

r: 3,2E03 f: 3,1E12 s: 1,6E13

r: 1,7E03 f: 1,9E12 s: 1,7E12

South WestAfrica

North West Latin America

Surface water

r: 1,5E04 f: 1,6E12 s: 3,7E13

Salt water

Brazil

* All the numbers are in m3

r: 1,1E03 f: 1,2E11 s: 2,0E13

Chile

r: 2,3E02 f: 1,2E10 s: 1,4E12

Uruguay

r: 5,5E f: 8,7E s: 5,2E

03 11 12

r: 3,5E03 f: 5,7E11 s: 1,3E13

South East Asia

r: 1,7E03 f: 3,0E10 s: 2,6E13

Malaysia Philippines

r: 1,1E02 f: 9,8E09 s: 5,3E12

r: 1,8E f: 2,5E s: 6,8E

Sri Lanka

East Central Africa

West Central Africa

Bangladesh

India

East Africa

r: 7,4E02 f: 2,1E11 s: 1,0E13

r: 6,4E03 f: 1,1E12 s: 2,8E13

Rain water

sources: Wikipedia / World Data Bank /

r: 6,3E03 f: 4,2E11 s: -

03 11 11

S Total: 10E13

This map is made in order to show the potential of different areas of the world in future economic expansion in a scenario in which water becomes the limiting factor. In this scenario we asume that technology would be developed in such a way desalination of water would be comercially feasible. The coastal areas then gain a lot more preference.

West Africa

Nepal r: 3,5E02 f: 1,8E11 s: 8,6E11

Central Middle East

3,0E13

Japan

Korea

r: 3,0E f: 3,8E s: -

r: 4,0E02 f: 3,9E10 s: -

r: 9,1E02 f: s: 1,4E12

North Africa

4,0E13

r: 6,1E02 f: 1,3E11 s: 4,5E13

r: 2,5E02 f: 2,9E10 s: 3,6E12

02 10

Middle East

r: 5,5E f: 1,5E s: 1,4E

6,0E13

r: 6,1E03 f: 2,7E12 s: 3,8E13

China

Turkey 02 11 14

Mongolia

Central Asia

r: 4,7E02 f: 1,4E11 s: 3,3E12

8,0E13

4,0E13

r: 8,2E02 f: 7,6E11 s: -

r: 4,9E03 f: 9,3E11 s: 6,2E13

Indonesia

r: 2,1E03 f: 1,1E12

South s: 8,2E12 Central Africa South East Africa

r: 1,4E03 f: 1,0E11 s: 2,4E13

Papua New Guinea r: 2,2E02 f: 1,2E10 s: 5,0E13

r: 8,9E02 f: 5,5E10 s: 4,4E13

East Oceania

Madagascar r: 4,1E02 f: 5,9E11 s: 6,1E13

r: 1,1E03 f: 2,1E11 s: 2,1E13

Australia

South Africa r: 1,6E03 f: 4,4E11 s: 1,2E13

Argentina

r: 4,6E02 f: 2,1E11 s: 4,1E13

New Zealnd

ERIK BUSGER OP VOLLENBROEK

The Malecón is facing a difficult challenge, with the changing climate storms will become more frequent and flood will occur more often. The current seawall is deteriorating and needs to be restored and improved. To face these problems the Malecón has to adapt, but what would be the best approach to protect the Malecón? This article describes solutions and argues which would be the best based on social – technical and financial aspects. It is based on research, investigations, examples and interviews.

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Walking down the Malecón in the late afternoon, there is a strong wind blowing over the 8 km long coastline of Havana. This doesn’t seems to matter to the people, kids are playing football alongside the six lane highway. Although there are not that many cars, normally there are beautiful old Chevrolets. It is a Saturday after all so maybe people were enjoying their weekends. Next to fisherman I see a dark skinned man throwing something in the ocean, I walk up to him and asked him what he was doing. In broken English he said that he was giving an offer to the Yoruba gods. Realizing that this was part of his religion I thanked him and walked away. After a 15 minutes I could see the architecture style change, at the start of the Malecón in the old Havana stood the Kariatide building. Built in the 20th century with Art-deco style. But now I am flanked by Russian apartment blocks of Vedado with a concrete prefab system. As I walk closer to the two stories high building I can see white efflorescence on the wall. This is probably because all the salts in the façade, the building conditions are poor. I notice that each neighbourhood resembles a part of the Cuban history. First there where the influences of the Spanish then shortly the British, then a longer period of the Americans and finally the Russians. How would this continue ? As I look around I see a lot of young intimate couples enjoying the gorgeous sunset. As it is getting darker the streetlights are turned on, a beautiful scene presents itself. The light pastel coloured buildings fades into the background, the artificial lighting is reflected in the ocean. Hundred meters away I hear Cuban music, I decide to approach the group. The weather took a turn for the worse, the wind was getting stronger but the closer I get the more people I see. They seem to have fun even though they are not financially fortunate. A man comes up to me and asks ‘’could you spare some change‘’, I look in my wallet and give him my coins and tell him to enjoy the evening. He smiles, thanks me and walks away. Standing there for 10 minutes I realized this is the entertainment for the middle and lower class, it’s like an open air theatre. After enjoying the music for another 10 minutes I continued my walk down the Malecón. When I look back I see a scantily dressed woman approach me. She was around thirty years old and asked ‘’would you like to come home with me’’. I looked at her and polity declined her offer. I almost reached the end of the Malecón my hotel was only 5 minutes’ walk away. It started to rain, the ocean was getting wilder and wilder. All of a sudden a giant wave crashed two meter in front of me. Within a second another wave crashed over the Malecón, my shoes where completely wet. So I start to run while running to my hotel I see that there was a

blockade on the streets, That must have been the reason why there weren’t any cars on the road. Almost at the hotel I think why could they not have told me about the storm. After putting on some dry clothes I realize how can Havana adapt to the changing circumstances.

What are the adaptive possibilities for the Havana Malecón with the rising sea level and storm surge? What to do? If the future of the Malecón has to be guaranteed things have to change. A new approach is required to ensure that the flooding will stop. There are roughly three approaches to handle the current problem: defend, attack and retreat.3 Defend Defending Havana from the flooding means to ensure that the seawater does not enter the city. Built a defence to protect the city from the waves of the ocean. But is it possible to design the defences in a place where they are economically and commercially viable? Dikes built around the world in the last centuries have some negative side effects. They reduced the access to water, damaged the coastal areas and are costly in maintenance and improvements. However, they do succeed in protecting the society behind the dikes. A possible upgrade could give the defence a dual function, for proximity to water. The defence will also create an internal zone on the city side. Perfect for public space, nature or an area where kids can play safely in the water. Another upside to defending, beside the protection, is that the existing infrastructure and city does not need to relocate to higher ground. The downside to this plan is maintaining the structure. Because due to the changing climate the defence has to raise as the sea level increases, it’s a vicious circle. The city development is limited towards the sea. Which brings up the following question: Where to put the defence so that the city can still accommodate growth in all directions? Attack To attack is to step toward the sea into the coastline. With this approach a lot of potential is gained in city development on the water. The increasing population of Havana does not have to move to the countryside, where it is harder to make a living. It will ensure their sustained social and economic vitality. A downside of this approach is that old parts of Havana and especially the Malecón is vulnerable to flooding. Do the long235

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Sunset in Old Havana with the street lights of El Malecon.i1

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Wave crashing into the Malecรณn.i2

Defend approach.i3

Retreat The retreat approach sounds like giving up but that is not the case. This approach is to step back from the problem temporarily and avoid a potential catastrophic blow. Move critical infrastructure and housing to safer ground and allow water into the city. Hereby lowering and alleviate the flood risks. It is different from abandonment because long term manage processes are planned. In this way when the coastline is overthrown with the waves of the ocean the flood can be managed and directed into certain areas. This reduces the risks of areas further inland being flooded. An advantage could be to use the floods and generate tide and wave energy. The main reason this approach would be chosen is the cost of the defence systems to increase longterm sustainability. For the nature and ecology in this area it is good because much needed salt marsh and mud flats are created. The money that would be spent on flood defence could relocate communities and infrastructure. This approach is only chosen in areas where is either no habitation or just a few.4 Is it possible and practical to retreat from a populated area? A 300m2 bathhouse in Connecticut was build 85 meter inland from the one it replaced. Four meters above ground allowing the water to go underneath. It was part of an overall ‘’move up the beach’’4 strategy to protect the park and beach.

Defending the Malecòn As seen in the Big U project the local community has different preferences, each compartment got their own solutions. Where Manhattan faces water from three sides the Malecón has only one and it only is half the length. The social aspects that are important to the Cubans and tourist are; Increase the sidewalks, reduce cars, preserve view of the ocean and improve the public space. The technical aspect are; flood protection, improvements to the existing seawall and restoration buildings on the Malecón. The main question when it comes to defending the Malecón is where to put the defence. In this chapter I will describe three different placements and possible solutions for each of the positions. Each solution is criticized on social, technical and economic aspects.

Retreat approach.i3

Curved seawall Here the geometry of the seawall is altered. The top of the wall is curved towards the sea. Waves break on the wall but the splashes are directed backwards instead of over the wall. The characteristics and quality of the Malecón stays the same but is less prone to flooding during storms. In an event of the natural disaster like a hurricane of tsunami it will probably flood. This alternative does not solve the problem of deterioration either. The force of the water could still break down the seawall. The social downside is that the top of the wall is wider. Pedestrians are not able to see the ocean and it would be harder to catch fish at the Malecón. Raising the Malecón seawall For this alternative the seawall is raised completely, this will naturally decrease the amount of water that tops over the wall. But it limits the view

Attack approach.i3

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Correct approach for Malecón In case of the Malecón defending seems like the logical correct approach. Retreat would mean that the most beautiful part of Havana, the old centre would be vacated and left behind after awhile even destroyed. Where one of the most important aspects is to protect the heritage of Havana. The alternative approach is attack, this would mean development in front of the Malecón. Whether it’s a new island or a floating structure it will disrupt the view from the Malecón. Which is and iconic boulevard of Havana, with new development the waterfront would look more generic and lose it character. Defending the Malecón should have the least amount of impact on the characteristics and improve the problems and qualities. This is depended on what the community needs. An good example of community participation is The Big U.

term development possibilities on water outweigh the risk of flooding? There are several ways of building on water, some have been practiced for centuries. Buildings on stilts that allow water to rise and fall have been used in parts of Cuba. So culturally it’s not a giant leap to use this kind of building typology, it is not like the Europeans or Americans are pushing their solutions on the Cubans. Another option is floating structures, these are used for civil infrastructure and housing. Because most of the cities are at the border of the island of Cuba, houseboats would not be a drastic change. A method perfected by the Dutch is the land reclamation. It also moves towards the coastline but is often integrated with some kind of defence system. This attacking approach has one big advantage over the others and that is it’s adaptability. It does not matter how much the sea rises for a floating house, an already build project by Factor Architecten in Maasbommel called ‘Amfibiewoningen’4 can adjust to a water rise of 5.5 meters. ‘’This could unlock a vital planning tool and give flexibility to our extremely dynamic twenty-first century cities.’’5 It encourages developers to come up with new ideas for the coastal areas like the Malecón. And if the city adapts to the changing circumstances it could be maintained for the next generations.

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Rebuild by Design: Urban flood protection infrastructure, New York, NY, USA.i4

THE BIG U The Big U designed by BIG architects is a 16 km long protective system around Manhattan, shielding the city against floods and storm water. Providing social and environmental benefits to the communities and improve the public realm. The design proposal was divided into three separated but coordinated regions. They were again split up into compartment each with their own flood protection zone, closely designed with consultation with the communities and local , municipal state and federal stakeholders. But together work to protect and enhance the city. For example the lower side Manhattan is divided into these compartments, each with their own unique characteristics and preferences.

community. Ground floors were flooded, when the power station went dark so did the neighbourhood. The community values the views to the waterfront under the elevated FDR Drive. Yet the community is severely lacking the range of programs that this densely populated community desires and needs such as community centres, swimming pools, sports fields and other recreational programs for youth. The growing elderly population is also underserved, lacking senior centres and related programs, nearby pharmacies and grocery stores. Additionally, the connection from upland communities to the waterfront is tenuous. The vibrant streets of Chinatown, lined with shops and restaurants change to less activated expenses as they near the broader streets, and open campuses of the housing blocks.

COMPARTMENT 1: EAST RIVER PARK East River Park offers a chance to solve a simultaneous problems of surge protection, flood mitigation, and the need for community access to the water. While investing in an underutilized strip of the park along the FDR Building on the vision put forward in the 2013 East River Blueway, the BIG U forwards a vision of a more accessible and ecologically sustainable waterfront that integrates vertical protection against East River flooding.

COMPARTMENT 3: BATTERY TO BROOKLYN BRIDGE In the Battery and the Financial District, unite protective infrastructure with amenities that enhance the waterfront for tourists, local workers, and the everswelling ranks of residents. Ranging from integrated landscape features in the Battery, to a system of deployable barriers, protective waterfront furniture that will enhance East River Esplanade, and new activity spaces transforming dark warrens below the FDR into brightly-lit social gathering spots, these additions promise to expand the waterfrontâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s appeal while closing a door too long left ajar.

COMPARTMENT2:TWO BRIDGES/CHINATOWN Due to the relatively narrow flood plane flooding was not as extensive, yet the impact was severe for this

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Slight slope of the seabed Tilting the seabed slightly will break the waves further offshore. The waves will lose energy, when they do reach the Malecón it is less likely that is will flow over the wall. Because these solutions are further away from the shore the social aspect do not change as the onshore solutions do. The technical aspects can be compared. It is not as effective as the curved wall or the raised wall but better than the drainage system or the absorbing material. The cost of tilting the seabed is expensive. Revetment Another near shore solution would be to create a boundary in form of a revetment. Waves would break before hitting the wall and protect it from deteriorating. Compared to the slope of the seabed this alternative is more efficient. But loses some of the Malecón charm. No longer will fishermen be able to fish on the boulevard itself. Most of the time you will see a concrete slope, the water is further away. These side effects seems small to benefits of no more flooding or deterioration.

Additional movable crown wall With this alternative a movable wall is added to the existing wall. Depending on the circumstances it is raised. The appearance during normal weather would stay the same but during storms it would function as an surge barrier. When a hurricane or storm approached the crown wall is raised and increase the height of the seawall protecting it from the waves. Of all the alternatives this is the most technical and costly, it would require a system that can predict the height of the waves and raise the seawall accordingly. This will add allot of technical equipment to the seawall which would change the characteristics of the Malecón a bit. But the social functions of the Malecón can stay the same. The deterioration problem isn’t limited or stop by this alternative either.

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Emerged breakwater The third category is the offshore alternatives, the emerged breakwater puts a mass in the ocean to prevent large waves crashing into the Malecón. The four materials used are: rubble, mound, concrete element and caissons. The breakwater is either attached or detached from the bottom. A downside is that it’s visible from the boulevard, along the whole Malecón you would see a strip sticking out of the water. Also the deterioration of the current seawall will continue. The perfect view would be distorted but the social function could stay the same or improve. Based on the criteria of improvement of the current seawall, the social qualities and flood protection the revetment is the correct solution.

this solution is the best if no hurricanes or tsunamis would occur in Havana.

towards the ocean and also destroyed the iconic view of the city itself. This will drastically change the look of the Malecón but also its character. No longer will there be people walking enjoying the sunset or sunrise. This can be improved by changing the public space behind the seawall. By creating a park or having art on the raised seawall. New qualities are added to the Malecón instead of trying to enhance of preserve the current quality. Increasing the height of the seawall will stop the waves topping over completely. The deterioration on the other hand will not, the force of the waves is still the same. Eventually the height seawall will starts breaking down as well. Overall it protects the Malecón from flooding and is cost efficient, but it has many side effects that are negative.

Improve drainage system Here the waves that top over the walls are not prevented but are drained. The buildings on the other side of the Malecón are spared. This will require a fast drainage system and is placed directly after the seawall. The positives are the minimal changes to the social aspects of the Malecón and it’s relative cheap. The negatives are the effectiveness of protecting the boulevard from waves and the condition of the seawall is also not addressed. Overall this alternative changes the characteristics the least of all the on shore solutions but is also does not solve the problem. Absorbing material The last onshore alternative reduces the splashes of the waves. By placing absorbing materials on the outer side of the wall. The forces generated by the waves are reduces which leads to less water overtopping the wall. Simultaneously it will stop the deteriorating process of the wall. The pedestrian side of the wall has not changed, social functions and views towards the ocean stay the same. The Malecón will still flood in case of extreme weather,

References: Siders, Anne. Managed coastal retreat A legal handbook on shifting development away from vulnerable areas. New York: Columbia Law School, 2013. Pötz, Hiltrud, Tatjana Anholts, and Martijn de Koning. Meerlaagsveiligheid: waterrobuust bouwen in stedelijk gebied. Amersfoort: Stichting Toegepast Onderzoek Waterbeheer, 2014. Futures, Building. Facing up to rising sea-levels: retreat? defend? attack? The future of our coastal and estuarine cities. London: Institution of Civil Engineers, ICE, 2009

Images: https://s-media-cache-ak0.pinimg.com/564x/5f/55/62/5f5562d5308ecb87f5b7e2de09e8163a.jpg https://www.flickr.com/photos/neiljs/27035859690/ i3 All the diagrams are made by the Author i4 https://src.lafargeholcim-foundation.org/img/80d2f92f-3f16-4a7b-a986-cdd6cc43c811/A14NAsiUSny-01.jpg i1 i2

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The wastewater infrastructure in Havana with emphases on municipality of Diez de Octubre and Havana harbour

Water scarcity is one of the most serious issues in Cuba and it has heavy impacts on people’s daily life. The lack of appropriate wastewater treatment infrastructure is one of the main causes of water scarcity and it is especially true in the hinterland of Havana city. This article analyses the current situation and future plans of wastewater treatment infrastructure and gives suggestions for future developmemnts with emphases on Havana harbour and the municipality of Diez de Octubre, where a high density of population lives with water scarcity problem but located far away from city center and lacks government’s attention. The following article starts with the overview of the water infrastructure in Cuba to give an overall understanding of how the water system works and some basic information of wastewater infrastructure. An example of solar aquatics system in Bear River is introduced in the last as an reference for future plans considering the special condition of the area and existing future plans by the government.

Water infrastructure in Cuba

wastewater to speed decomposition. Tertiary treatment removes higher levels of organic and solid materials and changes wastewater into potable water.4 Most of the existing wastewater treatment plants in the city of Havana are of the first two levels.

Water Scarcity is a worldwide problem nowadays due to the influence of climate change. The problem is becoming more serious under the rapid urban development and the growth of population. Cuba is particularly vulnerable under this circumstance because of its geographical position.1 The scarcity of water in Cuba makes the availability of water an important issue for people’s health and wellbeing. It is especially true in the hinterland of Havana city because of the high density of population but the lack of water infrastructure. The water scarcity of Cuba is mainly caused by the lack of alternative water sources, inefficient water supply network and the lack of appropriate wastewater treatment infrastructure.1 This article concentrates on the third reason and analyses the wastewater treatment infrastructure mainly in Havana hinterland.

Current situation and problems of wastewater infrustructure There exist five collection networks (Table 1)that consist of more than 1570 km of sewer mains and laterals, 23 pump stations, and 15 stabilization lagoons in Havana. These networks were built many years ago and can serve 55% of the city’s population.The sanitation coverage for the others is managed by smaller wastewater collection networks and septic tank coverage and it is estimated that only 19% of wastewater collected is treated and 7% of the population has no sanitation coverage at all.5

The water supply and saniation is Cuba provide a high level of access to its population but a limited quality of service. There exists a water management cycle within the country of Cuba.2 Each of the approaches in the cycle should be dealed with properly to ensure enough clean water to its inhabitants. Water was treated and distributed to the population and then consumed and converted to wastewater. The wastewater is then collected and treated to prevent the contamination of the water supply sources and thus ensure the cycle for the provision of safe drinking water.

The largest network-Central Havana has a total length of 1,130 km collection network with one part constructed in1908–1915 and another part in 1940–1950.5 The treatment of the wastewater of the network is only limited to sedimentation and partially treated wastewater is distributed though an ocean outfall pipe to the coast at Playa El Chivo on the east side of the mouth of Havana bay. This network serves a population of 945,000 people and it is overloaded now and needs maintence.2 Not only the Central network, all the networks within the city of Havana are in great need of repair and extension.

There are mainly 8 watersheds in the entire country. And the capital city is served by the watershed of Almendares-Vento, which includes the Almendares River and its underlying aquifer Vento. They together serve 47% of Havana Population. Now the area is facing the problem of the contamination of Almendares River, which is connected to groundwater supply.2

According to INRH (National Institute of Hydraulic Resources), there are in total eight wastewater treatment plants in Cuba. Within the city of Havana, there are two conventional wastewater treatment plants (Maria del Carmen and Sistema Central) and one small unconventional plant-Solar Aquatic System. The conventional treatment plants serve two of the five existing collection networks. But it was suspected that only 2 treatment plants(Sistema Central and Maria del Carmen) are currently operational in the entire country.6 There are also several treatment plants being planned and constructed throughout Cuba. All the wastewater treatment plants existed and under constructed are listed in Table 2.

Wastewater infrastructure in Cuba includes wastewater treatment plants, pump stations and collection system (sewers). Wastewater from homes, businesses and industries is collected by sewer and delivered to plants for treatment. Most treatment plants were built to clean wastewater for discharging into streams or for reuse. The most widely used way of wastewater treatment is through stabilization lagoons ranging from anaerobic to aerobic and facultative. In addition, wetland system and trickling filters are also used in this island.3 Traditionally, the wastewater is processed through three levels. Primary treatment removes solids by settling and screening. The second level contains an aeration process to add oxygen into 244

The Maria del Carmen plant is situated in the middle of the Almendares watershed and was built 50 years ago. The plant was non-operational and the effluent from this plant was discharged directly into the Almendares River. But in recent years, it 245

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THE PRESENT AND FUTURE OF WASTEWATER TREATMENT

has been rehabilitated.7 The Sistema Central plant is located within the Central network and is currently presumed to be non-operational. The last operational treatment plant in the city of Havana is a small pilot solar aquatic system plant located in the lower part of Almendares watershed. Only 5000 inhabitants are benefited from this plant. But it is found to be working quite efficiently.5

Water management cycle.i1

Coverage of five wastewater networks in Havana.i4

Similar to the potable water distribution system, many of the wastewater infrastructure was built more than 50 years ago and is not maintained well. The capacity of the wastewater treatment plants are not enough to cover the demand. It was expected that if all the existing wastewater treatment plants were fully functional, the treatment capacity of the country could be 107,900 m3/day. But for now, because of the non-operational infrastructure, the current capacity was only estimated 21,600 m3/day.3

Lower Luyano and Upper Luyano WWTP.i5

A comprehensive plan was made to improve the sanitary infrastructrue in the city. There are six future wastewater treatment plants planned within the city of Havana. Four of the plants are on Havana Bay and the other two along the Almendares River. In order to improve the sanitary infrastructure along the Almendares River, the Maria del Carmen plant was expended and two treatment plant, El Pitirre and Puentes Grande, were proposed and to be funded in the upper and lower region of Almendares River.8 Four new wastewater treatment plants were planned along Havana Bay and three of them have already begun construction now, which are EI Pitirre, Lower Luyano and Upper Luyano. The Luyano plants (Upper Luyano, Lower Luyano, Luyano 3) together with Martin Perez which located along Martin Perez River are designed to treat all the wastewater from the tributary rivers flowing into Havana Bay. It is estimated that the current operational wastewater treatment capacity for Cuba now is 21,600mÂł/day but once the two plants on Luyano River were completed, the number will go up to 159,840mÂł/day. The two plants will together treat wastewater from more than 100,000 inhabitants.3

Upper Luyano WWTP.i6

Watersheds in Havana.i2

Table 1. Wastewater network in Havana

Table 2. Wastewater treatment plants

Contaminents of watershed of Almendare-Vento.i3

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The Lower Luyano wastewater treatment plant has four rectangular clarifiers to remove suspended solids and heavey metals. A solid waste trap is also included to stop most of the industrial and residential waste flowing into Havana Bay. The upper Luyano wastewater treatment plant consists of primary and secondary treatment including clarifies and tertiary treatment. It was estimated that

Lower Luyano WWTP.i7

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Future plan by government

prominent advantages of this system is that it takes care of the sludge drained from septic tanks, which is very difficult to process by conventional systems. The water that comes out at the end of treatment in the solar aquatics system meets drinking water standards can could help to solve the shortage of potable water problem.10 The solar aquatics system could be used as a reference and be combined into the planned future wastewater treatment projects near the harbour. Since the harbour will be designed for tourism, public could be encouraged to visit and tour the facility. It not only improves the water quality near the harbour, but also provides more potable water for the inhabitants who work and live around here.

The Bear River solar aquatics system.i9

Considering the current situation of the wastewater treatment system and the future plans by government, some improvements should be done to meet the requirements of Havana people’s daily life. The water infrustructure is extremely bad in Diez de Octubre with a high density of population. Many people here are suffering from the water scarcity probelem. However, with the development of Havana harbour on its northeast, the water problem in this area is gradually getting public and government’s attention and more improvements of water infrastructure are made possible with the follow of interest. In order to achieve a more environmental friendly harbour and solve the problem of water scarcity in Havana hinterland, not only the rehibilitations of the existing wastewater treatment infrastructure (including the deteriorated collecion system, pump stations and wastewater treatment plants) should be implemented, more future plans should be made to achieve better quality and efficiency. Although several more wastewater treatment plants are under construction now, they are not enough to meet the demands. Instead of more conventional treatment systems, solar aquatic system and small-scaled constructed wetlands that suit the local climate and conditions could be constructed around the Harbour to better purify wastewater from the hinterland and help to built a better wastewater treatment system in the city of Havana.

Construction of Lower Luyano WWTP.i8

veloping countries such as Cuba.

when finished, it could serve 70,000 people in the Luyano River area.3

The solar aquatics system in Bear River can be used here as a reference for the future construction of wastewater treatment plants in Havana for three reasons: 1.One disadvantage of the natural system is that it is very land intensive. But it is not a big problem of Havana hinterland where the cost of land is relatively low.2 The industrial harbor is planned to be used for tourism. The following project could be used as a good reference as a publicly viewable wastewater systems combined with tourism. 3.Most sewage water around the harbor is treated through the primary and secondary level and then discharged to water bodies. But the solar aquatic method can treat wastewater to tertiary level producing less residual sludge. And it is cheaper than traditional methods.

Once all the planned plants were completed and the existing wastewater treatment plants were rehabilitaed, the capacity was expected to be 400,000 m3/day which is about one fifth of the countries’ daily wastewater flow.3 For the future development of the wastewater treatment system in this area, not only the rehabilitation of the existing wastewater treatment plants should be given priority, more investements should be given to the construction of new wastewater treatment infrastructure. Solar Aquatics Systems in Bear River A study in Havana City compares the operation of the Maria del Carmen trickling filter plant, a solar aquatic system and small-scaled constructed wetlands proved that natural system works better than conventional treatment.7 These environmental friendly systems can be considered as alternatives to conventional engineered wastewater treatment plants. The study also shows that the capital cost and maintence of natural systems are lower, thus proved to be more suitable for the tropical and de-

The Bear River Solar Aquatics Systems is built in Bear River’s downtown area and this facility not only meets the community’s demand to treat the residential wastewater but also becomes a tourist attraction and helps to revitalize the waterfront.4 The facility contains 12 solar tanks, a solar pond and a constructed marsh designed to duplicate a natural ecosystem. The solar tanks contain a va248

Solar tank.i10

riety of plant life, fish, snails and bacteria and they are gravity fed from one to the next. Each tank is a small ecosystem. As the wastewater goes from one tank to the next, more organic compounds are removed. After the process of the 12 tanks, water flows into a solar pond. The pond works similar to the tanks. It continues consuming the organic material and further increases the oxygen level of the water. Through these processes, sewage is not treated as waste but considered as food for the biological community in the greenhouses. After the ultrafiltration progress, the effluent is processed to be used for groundwater recharge, irrigation and other non-potable uses.9 One of the 249

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Conclusion

Bibliography: Carlos Lopez Vazquez. (2014) Alleviating Water Scarcity in Cuba. Armando I.Perez, Roberto Cardona, Luis Locay, Helena Solo-Gabriele. (2009) Water and Wastewater Infrastructure Priorities for Cuba with Emphasis on Havana, Including Some Benefit-cost Considerations. Cuba in Transition—Volume 19. Washington: Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy. Papers and Proceedings of the Nineteenth Annual Meeting of the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy (ASCE) held in Miami, FL. 3 Josenrique Cueto and Omar De Leon.(2010) Evaluation of Cuba’s Water and Wastewater Infrastructure Including High-priority Improvements and Order-of-magnitude Costs. 4 Gulf of Maine Council on the Marine Environment. Solar Aquatics: Greening up Sewage Treatment. 5 Alonso Hernández, J, Mon, E. A. (1996) Caracterización del Abastecimiento de Agua Potable y Saneamiento de la Ciudad de La Habana. Document Number 50443–1011/A81/036473. AIDIS and CEPIS, Lima, Peru, http://www.bvsde.paho.org/bvsaidis/caliagua/ mexico/02574e08.pdf 6 Bueno, S. (2008) Hacia Donde Fluyen Los Residuales?. Opciones, pp.4-5 7 García-Armisen, T., Prate, J, Marrero, Y., and Servais, P. (2008) Faecal bacterial indicators removal in various wastewater plants located in Almendares River watershed (Cuba). Water Science & Technology, 58.4: 773-779. 8 Artiles Egües, R., and Gutiérrez Díaz, J. (1997) Saneamiento de la Cuenca Al-mendares. Document Number 90469 - CD/2300/ A81/034796. AIDIS (Interamerican Sanitary and Environmental Engineering Association) Sao Paulo, Brazil and CEPIS (Panamerican Health Organization, Centro Panamericano de Ingeniería Sanitaria y Ciencias del Am-biente)Lima,Peru, http://www.bvsde.paho.org/ bvsaidis/puertorico/xxxii.pdf 9 Ecological Engineering Group. Solar Aquatics System- Growing Clean Water. http://www.ecological-engineering.com/solaraquatics. html 10 Eco-Tek Wastewater Treatments Inc. Solar Aquatics System. 1 2

Images: Armando I.Perez, Roberto Cardona, Luis Locay, Helena Solo-Gabriele. (2009) Josenrique Cueto and Omar De Leon.(2010) i8-11-12 Image are made by the Author i9 Folra Doehler. (2016) i10 Ecological Technologies Inc. i1-2-3-4 i5-6-7

Underground wastewater network.i12

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Water distribution near Havana harbour.i11

CAN THE MALECÓN BE SAVED?

JOHAN LAGNEFELDT The impending doom of the face of Havana

extremely important in how it allows people to stay seated instead of just being able to lean into it.

The Malecón is the hallmark of the affluent Vedado district in Havana. The rising tourism boom and opening of Cuba to American interests is sure to bring about riches for the area. Or is it?

This closeness to the sea is also what will bring about problems in a changing world with possibilites for development as well as impending global warming and climate change.

The Vedado area was the most affluent district in pre-revolutionary Cuba. As it opened it’s waterfront to commercial interests in the burgeoning capitalism of the 1920´s and onward it attracted the American elite bourgeois as well as gangsters and gamblers. Vedado was the go to place for a night at a cabaret, casino or laundering illegal money trough one of the other multiple entertainment venues and businesses.

Because of the strong identity and social function of the Malecón sea promenade, the wall will not be raised. Instead, one should look to the Dutch and other experiences such as the Hamburg Sea Wall to combine new physical barriers in the city scape as well as redeveloping the current buildings to muster temporary flooding and create a more multilayered city grid with more functions. Versaility means survivability. Another aspect is ensuring food supplies when agricultural lands will be salinated and flooded. Urban farming would both improve local production and strengthen social communities around the Malecón.

How can the low lying areas of Vedado be saved from the flooding and be redeveloped and what is the Cuban government doing to enact this? The great architectural heritage and water front heritage of Vedado’s Malecon is under threat. The low-lying coastal strip that it occupies is protected by a mere 4 meter wall originally designed by Don Francisco de Albear to protect against the sea, creating a seawall that would protect the iconic promenade in 1901.

The areas is architecturally dotted by eclectic and neoclassical villas and large family houses aimed at at most a few families. It also features several large towers which are either hotels or residential complexes. After the triumph of the Revolution, the The triumph of the Revolution put an end to this. The rich families of Vedado fled to the United States of America, leaving their houses to be re-assigned to poorer families who would overcrowd the buildings, often with one family per room. Vedado is also one of the older neighbourhoods in Havana. It occupies the east side of the mouth of the Almendares river and was originally used as a thorny buffer vegetation zone against invaders and as such wasn’t allowed use for pasture, Vedado means “Forbidden” in Spanish. (Otero 2013, p. 2)

The problem is that 1901 and 2101 will have very different sea levels. The possibility of higher sea levels and increased extreme weather phenomenons could have severe social consequences. These social consequences would include internal migration, economical consequences and possible social unrest. Presumably the current political and economical situation in Cuba leaves it in part unprepared for an increase in floodings as well as loss of land. The further local consequences of increased hurricane frequency and loss of potable water will from here on be investigated.

At the start of the 19th century Vedado was planned as a modern grid urban fabric and it’s forefront was the Malecón that runs alongside the sea. As such, the current situation of Vedado is that it’s main architectural landmarks from the 20th century pre-revolution era as well as it’s main tourist hotels are situated in a very vulnerable position.

On the other hand, the accustomedness of the Cuban society to scarcity of resources and decreased imports of foods and other vital products due to the long standing embargo could possibly give insight into how a society can better sustain itself during prolonged periods of distress.

The Malecón is the living room of Vedado. It is where Cubans of all ages go to walk, socialize, fish and talk. It is the most public space in an area that is notably less public than many other areas of Havana. As such, the long and narrow waterfront walk holds an extremely important part of the Havana and Vedado identity. It is closed off from the water by a concrete wall, leading to a shut out from the water rather than the archetypical Caribbean beach front.

As seen the low-lying areas of Vedado are already experiencing temporary flooding. This in turn will inform any plans for new or redesign of existing development within the city of Havana and especially Vedado. This will have an impact on future residential concepts as well as design.

The proximity to the water allows for a nice view and the breeze of the ocean. In the night it is active for both normal people as well as more shady business. The short wall allows for sitting on, which is 252

The current research on global warming concludes several possible hypothesis and predictions on sea level rise and temperature increase, creating different outcomes and consequences for coast 253

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The Malecón is no longer sufficient to hold the waves of the Atlantic Ocean at bay. If nothing is done, the current predictions on global warming suggests that large parts of Vedado will be under water after the year 2100 AD.

Problem statement

line recession, maritime life decline and salination of the oceans. As such, it would make sense to use several different predictions and do comparative studies of the eventual outcome and thus preventative measures needed for these different scenarios.

Furthermore a permanent increase in sea level leads to higher temporary levels during extreme weather. The question that needs to be asked is then, can the Malecón be saved? And what is the Cuban government doing in preparation for this challenge?

Earlier research on global warming and Cuba in particular have been done in part with predictions that might have been invalid because of outdated prediction models, as seen with Centella et al (1999). So what is the impact of the suggested climate changes in these climate models on the Malecón?

Risks Earlier floods and hurricanes has caused large physical damage but few lives have been lost in comparison to for example Haiti. This is due to a readiness on government level of warnings ahead of hurricanes and floods. The system in place is called Civil Defense and calls for evacuation in times of suspected extreme weather. This is however not gonna stop the waves. The government response has since 2005 been clear:

Climate change models Global mean temp change across all coupled Model Comparisons.i1

“[On the Malecón, author’s note] During the last couple of years, the area has undergone sporadic renovation in the hopes of bringing it back to its former glory, but now there is a bigger change being put in place: No more residential development will be allowed on the oceanfront. “ (Perez 2014)

The IPCC (Intercontinental panel on climate change) has used several different prediction models on future climate change with respect to Collins & Knutti (2015). Four scenarios are identified: RCP 2.6, RCP 4.5, RCP 6.0 and RCP 8.5. These four scenarios all incorporate future scenarios with increased CO² release, with the “worst case scenario” labeled RCP 8.5 which could represent in a 4 C increase in global surface temperature between the year 2000 and the year 2100. Furthermore, we can see the associated rise in sea level in these models. It would make sense for policy makers to take the worst case scenario in consideration to prepare adequately. Illustrated are the different predictions:

Since 2005 no new residential development has been allowed on the ocean front. Therefore, the focus lands on the current development which consists of large hotel and residential complexes. For the buildings in place that are not in too ruinous condition, measures can be put in place to protect during temporal flooding. Putting in another layer of watertight strengthened walls in the bottom floors can reinforce the larger buildings as well as moving sensitive equipment higher up. Possible temp responses across all coupled Model Comparisons.i1

Some lower lying buildings might require demolition to build flood resistant houses, but the ban on construction is currently preventing that. The other focus is flooding defenses. The wall as it stands is simply too low for an increase in sea levels. However, building a higher wall would block the iconic view of the sea and the lure of tourists as well as Malecón being perhaps the most important hangout for a lot of Vedado inhabitants. To what extent are the inhabitants of Havana ready to sacrifice a part of their identity? The Dutch have lived with flooding for centuries and pride themselves on containing it, as well as sacrificing part of their common resources to save the many.

A global seal level rise of 1 m would mean higher changes locally. It would also drastically increase the risk of a much higher temporary level change when flooding occurs. For Malecón, this spells disaster as the flood wall is only 4-5 meters high. Furthermore, Cuba is estimated to have 8.7% of it’s territory flooded by 2100 (Hernandez) How could this be visualized for Malecón? Climate central has already figured it out. Below are the estimates for 0 meters, 5 meters and 10m of sea level rise. Although a rise of maximum of 1 meter is expected until the year 2100 globally, this can be a lot higher sea level locally such as in the Caribbean with low lying archipelago.

Past and future sea-level rise. For the past, proxy data are shown in light purple and tide gauge data in blue. For the future, the IPCC projections for very high emissions (red, RCP8.5 scenario) and very low emissions (blue, RCP2.6 scenario) are shown.i2

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Alternatives to a raised sea wall would then be to look at the dutch experience. Dykes around the area could mitigate floods in the urban areas. A reservoir upstream of the river could counte-

Visualization of flooding zones in Vedado in accordance with Climate Central Data.i3

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The future of Vedado’s Malecón is ironically as much in the hands of the world outside Cuba as within. Earlier models such as shown in Centella et al(1999) have proved to timid in some instances.

Study field trip reflections

ract increased flow into the river during flooding. However, it might be wise to construct a second barrier further up Vedado. At the 600 meter mark, there is a distinct incline of up to 10 meters. Readjusting the current development in the lower level of the area to withstand flooding could mean that the higher level could be completely secured with another short wall. Elevated walkways could be used in times of higher sea levels. For the Cuban scenario, alternative ways have always been used and might be used in this case as well. Increased hurricans and flood also imperils the countrywide food production. Gonzalez in his work “Cuba seeks to guarantee food supplies in changing climate” notes:

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“Cubans already saw local food supplies dwindle in 2008 when the country was hit by three devastating hurricanes: Gustav, Ike and Paloma, which set off alarm bells with respect to the huge impact of weather events and caused 10 billion dollars in economic losses — the worst in the history of Cuba. “

Hamburg Water Front.i4

The Hamburg experience

public systems which means that less accessory costs will be needed to supply the new areas with services

For a contemporary redevelopment of a waterfront one can turn to the Hamburg waterfront renewal program. It is comprehensive program meant to redevelop withering parts of the Hamburg waterfront that has partly lost it’s function as for example a port front.

The Malecón and it’s surrounding strips are mostly commercial, dominated by big generic hotel complexes. The further you go from the Malecón, there more residential plots you find. Thus the heart of Vedado is actually residential. However, this monoculture of residential and commercial on opposite sides of the area was surprising, it was a quite quiet an inactive area in general.

Conversely, it seems that Cubas embargo has left part of their crop agriculture in a better position. Vedado features a lot of urban agriculture but there is room for more. A lowered productivity in the countryside due to salinization and floods could mean that the area and the cities in general become a bigger producer of food supplies. Heat resistant crops can also mitigate loss of precipitation in the area.

It was quite obvious that the area stretching from the Malecón to La Linea is simply too low lying and if nothing is done then not only will the architectural heritage but also the lifestyle of the inhabitants of Vedado be threatened. There is however also still room for (re)development in Vedado which can alter this bleak future.

Maintaining food supplies is crucial, especially for a more authoritarian government. The consequences of a starving population can be seen in the former socialist stronghold with strong ties to Cuba, Venezuela. As such, it is in the interest of the Cuban regime to find alternate ways of feeding it’s population to avoid social unrest and urban farming might be on of these ways in a global warming future.

Looking at earlier examples, (Schubert 2016) notes that redevelopment of prior sub-developed harbour or other coastal industrial sites were often using the North American Baltimore model. Essentially, singular objects such as warehouses and architectural heritage buildings would be remodeled into expensive lofts and apartments in the 80’s, creating dysfunctional mono-functional residential strips. The Hamburg urban sea-line renewal project brings the new school of though forward where the waterfront is part of a larger long term regeneration of the city web, binding infrastructure, housing and landscape in a new sustainable program.

Conclusion In my conclusion of my findings the defense of Vedado needs to be twofold: Initial physical barriers and concurrent redevelopment on a large urban scale. Drawing from the Dutch experience,

Furthermore, The Vento aquifier supplies 47% of Havanas drinking water and is connected to the Almendares River. An increase in sea levels would therefore increase the risk of salinization (Hernandez) of the Almendares river and a subsequent threat to the already strained supply of potable water in Havana. These are all factors that could easily lead to social unrest in Havana. Water is after all the most precious resource known to man.

The first measure to improve the defense of the Malecón would be to increase the wave breakers to ward off the bigger waves. Planting trees along the walkway would be a cheap and good solution to mitigate huge waves breaking over the wall as well as giving shade and protection from rain to people walking. As far as buildings go, no need development should be allowed without certain things being secured for construction. No sensitive equipment should be allowed on the first floor. Subterranean levels should be specially furnished

Hamburg will in it’s new program build upon an identity as a green metropolis, densifying the current spatial development. This will in turn lead to the advantage of using existing infrastructure and

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Looking at my study of the lower Vedado and Malecón area, it all but confirmed several initial suspicions. The seawall is so low that even during just windy days, waves will break and spray the pavement, over the wall. Furthermore, there are remnants of old curating baths along the bottom part of the seawall. These baths are horribly eroded and are now merely twisted skeletons of concrete. However, they also act as wave breakers, taking a lot of force off the waves crashing into the Malecón. The low lying areas of Vedado were visibly more deteriorated in their facades, an effect of the salt water which had enveloped them during floods. The first floor of the majority of buildings below La Linea has a distinct increase in worn off paint and cracks, proving that even today the floodings are damaging the architecture.

with water resistant material and not have living quarters. Furthermore, concluding from the Hamburg experience we see the importance of multifunctional, sustainable development. For Vedado this would mean bridging the gap between the public Malecón, the commercial strip behind it and the residential sites that make up the majority of decentralized Vedado. Using the waterfront to combine these functions like in the Hamburg waterfront renewal could serve to finally unite the separate faces of Vedado.

Sketches of future scenarios for Vedado.i5

Alonso, G, Clark, I. (2015) Cuba Confronts Climate Change MEDICC Review Print version ISSN1555-7960 MEDICC rev.vol.17n.2 Oakland Apr.2015 Accessed 01/03/2017 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/26027581 Centella, A. Gutiérrez, T. Limia, M. Rivero, R. (1999) Climate change scenarios for impact assessment in Cuba Climate Resarch Vol. 12: 223–230, published 27th of august 1999, Institute of Meteorology, Cuba Accessed on the 01/03/2017 http://www.int-res.com/ articles/cr/12/c012p223.pdf Concepción O. (2013) El Vedado: History of a Havana Neighbourhood Lightning Source Publishing 1st ed 2013 Gonzalez, I. (2013) Cuba seeks to guarantee food supplies in changing climate I.Inter Press Service published 7th of july 2013, Accessed 01/03/2017 https://ourworld.unu.edu/en/cuba-seeks-to-guarantee-food-supplies-in-changing-climate Hernandéz, M. Martíne, C. & Marzo, O. (2013) Consequences of sea level variability and sea level rise for Cuban territory 1 Institute of Oceanology, 18406 1st Avenue, Flores, Playa, Havana, Cuba 2 National Tide Gauge Network, Geocuba Geodesia, Loma and 39, Plaza, Havana, Cuba Accessed 01/03/2017 http://www.proc-iahs.net/365/22/2015/piahs-365-22-2015.pdf Mertins, G and Gómez , O. (2014) El Vedado / Havana (Cuba): Consequences of the transformation process within a former upperclass residential quarter Department of Geography Philipps-University Marburg, Germany Accessed on the 01/03/2017 https://www.erdkunde.uni-bonn.de/archive/2014/el-vedado-havana-cuba-consequences-of-the-transformation-process-within-aformer-upper-class-residential-quarter Perez, I. (2014) Adaption: Cubans find preparing for climate change hard, expensive and essential ClimateWire: Monday, June 16, 2014 Accessed on the 01/03/2017 http://www.eenews.net/stories/1060001239 Schubert,D. (2016) Three contrasting approaches to urban redevelopment and waterfront transformations in Hamburg: “String of pearls”, Hafencity and IBA(International building exhibition) Accessed on the 01/03/2017 https://www.hcu-hamburg.de/fileadmin/ documents/Review-Isocarp.pdf

Images:

Sketch of proposed measures.i6

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i1 Matthew, Collins et al, Long-term Climate Change:Projections, Commitments and Irreversibility (2013) “Global mean temp change and temp respones across all coupled Model Comparisons”: IPCC AR5 Fig. 13.27. and FAQ 12.1 figure 1. Accessed on the 04th of january 2017 http://www.climatechange2013.org/images/report/WG1AR5_Chapter12_FINAL.pdf i2 Andrew, Church et al, Sea Level Change. (2013) “Sea level predictions” Accessed on the 04th of january 2017 http://www.climatechange2013.org/images/report/WG1AR5_Chapter13_FINAL.pdf i3 Climate Central(2015) Visualization of flooding zones in Vedado in accordance with Climate Central Data , accessed on 03 January 2017 http://ss2.climatecentral.org/#12/40.7298/-74.0070?show=satellite&projections=0-RCP85-SLR&level=5&unit=feet&pois=hide i4 Carlos, Zeballos, .(2016) “Hamburg water front”. http://architecturalmoleskine.blogspot.se/2013/04/hafencity-large-urban-projectin. html i5-6 Sketches are made by the Author

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Bibliography:

AN INFRASTRUCTURAL BACKSTAGE

KOSTIS VATANIDIS

As an overall response to the current political role of water infrastructure, and focusing on the context of Havana’s municipalities, this research will be investigating the possibilities of achieving socioeconomic autonomy in an area through the establishing of transparency in the existing infrastructural context. As a means for intervening both symbolically and technically into such an environment, the possibilities of re-introducing the fundamentally tangible function of the aqueducts to an urban level will be the central theme of this research. The aqueducts will be considered as an immediate artery of a transparent water distribution and also the foundation for a long term matrix of an integrated water management.

trix of urban configurations embraced by the sea, Havana provides a series of multiple topographic realms with different relations to the Caribbean Sea and a climaxing lack of water. Furthermore, the historical sequence of the following aqueducts (Fernando VII replacing Zanja Real, and later Albear aqueduct in the southwest) on the outskirts of Havana would trigger an interesting polarization between the historic center of the city and its main sources of water supply. This development would raise a question on the role of the mediating areas between the aqueducts and the city such as El Cerro or Diez de Octubre, which would be either highly benefited or neglected, based on their location and topographic aspects.

As an imposed system of complex networks for the regulation and maintenance of water supply (or electricity), the logic of the infrastructure as we know it is directly bounded with the socio-political models of the global North. As a subterranean entity carrying its own language of logistics and protocols, and controlled by an external body, this system surely facilitates, but also practices a governing effect on the place it serves. As a result, although the secluded interests of the community are being served, its social networks and inner long term functions are muted. As Aristide Antonas reflects on his essay ‘Construction of Southern Ruins’, even when the infrastructure appears to be self-regulated, its fundamental principles are defined in such a way as to depend on secluded decision processes that do not respond to its technical functionality. Mediating between the northern model and the South American processes of water supply and distribution, the context of Cuba provides a third, unique dimension to the relationship between the city and its infrastructure. It can therefore act as an isolated terrain asking for site specific, technical interventions which however can suggest answers to global questions/concerns regarding issues of water management.

At the same time the paradoxically intangible relationship of Havana with its water supply, does not only involve profound technical considerations, but is also interlinked with a metaphoric sense of responding to the absence of water, which defines the identity of the city itself. Next to one of the older confectionary factories in the municipality of Diez de Octubre (also called Profunda), the locals have occupied a cliff working as a retaining wall to a central highway, naming it the ‘Malecon sin Agua’ (The Malecon without Water). This intuitive attempt to claim and redefine the pleasant conditions for drifting and relaxing at the original sea side of the Malecon, provides an understanding of the area’s deep necessity to establish a connection (even metaphorical) with the sea. This both technical and visual abstraction of water, is both the cause and effect of the daily life organization of Profunda. The inconsistency of the infrastructure is therefore parallel to the ‘inconsistency’ of the area’s daily life itself.

Introduction

On the verge of a radical economic and political transition, the question of whether the subterranean realm of Havana’s working class areas should be the real field of conflict is therefore raised. The equally strong forces of local identity and technical necessity appear to seek both discreet but straightforward approaches. In the context of a post revolution ‘antiquity’ and free market ‘anxiety’, the aspects of economic dialogue and technical self-governance can therefore assume new definitions. How can then an urban aqueduct act both as a short term ‘meander’ of the existing infrastructure of a neglected working class area and also establish a long term plan for its future socioeconomic autonomy and resilience?

In the field of architecture, the both ecological and political unpredictability of the present provokes a re-introduction of fundamental methods of low cost construction that can however create powerful impacts on society and establish clear political messages. In the context of water supply and distribution, the role of aqueducts as both physical drivers of economic and cultural development as well as symbolic bodies of transparency in civic engagement with infrastructure, becomes again ironically relevant. Looking at the case of Havana, as the environment hosting the first aqueduct of the New World (Zanja Real, 1592), we understand that the characteristics of the area’s both aesthetic and technical inconsistencies are interrelated with the area’s fundamental complications on water supply. As a unique ma260

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As a primeval characteristic of human settlements, the fundamental role of water in the socio-economic equilibrium of a city cannot be questioned. Furthermore, we can also claim that the sea’s essence of the organic and the flexible, directly relating to the human body, has also provided the main point of reference for the shaping of the urban infrastructure itself (sewers, streets, highways, trains, services e.t.c.).

History of Aqueducts

Hill’), the aqueduct would take advantage of the area’s exclusive topography in order to tranfer the water after the Palatine reservoir, by means of gravity alone As a result, the area of El Cerro, would be automatically benefited from its mediating role, between the city and its water supply, gaining the title of the municipality that ‘holds the Key’. The area’s industrial and commercial growth as well as overall sociopolitical prominence in relation to Havana Vieja would remain consistent since the 1950s.

As the first source of water supply of Havana, the Zanja Real aqueduct (‘The Royal Trench’), would mark the main historic infrastructural connection between Havana Vieja and the surrounding western neighborhoods (intramuros). Mainly consisted of a dam and an underground channel, the aqueduct would transfer water from the river Almendares on the western edge of Vedado, to the historical center. The division of its main branches reaching the city would be based on the supply of the navy from the port, the connection to its fortresses and to the cattle entering it. Because of climaxing problems of pollution, as well as growing population numbers, the Zanja Real would be gradually replaced by a new aqueduct (Fernando VII) in 1835. This new system, would transfer the source of supply further down from the old dam into a channel, taking advantage of the topography. The channels of the old aqueduct would continue to provide services to some fragments of the exterior of Vieja, for irrigation and waste disposal of industries up until the twentieth century.

After the twentieth century, the primary challenges of the existing water infrastructure continue to be based on the climaxing problems of pollution in relation to the growing population of the city. As immediate reactions, works for new additions and upgrading of the existing pipe lines in the Albear system are already taking place. However, the already highly exploited streams of the Almendares river suggest an eventual re-consideration, of the Albear aqueduct and a need for finding an additional, and possibly alternative water source, to the Almendares streams. On the other side of the city, the equally historic river of Luyano remains inert and heavily polluted by the surrouding factories of Diez de Octubre.

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As the pollution problems on the river Almendares continued climaxing, along with the growth of other municipalities, there was a rising need for etablishing more efficient utilization of its extensive streams on the southwest edge of the city. This would result in the planning of a more complex water supply system, in the form of an aqueduct, which would transfer water to Vieja, and the municipalities of El Cerro and Diez de Octubre. The new aqueduct would therefore act as both a conductor of the waters coming from 400 springs from the Almendares and mediator of the distribution by means of gravity. The process would be divided in four stages: 1. The collection of water from the streams through an amphitheatrical tank, also acting as a retaining wall. 2. The circulation of the collected water through a vaulted tunnel, by two pipes of cast iron, connected by two towers carrying the inlet and outlet channels. 3. The transportation of water through an underground canal, travelling a 10 km slope. 4. The gathering of the water to a main reservoir (Palatine Deposit), which would act as a mediator between the supply and distribution, and serve future maintenance. The Albear water supply system (to the bottom the Palatine reservoir).i2

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Directly crossing the municipality of El Cerro (‘The 263

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Section of the canal of the Albear Aqueduct.i1

Present

The case of Profunda

problematic. Standing secluded from the immediate connection to the sea of the Malecon esplanade in Vedado and La Vieja and disconnected from the vitality of the center’s tourism, Profunda is also isolated from the already minimum number of water reuse projects mostly applied in hotels. In addition, with all the historic streams of the area filled, the Luyano river remains both neglected and heavily polluted by the factories located on its southern parts.

As a historic by-passing route on the eastern edge of Cerro, the municipality of Diez de Octubre initialy provided an ideal residential location outside the center, taking advantage of the area’s rich topography providing healthy living conditions. Its main hilltop (Santos Suarez Hill) would therefore act as the point of concentration for a series of villas, in a gradually ascending configuration from the city center. Mediating between the old part of the city and the southern provinces, the area would be also developed into a transitional industrial area on its northern edge, generating an arbitrary working class housing growth on the outer proximity of the hill. Moreover, orginally being an almost entirely underwater area, Profunda would be embraced and defined by the river Luyano on its eastern borders, providing the only water source independent from the Almendares streams.

In this context, the water supply of Profunda is entirely dependent on its neighboring municipality of El Cerro. Served singularily by an infrastructural bypass in the Albear distribution system, Profunda’s water supply is based on a singular pipeline extension following the Palatine reservoir. In this context, the area’s economic inertia becomes directly connected with its fundamental subservience to the infrastructural ‘monologue’ of another area. The area’s profile is thus based on this paradoxical combination of the lack of means to utilize a local water resource of significant geographic importance and its subservience to the infrastructure of another municipality. As a result, not being able to provide any particular socioeconomic impact or resilience in relation to the system of Havana Vieja, Profunda therefore remains an inert residential en-

Topography Although the territory of Profunda has been a host to a significant amount of historic streams from the Luyano river, the relationship of the area to Havana’s water resources remains paradoxically 264

Masterplan of connecting the water distribution to the Palatine reservoir and extension of aqueduct.i4

semble of homogeneous neighborhoods.

Strategy

Nevertheless, due to its complete segregation from Havana’s financial bridge with the global North and touristic section, Profunda’s social equilibrium is based on a typological diversity and ‘short term’ resolution to such an extreme extent that it also defines the identity of the area itself. Embodying a historical sequence of overlapping programmes, from factories and villas to cultural centers and hospitals, Profunda is considered the ‘deep’ part of Havana. Today, in its mostly residential context, this one might say, ‘order of change’ expressing an overall apathetic and even sarcastic attitude towards the city’s both revolutionary past as well as possible free market future, seeks a technical appropriation that however does not compromise the communal aspects of intimacy and self-governance which the transcience of the place evokes. The question is therefore, how can the consistency of a relatively standardized engineering tool such as the aqueduct be hosted in a transient environment, and also superimpose the area’s typological quality of the ephemeral.

Based on this fundamental absence of an infrastructural dimension, Profunda will not be able to grow unless a certain transparency is established within the process of its water supply and the ensemble of different communities involved. By creating an infrastructural dialogue with the municipality of El Cerro, the ways in which a transparent system of water supply can serve the long term interest of the area, will be therefore investigated. Finally, the way this infrastructural transparency can act as a mediating stage towards the purification of the Luyano river, and therefore the autonomy of Havana Profunda as a ‘residential waterway’ between the old city and the suburbs will be analyzed. As a first step, for the establishing of an independent technical means of water distribution for the area, in the form of an urban aqueduct, its liberation from the bureaucratic control of Cerro needs to be secured. Thus, the area’s main water distribution line can be separated from Cerro’s and be directly connected to the Palatine reservoir. Following this a translation of the existing stages of water transfer via gravity, of the Albear aque265

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View of Profunda from Santos Suarez Hill.i3

Schematic diagramme of the aqueducts levels.i7

duct can be created in the context of Profunda. a. )As a secondary extension from the existing distribution, a new line at the west part of Santos Suarez can be used to pump the water towards the hill. b.) Next, the similar application of two towers at the hill’s west and east edges can be used to channel and bifurcate the supplied water. c.) From there, by stepping onto the existing topography as a stage between the southern neighborhood of Lawton and Jesus del Monte,an overground channel crossing the main street of Diez de Octubre can transfer the water to bigger linear volume , infilled into the context of Luyano d.) Finally this would carry the dual function of a reservoir and aqueduct system.

negative space for typological development in the lower levels. These two walls would therefore consist of an integrated volume and a by-passing addition to the urban fabric. The main concentration of the water supply from Cerro, would be therefore stored in the upper levels, acting as a reservoir and main source of distribution. As a secondary channel, the fourth level would serve temporary water collection and establish a new waterway towards Havana Vieja. Elevating the street life, into a semi-private linear development, allowing the water distribution, the lower levels would also re-articulate the surrounding commercial life in a linear arrangement.

The site of the main artery intervention would be therefore defined by the immediate sequence of the water supply descent from Santos Suarez hill, flowing into the Jesus del Monte neighborhood. Based on this, the footprint of the aqueduct would follow a shifted pattern from the existing infrastructure, mainly aiming for the immediate service of the southern neighborhoods of Luyano.

Masterplan of the water transfering stages from the existing infrastructure.i6

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Aims The building would therefore act as both an infrastructural and programmatic artery, articulating the water supply and distribution possibilities of the area, and reorganizing the existing (scattered) typological qualities of the surrouding neighborhoods. As a second overground ‘branch’ of the existing infrastructure, this new system would regulate the southern part of Profunda, and provide the stage for the future connection with the Luyano

Appropriated in between the Calzada de Diez de Octubre and Luyano hill, the main intervention would act as a set of ‘reservoir walls’, allowing 267

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Sketch of the aqueducts sectional relationship with the Luyano neighborhood.i5

outcomes of projects driven by infrastructure and understanding research projects of mending and intervening to existing aqueduct generated environments, a collage of similar examples can be made.

river.By establishing a physical connection between the source of water supply and its users, the intervention would also set the basis for the emerging of smaller scale systems to the surrounding neglected areas, through the strategic positioning of the design interventions.

The case of New York’s High Line here becomes one of the most profound example of an attempt to ‘inject’ communal transparency using infrastructure as the mediator for this process. Furthermore, research projects discussing simultaneously political and technical urban characteristics of water infrastructures, such as Cesia Angel’s studies for the Roman aqueducts and the LA’s new water infrastructures are also highly relevant.

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As a basic response to the area’s technical deficiencies, however involving sensitive typological issues, the proposal involves an implementation of a fundamental process of water supply, discussing a purposeful conducting of the existing built and topographic qualities. Based on this, the study and implementation of the plan becomes a parallel decision making process on issues for appropriating new minor infrastructures and a programmatic superimposition of the existing typology of transience. It therefore involves a simple technical proposition aiming to negotiate synthetic short and long term sociopolitical scenarios. Looking at the social

High Line, New York.i8

Bibliography: Angelakis, A. N. 2012 Evolution of water supply throughout the millennia. London: IWA PublishinG Angel C. L. 2012 : LA Defined: An Investigation Into Water Infrastructure and Public Architectures in the Mediterranean City Angel C. L. 2012 : Reperire Via Aqua: The Analysis of Three Roman Cities. Academic Research. Antonas A. The Construction of Southern Ruins, or Instructions for Dealing with Debt Cervera G. P. 2012 The Albear Aqueduct: 120 years of a masterpiece. Article Loureda V. Z. 2013. The Albear Aqueduct, a masterpiece of Cuban engineering. Research Paper Ross C. B.: El Cerro has the Key. OnCubaMagazine, Article Hodge, A. T. (2002). Roman aqueducts & water supply. London: Duckworth

Images: The Albear Aqueduct Ehttp://scielo.sld.cu/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1815-58982013000300008#f9 The Albear Aqueduct Ehttp://scielo.sld.cu/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1815-58982013000300008#f9 i3-4-5-6-7 Images and diagrams are made by the Author i8 http://architecturelab.net/does-new-york-need-a-second-high-line/ i9 Angel C. L. 2012 LA Defined i1 i2

Research for appropriating new water infrastructure in Los Angeles.i9

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URBAN AGRICULTURE AS A GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE

LIN WANG Urgent Shift for Urban Agriculture in Cuba

Cuba has gained a remarkable achievement in urban agriculture in past twenty years. The urban farming is applied in an organic way due to its origin during the special period, before which the Soviet Union collapsed the thus the subsidies for Cuba were cut-off. The Cuban urban farming is, therefore, due to necessity and regarded as mainly food supply resource but not an environmentally sustainable landscape. In the meantime, the urban farming in the USA and other developed countries, for example, the projects in Brooklyn and Detroit, is gradually planned as a green infrastructure to contribute to the urban water treatment network with policies, or even in a larger scale. The trend outside Cuba seems to give a clue for the future of Cuban urban farming to update as to fit in the coming economical development in Cuba.

The urban agriculture in Cuba roots in a poor economical condition and the shortage of fuel, which make it different from the urban farming in the US, Australia or Europe. In my graduation site Alamar, a residential suburb area, which is east to Havana, there are at least four main Organoponicos (organic farming) and several urban gardens, which can be regarded as one of the main character of the site. The sites of urban farming are mainly disconnected to the residential building, so as the water network as a previously installed infrastructure system in Alamar. The water supply for irrigation and the preservation of the humidity of soil seem to be forced to seek for another way. Furthermore, one of the main challenges of water in Cuba is the old water network lack of maintenance. In the meantime, the climate change reinforces the damages caused by storms and hurricanes such extreme weathers. The overwhelming wind brings huge amount of water falling down to Havana, and finally flows into the Caribbean Sea again, in vain. The urban farming in Cuba remains its role only for food supply for last twenty years. Nowadays, Cuba still imports 80% or so of food overseas, which means the agriculture and also urban farming have a long way to go if Cuba really wants to be self-sufficient.

Generated from Necessity — the History of Cuban Urban Agriculture Talking about Cuba, sugarcane usually becomes the topic since its plantation has dominated Cuba for hundreds of years. After the Revolution, even though Cuban government nationalised a lot of sugarcane industries and farmlands, sugarcane plantation and its related industries were still the lifeline of the country’s economy. In 1970s, Cuba reached its sugar peak as a strong proof of the success of industrial agriculture after the Green Revolution. With a following sugar-for-oil agreement policy signed with the USSR, Cuba had remained a one-crop economy until the collapse of the Soviet Union. The collapse of the socialist bloc in 1989 marked the beginning of a new era in Cuba’s history, that is, the Special Period in Time of Peace. From 1989 to 1993, Cuba’s gross domestic product (GDP) dropped, according to official estimates, by 35% (Rosset and Benjamin, “Greening,” 37). The major challenge facing Cuban agriculture is not only shortages of food, fertiliser and fuel energy, but also to the localavailable resources and low-input technologies required for its production. (Altieri and Rosset, “the Greening of the ‘Barrios’,” 132)

However, if we look from a broader scope, the urban agriculture has been discussed about that can be regarded as a kind of green infrastructure to deal with the wastewater, mainly rainfalls in the urban area. Green infrastructure uses vegetation, soils, and natural processes to manage water and create healthier urban environments, for example, stormwater management, which can be provided totally from the sector of urban agriculture. Is this a clue for updating the role of urban farming in Cuba into another multi-functional level? Is this more efficient than building specific water treatment facilities, for which Cuban government will pay an extra fiscal expenditure? With the opening of Cuba, the coming economical development will bring profits as well as the huge consumption of water and energy. The environmentally and economically sustainable organic urban farming should contribute to the future step.

Urban agriculture became the solution by the hardworking Cuban farmers, scientist and planners’ cooperative research and practices. From 1993 till now, Cuban urban farming has grown into a huge system related to 6 ministries, 16 institutions and 26 sub-programmes. In 1989, there was still a large area of idle pastures around Havana urban area while in 2008, over half of the area (32,000 ha) in Havana (71,000 ha) became into cultivated area due to agriculture development, especially urban agriculture (see image 1 and 2). Today, Havana has a unique food production infrastructure woven into its contemporary city form, including 475 large state farms, 179 organoponicos, 418 high production orchards, 162 Autoconsumos, 7,848 parcelas, 3970 patios, etc. (Clouse, “Productive Landscape,” 142) Thus, it has gained great success for the urban farming contributes a lot in the total national agricultural production. The water supply, mainly for irrigation, should have been included and guaranteed by the national water treatment system. However, there’s nothing

In the article, the background and current situation of the water use in Vivero in Alamar (information gathered by interviews in Vivero) is described and explained, which can be regarded as a relative advanced example of Cuban urban farming. The definition, related issues and case study of regarding urban farming as a green infrastructure to deal with stormwater in other countries will be 270

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“One day we’ll have to build a monument to the ‘special period’ because it has forced us to find truly sustainable ways to meet our food, energy and health care needs.” Rosa Elena Simeón, Minister of the Cuban Ministry of Science, Technology and the Environment, 1994 – 2004

the comparison and inspiration for the future of Cuban urban farming. After the application of the main research methodology, the value of those case studies for Cuba and the addition to the existing Cuban structure are summarised at the end.

works forever.

Water Trees Green area with farmland Farmland Banana Plantations Organoponicos Farmsheds Huertos Water and others

Natural Pasture & Idle land

Forested land

Urbanized area

Cultivated Pasture

Thus, for the inhomogeneous precipitation over time and the priority of the urgent condition of potable water use, the wastewater collection becomes the key point for irrigation. But the wastewater collection and treatment network within the city is in great need of maintenance and updating, among which the largest Central network is extremely old with sections which are nearing 100 years) and overcharged, currently servicing a population 945,000 although it was originally designed for a population of 600,000. (Perez and Cardona, “Water and wastewater infrastructure priorities,” 476) Eating or drinking? The urban farming in Cuba seems to be stuck into a dilemma due to the water issue.

Cultivated area

Patios The current urban farming situation on the site, self-illustrated. Due to the unionised masterplan of Alamar, especially the former central belt area, which was planned as sports and cultural facilities, now are occupied by urban farms in different scales, with banana plantations and some private livestock programmes owning by the residences in the neighbourhood. Now the greenery area along the Conjimar River as gradually transformed into urban farmings as well. However, the greenery was planned as ecological isolated belt, protecting the ecological environment of the area from the surrounding residential areas, especially from the polluted river.i4

Urbanized area

Land use in Havana in 1989 and 2008. The city of Havana has been categorised as a 100% urbanised area, however not fully covered by constructions and infrastructures. Even though, the agricultural activities happening inside are all regarded as urban agriculture. In 2008, half of the land in Havana is regarded as cultivated area, providing fresh vegetables and fruits fot Havana people.i1 and 2

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The urban agriculture, as well as the whole city, is now facing a severe condition of the scarcity of water. The national water network isn’t able to supply sufficient water to satisfy all household needs. On the other hand, the local government restricted the use of urban water supply for agriculture, in order to conserve water for drinking, washing and sanitation recently. (Novo and Murphy, “Popular Response,” 343) Few households are willing to use their precious water for irrigation. (Altieri and Rosset, “the Greening of the ‘Barrios’,” 134)

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Low-tech Organics and Empty Market — The Current Situation of Water Use in Alamar

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The climate leads the country into a strong distinction between the wet and the dry season, which is the typical character of semi-tropical climate moderate by annual trade wind from northeast direction. Averagely speaking, the monthly precipitation ratio of the two extreme months is around from 1:5 to 1:8 (see image 3). From the historical records, in 1989, the ratio went up to 1:20. From November to April the next year, there are more than 15 days without any precipitation per month and around 30-90mm while from May to October, there are more than 20 days rainy. The basic climate feature determines that Cuban people have to suffer from both droughts and floods probably in the same year. So does the urban farming production sector. What’s more unfortunate is that the potable water supply system relies on the rainfalls as its main resource. Besides, due to the long and narrow shape of Cuba, all the rivers and streams which start from the heart of Cuba and ends at the coastline will only contain the fresh rainfalls for only a couple of hours before the grey-water absorbed into the

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30 d 25 d 20 d 15 d 10 d 5d 0d

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Precipitation and its distribution in Havana (self-illustrated). It shows the inequality of rainfalls along time in Havana. The uneven rainfalls makes the collection and treatment of rainwater very difficult in Havana.i3

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In Alamar, the consequences due to the uneven rainfalls and severe soil humidity condition apparently reflect on what they do with the urban farming irrigation and soil cultivation methods. Regarding Vivero as an example of an advanced urban farm (see image 4), the water supply resource is all relied on the underground water, which is probably the only choice. It is said illegal to use public potable water for agricultural use nowadays. The water in Conjimar River is highly polluted from the industrial sewage disposal at upstream and far from the standard for use. The farm is forced to use the structure (see image 5) to pump up the water from 24 m deep in the earth, in dry season generally deeper, while actually the well is 34 m deep. The rest or so 10 metres is for conservation for that Alamar is close to the coast and there’s a high exploitation to the water to salinisation. Fortunately, the water is qualified for both irrigating and drinking and no need for extra water treatment, for now. The irrigation water is soon distributed by the black rubber tubes spread along each bed of the plantations with a switch on one side of the bed (see image 6 and 7).

The current situation requires new-built wastewater treatment systems if the urban farming remains only its basic function, namely food production. Garcia-Armisen et al, (2008) recommend the use of economical-friendly natural systems for Havana’s wastewater treatment based on the poor economical situation in Cuba (Perez and Cardona, “Water and wastewater infrastructure priorities,” 479). Luckily, the natural systems tend to be very land intensive and are generally only suitable for areas where space is available and the cost of lands is relative low, which can be satisfied not only by traditional wetlands and solar aquatic systems, but also combined with urban agricultural landscape spread within the city. The natural system is aiming for improving water quality through the capture and reuse of stormwater, which is officially called as Green Infrastructure by the academic realm worldwide. But the policies that incentivise green infrastructure and those that govern urban agriculture are not coordinated, of course, including Cuba, which suggests that somehow the current urban farming in Cuba need to be updated into a multi-functional landscape, not only organic and productive but also environmental-profitable with water issues as a green infrastructure.

The pumping structure in Organiponicos Vivero.i5

The soil in the farmland was created specially for planting and being used directly for seedling, which is composed for 50% humus, 25% organic compost and 25% rice husk (see image 8). The artificial breed earthworm put into the soil makes the soil more porous and nutritional (see image 9). Thus, the soil has a very good drain, namely increasing the ability of water holding, and the beds containing the soil are aimed for keeping the humidity and the nutrition for a longer time in the bed, beneficial for the plantation. The other way is using the fibres of sugarcanes to cover the plants to maintain the soil humidity. All the materials are a reuse of existing garbage or former pre-fabricated construction on the site.

The organic soil cultivation in Oraniponicos Vivero.i8

• Definition of Green Infrastructure If we looking into the context worldwide, especially in the developed countries, where the water treatment system is far more mature and complete, they also have to face the water treatment problems in urban areas. Not only building centralised treatment facilities, they are also seeking for different constructions in different levels, for example, policies and planning to decentralise the tasks, which is the starting point of green infrastructure. There is a definition of GI evolves from EPA (Environment Protection Association in the US) ’s description, that is, ‘Green infrastructure uses vegetation, soils, and natural processes to manage water and create healthier urban environments. At the scale of a city or county, green infrastructure refers to the patchwork of natural areas that provides habitat, flood protection, cleaner air, and cleaner water. At the scale of a neighbourhood or site, green infrastructure refers to stormwater management systems that mimic nature by soaking up and storing water.’ (The Freshwater Society, “Urban Agriculture as a Green Stormwater Management Strategy,” 5), Downspouts disconnection, rain gardens, bioswales, permeable pavements,

The black rubber tubes for irrigation in Organiponico Vivero, like the lowtech version of tripling irrigation system, invented in Israel.i6

However, there is no water-harvesting or waterreuse installments on site, no matter other water treatment facilities. It is not because there’s no need for saving the limited underground water but due to the lack of facility supply. ‘The market is empty’, said by Isis Salcines, the tour guide and director in Organoponicos Vivero (see image 10). In a word, the water condition in Vivero, which is almost the most advanced one in Havana, is in a low-tech but sustainable condition, however, independent from the outside community. Thus, the role of urban farming in Cuba is still remained as a food supply and self-sufficient level but not from the point view of environmentally watertreatment and multi-functional tool.

The switch of the irrigation system in Oraniponicos Viveroi7.

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The earthworm generating porous soil to improve humidity capacity in Oraniponicos Vivero.i9

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aquifer of soil.

rainwater harvesting, green roofs, urban tree canopy, land conservation, which are usually combined together as the form of urban forests, and now, urban agriculture, of which the benefits are not only social-related but also ecologicalfriendly, starts to play a role in the decentralised system. • Theorised benefits

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Firstly, the stormwater management is the main function of green infrastructure, which consists of infiltrating the ground, recharging the water table and decreasing run-off. Besides, urban agriculture as a native and decentralised green infrastructure more intervened within a community area would improve the surface water quality in a natural way. In the hydrological aspect, the retention and infiltration can be optimised by the urban agriculture. What’s more, the cost of stormwater management infrastructures, grey infrastructures and their energy consumption will be reduced and saved. Secondly, the soil will be improved in the urban area, which is facing severe problems surrounded by urban constructions, by organic matter and microbiology. Thus, the soil can be cultivated with organic fertilisers, decreasing the possibility of being polluted. Thirdly, air quality will be improved by vegetation uptakes air pollutants and filters particulate matter and producing a cooling effect, which lessens smog formation by slowing the reaction rate of nitrogen oxides and volatile organic compounds. The heat island effect can be released to some extent. Furthermore, for saving the energy use in construction of facilities, the air pollution that results from electricity generation and usage can be partly avoided. Fourthly, urban agriculture is able to create an urban diversity combined with habitats and beneficial or supporting plant species, as well as potential animals and insects. The social and educational benefits are also tightly combined together.

Also, there is no clear conclusion on whether it is safe or advisable to use stormwater on urban farming since stormwater is usually regarded as grey water. It depends on the roofing material, or the possible touch during the water flows. Many organisations advise filtering harvested stormwater before using it in drip irrigation or other watering systems that reduce surface contact with edible plants. • Planning Policies In planning for healthy cities of the future, land use planners are looking beyond the single benefit of urban agriculture’s potential as a stormwater management strategy, and evaluating the full range of benefits that derive from urban agriculture as a land use activity, especially due to the social and educational benefits of urban farming (see image 11), for example, improving environmental awareness, helping in combating childhood obesity and improving access to healthy fresh food.

• Effective Issues As urban environment is far different from traditional rural area, there are several issues that might affect the practical vale of using urban agriculture as part of suite of green infrastructure strategies. The soil to deal with the stormwater, of course, take the most priority of consideration.

Isis Salcines, the tour guide and director in Oraniponicos Vivero, Alamar. She is showing the greenhouse in Vivero providing experimental seeds and plants, supported by the universities and research centres, applied with the most advanced technology sometimes. All the information about the water use in Vivero is based on the speech from Salcines during the on-site tour.i10

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In Cleveland, the government created an Urban Agriculture Overlay District in its zoning codes. Land use planners in Cleveland have evaluated potential return on land use activities using the triple bottom line of economic, social and environmental benefits to community. Boston is

The urban soil usually has a mixed and untraceable history about human disruption. It is difficult to generalise soil moisture and runoff levels, the water-holding capacity, infiltration rates, or other general characteristics of urban soils. Whether 277

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the soil capacity is adequate for the current urban farming techniques is the fundamental issue in the whole project. Secondly, the erosion, for now, is not a significant issue for urban farming as it is in production agriculture or construction activities. The other two sectors provides solutions, nevertheless, if urban farming develops into a larger scale as green infrastructure. For example, using mulches, namely organic material, to reduce erosion and creating guidelines for site preparation, flow control, vegetative stabilisation and so on would be helpful for urban farmers to prevent the cultivated land from erosion and sediment loss. Soil compaction is another one of the most common limitations to the movement of water through urban soil due to the long series of development activities. Fortunately, the compost amended soils consistently had longer lag times to response, longer times to peak flow, higher base flow, higher total storage, and smaller total runoff than unamended soils. Increasing the organic materials in soils has emerged as a key strategy in building healthy urban soils, and makes a strong case for using soils as a strategy to better manage urban stormwater (The Freshwater Society, “Urban Agriculture as a Green Stormwater Management Strategy,” 10-16).

26 Sub-programmes (e.g. production of vegetables, medicinal plants, condiments, fruits, animal breeding and grains.) 16 Institutions (e.g. the National Institute for Basic Research in Tropical Agriculture

Bioswale

6 Ministrires (e.g. healthcare and education)

Water Flows

Lawn

The plan of Lafayette Greens in Detroit with analysis of the direction of the rainfall flow.i11

Agriculture University

Veterinary clinics

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Water Flows

Bioswale

the Plant Protection Research Institute

Ministry of Agriculture

International Conference

National group of Urban and suburban Agriculture (GNAU)

The detailed section of Lafayette Greens in Detroit showing the water flows.i12

Provincial Groups (chaired by vice president of government) subdelegado or provincial head of UA and ASU Agricultural store consultancies

Municipal Groups

Popular councils

Municipal Agricultural Company

Urban farms Organoponicos |Intensive Gardens Hydroponics & Zeoponics | Suburban Farms Enterprise and factory gardens | Household Gardens

Proposed integrated water cycle management schematic.i13

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Existing support system for urban agriculture in Cuba. The system is now shift into decentralisation and privatisation based on the overview national strategy, which means the branches in the system will play a more and more important role in the whole sector.i14

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Urban Farming Seminars

Biologival Pest-control centres

farm was undertaken. The academic research programme is aiming to calculate the data as to built and put the stormwater farm into practice. The masterplan covering 52 hectares would comprise 7 hectares of residential development, a plaza and town square, 45 hectares of parkland located in the floodplain, essential for the maintenance of floodplain storage, up to 30 hectares of riparian rehabilitation and heritage home stead conservation. A detailed water balance was undertaken to guide the proposed concept design development and to assess the volumes of water that could be saved by the proposal. A sensitivity analysis was also undertaken to ensure that any assumptions made would not impact materially on the real water savings that would accrue in the future (Liebman Jonasson and Wiese, “The Urban Stormwater Farm,” 5). The schematic (see image 14) can create a cycle to be popularised to optimise the urban agriculture as a green infrastructure from a scientific and theoretical level.

Worldwide Pioneers — Case Study

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• Lafayette Greens in Detroit Value for Cuba

The garden is an opportunity to showcase and demonstrate sustainable stormwater management by using urban agriculture. The edible garden is designed not only a productive land but also a small-scale urban bioswale that catches and slows stormwater runoff on site. On the site, there are also informative signages that draw people’s attention to the urban bioswales and raise the public awareness towards water issues in the city life. Planted between two gabion curbs, a hedge of red twig dogwood are sheared into a clean architectural bioswale appropriate for a city street (see image 12 and 13). 70% of the site’s surfaces are pervious: gravel, lawn and planting beds. Also these plantations ensure the run-off stormwater can be delivered to the bioswale with the slight slope combined into the landscape design. Drought tolerant fescue lawns and a high efficiency irrigation system including adjustable drip lines in the raised beds conserve water. Thus, by all these approaches, the urban landscape design becomes into not only ornamental and productive, but also environmental-friendly, realising the multifunctional role as a micro-branch of the green infrastructure.

The urban farming in Cuba, as a response to the crisis, is generated by necessity but not sustainability. It remains an organic but low-tech way to get access to the water as well as the soil. The current situation in Cuba owns a great potential to update the urban agriculture as a green infrastructure for a strong and complete governmental support (see image 15) and the way they’ve already executed. From design aspect, urban agriculture as a green infrastructure in other countries provides a clue that urban agriculture can be combined with urban public space and landscape design for the future plan in Cuba, not only productive but also ornamental and social. From technical aspect, not only simple rainfall harvesting or underground water use but also creating a recycling loop is also an option if there will be a better economical condition. For urban planning aspect, the planning considering the role of urban agriculture to put it in a right place or area to improve the environment from a larger scale is also what Cuban government can start with. Of course, the cases in other countries owning different political and economical background, will be hard to fit into the Cuban model. However, the worldwide trend can be translated into another specific language that can be localised in Cuba in the future.

• The Being Calculated Stormwater Farm Model in Melbourne A case study to investigate the feasibility and estimate yields and costs of an urban stormwater 280

Bibliography: Altieri. M, Rosset. P., “The Greening of the ‘barrios’: Urban agriculture for food security in Cuba”, Agriculture and Human Values, January (1999)): 131-147. Carey Clouse, “Havana’s Urban Agriculture: productive landscapes within a city’s crumbling infrastructure”, ARCC/EAAE 2014 | Beyond Architecture: New Intersections and Connections (2014): 140-147. Cohen N., Wijsman K., “Urban Agriculture as Green Infrastructure: The Case of New York City”, Urban Agriculture Magazine No.27 March 2014 (2014): 16-19. Liebman, Jonasson and Wiese, The Urban Stormwater Farm, Novatechm 2010.5 Session 1.5 (2010):1-10. Novo M. and Murphy C., Urban Agriculture in the city of Havana: A popular response to a crisis, City Case Study Havana (1999). Perez A. and Cardona R., “Water and wastewater infrastructure priorities for Cuba with emphasis on Havana, including some benefitcost considerations”, Cuba in Transition ASCE 2009 (2009): 472-486. Rosset, P. and M. Benjamin (eds.) (1994). The Greening of the Revolution: Cuba’s Experiment with Organic Agriculture. Melbourne: Ocean Press, 84. Urban Agriculture as a Green Stormwater Management Strategy, The Freshwater Society in partnership with the Mississippi Watershed Management Organisation, 2013 The potential for urban agriculture in New York City, Growing Capacity, Food Security and Green infrastructure The Tao of Stormwater, Bobby Tucker, PE Lebedeva J., “Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation through Urban Agriculture: A Montreal Case Study”, Natural Resources Canada (2008). Lovell S., “Multifunctional Urban Agriculture for Sustainable Land Use Planning in the United States”, Sustainability vol.2 (2010): 2499-2522.

Citied Links: http://www.urbangreenbluegrids.com/agriculture/#heading-0 http://www.yogeev.com/article/61931.html https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Green_infrastructure https://www.asla.org/2012awards/073.html

Images: land use in Havana in 1989, self-illustrated based on the plan, included in the research book of Alamar Group in Complex Project. abstract land use in Havana in 2008, self-illustrated based on the data from FAO United Nation, included in the research book of Alamar Group in Complex Project. i3 precipitation and its distribution in Havana, self-illustrated based on the Data from Wikipedia Havana item, included in the research book of Alamar Group in Complex Project. i4 current distribution of urban farming in Alamar, Havana, self-illustrated based on the on-site survey in October 2016 by Alamar Group in Complex Project, included in the research book of Alamar Group in Complex Project. i5-6-7-8-9-10 Images are made by the Author i11 the plan of Lafayette Greens in Detroit, diagram self-illustrated. The base picture from ASLA website and diagrams self-illustrated. Source of base drawings: https://www.asla.org/2012awards/073.html i12 the detailed section of Lafayette Greens in Detroit showing the water flows, diagram self-illustrated. The base picture from ASLA website and diagrams self-illustrated. Source of base drawings: https://www.asla.org/2012awards/073.html i13 Proposed Integrated Water Cycle Management Schematic, from: Liebman, Jonasson and Wiese, The Urban Stormwater Farm, Novatechm 2010.5 Session 1.5 (2010):5. i14 the support system for urban farming in Cuba, self-illustrated based on the information on the official website of Cuban Ministry of Agriculture, included in the research book of Alamar Group in Complex Project. i1 i2

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currently revising its zoning codes to include an Urban Agriculture Overlay District as well (The Freshwater Society, “Urban Agriculture as a Green Stormwater Management Strategy,” 23-27). The government authorised cities and counties in the state to offer a property tax credit. In New York, the NY Department of Environmental Protection has awarded $3.8 million in grants to four urban agriculture projects that have stormwater management functions and goals, namely 61 Bergen Street, Brooklyn Navy Yard, Lenox Hill Neighbourhood House and New York Restoration Project—Carroll Street Community Garden (Cohen and Wijsman, “Urban Agriculture as Green Infrastructure,” 17). In Minneapolis and St. Paul, the planners are working on a 30-50 year vision for the future of city parks formed by urban agriculture (The Freshwater Society, “Urban Agriculture as a Green Stormwater Management Strategy,” 2327).

JUST DAM BIT MORE

LIWEN ZHANG

The visit of Obama to Cuba on December 2014 was sign of a slow thaw of Cuba’s isolation from the most of the Western developed countries. We can expect that this country, that used to play major roles in the economy of America in colonial times, once it becomes an active member of global economy, will make large economic leaps, which will lead to increase in energy consumption. It is worrisome to think of its contribution to greenhouse effect, ecological damage, ozone damage etc., as the main energy source of Cuba at this moment is fossil fuel. How to protect Cuba from the danger that it would develop from a model of sustainability into a high polluting one? This article will discuss Cuba’s possibilities to suffice its future energy demands through hydroelectric power plants.

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Cuba opening up

a repeatable process as long as the climate remains unchanged. It is also a relatively green process since there will be no greenhouse gas emitted or other waste produced that is dangerous for the environment. In addition, this kind of hydroelectric dams might be especially useful to Cuba as it might regulate river water to reduce the risk of Cubaís now often occurring river floods2. There are also less widely used ways to generate power from natural water flows like building dams or lose turbines to catch convert tidal energy. Large tidal dams are built where there is an indentation in the coastline so a water area can be enclosed.

Cuba once played a central role in the economy of the Americas. To start with, it was discovered to Europeans by Christopher Columbus on his first voyage, where after it slowly and versatilely developed until the Seven Years War between the English and the French-Spanish Allies during which the English briefly took possession of Cuba and made it a sugar export country relying heavily on cheap labour - slavery to generate larger profit (Hugh 1971). It experienced pithier economic growth comparing to other Middle-American countries, by managing to keep slavery till a very late moment (1886). It further kept making economic leaps during a period under U.S. influences (1898-1959). This came to halt after the United States casted an embargo upon the country as reaction to the Cuban revolution in 1959 of socialistic nature. The country encountered difficulties as its largest neighbor, together with a few other members of the Organization of American States, closed all borders to it. A real catastrophic blow to its economy was given when its most important ally, the Sovjet Union, fell down in 1991, after which Cuba had adapted a more self-sustaining economic model.

Conventional hydroelectric plants are nothing new in Cuba. Cuba has one large hydroelectric plant, which generates 43 MW and 168 small plants which together generates 21.9 MW. (See picture 3) About 82% of the small plants are not connected to the national electricity network which means that the energy is only used locally (UNIDO and ICSHP 2013) perhaps due to their small energy output. Most of the power plants deal with old machinery and its wearing because many are built before the revolution and the direct decade after. The National Hydraulic Resources Institutes estimated that the total hydropower potential is 848 MW, including a small hydropower potential of 62 MW (UNIDO and ICSHP 2013). Cuba has plans to increase its hydroelectric power generation resulting in a series of programs initiated in 2005/2006 together called the Energy Revolution. Hydro power related strategies envisaged for the future includes:

Recently, under Raul Castroís presidency, interior policies are made with higher tolerance to personal freedom, the United States and Cuba have re-established diplomatic relations (Renwick en Lee 2015), China has become an increasingly more important trading partner (Hearn 2012), Cuba will become an active member of global economy and gain speed in economic growth. Pared with economic growth will come the inevitable rise in energy consumption, by increase in production to achieve merchandise export1, by increased commercial or domestic use of electronics, by increased will to gain mobility etc.. Cubaís reliance on fossil fuel as its main energy source will be not feasible on the long term. It would be smart to invest in profitable green energy now. Let us have a look at whether Cuba could exploit its hydro-electric potentials a bit more.

1. To evaluate the possibility of assembling necessary hydropower equipment within Cuba.

Hydroelectric power plants in Cuba

4. To reassess the countryís hydropower potential.

A relatively developed way to obtain directly usable green power is to build hydroelectric dams. The dams make use of the natural cycle of water from clouds to rain to rivers to sea, when water flows from a higher place to a lower one, its potential energy is transformed into kinetic energy, whereby if a dynamo manages to catch up this kinetic energy, it transforms it into electric energy. This is

5. To continue the automation of most the small hydropower plants.

2. To study the Chinese experiences of hybrid solutions (small hydropower, small wind turbines and solar panels) for the provision of electricity to 60,000 households in rural areas. 3. To study the Chinese experiences of implementing micro-systems and technologies that decrease civil construction.

6. To refurbish old hydropower plants by introducing new technologies. 7. To start operation of the small hydropower plants currently under construction. (UNIDO and IC283

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Discussion on the possible improvement of Cuba’s hydro-electric power potential

SHP 2013)

Unlike other socialistic countries once have been to show progressiveness, Cuba does not seem to be striving after large scale modernist environmental interventions. While Cuba plans to learn from Chinese experience of small scaled generation of hydropower, China is more known to deal with water in a radical way. Immense scaled water projects like the South-North Water Transfer Project which started in 2002 and undertook 12 years to complete, the Three Gorges Dam, which started in 1994 and fully completed (inclusive the ship lift) just in 2015 (Wikipedia 2016), showed the Chinese decisiveness in cultivating nature. The Soviet Union showed an even more radical attitude towards progressiveness and nature in for example the construction of White Sea Canal.

Cuba’s largest hydro-electric dam: Hanabanilla Dam.i2

Hydro-electric Power Plants in Operation

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11 Pinar del Río 533 kW

8 Villa Clara 581 kW

5 Sancti Spíritus 2836 kW 1 Ciego de Ávila 1040 kW 9 Holguín 2229 kW

16 Cienfuegos 1838 kW

Total number of power plants: 147 Total potential: 65 195,7 kW

1 Hanabanilla 43000 kW

30 Granma 7014,7 kW

44 Guantánamo 3301,6 kW

In the following part of this article we will have a closer look into the largest dam in Cuba, Hanabanilla dam, then compare it to the Three Gorges Dam, after which we can look into the realization of such structures in Cuba to arrive at a scenario in which the hydroelectric dams can play a more important role in Cuban economic developments.

22 Santiago de Cuba 2822 kW

Location of the hydro-electric power plants and their potential.i3

Hanabanilla

Location Hydro-electric Power Plants and Height difference Being the largest hydroelectric dam in Cuba, Hanabanilla dam, built in 1963, named after the lake it dams, supplies energy to the city Santa Clara. The installed capacity is 43MW (2013), which makes it, assuming it is in optimal operation, will deliver an annual output of 380 GWh. The capacity is rather small when supplied to such a large city as Santa Clara. It is perhaps to assume that its water regulating function would be of more importance to the environment as the rainfall in the area could be about 16 times more in the rainy season than the dry season (weatherbase sd) while in, for instance, Mountain areas Amsterdam, the difference in precipitation each Areas of hydroelectric power plants month goes up to three times difference.

Cuba’s well designed water facilities remains dry during most of the year.i1

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The dam does not bring considerable economic development to its attaching environment (see

Relationship location of the hydro-electric power plants and mountain areas.i4

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In these strategies there are two things very remarkable. First one is the multiple times mentioning of one country China. This is not strange since these two countries have good trade relationship that is reinforced by a same ideology. The second one is that these strategies show clear tendency towards small scaled interventions and self-sustainability. It seems that Cuban authorities are deliberately encouraging an environment-friendly approach that likely have contributed to its sustainable image.

吀栀爀攀攀䜀漀爀最攀猀䐀愀洀

2006

Three Gorges Dam

Spanning across the longest river in China, the Three Gorges Dam with the largest installed capacity is expected to deliver an average electric output of 100 TWh. It went into full operation in 2012, but damming of the water started in 2003. It was designed to supply 10% of Chinese power but in 2011, because of the increased electricity usage, only covers 1.7% of the Chinese electricity consumption (Wikipedia 2016). More importantly, the 175m high dam offers protection against regular floods to cities downstream and increases the navigation of cargo ships in Yangtze River remarkably, which nourished indirectly economic development in these areas.

1997

It is still a debate whether such an intervention is worth the loss. Some claim that a series of smaller dams might be a better solution to provide equal amount of energy but might have less impact on the geography, people and culture while also favors risk management (Dai 1998, 29). In Image 6 and 7 we can see that, concerning the water reservoir as well as height difference, Three Gorges Dam is roughly four times the size of Hanabanilla Dam.

Change in size of the waterbody before and after building TGD.i6

䠀愀渀愀戀愀渀椀氀氀愀䐀愀洀

吀栀爀攀攀䜀漀爀最攀猀䐀愀洀

Though the TGD can be called a majestic work of civil engineering that accomplishes to transform the wild devastating nature into controllable and profitable goods, it’s planning, construction and usage underwent and still undergo heavy attack. From an ecological angle the impact has been dreadful. The TGD cuts off the upwards connection downstream to upstream completely resulting in several endangered fish species, now only artificially bred and released into the river, and the thousands of species of plants3. From a humanistic view, the TGD let hundreds of historical sites to be flooded and caused 1.1 million (officially announced) people to relocate with some of them having trouble to fit into the new environment (English.news.cn 2013). From a cultural view, the water reservoir the dam has created put hundreds of historical sites under water. Also from an economic view, many show concerns about increased risk because if the dam failed at an incident, for example a heavy earthquake, it would bring downstream cities bigger damage due to the now increased economic activities there.

Comparison in size: Hanabanilla Dam and Three Gorges Dam.i7

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Location of the Three Gorges Dam.i5

Relationship location of the hydro-electric power plants and mountain areas.i8

Potential area to locate more conventional hydroelectric power plants Potential area to locate tidal electric power plants

Cayo Santa Maria Dam.i9

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Rance Tidal Power Station in France.i10

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Potential area to locate more conventional hydroelectric power plants Potential area to locate tidal electric power plants

The potential energy stored in waters on higher lands that need yet to be exploited is very limited. That does not exclude the possibilities for developing more hydro-electric power generating facilities. We just need to look beyond the conventional, technically ripe hydro-electric dams and look into the less widely applied tidal power plants. In Image 8 the suitable locations for more hydro-electric power plants are indicated. In blue there is the mountain area that does not yet have any operating hydro-electric dams. In red are the areas indicated that could be suitable for the development of tidal power plants. Picture 6 shows the only existing commercially profitable tidal power plant in the world.

Hydro-electric future In Image 6 and 7 we can see the difference in size of TGD and Hanabanilla Dam. Hanabanilla should increase at least four times in size to match TGD. All the energy needs in Cuba could be satisfied if a few of Cubaís dams are upgraded to TGDís size.

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However this is to be called no more than wishful thinking as there is a main difference between Hanabanilla Dam and TGD. Hanabanilla dams off a lake that emerges and stores water from small brooks that come directly from the mountains whilst TGD dams off a river that possesses continuous water supply from more than a thousand kilometer of upstream river that run through millions of square meters of mountain area that is all rather forced through this particular narrow valley the dam is chosen to locate at.

There are multiple types of tidal power plants: tidal stream generator which is a wind turbine placed under water; tidal barrage which closes a sea area at an indentation in the coastline; dynamic tidal power plants which is built straight out into the sea; tidal lagoon which works in the same way as a tidal barrage but with a fully artificial reservoir (Wikipedia 2016)4. Especially tidal barrage and dynamic tidal power plants seem to be promising for Cuba because the island is surrounded by small islands and shallow waters. In fact Cuba already has many dams that crosses kilometers to connect different islands5. Based on the existing structure, an addition of tidal power generators could easily be realized.

In Image 3 we can see that although whole Cuba is evenly covered by a network of rivers, the hydroelectric dams are clustered at three areas. Their spread has also little to do with the positions of economic centers. If we lay this map on top of the height map we can sense that the limiting factor to increasing the number of hydroelectric dams is height difference. Because of Cubaís geography, most of the rainfall there does not possess the potential energy that can be transformed into other types of energy. Nevertheless building dams and regulating water is of much importance other than obtaining renewable energy because the availability of fresh water in Cuba is very uneven during the year. In the wet season, from May to October, the rainfall accounts for 77% of the total rainfall in Cuba (Climatic Research Unit (CRU) of University of East Anglia (UEA) 2016). Normally more rain during summer months is favorable for agriculture since most agricultural activities relies on sufficient rain water as well as on sufficient sunlight and suitable temperature, but since Cuba is located near the equator, sun and temperature stays rather excessive during the whole year and water might become the critical factor. Also during the hurricane seasons, river, and lake dams can help smoothing out the heavy and short rainfalls which often threaten the cities with river floods.

The future of hydro-electric power generation by conventional river and lake dams in Cuba is limited but the potential in tidal power plants might amaze us. We are just waiting for good policy makers, smart investor to be sure.

However to feed the expected boom of Cubaís energy consumption in the near future with green energy, after upgrading the existing worn out machinery, one might need to look further than that.

Notes: Cubaís export in CUC stayed in the last decade remarkably lower than its import in CUC (Trading Economics, Cuba Export 19902006 2016) (Trading Economics, Cuba Import 1990-2016 2016) 2 Some recent river floods in Cuba: http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/world-news/havana-floods-torrential-rain-high-5615103 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z8hndULfnDg 3 Numbers based on Wuís estimated research. Wu, Jianguo, et al. ìThree-Gorges Damó Experiment in Habitat Fragmentation?î Science 300-5623 (May 23, 2003): 1239ñ1240 4 Read more about these four types of tidal power plants on https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tidal_power 5 Cayo Santa Maria, Cayo Coco, Cayo Romano are the three islands connected to mainland Cuba by long dams. 1

Bibliography: 2013. 6to Foro <HidroenergÌa para Hoy> & 3er Encuentro TÈcnico Observatorio de EnergÌa Renovable para AmÈrica Latina y el Caribe. October. Climatic Research Unit (CRU) of University of East Anglia (UEA). 2016. Average monthly temperature and rainfall for Cuba from 19691990. June 7. Accessed June 7, 2016. http://sdwebx.worldbank.org/climateportal/index.cfm?page=country_historical_climate&ThisRegion=Latin%20America&ThisCCode=CUB. Dai, Qing. 1998. The River Dragon Has Come! The Three Gorges Dam and the Fate of Chinaís Yantze River and Its People. New York: M. E. Sharpe. English.news.cn. 2013. Three Gorges Dam migration ends, transition ongoing. January 30. Accessed April 18, 2016. http://news. xinhuanet.com/english/china/2013-01/30/c_132139016.htm. Hearn, Adrian H. 2012. ìChina, Global Governance and the Future of Cuba.î Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, January: 155-179. Hugh, Thomas. 1971. Cuba: The Pursuit of Freedom. Harper and Row. Renwick, Daniel, and Brianna Lee. 2015. U.S. Cuba relations. August 4. Accessed March 14, 2016. http://www.cfr.org/cuba/us-cuba-relations/p11113. Trading Economics. 2016. Cuba Export 1990-2006. Accessed March 14, 2016. http://www.tradingeconomics.com/cuba/exports. ó. 2016. Cuba Import 1990-2016. Accessed March 14, 2016. http://www.tradingeconomics.com/cuba/imports. UNIDO and ICSHP. 2013. World Small Hydropower Development Report 2013. United Nations Inductrial Development Organization and International Center on Small Hydro Power. weatherbase. n.d. Santa Clara, Cuba. Accessed april 18, 2016. http://www.weatherbase.com/weather/weather.php3?s=154387. Wikipedia. 2016. Three Gorges Dam. March 10. Accessed March 15, 2016. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Three_Gorges_Dam. ó. 2016. Tidal Power. June 8. Accessed June 8, 2016. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tidal_power. Wu, Jianguo, et al. 2003. ìThree-Gorges Damó Experiment in Habitat Fragmentation?î Science 1239ñ1240.

Images: All the diagrams are made by the Author

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image 2). The shores of Hanabanilla is rather only used by a small amount of tourists that are attracted by the reserveís natural beauty.

REDEEM FROM THE ENEMY OR CELEBRATE THE RISK

MELISA SILVA

The Hidden Potential of Water Hazards in Cuba

The Risk of Water Relations

Water is undeniably the basis of human life, the core of nature and a fundamental principle of the built environment. Through out history water has played a crucial role in the way cities have been structured as well as shaping our lifestyle essentials as we depend on it. Unfortunately, water host serious threats, all of which are caused primarily by human immense irresponsibility over pollution, urban growth and essentially climate change, the runaway driver of weather-related disasters in the world today. The attempt to slow or impact the growing severity of weather hazards is complex, and mired in political struggles. While the extreme weather is increasing, short-term intervention to mitigate hazards has a limited effect; it is precisely in the areas of prevention and risk management that the “Cuban experience” has the most to offer. The question fairly posed is, what is Cuba doing right in terms of disaster mitigation and preparedness?

Hurricanes are part of Cuba’s geographic destiny. The island is located in the western Caribbean Sea, exposed and affected annually by intense water-related hazards. It lies right across the mouth of the Gulf of Mexico, directly in the path of any hurricane aiming towards the Gulf or crossing Central America. Over a time lapse of 103 years, from 1900 to 2003, 68 severe hydro-meteorological events were recorded in Cuba, equaling to more than one strike every two years, resulting in great damage to the country. During the time period between 1998 and 2008, a chronicle of 20 tropical storms collided over the island, of which 14 became hurricanes and half of them, were of great intensity. As a result, 11,0000 people had to be evacuated and infrastructure was severely damaged, with more the one million houses affected and an estimated economic loss of 18 billion dollars.1 Despite the impact, there were only 35 deaths in ten years of heavy cyclones, which hints the country’s successful battle to protect its people, specially when compared to the damage Hurricane Isabel had on mid-Atlantic United States in September 2003, were it alone was directly responsible for 22 deaths and indirectly responsible for 6 deaths2. The Cuban government is definitely doing something right in terms of safeguarding the island.

The RRMC, or Risk Reduction Management Centers, is a model of local risk reduction management.4 The initiative makes it easier for local governments to monitor and decrease vulnerabilities at this level, as the centers contribute to the coordination process and promote training and preparedness of leadership bodies in the community. Its main function is to create better access, documentation and transmission of critical information by supporting isolated and far-flung communities that may not have access to information so that they can prepare for an approaching threat. The RRMC, use existing and appropriate suitable technologies to help local governments make decisions upon risk. The aim is to reduce loss of life, reduce economic loss, while ensuring a better quality of life and locally sustain the development for the territory. The essence of RRMC is disaster risk reduction; promote collective knowledge and information management for decision-making at the local government level.

Combating the enemy In 1959, Cuba’s regime set forth new structures to govern the island, and within this, adopted a series of economic, social and environmental measures to reduce societal vulnerability in the face of natural hazards. They developed a system of civil defense measures to anticipate and minimize the occurrence of natural disasters and other types of catastrophes that were causing the country considerable human and material loss. A wellsupported legal framework was the plan to put forth a solid institution that would include laws, decree laws, statues, and ministerial resolutions as a series of forces to control the risks from the environmental upheavals. The law established that the presidents of the provincial and municipal assemblies were responsible for heading civil defense in their respective territories, to aim for local control. Even though the efforts were positive, after a harsh sequence of hurricanes in 2005, the Cuban government had to reconsider their risk strategy and opened firmly for international assistance.

The EWS, or early warning systems, is the heart of the RRMC, an integrated process including surveillance, monitoring and analysis of natural and other variables that might constitute a hazard for the population and economy. 5 It promotes the local level decision-making that relies on the disaster reduction plans for each phase of an event, by agencies, organizations, economic entities, social institutions and the population of the region. The Cuban government has established a total of 8 provincial and 84 municipal centers, linked to 310 communities. Since the model’s establishment, the centers have helped communities significantly reduce the impact of hurricanes by provided them

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“The Havana water-related hazard problems are very serious. Despite the State good intentions to protect us, foresee a constructive and beneficial response is the most vehement of yearnings... we need stronger strategies” Argelio Fernandez INRH (National Institute of Hydrolic Resources) Personal Interview by Author, October 2016.

Nations who’s main focus was to assist in five specific areas, the local human development, environment and energy, health, food security and most importantly on natural disasters and its risks.3 The model for disaster risk reduction and management associated with hurricanes included a series of preparatory actions for response based in the formal education system, annual large-scale simulations and a broad framework of logistical support that involved practically all areas of state resources. The implementation of the Risk Reduction Management Centers (RRMC) and the early warning systems (EWS) has served as an effective measure to ensure protection for the population and the economy by collecting and sharing the weather prognostication, latest news, as well as intercommunication and interrelated support within municipalities, especially when backup is required.

RRMC Municipality of Guane, Pinar del Rio

extratropical cyclone

RRMC Municipality of Mariel, Havan Province

tropical storm

1900

RRMC Municipality of Santa Cruz del Sur, Camaguey

Ministries (State Admin. Bodies)

1998. Oct Georges Hurricane

RRMC Municipality of Ciénaga de Zapata, Matanzas

Map of Havana’s fortifications (1752-1765). i1

RRMC Municipality of San Juan y Martínez, Pinar del Río

2001. Nov Michelle Hurricane

Location of the Risk Reduction Management Centers.i3

2002. Nov Lily Hurricane President

RRMC Municipality of Guane, Pinar del Rio

Worst case scenario

RRMC Municipality of Mariel, Havan Province

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60m sea level rise

What would happen to Cuba if the world ice sheet would completely melt?

Minister of Revolutionary Armed Forces

2002. Nov Isadore Hurricane RRMC Municipality of Santa Cruz del Sur, Camaguey

Joint Staff of National Civil Defence

2004. Aug Charley Hurricane

Ministries (State Admin. Bodies)

2004. Sep Ivan Hurricane RRMC Municipality of Ciénaga de Zapata, Matanzas RRMC Municipality of San Juan y Martínez, Pinar del Río 2005. Jul Dennis Hurricane

2005. Aug Rita Hurricane

2005. Sep Wilma Hurricane

2007. Oct Ernesto Hurricane

2007. Nov Noel Hurricane

2008. Aug Gustav Hurricane

2008. Aug Ike Hurricane

2008. Nov Paloma Hurricane

Striking photo of child in Malecón during city flood.i2

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RRMC Municipality of Guamá, Santiago de Cuba

EWS monitoring analysis surveillence

Enterprises (Economic Entities)

Local Goverment Defense Body

Social Institutions

RRMC

inform share knowledge

Social

Local Goverment

EVACUATION PLAN

RRMC Municipality of Guamá, Santiago de Cuba

1999. Oct Irene Hurricane

Enterprises (Economic

Institutions Defense Body Entities) The Cuban experience demonstrates the willingness of the country to invest resources and actions to protect or safeguard its population inform when any kindshareof risk or disaster. The RRMC EWS faced by knowledge instruments implemented represent an investment complementary monitoringat a much lower economic cost but than the alterantive analysis surveillence costs that would result from the impact of a hazard. According to Claudio Tomasi, Resident Representative, UNDP Cuba, for every one dollar invested in prevention and preparedness to reduce risk, seven dollars are saved during response and recovery from the enemy itself. A study produced by Tufts University in 2008 estimated the costs for inaction seen as the potential savings from acting in time to prevent the worst economic consequences of climate change. The cost for inaction in Cuba would be worth a total of $2.3 billion in 2025, $4.8 billion in 2050, $7.5 billion in 2075 and $10.2 billion in 2100.7 Results resume Cuba’s exposure to climate damages while the alarming numbers also suggest a high cost for protection. If the investment for protection has to be proceeded anyway, why not have a return of investment by not only liberating or redeeming from the enemy to cut inaction costs, but producing capital though wave power, wind energy, water harvesting or sun energy to desalinize seawater? The risks for hazards have the potential to be exploited and celebrated as an income and added value.

EVACUATION PLAN

complementary alterantive

Location of the EWS and RRMC’s in Cuba’s Civil Defence structure.i4

with equipment and training to identify, reduce and communicate risk and facilitating awareness and preparedness. As a complement, the mitigation plan is also comprised by an evacuation plan for the vulnerable population, which is, transporting them to shelters that help guarantee their safety. The shelters are generally schools or public buildings that have been conditioned for that purpose and in which food, water, health services and medicines are available. After hurricanes have passed, efficient recovery is of the utmost importance. Efforts are made to ensure that shelter stays are as short as possible and that the population is involved in rehabilitation work. In the case of damages to homes, workers are granted a certain number of workdays according to the damages sustained. Aid distribution corresponds to an assessment of damages and the social

A Local Approach from the Hazard Effects During the visit in Cuba, these topics were questioned to the local Cubans as a window for opportunity to interview their experience with water threats and hazards, as well as their perspective upon the government’s action opened naturally. The government incentives are acknowledged by most Cubans, they assure it gives them true sense of security and support at a community level, but on a more individual level they relay more on themselves to pull though rough times. Conversations resulted in interesting findings on their creative, spontaneous and local way to mitigate and prepare for disasters, while on the other hand, unfortunately, they have not 295

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22%

hurracane

2008

28%

1998

44%

cold front

situation in each case, prioritizing people who are sick, children, and older persons with physical impairments, President pregnant women, among others with special conditions. A challenge for the future Minister of Revolutionary is to minimize the numberArmed ofForces people who must be evacuated and the evacuation distances. The government short-term goal is to ensure that every Joint of locality in Cuba has at least National tenStaffCivil houses with strong Defence roofs, allowing these buildings to serve as local shelters in the case of hurricanes.6

Virginia Morales is sixty-five years old and lives in 3rd street between C and D in the neighborhood of Vedado, in the city of Havana. Her house has been in her family since 1878 and is located right on the flood line, a site prom to floods every time there is any kind of water related problem, caused by storms, high tide, high winds, sea-level rise, hurricanes or drainage obstructions. According to her, long before the 1950’s, flooding was not a problem in the area for a serious of reasons. First, in most Vedado’s waterfront there used to be the Vedado baths, which served thalassotherapy treatment and social leisure bathing for the whole community, while in second hand served as massive water catchments tanks that helped to prevent seawater from penetrating the city. Secondly, the neighborhood was covered with a bigger natural green layer that performed as a sponge, absorbing heavy rainfall, resulting in a lower level of water runoff. Today there is mostly an impermeable surface due to development and this has a high impact on the drainage systems causing floods. As Nanco Dolman explained in the ‘Water Sensitive Lecture’, vegetated soils are important on the natural hydrologic cycle as they regulate the water flow; 40% water is evaporated and transpired, 50% water is infiltrated and 10% is runoff. Impervious surfaces disrupt the hydrologic water cycle; 30% water is evaporated and transpired, 15% water is infiltrated and 55% is runoff. Virginia referred to this issue and objectively pointed out the fact that Vedado’s condition gets worsen by the fact that the drainage system has a low capacity and it is worn out, making it susceptible to overflow. The third point she mentioned was climate change, which according to her is already evident on the islands sea-level rise, altering temperatures and increase on hazard frequency.

surrounding her house as a kind of fortress that helps mitigate water penetrations as the house is placed in the middle of the parcel in a sort of oasis. Together with this, she built a personal drainage route from her house to the ocean in order to evacuate the floodwater faster from her property, as she cannot relay on the public drainage system.

2m 2m

raise house floor to a higher level + surrounding garden

hump of land creates fortress and protects house from water penetration

Nearly 1.70 meters flooding evidence on the living room walls

source: Melisa Silva, 2016

Resilience in the Face of Climate Change The current panorama raises the question for future action, especially in face of climate change, as a strategy to confront its effects is a necessity and a demand. Cuba is aware to proceed with the “best” measures to protect human life and emancipate from their biggest enemy, water, as their population in coastal zones, like in the rest of the world, keeps increasing in hand with the natural disasters. One of the key elements today lies in identifying and promoting strategies that can solve the every day problems by emphasizing actions to raise the quality of life and human security, before an ever more uncertain climate. In this sense, Cuba has shown good direction but confronts a great obstacle to take this to the next level as it lacks on resources and funds to transform the city into a more resilient and sensitive capital.

170 meters of flooding evidence on the living room wall in Virginia’s house Photo: by author, 2016.i6

- Virginia Morales 65 years old

+ personal drainage route from house to ocean

floodwater to ocean

Virginia’s personal resilience to floods does question the governments program effectiveness but she insists their work is efficient as they properly inform the community when a hazard is coming giving them some time to prepare and evacuate or as in her case, move the car fifteen streets on higher ground, collect food supplies, water and move some furniture around. “We have no real urban design strategies to actually coexist with nature and I believe it is key for the future survival and development of Cuba. You know, I try fixing my house every now and then but the salt is stronger. It is embedded in the walls and destroys any cover… floods keep showing up, so it’s a vicious cycle” Virginia Morales, 2016.8

Nearly 1.70 meters flooding evidence on the living room walls

source: Melisa Silva, 2016

+ personal drainage route from house to ocean

floodwater to ocean

To adapt to the more recurrent dangers, and as mentioned before, find protective measures at a more individual level, as she and the Cuba citizens cannot relay on the government on this scale, Virginia creatively adjusted her house in order to adapt to the flooding condition. She managed to raise the entire house floor two meters higher than the original level, including the kitchen, bedrooms, laundry room, bathrooms and study area, while leaving the living room with the minimum amount of furniture possible on its original level facing the garden. Besides nearly rebuilding her house, she also worked the garden by creating a hump of land

raise house floor to a higher level + surrounding garden

- Virginia Morales 65 years old

Despite the unique nature of Cuba’s economic, social and political limitations, according to a report by Oxfam, even before there were national commitments on first world countries to tackle the causes of climate change, in 1991, Cuba created the National Commission on Climate Change to study the different impacts of the phenomenon only three years after the international body for assessing the science related to climate change was created, The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 1988. Further on, in 1997, the National Climate Change Group was formed, and carried out the first assessment on variations

Original House

Diagram of Virginia Morales house transformation.i5

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Virginia Morales portrait.i7

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yet managed to exploit celebrating methods or techniques to benefit from hazards even though they do believe in the possibility and find it logic to do so.

and changes observed in Cuba’s climate. Since then, work has been done to develop and implement a Cuban Society Program to Face Climate Change9. Given the results, the rising sea level in Cuba is the greatest threat, as it will lead to a greater number of floods and seawater overflow into several cities and main economic centers. The promoting adoptions of adaption measures in response to climate change follow four main objectives: (1) Reduce migratory movements from the mountains to the coastal plains (2) Improve access roads to coastal settlements, essential for evacuating the population in case of disaster (3) Avoid urban, industrial or tourism constructions with a projected use of over 50 years in the coastal areas most exposed to rising seas

‘Big U’ Masterplan, Resilience Strategy.i8

Proposed public space - Use of public space during flood.i9

A Stronger, More Resilient New York

be about the city turning its back on the water, but embracing it and encouraging access. By taking it one conversation at a time, with the principle that everyone can get their fantasy realized.”12 The project involves three distinct zones or “compartments.” Each of these is distinct and could be developed independently from the others, yet they all are coordinated, providing a flood-protection zone, opportunities for integrated social and community planning processes.13

In 2012, Hurricane Sandy shocked New York into facing up to quite how vulnerable it was and opened the city’s eyes to the realities of climate change. The hurricane caused $19 billion in economic damage, and it is projected that a similar storm in the 2050’s would cost $90 billion, according to calculations by Swiss Re Ltd., the world’s second-largest reinsurer.11

East River Park This project will protect the area from storm surges and rising sea levels while offering waterfront access for relaxation, socialization, enjoyable views and accessible routes over the highway into the park. In terms of green infrastructure, salttolerant trees and plants will provide a resilient urban habitat.

As a response, in 2013 a mayor action took part as guiding processes for change and resilience for the city. The Hurricane Sandy Rebuilding Task Force launched the Rebuild By Design competition in June 2013, a multi-stage planning and design competition to promote resilience in the Sandyaffected region. The goal of the competition was to promote innovation by developing regionally scalable but locally contextual solutions to increase resilience in the region. New York leaders are convinced spending billions on a system of floodwalls and levees adaptable for recreation and waterfront transportation for the community benefit is a smarter move than spending money on future recovery or simply on risk management from the majestic opportunities of water. A winning proposal from the competition, an audacious project to protect Lower Manhattan from storm surges with an attractive, multipurpose collection of berms and barriers is now moving forward as a new infrastructure to guard against future inundations. The “U” in BIG U refers to a ten-mile-long protective barrier that the BIG Team, from Copenhagen, proposed that unlike a typical flood barrier or floodwall, this is a highly varied collection of locally appropriate berms, seawalls, raised pathways, parks, and mechanized operable barriers. The architect Bjarke Ingels declares, “it shouldn’t

Two Bridges and Chinatown Floods mitigation is the objective for building an extended wall attached to the underside of an elevated highway that will have the capacity to flip down and avoid water penetration. The entire structure will be decorated by the community artists, producing an inviting scenery while integrated lighting will transform the currently depleted area into a safe community destination. Brooklyn Bridge to the Battery The battery terrace bordering the water will be interlaced with an elevated path with a series of mounds to form a dynamic landscape. The plan will also upgrade architecture buildings to take part in the experience such as the Coast Guard existing building, which will be transformed into either a new maritime museum or an environmental facility to educate the community on climate change variations, a climate security as leisure amenity

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(4) Build higher defensive engineering works (dikes) in coastal areas, gradual relocation of certain coastal settlements and improvement of existing construction It is clear the Cuban adaption measures today are merely strategies to protect from the “enemy”. Interestingly so, they were once at the top anticipating action by creating a research commission on climate change. It is still possible for them, to become again, front-liners on pushing forward not only the prevention of hydrometeorological risks, but taking additional steps and by positively transforming the island’s development though strategically international allaying methods. As expressed in the title of this article, there is further potential to integrate and exploit benefits from hazards protection with the notion that the powers of nature can also be celebrated and transformed into powers for the community. Countries around the world are working towards this direction to have a more resilient and positive future, Michael Bloomberg words, when referring to New York city, carry the essence of this concept and serve as a great example when he says “a floodwall doesn’t have to be just a wall, it can be a wave energy converter, or simply part of an elevated park or boardwalk, while still block flood waters. It’s a matter of taking it to another level…”10 Celebrating the risk will eventually become the new modus operandi to coexist peacefully and logically with our human impacts and nature alterations on the future world. Cuba is a breaking ground to carry this change on its future recovery from its dark passenger. 299

Bibliography: Rodriguez Viera, Jorge Luis. (2009) Lo Vedado de el Vedado, Grupo para el Desarrollo Integral de la Capital (GDIC), 65-67. Chen, Jim. Farber, Daniel A. (2006) Disasters and the Law: Katrina and Beyond, Aspen Publishers, 214. 3 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (2015) A Cuban Model for a Resilient Caribbean, http://www.undp.org/content/ undp/en/home/presscenter/articles/2015/02/25/a-cuban-model-for-a-resilient-caribbean.html 4 Guerra, LLanes José (2010) Caribbean Risk Management Initiative, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP):13 http://www. preventionweb.net/files/14963_crmicgrrcubabp2010en1.pdf 5 Ibid, 20-21. 6 Oxfam Research Report (2010) The Climate Changes, Threatens and Demands Adaptation: A Look at the Cuban Experience of Protection Against Climate Change: 14-19 www.oxfam.org 7 Ackerman, Frank. Bueno, Ramón. Herzfeld, Cornelia. Stanton, Elizabeth. (2008) The Caribbean and Climate Change, Costas of Inaction:19, http://ase.tufts.edu/gdae/Pubs/rp/Caribbean-full-Eng.pdf 8 Morales Virginia. Interview by author. Personal Interview. Vedado, Havana. October 24, 2016. 9 Oxfam Research Report (2010) 10 Goldman, Henry (2012) Bloomberg Proposes $20 Billion NYC Flood Plan After Sandy, Bloomberg, accessed (2016), http://www. bloomberg.com/news/articles/2013-06-11/bloomberg-proposes-20-billion-new-york-flood-plan-after-sandy 11 Ibid 12 Wainwright, Oliver. (2015) Bjarke Ingels on the New York Dryline: ‘We think of it as the love-child of Robert Moses and Jane Jacobs” The Guardian, https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/mar/09/bjarke-ingels-new-york-dryline-park-flood-hurricane-sandy 13 Rebuild By Design http://www.rebuildbydesign.org/our-work/all-proposals/winning-projects/big-u 1 2

Images: Rodriguez Viera, Jorge Luis. (2009) Lo Vedado de el Vedado, Grupo para el Desarrollo Integral de la Capital (GDIC), 65-67. Guerra, LLanes José (2010) Caribbean Risk Management Initiative, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP): 24 http:// www.preventionweb.net/files/14963_crmicgrrcubabp2010en1.pdf i5-7 Images and diagrams are made by the Author i8-9 Wilson Reid (2016) City Selects Team To Design Lower Manhattan Section Of Flood Protection System. New York Yimby, accessed (2016) http://newyorkyimby.com/2016/02/city-selects-team-to-design-lower-manhattan-section-of-flood-protection-system.html i10 Prensa Libre (2015) La Habana/EFE, accessed (2016) http://www.prensalibre.com/internacional/dos-muertos-y-numerososderrumbes-en-la-habana-por-intensa-lluvia i11 NBC News (2015) Havana Hit With Heavy Rain Flooding, accessed (2016) http://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/heavy-rains-slamhavana-n351741 i1

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Two men on improvised boat cruising a flooded street in Habana, Cuba.i10

TOWARDS ALMENDARES RIVER

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Development of Almendares River

This article discusses the transformation of the land-water zones in the case of the Almendares River in Havana, Cuba. It starts with a research on the development of these zones along Almendares River from a historical perspective. While acting as the source of Havana’s water supply, the Almendares River was heavily populated not only because several industries (paper mills, gas production plants, breweries, food production plants, and construction plants) located on its bank and used it as their private dump but also some nonpoint contamination sources were drained into the river. With the Cuban authorities’ awareness of environmental problems and a high priority to environmental recovery, Cuba authorities have approved a detailed legal framework for environmental protection since 1981. To figure out what current condition along the Almendares River look like, the writer went on an excursion to Cuba and wrote down her own experience while traveling. Since the influence of the land-water zone is different in various cases, one case called Madrid Rio in Spain is studied and used for comparison. Last but not least, some strategies about how the land-water zone along the Almendares River a new identity is mentioned to encourage a debate on the future vision of the Almendares River.

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large parks, the National Zoological Park, the National Botanical Garden, Lenin Park and the Parque Metropolitano de La Habana were now linked together. What’s more, the GPMH eased the contaminated problems made by the pieces fall from disrepair buildings near the river. More or less, these reforms contributed to the reduction of polluting industry along the Almendares River. Following the collapse of the USSR and the economic crisis, it should be noted that the environmental problems, particularly in Havana, were becoming more obvious and needed to be solved at that time. In response to the food shortage conditions, the Cuban authorities began promoting urban food production. However, the decreased availability of fuels and chemical fertilizers forced urban farmers to develop a locallyproduced bio-fertilizer include animal materials, which resulted in a unique pollution problem. In 1994, the Cuban authorities set up a new central authority responsible for environmental issues, the Ministry of Science, Technology and the Environment(CITMA). With the new mission-“To create an ecologically, economically and socially sustainable park for the enjoyment of Havana’s residents”, the governmental agricultural activities and agricultural farms all faced a transformation. The GPMH project was included and began to turn into a new way of thinking and acting with urban planning. Also in 1994, the revitalization of the PMH project started with the construction of one of its areas, the Parque Almendares. Nowadays, the greening of the Almendares River and the Parque Almendares is still one of the major ongoing urban renewal projects in La Habana, Cuba.

The Almendares River is located in the western part of Cuba, a 45 km river rising from the east of Tapaste and flowing northwest across the Cuban coastal plain through the city of Havana. The Land use along the Almendares River could be visually classified as either urban or landscape areas, which could be seen from the diagram below (fig.1). This chapter would mainly focus on the waterway flowing through the main Havana municipalities, Marinero, Mordazo, Vedado and Miramar, respectively (fig.2). The transformation of the land-water zone along the Almendares River could never be separated from the development of city expansion. In fact, dated back to the time when Christopher Columbus first saw the Cuba Island, ninety-five percent of Cuba was still forest in 1492 , including the Almendares River district. In the early 19th century, Havana started to expand west out of the original gated city. With the growing number of sugar plantings and trades, the city expanded west to the Almendares River with a grid urban pattern, which is nowadays EL Vedado. However, human habitation and farming activities became a concern in the Upper Almendares Watershed. Been Busy with reconciling control economic development, the Cuban authorities ignored the environmental issues during the upheaval period. In 1840, the Almendares River was described directly by a Cuban environmental leader as “a river full of shit”. The turning point about environmental issues started from the triumph of Revolution. With the awareness of environmental conservation, the Cuban authorities set up a series of laws and decisions to solve the environmental issues. One of the early acts of the revolutionary government in 1959, was the publication of the Law of Agrarian Reform, which brought up with one of the objectives entitled “On the Conservation of Forests and Soils”. At the same period, influenced by the international trends to integrate green space as part of urban plans in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the first Havana Master Plan was approved to develop green areas and a land structure. It was until that time the large gardens, streets, avenues and parks showed up in Havana. As part of the urban project, the Parque Metropolitano de La Habana was one of the parks conceived by the Havana Master Plan. Later on, a large greenbelt proposal, which is the so-called GPMH project nowadays, located in the western area of the city that extends north-south from the mouth of the Almendares River was planned in 1989. On the level of urbanism, the city’s four

Experience of Walking Along the Almendares River Walking along the Almendares River is quite impressive; the scenery is full of greenery (fig.3). Lush trees are standing along the river, which might be the most natural district in whole Havana. Also, the air quality is much better than the city centre, where is always full of the smell of the oil. But why are there just a few people go and enjoy such a nice view? Why do people in Havana prefer to sit in front of their own houses instead of hanging around? The Parque Almendares is the border between El Vedado and Miramar—at the end of the Malecón. Walking in the Parque Almendares, it was not hard to notice the atmosphere of the park isn’t welcoming. No signs or billboards were there to inform pedestrians that there’s a park. Though there’re some basic infrastructures and a cafe

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The transformation of the land-water zone

store, they were not well-maintained. In the waterfront area, you could see some rubbish, but the water situation is better than it used to be.

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to continue to provide public space for its citizens. Now everyone can enjoy this space that will help to generate a new relationship between neighbours and the Manzanares River. ” It is seen in the Madrid Rio, the successful reclamations for new green playgrounds and recreational spaces along the River Manzannares. Each component of the urban renewal proposal not only has its own character but also becomes an integral long park from an urban scale. While providing a new meeting place for citizens, the water condition within the river is also improved in the process of renovation.

subwatersheds stream reaches urban nonurban water bodies

Public life in Cuba is largely played out in the system of Malecón and the squares in the city. Similar with the goal to create a public space belt along the river, why Madrid Rio could be more successful than the GPMH project? In this chapter, I will discuss three strategies for GPMH project to create a new type of public life.

At the mouth of Almendares River, the water is more peaceful compared to the strong wave along Malecón (fig.6). There were lots of yachts docked by the river. But it is strange that such a nice place has no waterfront activities except some fishing boats. Since the boat factories were mainly located at the mouth of Almendares River, it seems the waterfront area here was planned to contribute to the boat industry other than citizens. After the excursion in Havana, I feel the Almendares River is a natural place in Havana. Because of poverty, Cubans won’t travel much to other cities. Therefore, it is government’s responsibility to create better public spaces inside Havana. With efforts such as GPMH project during history, the contamination, and the water quality is better than what I imagine before the excursion. But the goal of a public space belt hasn’t been achieved and solved yet. The problem for a neglected use of the park could be concluded into two points: (1) a lack of accessibility to the main street. (2) a lack of waterfront activity. Therefore, I choose Madrid Rio to discuss the possibilities of how Almendares River could transform in the future, in which the effects on citizens could provide a nice reference to the GPMH project in Havana.

1. The Land use along the Almendares River.i1

In the Madrid Rio, there are 54 kilometres of pedestrian walks created along with 30km new cycling routes. In some degree, the public space is all connected. For instance, Arganzuela Park and the Salon de Pinos are on the opposite side of each other, but they are connected by two slow traffic bridges now. But when we look back to the public space along the Almendares River, the parks are isolated from each other. The discontinuity of parks would make some places hard to reach and increase the rate of criminals. A small change will make a big improvement. Maybe it’s not realistic to create the cycling routes in Cuba since bicycles are the not common in Cuba, but to transform the existing path into a continuous path connected each park and make the parks more visible to pedestrians would be useful.

Scenery on the bank of Almendares River.

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Mordazo El Fanguito, a slum on the bank of Almendares River.i4

A feature of Madrid Rio is the creation of seventeen play spaces at regular intervals along the open space corridor, which are used by a wide range of age groups. Current play equipment includes two skateboard areas, climbing walls, soccer pitches and basketball courts, etc.

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Strategy for redevelopment of Almendares River As Madrid-based Landscape Architect Eladio Hernando notes “Although almost all social organizations and many citizens in Madrid have expressed concerns about the very high budget of Madrid Rio, virtually no one has doubted the need for the city to process this project in order

The main Havana municipalities Almendares River’s waterway flowing through.i2

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Provide More Urban Service

As for the Almendares River, a lack of infrastructure is the main problem. In the Parque Almendares, only some benches were there which make the park unattractive to citizens. I still remember a scene when I visited the Profunda, a district at south Havana; three children were playing on the main road using a home-made wooden plate with

A 12-meter terrace on the edge of El Vedado district.i5

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In the neighbourhood of Parque Almendares, I found a slum called El Fanguito (fig.4). I was told it arose in 1935. With Fidel Castro’s arrival in power, this slum not only did not disappear but was growing. What’s interesting is that the slum is just next to Vedado, the richest part and the future economy centre of Havana. Due to the topography, a big terrace (fig.5) will be found if you walk towards the north-east direction, of which the height is nearly 12 meters. The styles and conditions of housings in two sides indicated the fortunes people owned. It is fair to say that the terrace was like a visible boundary to separate the rich and the poor. What’s more, I suppose the height difference would benefit the inside area of Vedado avoiding the flooding problem.

Madrid Rio Madrid Rio (fig.8) is designed by West 8, working together with MRIO Arquitectos, opened in 2011. It is a development plan for recovering the connection between the city and the river that has been isolated and inaccessible since the construction of the 43 kilometres of tunnels in Madrid made the exit routes and motorways of the six kilometres section along the River Manzannares disappeared. The development plan is combined by individual components: Salón de Pinos, Avenida de Portugal, Huerta de la Partida, Jardines del Puente de Segovia, Jardines del Puente de Toledo, Jardines de la Virgen del Puerto and Arganzuela Park, respectively. Here will explain in more details about five important components.

bridge, a beautiful mosaic artwork done by Spanish artist Daniel Canogar could be seen on the ceilings.

The linear green space section in Salón de Pinos.i8

Introduction of GPMH (1994) GPMH, also called as Havana’s Gran Parque Metropolitano, is an urban, social and ecological project carried out along the Almendares River in Havana, Cuba. The goal of this project is to create a 700-hectare park as Havana’s lung and undertake an ambitious restoration plan that includes retrofitting and reforesting, environmental protection, neighbourhood revitalization, and cultural activities like concerts. It is comprised of the Parque Almendares, its Bosque, the Jardines de la Tropical, and other green areas within the watershed. During the construction process, the social significance and education on the importance of the Almendares River to the public have been addressed. The project also included walking paths, 25 schools, restaurants, and recreational features.

Avenida de Portugal (Realization: May 2007) The Avenida(fig.9) is one of the most important roads into the centre of Madrid with an impressive environment. By relocating the toad in a tunnel and providing underground parking for 1000 vehicles, it creates the possibility to convert the space into a garden to benefit local residents. The design chooses a journey to Portugal as a theme, and plants different kinds of cherry trees along the road, which resulting in a popular public space in Madrid.

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Master plan of Madrid Rio.i7

Dates back to 1925, based on the reorganization and beautification proposed for the city of Havana by French landscape architect Jean Claude Nicolas Forestier, this ambitious plan was designed at the request of the government which considered certain natural and urban aspects of El Vedado.

Salón de Pinos(Realization:2010) The Salón de Pinos (fig.10) is designed as a linear green space, which will link the existing and newly designed urban spaces with each other along the Manzanares River. And it is entirely located on the top of the motorway tunnel. As for the plants, there’s a variety of tests about the selection of plants and technical solutions of the structure of the substrates in the tunnel document. The planting along the river leads to a natural and sculptural character of the space, which creates a botanical monument.

An aerial view of Arganzuela Park.i9

In Forestier’s general plan, the treatment of the area comprising the entrance to the port, the cannon by the bay and the northern shoreline was designed as part of a long seawall along the Malecón completed in the 1950s. At the same time, it also called attention to the beauty of the natural vegetation along the banks of the Almendares River and its usefulness as a natural filter, which elements were included in the design of the Grand National Park. This plan also involved the Calle Paseo Boulevard, considered by Forestier the special main road of the Grand National Park. It was later extended to the Ermita de los Catalanes hill to complete the symbolic urban landscape that would connect the Havana coastline to the square known as Plaza de la Revolución, whose construction was completed in the mid-1950s.

Arganzuela Park(Realization:2011) The dominant motive for the renovation of Arganzuela Park (fig.10) is water. Because the Manzannares River is surrounded by architectonical walls, the idea of the park is based on the different emotions and landscapes in context of the water to make it feelable and explorable. The system of streams is running through the topography in the park and will constitute in different motifs with own characters.

If the city is to thrive and survive in this century, says Yociel Marrero, Vice Director of Research & Development for the revitalization project. The GPMH project is not public relations environmentalism, but mandatory. During these years, the GPMH staffs have been trained on the aspect of monitoring and evaluating and in work participatory techniques. Also, there’s an ongoing work on learning about project financial control.

Puentes Cascara Serving as bridges and iconic landmarks, Puentes Cascara provides a place where the river could be experienced. It connects Arganzuela Park and the Salon de Pinos with a massive concrete dome. When entering the

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The linear green space section in Salón de Pinos.i10

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Bibliography: Seasonal variations in antibiotic resistance gene transport in the Almendares River, Havana, Cuba, source: http://journal.frontiersin. org/article/10.3389/fmicb.2012.00396/full 2 Taller Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo, Cuban Ministry of Science, Technology and the Environment (CITMA), [Workshop: The Environment and Development] 6 (1997) 3 Dalia Acosta, SOS for Cuba’s Almendares River, INTER PRESS SERVICE, Apr. 26, 1996, the environmental leader quoted was Antonio Nunez Jimenez, see supra text accompanying note 2. 4 Madrid Rio - Spain’s commitment to the public domain, source: http://www.corkeryconsulting.com/corkery-consulting/cc-content/ uploads/2012/11/Madrid-Rio-Spains-Commitment-to-the-Public-Domain1.pdf 5 María Caridad Cruz, Roberto Sánchez Medina, Agriculture in the City: A Key to Sustainability in Havana, Cuba 6 Jeffrey J. Iudicelloa, Dylan A. Battermanb, Matthew M. Pollardc, Cameron Q. Scheidd, and David A. Chine, Identification and Remediation of Water-Quality Hotspots in Havana, Cuba: Accounting for Limited Data and High Uncertainty, The West Indian Journal of Engineering Vol.35, No.2, January 2013, p.72-82, ISSN 0511-5728 7 Eric Antmann, Sergio Claure, Leonard Barrera-Allen, etc. Nonpoint Runoff Analysis and Potential Remediation of the Upper Almendares River using Low-Impact Riparian Buffers, source: http://www.aidis.org.br/PDF/cwwa2015/CWWA%202015%20Paper_EricAntman.pdf 8 Concepcion Otero, El Vedado: History of a Havana Neighbourhood, 2013, p.47-55, ISBN-13:978-0-9895429-1-3 9 Stephen Darby, David Sear, River Restoration: Managing the Uncertainty in Restoring Physical Habitat, p47-48. 10 Madrid Rio Project: http://www.west8.nl/projects/madrid_rio/ 11 Best Practice: Large-Scale Green Space Reclamation Plan: http://www.nyc.gov/html/ia/gprb/downloads/pdf/Madrid_MadridRioProject.pdf 12 Madrid Rio-Spain’s commitment to the public domain: http://www.corkeryconsulting.com/corkery-consulting/cc-content/uploads/2012/11/Madrid-Rio-Spains-Commitment-to-the-PublicDomain1.pdf 13 Almendares River Basin: https://www.apwa.net/library/meetings/congress/9371.pdf 14 Almendares River: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Almendares_River

The waterfront scenery at the mouth of Almendares River.i6

wheels. Taking the advantages of the slope, they sat on the plate and slid down with a laugh. What I learned from that is such a low-tech way works well in Cuba, people are easier to satisfy compared to people from other countries. The parks could still provide lovely places for citizens. If more urban services are provided which make public activities possible such as sports, educational programming, cultural events, this place could be a popular space for Cubans. 3.

Though the environment of the Almendares River has improved a lot nowadays, how the public space along the bank of the river could develop into a new configuration and contribute to the citizens in the future is still worth a discussion for the Cuban government.

Improve Infrastructure Condition

If we take a close look at the aerial view of Madrid Rio, it’s not hard to find the public space. But if we look at the aerial view of Almendares River, the first glimpse is always greenery. Having lots of trees is a nice thing; the problem is that it is hard for pedestrians to realize there’s a park inside. A lack of identity and accessibility are the problems. For instances, the Parque Alemendares, is under the bridge. Besides, no commercials are around the park. Pedestrians wouldn’t visit there and would feel a sense of insecure there. In this sense, the government should improve the road network, post new signages, and provide more pedestrian accessibility via sidewalks.

Images: i1 The Land use along the Almendares River, drawn by the writer. White areas represent developed lands for both residential and commercial purposes, while landscape areas were in green representing farmlands, forests, parks, undeveloped soils, etc. i2 the main Havana municipalities Almendares River’s waterway flowing through, drawn by the writer, source: http://journal.frontiersin. org/article/10.3389/fmicb.2012.00396/full i3-5-6 Images are made by the Author i4 El Fanguito, a slum on the bank of Almendares River, source: https://translatingcuba.com/havana-the-poverty-behind-the-glamour-ivan-garcia/ i7 Master plan of Madrid Rio, source: http://www.west8.nl/projects/madrid_rio/ i8 The linear green space section in Salón de Pinos, source: http://www.west8.nl/projects/madrid_rio/ i9 An aerial view of Arganzuela Park, source: http://www.west8.nl/projects/madrid_rio/ i10 An aerial view of the Avenida, source: http://www.west8.nl/projects/madrid_rio/

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THE ENDURABLE RELATION OF ALAMAR AND THE SEA

Unprotected residents

“Local people living and operating businesses in neighborhoods know best the real challenges and opportunities around which they’ve been improvising for years. The Rebuild by Design process gave them tangible channels to share both their concerns and solutions. The design teams recognized how important it is to listen to the locals and that the design process itself helps these communities build their own resilience.”

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Mary Rowe, Director of Urban Livability and Resilience Initiatives, Municipal Art Society of New York (Donovan 2015).

Alamar is the 1970s expansion of Cuba’s capital Havana. A product of the revolution built on a pre-revolution infrastructure, which was designed for only one-fifth of the current population. The combination of neglected buildings, infrastructure with under-capacity and effects of climate change are appearing now. Politics are changing and city growth, which was statsuppressed, could become reality. To house more people and to provide a better living standard, not only should the new town being protected from its coastal threads, but also the infrastructure needs a upgrade. New York city shares the same Atlantic hurricanes and is used as a reference to provide a strategy to make Alamar a ‘water sensitive’ new town. Changing the fear for the sea into the advantage of Alamar. Producing energy from the sea, what can be realized by temporary storing energy in seawater. Storing energy is the option to solve the black-outs and provide important parts of Alamar with energy, also during times of a disaster.

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had to deal with hurricane Sandy in 2012 (McCue 2012), Havana has to withstand the same type of Atlantic hurricanes, because the city is located along the same coastal conditions. To learn from New York, ‘Rebuilt by Design’ will be guiding in the comparison. ‘Rebuilt by Design’ is an initiative of the Hurricane Sandy Rebuilding Task Force and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (Donovan 2015). The goal of this initiative is to address structural and environmental vulnerabilities caused by hurricane Sandy. Havana had not to deal with hurricane Sandy, but faces similar conditions from other hurricanes. The focus will be on Alamar because it is located along the same coastline. Alamar is one of the new towns with a waterfront. It is the only unclaimed, non-touristic but also unprotected coastline within the Havana region. Alamar is nowadays home to 100.000 inhabitants who live in nearly fifty years old prefab apartment blocks which were barely maintained. This large social housing expansion of Havana is realized in the 1970s as a product of the revolution. The buildings, situated along the coast, not only suffer of being neglected, but also storms and salt-intruding environment are contributing to the overall decline of the buildings. On top of these aspects are the effects of climate change, which are worsening the situation. Alamar needs to become more resilient to the effects of climate change. In order to make Alamar more resilient to these effects, two projects of the Rebuilt by Design will be highlighted in order to see approaches for Alamar. Also the Urban Water Framework of Brown, Keath, and Wong (2009) will be discussed to understand the current situation of Alamar, the steps necessary to formulate an approach to make the inhabitants of Alamar able to withstand the effects of climate change.

Walking along the coastline of Havana on a beautiful late autumn day, not much can be seen of the natural forces, apart from breaking waves. On places like the Malecón the sea is close to the built environment. Occasionally a wave beats on the quay, which tries to protect the inner city from a disaster. On this moment nothing can be seen from the devastation of major storms that the country had to endure. In 2016 hurricane Matthew struck The Caribbean area and the south coast of America. It was a major storm which was a category five hurricane, one of the strongest of its time. The storm-situation is getting worse, climate change is becoming the real problem within Cuba. A small island with over 6000 kilometers of coastline and ten percent of its population living within the dangerous 0-10 meter range above sea level. Havana’s inner city coastal protection, the Malecón, is known for its authentic Cuban atmosphere. Couples are watching the sunset; people are enjoying life. Many tourists do not know the real purpose of the Malecón. Without its protection, the streets would flood even more often. The quality of this sea protection wall raises many questions, but that should not be the main focus. Extensions of Havana spanning more to the east are facing the real problem. They do not have proper coastal protection. Geographically seen Cojimar and Alamar are the most eastern developments. The coastline here shows an even more minimalistic protection. Havana did not really expand since the Triumph of the Revolution. Cojimar and Alamar are the only expansions of the capital. Politics did not allowed any growth of Havana. Now that the Castro brothers’ regime is almost over and the embargo is probably going to be lifted, more people could move to cities. Nowadays half of the earths’ inhabitants live in cities. In 2050 almost 75% of the world’s population is expected to live in cities (United Nations 2014). In order to withstand possible growth, Alamar could again be the solution for housing the new inhabitants of Havana, but does it than not need a safer relation with the sea? The goal of this paper is to stress the necessity of relations between city(extensions) and the water. The impact on near coastal cities, due to climate change, cannot be underpinned. In order to understand the challenge that Havana is going to face due to climate change, a comparison will be made between Havana and New York. In case of New York City, climate change resilient developments were also needed in order to protect the inhabitants of New York City. New York

Current geographical storm challenges In 2016 Matthew was the only major tropical cyclone of category five. The first major Atlantic hurricane to hit Haiti and Cuba since 2007. The 2007’s hurricane was named Felix. Inbetween those two hurricanes, multiple minor storms threatened the islands in the Atlantic Ocean. Even though hurricane Matthew claimed eleven Caribbean, it was labeled as ‘extremely dangerous’, luckily it was not the most devastating one for Cuba (Lawler, Graham, and Rothwell 2016) In 2008 Tropical storm Fay, together with other related storms in the period of august 16th and September 8th, caused more damage than just the reported $10 billion (Lawler, Graham, and Rothwell 2016). This storm period not only caused a lot of 311

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Alamar’s value Alamar is of great value for Havana because it is not only the biggest socialist housing expansions of the city, but also the biggest socialist new town of the sixties and seventies, worldwide. With over 100.000 registered inhabitants, the new town should be the solution to bad quality housing within Havana. Initially, Alamar was intended to become an American villa style suburb to house only 20.000 people. Before the project was put on hold, in the early days of the revolution only the infrastructure was finished; sewers, drainage and roads. For more than a decade, practically nothing was constructed. It was in the seventies when Fidel Castro started ‘Plan Alamar’, built to house the baby boomers of the revolution, it was created within only one decade. This was only possible within those ten years, because a self-building concept was applied. The Microbrigadas were established by Fidel Castro. The Microbrigadas were unskilled workmen taken from their ordinary office jobs in order to mass produce housing. Built in the seventies, the socialist concrete buildings were meant to last for around fifty years. This period is almost passed and due to the erosion of the salt in water and winds and the unskilled, but willing Microbrigadas, the building are lacking quality and resiliency against the sea. Even though these houses should be the solution for people who became victims of floods in Havana’s inner city it does not seem to be helpful, because in case a house collapsed within Havana, a new apartment will be assigned in Alamar. Will these fast and cheap produced houses in Alamar survive the results of climate change? Alamar is built on under designed infrastructure. Nowadays these problems become visible and if nothing is done about this infrastructural issue, the problems will become unsolvable. Designing resiliency for Alamar The current situation in Alamar is hard to qualify. Many of the problems that Alamar is facing are connected with one another by the major problem of lacking infrastructure. With a minor storm power cuts can occur, which can last a couple of days. One of the reasons for these black-outs is the poles run above ground, making them unable to withstand any kind of natural disaster. The same problems occur for the sewer system and drinking 313

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people were unskilled in building maintenance. In Havana alone hurricane Ike of December 2008 destroyed 67 buildings.

economic damage, the social damage was even a bigger problem. The agricultural sector and the physical infrastructure had to endure a long period of recovery after being heavily damaged (DiazBriquets and Pérez-lopez 2006).The damage was enormous, the impact on society was so big that it took the country many years to recover. The hurricanes described above do not only show single events. Cuba is facing less storms, but the situation is worsening, the storms are getting stronger and the main reason is global warming. Not only do the streets of Havana’s inner city, like Vieja, flood more often, the entire country is threatened. Cuba is 110.920 sq. kilometer, which makes it the biggest Caribbean country. Cuba’s coastline stretches over 6000 kilometers, facing solely towards the Caribbean sea. The narrow elongated land has ten percent of the inhabitants living in the low-laying area along the coastline, within the ten meter range above sea level, like Havana. This area is struck first when a hurricane or flood hits. The country faces the most storms in comparison to the United States (left) or the rest of Latin America (right), and has the highest flood rate. Cuba faces two to three big storms every year. In a period of 25 years about three major hurricanes tear the lives of the Cuban citizens apart. The hurricanes themselves are not the biggest thread for the people. The side effects of hurricanes, like (flash)floods, mudslides and heavy winds are. The direct effects which are visible, like damage to roads, the deaths of people and collapsed buildings, stop the city-life for a moment. Floods in the built environment are causing problems with the combination of sun and soil. During a flood there will be saltwater in the streets. This happens a lot in Havana, as well in Alamar. In Alamar, the floods are not as intense as in the inner city behind the Malecón area, but maybe even more dangerous. As soon as the water is in the streets, the real problem is occurring. After a natural disaster the sun will shine again, which will start the drying process. The salt in the water is eroding the construction of housing blocks. This salt water is responsible for more damage than the damage that has been devoted to the direct impact of a hurricane. Up to 70% of the damage to the built environment is related to this eroding process. Even flash floods contain small amounts of salt, because groundwater is polluted. When we take a closer look to Alamar the housing stock problem gets more clear. Of the 556.000 dwellings within Havana over 60% of the housing stock is poorly maintained and only half of it is able to withstand heavy rain or a minor hurricane. Neglecting has much to do with the embargo and the special period. Materials were lacking and

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water capacity. Everything is old, neglected and unable to handle the forces of nature and it is too expansive to repair properly. The only solution seems the problem Instead of seeing it as the major thread, using the sea as an advantage. To get more insight in relations with the sea, ‘Rebuilt by Design’ will be elaborated as reference. Although Alamar is only fifty years old, it has the same coastal challenges as New York City. On October 29 2012, the city of New York was affected by hurricane Sandy. The hurricane made landfall in the north-east of The States, destroying over 600.000 households and leaving 186 people death (Lawler, Graham, and Rothwell 2016). In addition to the deaths and the destroyed houses, a lot of critical infrastructure was destroyed. This disaster was an eye-opener for New York. The devastating aftermath of Hurricane Sandy was the reason to start the initiative of ‘The hurricane Sandy rebuilding Task Force’; ‘Rebuilt by Design’, followed by a new kind of design competition. Ten architects shared their vision on protecting New York. In order to learn from the ‘Rebuilt by Design’, here two projects are selected to analyze.

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PERSONALITIES

The BIG Team was one of ten who researched the possibilities for flood protection in NYC. The goal was: realize a ‘protection-wall’ without creating a segregation wall around downtown New York City. The Big U project should be able to respond to the needs of the communities connecting to water front edges. Not only the community character had to be integrated, also resiliency for future changes in the climate were part of their scope. Decreasing the risk was the main goal, but also a challenge, because risk and the height of the flood protection are closely related. The challenge of any flood protection is to form of a sea barrier without creating under-usage. 99% of the time, the protection has no purpose. In order to maintain the community character within the protection zone; infrastructure, people and public functions were added to the program of coastline defense. High line in New York is an equivalent to the Big U, as it combines infrastructure and public amenities. The BIG U consists of multiple but linked design interventions; each on different scales of time, size and investment coasts (Donovan 2015). If any coastline protection development, like the Big U NYC project, is realized in Alamar, the connection between man and sea should be strengthened. The intervention does not only need to be functional, as it is only used as a technical solution for 1% of the time. The other 99% of the time the coastline defense is in underuse. For

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Underuse of shoreline protection New York City

shoreline development in Alamar it is therefore important to continue combining this relationship and more focus the program of the 99% which is underutilized, by giving it a local communal program, providing an area that functions as a catalyst on Alamar scale -local- level.

adaptable to climate change and able to expand (Dolman 2016). 00meter

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Alamar’s infrastructure in relation to the sea. Energy from the sea would be a suitable solution. Not only is the city missing its protection, but the infrastructure suffers from undercapacity. The best option is to apply what can be learned from both projects in New York in combination with the opportunities of the sea. For a country that is just three times the size of the Netherlands, but has twelve times more coastline, it is time to take advantage of the sea instead of fearing the floods and storms that it brings along. Changing the fear for the sea into the advantage of Alamar. Producing energy from the sea, which can be realized by temporary storing energy in seawater. Storing energy in seawater is the option to tackle the black-outs and provide important parts of Alamar with energy during times of a disaster.

In contradiction to the coastal flood protection by BIG, OMA was envisioning a systematic approach of water management for Hoboken. Instead of building a defense wall like BIG, OMA proposed the fourfold strategy ‘Resist, Delay, Store, Discharge’, which handles the infrastructural water problem. The same as in Alamar, Hoboken suffers from both surge- and flash floods. In both cases, surge events are more devastating for the area. In comparison with Hoboken, Alamar’s risk is relatively lower, but flash floods are far more devastating, due to the sloping geography. Multiple solutions need to be combined (Donovan 2015). In order to protect the city from the storms of the sea, ‘Resist’ was introduced to provide a first safe barrier. Apart from high waves, hurricanes and other storms bring disasters to the land. Heavy rain has to be transported by an infrastructural ‘Storage’ solution. In case of flash floods, water needs to be quickly transported towards the sea by ‘Discharge’. Storms occur often, but when there is no storm, water needs to be collected by ‘Delay’ to keep the water inland for further use. All those techniques are applicable to Alamar. Focusing on the problems of Alamar, the approach of OMA could be valuable. The systematic approach of OMA fits the case of Alamar, focusing more on the infrastructural ways of water management. The old infrastructure with a major incapacity has to develop to become the new foundation on which Alamar can be resilient to future growth and effects of climate change.

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Water sensitive Alamar According to the ‘Urban Green Blue Grids’, the first step in water management lays within the education and participation of the local inhabitants (GROENBLAUW 2016). Interventions in which people can be educated about climate change and local water management, like the Big U project of BIG Architects. With proper education, around 50% of the water usage can be reduced by also applying water saving appliances. In Alamar and in entire Cuba participation of people will not be the challenge, as shown with the Microbrigadas and the special period, educating, creating awareness and supplying (low-tech) solutions are the goal. The goal is to make an intervention which can create awareness by the local inhabitants to support a more sustainable and better lifestyle. Applying OMA’s fourfold strategy on large and small scale can provided better foundations for Alamar on the large scale. On the small scale it can function as an education system. Creating better sustainable infrastructure will, as a side effect, be possible to boost the coastline use, like it has been in the Big U project. Not only protecting the coastline, but also protecting the people and improve the living standard by changing the fear for the sea into producing electricity during times of disaster.

Urban water framework Extra layers can be added to the four stages of water management of OMA. Brown, Keath, and Wong (2009) published the Urban water framework. With this scheme it is possible to understand the current situation of a city and makes it able to develop into another stage of water management. The current situation of Alamar is somewhere between ‘sewered city’ and ‘drained city’, as the infrastructure has to deal with under capacity and neglected maintenance. It is necessary to make the new town resilient to climate change. To make it a water sensitive city. The city will become 318

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Bibliography: Dolman, Nanco. 2016. Designing with scales – Water Sensitive Design; Planning for Urban Flood Resilience & Adaptation for Climate Change. In Capita Selecta. Delft. Donovan, Shaun. 2015. Rebuilt by Design. Edited by John Gendall. Madison, US: American Printing Co. GROENBLAUW, Atelier. 2016. “Hammarby Sjöstad, Stockholm, Sweden.” Accessed December 31. http://www.urbangreenbluegrids. com/projects/hammarby-sjostad-stockholm-sweden/. Lawler, David, Chris Graham, and James Rothwell. 2016. “Hurricane Matthew: Two million people in US urged to evacuate as Barack Obama warns of ‘serious storm’.” Telegraph, Last Modified October 6, 2016 Accessed December 31 2016. http://www.telegraph. co.uk/news/2016/10/05/hurricane-matthew-eleven-dead-as-un-warns-of-worst-humanitarian/. McCue, David. 2012. “Hurricane Sandy Fast Facts.” CNN Library, Last Modified November 2, 2016 Accessed December 31 2016 http://edition.cnn.com/2013/07/13/world/americas/hurricane-sandy-fast-facts/. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division. 2014. “World Urbanization Prospects: The 2014 Revision, Highlights.” Accessed December 31 2016.

Images: All the images and diagrams are made by the Author

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HAVANA BLUE-GREEN GRIDS

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Green Revolution

Since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990s and the US embargo, Cuba found itself solely responsible for raising the entire island that had grown dependent on imports and trade subsidies. In view of the serious scarcity of food, a shift to urban agriculture seemed an obvious and necessary solution. The Cuban government developed and supported the productive space for farming throughout the city ranging from the tiny balcony garden to the multi-hectare fields that comprise Havana’s greenbelt. This special green system made Cuba as a well-known city of urban framing. However, since 1516, Havana has been in the thread of insufficient water supply and poor water network. Obviously, the water problems regard as a big obstacle in the development of blue-green urban grids in a more comprehensive way. Clapping with one hand only will not produce a noise. Indeed, the resilience is based on mutual advantage of blue and green grid. In Havana, different typologies of urban agriculture in terms of private or cooperative play an important role how different forms can improve the bluegreen infrastructure in the resilient development that food production, waste management, soil health, biodiversity, climate mitigation and community development benefits as a whole part of planning.

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of aqueducts requiring adequate potable water treatment (99.1%). Due to insufficiency or the poor condition of the distribution network, some 4.000 people receive water services via cistern carrying vehicles (water tankers). A deficiency in water services with insufficient pressure is common to found in most sectors of the city. According to the Cuba interviewee, Aquiles, “water is supplied irregularly, it provided for an average of 10 to 12 hours per day. Sometimes 4 to 6 hours in the morning, 4 hours at night. We have to store water in a blue plastic tanker for later use”. The city receives water through some 4.000 km of pipelines and primary local networks, some with more than 100 years, such as the Albear Aqueduct. The pipelines between the sources of water and the local networks have an extension of more than 330 km. Only 18.6% of the Vento Springs Basin feeds the Albear Aqueduct supply system through gravity without any energy costs. The rest of the systems do need high volume pumps, some of which are located over 50 km from the capital, such as El Gato in the Jaruco Basin. A common characteristic of the city’s subterranean supply sources is that in all cases the aquifers are nonconfined inland karst aquifers, while one of them (South Basin or Cuenca Sur) is coastal. This characteristic turns into elevated supply system vulnerability to different types of contamination source: industrial, domestic and agricultural (Lopardo et al, 2015). During special period, Castro launched the policy “a network of water storage areas through a major dam reservoir construction program, and increasing extraction of underground water.” Rainwater collection in the rural reduces the percolations into aquifers which causing the aquifers to further degrade. In combination with intensive pumping of aquifer water and the capture of superficial water, it led to the problem of salinization in most Cuban aquifers. Also, the intensive irrigation put a heavy load on hydrologic cycle. As a result, the national water network does not bring in sufficient water to satisfy all household needs. It is a reason why the local government restricted the use of urban water supply for agriculture, in order to conserve water for drinking, washing and sanitation.

Cuban urban farming is a unique model for sustainable farming providing an exemplary precedent that could be applied worldwide. It was born due to the agricultural crisis following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Almost overnight, a country was isolated from the rest of the world without vast assistance of food and the access to the animal feed, fertilizers and gasoline that had sustained the agriculture. Oil scarcity limited pesticide and fertilizer production, the use of farming machinery, and eventually seized the transport and refrigeration network that was needed to deliver food to people throughout the region. The evaporation of the feed, fertilizers and fuel explained that urban farming took off in Havana and other major cities and allowed the country to withstand the effects of trade sanctions and maintain its food sovereignty. Green Revolution system of agriculture effectively spread out. In response to an overhaul of agriculture, the Cuban government prioritized low-input, organic, or permaculture techniques at almost every scale of farm. Havana’s urban growers take work seriously and have transformed underused urban spaces into productive spaces at a host of different scales from small backyard plots to institutional programs, and include workplace garden, stateowned farms, and small cooperatives. These landscape share many similarities across multiple scales, including produce, infrastructure, and farming methods. Havana Blue Grid In the last few decades, the city has suffered from persistent water supply and urban drainage problems because the systemic structural deformation and the disproportionate concentration of the population. Havana’s entire water supply system is centralized into great aqueduct systems that take advantage of subterranean water in very rich karst aquifers. Almost 55% of Havana’s pipes and water systems are leaking. Cuba’s waters supply may be polluted and estimated that the water table has fallen about 30 percent (Scarpaci et al, 2002). Despite the high average rainfall of 1400 mm per year, water has difficulty percolating into karstic aquifers. In Havana, almost 100% of the water supply is drawn from groundwater. It presents a major interference in the hydrologic cycle because groundwater was drawn from aquifers faster than it was replenished naturally. The potable water supply system is fed by four source groups, with a structure that provides water to 99.7% of the population through a system

Havana Green Grid Havana’s urban farming pattern has been shaped by the climate, urban form and socialist ethic. It hosts different and diverse produce in a range of hardy regional crops well suited to the climate (viandas, plantains, coffee) to nonnative foods acquired through international trade (rice and 321

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that supports urban growing from storage spaces and market stands to fencing and irrigation which exists in the scale of the larger farm.

wheat). The formal layout of the city is a dense radial configuration of neighborhoods that developed incrementally over the last five hundred years. Historically, Habaneros relied on harvests from rural areas. Today, the vast tracts of urban outskirt lands that border the city closely resemble rural landscape because they are officially part of Havana. The lack of gasoline motivated the establishment of local markets and partly converted Cuba to organic agriculture in or close to cities. Significantly, these changes boosted the city’s productive yields. It is common that each neighborhood created his own specific block and lot structure in Havana. Smaller garden plots correspond to the dense, central and oldest parts of the city; medium-sized tracts tend to be located in residential areas outside of the central core; and the largest growing spaces are located in suburban area. There is also a connection between the type of space and the producer. Smaller farms regard to be single-family ventures while larger landholding which most of them are subsequently borrowed by workers’ collective and farming clubs are owned by the state. In the vision of socialist, the resources are scared to small-scale farm because only cooperatives and other large-scale initiatives get financial support from the state. Consequently, much of the physical infrastructure

In the absence of a progressive urban planning through which farming space might be strategically allocated. Urban farming initiatives tend to take advantage of vacant or underused plots. In addition, the government immediately modified the landtenure laws to support urban farming in view of the food crisis. It “transfer of land management from state farms to cooperatives was no abandonment of socialism but a reorganization within socialism to meet socialist goals better.”(Levins,2002) This new policies succeed partially because only government-owned public spaces were released for open-access food production, but the government still held many acres of public lands in the city. All of these lands required the permission renewal regularly by the state. It is interesting that this land formed Havana’s new productive commons – a network of urban farms in parks and public open spaces. From the scale of a family garden to the large public food park, usufruct was used to free up land for food production. Vacant lots, public parks and even median strips, all underproductive 322

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landscapes from the government’s view. Eventually, most of these lands became surfaces for informal gardening. Aquiles also was a beneficiary of this policy, he said “the land was a dump originally, I cleaned all waste up and applied the farm permission. Now I am planting banana trees, yams, raising rabbits and chickens in this yard where opposite to my home.”

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It is regards as an interconnected-but-flexible state-supported agricultural network far more nuanced than the city’s previous agricultural infrastructures. This system is a collection of agricultural-production typologies ranging in size and type of ownership and connection to an equally diverse arrangement of markets and support services. According to Clouse’s fourteen farm types (Clouse, 2014), five of them are being illustrated in consideration of site constraints and growers’ needs: huertos populares (popular gardens), autoconsumos (institutional gardens), organopónicos (cooperative gardens), and empresas estatales (state enterprises). Following, the analysis in terms of water challenges, biodiversity, heat stress and maintenance cost shows the opportunities and challenges Havana are encountering, which giving a hint that how its forms contributed to the blue-green infrastructure.

In case of temporary growing space, the inhabitants may not get an approval of farm land renewal, soil health has not been prioritized over yields, which could cause the gradual degradation of soil quality. Moreover, producers have been required to use raised beds with imported soils to address the concerns about the safety of the soil in urban lots. In 2012, President Raul Castro introduced another change in land ownership that Cubans would be allowed to sell their property in real estate market. This policy will have a profound impact on economic and physical environment in Cuba. Although gardens, farms and vacant lots may begin to change in the future, most of this activity appears to have affected buildings rather than landscapes so far.

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Micro-gardens Less than 100 m² Self-provisioning Spatially-efficient crops, herbs, small livestock Ubiquitous in Havana In the dense central core of living area / Rooftop / Balcony Details Informal gardening with plastic or metal bins and incorporate some built-in shading device Water Source Nation water supply and rain water

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Size 1.000 m² to 5.000 m² Purpose Self-provisioning gardens for schools, workplaces and factories Products Vegetables and fruits Location Physically connected to a school or a workplace More than 350 in Havana in 2002 Details To support the needs of the cafeteria at that institution by their employees. Dependent upon the location and site constraints, as they are attached to institutions. Water Source Nation water supply

Size Purpose Products Location

Less than 1.000 m² Self-provisioning Vegetables, grain, fruits, small livestock Approx. 75% percent of residences in Havana own their private yards or underused or leftover spaces Details The home owner grows products that are particularly suited to existing site conditions, such as soil type or solar access. The close proximity of yards shortens the commuting distance. Water Source Nation water supply and rain water Water Challenge

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Less than 1.000 m² Self-provisioning and small-scale sales Vegetables, grain, fruits, herbs, small livestock Built on the land provided by the government including playing field, portions of public parks, abandoned lots Details Operation by an individual or small group of growers who produce for their own consumption. Surplus produce can be sold or traded directly from the site. Lots are state owned, thus this land can be revoked if allowed to lay fallow for more than six months. In order to get stable tenure and increase the chance at permanency, these lot owners seek a way to link the community like providing food for institutions or inviting school groups on educational tours. Water Source Nation water supply Water Challenge

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Cooperative Gardens

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Size 2.500 m² to 20.000 m² Purpose Sale to the public and the tourism industry Products Vegetables, especially leafy greens, cooking herbs and spices, eggs and fruits Location Found on infill sites near housing developments and can stretch across entire city blocks. On the outer edge of the city where lower-density development and block structures afford access to large parcels of land. Details Organoponicos usually have lone, linear vegetable beds that are raised six inches above the ground and are bounded by ceramic roofing tiles. They have small outbuildings, such as greenhouses and toolsheds, as well as dedicated non-vegetable production zones for orchards, compost creation, seedling, herbs and livestock. Water Source Nation water supply Water Challenge

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Size Purpose Products Location

Interviewee, Aquiles is introducing his yard

contribute to the reduction of urban surface temperature and have the capacity to cool trough evaporation. It is true that the urban farms can be part of cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s green lungs and ventilation networks when the city landscape surrounded by gardens, on roofs, facades with fruit climbers, as well as for the larger urban farms. More green has more positive effect on air quality. However, if urban agriculture is located in an area where has contaminated sources, like busy roads and contaminated industry, it will be problematic because contamination such as heavy metal will also affect the food.

This practical agricultural network released the stress of food shortage, but also induced other problems. In terms of small scale of farming activities (i.e. micro-gardens), it is common to find on rooftop and balcony of houses in inner city. They provide the cooking herbs or vegetables for daily use, which helps to bring both food and habitat into hardscape. However, it is noticed that most of building conditions are deteriorated in Havana. Some of them are under the thread of collapse as the lack of maintenance. The dead load of extra planter boxes on rooftop and the live load of unexpected access to rooftop would cause structural risk. It is necessary to take the existing building condition into account. Another type of small-scale farming, lots, widely incorporated into the urban fabric of the city by utilizing vacant and underused plots. Not only affordable food can be produced, but it also cultivates the concept of self-provision in the community. In addition, this typology improved the vacant or abundant blocks where originally were full of waste and unhygienic area. In case of medium to large scale of agricultural typology, over crop irrigation caused the problem of water consumption for other sectors of the city. An alternative of water source for irrigation or improvement of water distribution network should be found. Spectacularly, all types of agriculture use organic growing methods and pesticides instead of chemical products, which is good contribution to soil health.

Small-scale and organic agriculture producers are important for maintaining the diversity of seeds. Together, it goes well with increasing biodiversity. Currently, a few large agricultural companies has intention to apply for patents for seeds and therefore they could gain control of the entire food chain. Many small producers counter-balance these monopolies. In the large production, less varieties in food were found when producer expend a relatively large amount of effort to produce the maximum feasible yield form a parcel of land. On the other hand, more varieties of vegetables which have less interesting for commercial purposes can be found in small scale agriculture. More urban agriculture makes material flows more efficiently, organic household waste can be reused after composting to provide the soil with nutrients resulting less fertilizer needs and less heavy for soil load. In addition to the large amount of impervious surface in cities, soil and other supposedly permeable materials are often compacted and disturbed in urban areas, which can reduce their ability to infiltrate water. Urban agriculture can be a solution to this problem on multiple fronts; adding soil and vegetation to formerly impervious surfaces such as rooftops and parking lots can slow down stormwater and reduce runoff while installing gardens on vacant lots, especially those with disturbed soils, can improve infiltration of rainwater into the ground. Adding compost and tilling the soil can greatly improve the ability of soil to slow down and infiltrate stormwater, which improves the health of the watershed by decreasing peak storm flows, increasing base stream flows, and recharging groundwater.

Blue-Green infrastructure as Integral Part of Ecosystem In association with the connection and integration between blue and green assets as a cycle of ecology is the key concepts in order to develop a successful blue-green city. It is achieved by combining and protecting the hydrological and ecological values of the urban landscape while providing resilient and adaptive measures to address future changes in climate, land use, water management and socio-economic activity in a city. Following is different perspectives in terms of microclimate, biodiversity, soil and community in urban blue-green grids. Green surfaces has a significant sponge effect on precipitation which then no longer needs to be drained off. Well-planned water surfaces can buffer water by allowing the water level to fluctuate. It also increases the absorption capacity of the city and alleviates heat stress. The non-impervious and planted surfaces used for urban agriculture 326

Urban farms and institutional agriculture have educational and recreational value while they open for public access. The integration of urban agriculture can have economic interest as it reduces a cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cost of green space management.

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Opportunities and challenges in Havana

The resurrection of Havana’s local foodshed stands out as an elegant and sophisticated response to food crisis since the fall of Soviet Union. Havana has been actively working to increase the presence of productive green area within its border. Undoubtedly, it stands out as a useful model for other industrialized nations, as it has been tested within a heavily developed urban area, similar in form and scale to many contemporary global cities. The connecting green spaces play a key role in the structure of the urban resilience because it enhances biodiversity and as such the ecosystem services. It improves the quality of life as well as the city’s economic value. In the increasing larger urban conglomerates, green grid structures can provide an identity, offer a connection and serve as carriers for the ecosystem services. Unfortunately, the exciting water infrastructure in Havana has much room for improvement. Access to clean and plentiful water for irrigations is one of the most persistent obstacles for farmers. The insufficient national water supply cannot satisfy all household needs. If no alternative water sources for urban agriculture would be found together with ways to prevent water losses and to enhance soil moisture conservation, we never hear the noise of clapping.

Bibliography: Acosta, D. D. L. M. A., Molerio-León, L. F., González, M. I. G., & Gutiérrez, E. P. 2015. Singularities of Island Aquifer Management in the Humid Tropics: the Urban Water Cycle in Havana, Cuba. CHALLENGES IN THE AMERICAS, 228. Clouse, Carey. 2014. Farming Cuba: Urban Agriculture From the Ground Up. [Place of publication not identified]: Princeton Architectural Press. Doherty, Kathleen. 2015. Urban Agriculture and Ecosystem Services: A Typology and Toolkit for Planners. http://scholarworks.umass. edu/masters_theses_2/269. Lopardo, Raúl Antonio, and Nicole Bernex. 2015. Urban water: challenges in the Americas : a perspective from the academies of sciences. México, D.F.: IANAS. Pp. 237-242 Pötz, Hiltrud, Pierre Bleuzé, Amar Sjauw En Wa, Tini van Baar, and Deborah Sherwood. 2012. Groenblauwe netwerken voor duurzame en dynamische steden = Urban green-blue grids for sustainable and dynamic cities. Delft: coop for life. Richard Levins, “The Unique Pathway of Cuban Development,” in Funes, Fernando. 2002. Sustainable agriculture and resistance: transforming food production in Cuba. Oakland, CA: Food First Books. pp.278 Scarpaci, Joseph L., Roberto Segre, and Mario Coyula. 2002. Havana: two faces of the Antillean metropolis. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. pp.6

Websites: “The Future of Havana: Architecture as Ticking Tim” accessed Nov 20, 2016, https://www.inverse.com/article/9039-future-citieshavana-architecture “Cuba’s Urban Farming Revolution: How to Create Self-Sufficient Cities” accessed Oct 13, 2016 https://www.architectural-review. com/rethink/cubas-urban-farming-revolution-how-to-create-self-sufficient-cities/8660204.article

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Never work on a side of grids only

PLACE-MAKING AT THE MALECÓN

PANAYIOTIS HADJISERGIS The current situation

Walking along the seawall of Havana is a unique experience. With the violent crush of the waves on one side occasionally splashing onto the pavement, and a high speed expressway on the other side with 1950s cars whooshing by, you feel that you do not belong there. Yet the 6m wide pavement is thriving with activity, all along its 8km length, both day and night. Due to a general lack of public spaces, the locals have built an emotive relationship with the Malecón esplanade, now considered as ‘Havana’s sofa’.

Havana’s flood protection seawall has been conceived and designed solely as a mono-functional barrier. This article will discuss a framework for the reconceptualization of the city’s flood defences, as an inviting public space. Starting from the issues currently facing it, the seawall will be argued to be far from reaching its full potential. Combining the shortcomings of the Malecón and the integrated approach to designing flood infrastructures, potential strategies will be suggested to initiate an open-ended discussion on the considerations of any future redevelopment plans. The RIBA toolkit on ‘Designing for Flood Risk’ will provide generalized considerations for place-making in flooding infrastructures. This will initiate a discussion on the importance of socially sustainable design in the process of building resilient cities. Adding to this will be the description of the Cheonggycheong River linear park in Korea, for its integrated and balanced conception as a flood mitigation scheme and a pivotal public space in the city’s fabric.

Development of Malecón Frequent flooding of the existing dilapidated coastal road and the northern ‘barrios’ of Havana gave rise to the erection of the first stage of the Malecón seawall in 1901. The construction was initiated by US Navy civil Engineers along with the US Military, during the short-lived US military rule of the early 20th century. The first 500m (Paseo del Prado to Calle Crespo) were finished by 1902, acting both as a protection from rough waters as well as from potential enemy attacks. The second section was completed by 1921 due to more complicated engineering challenges. A 27 year hiatus delayed the third and final stage, which was only realized following financial aid from private entrepreneurs during 1948 – 1952. Malecón now extended to the mouth of the Almendares River. The project signified a crucial step of urban development by protecting the city from natural threat in addition to providing infrastructure that connected Habana Vieja to the affluent areas of Vedado and Miramar.1

Contrary to its lively public use, it was initially constructed as a mono-functional flood defence system, aimed to provide a separation between the city and natural threats. This single-focus approach has resulted in physical isolation from the surrounding architecture, poor quality space and bad integration with the city. Habanans however, have been utilizing any affordances the space carries to the maximum, turning it into an enjoyable social location. The case study of the Malecón proves the high potential coastal developments have to act as public spaces. Place-making should thus be a crucial consideration of coastal master-planning in flood prone areas, for improved integration of flood defences to the city, and for resilience. Any future plans for redeveloping the much needed flood-mitigation infrastructure of Havana, ought to be designed primarily as a host for public activities. This article argues how an integrated approach can provide a strong identity for the area, improved capacity for public space activities and tourist attractions and a bold signifier for the modernization of the city.

Malecón as a flood defensive infrastructure Currently in a state of disrepair, the seawall is in desperate need for maintenance and potentially holistic redevelopment. During the last 103 years, Havana has been hit by 68 significant flooding events. Located in a high risk area for tropical hazards, there is high frequency of intense water penetrations. Havana is primarily affected by tidal and pluvial

The construction of the Malecon, 1902.i1

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Synergetic design of public space with flood protection infrastructure

popularity as a tourist hotspot a number of other street dwellers sell a range of souvenirs.

flooding, or a combination of those. As a defence infrastructure, the seawall was designed to protect Havana from hurricanes, cold fronts and other hydraulic threats, however it often proves unsatisfactory suffering from frequent wave overtopping which in some cases leads to flooding. The 2005 Wilma hurricane led to flooding up to 800m inland, with over 700 000 people being evacuated from Cuba’s west.2

Most importantly, it is a place of leisure and entertainment, earning the nickname ‘Havana’s sofa’. The 8km strip acts as a gathering space, a leisure walk route, a tourist running route, a perfect spot for photographing the skyline. With plans to provide Wi-Fi access along the Malecón by 2017 the area becomes even more consolidated as the city’s defining outdoor gathering space.

Malecón as a public space Problems in the use of public space

Despite the esplanade being mostly designed for the use of cars, since limited infrastructure exists at human scale, the area persists as a vibrant public space and a dominant tourist attraction.

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The urban fabric that forms the backdrop of the Malecón bespeaks of years of neglect and frequent natural disasters. New(er) high rise developments stand out along the skyline, however the majority of the buildings are old and in poor state. Still, the unusual combination of 18th, 19th and 20th century architecture, the endless series of colonnades and the colourful facades create a characteristic backdrop that should be preserved and promoted in any redevelopment plans.

Primarily, its shortcomings as a public space arise by the fact that it was conceived for a single function – to prevent flooding. The wall blocks water from reaching the city while the expressway provides a buffer zone to the nearby buildings. There has been very limited consideration of the potential to host activities of the people. Despite the existence of a 6m paved walkway, there is a lack of any kind of street furniture, small scale lighting or even street crossings along the whole length. The pavement is relatively narrow and due to frequent wave overtopping, is most of the time wet. Users resort in running to cross the expressway, and spending their time sitting on a wet seawall.

Flooding during the 2005 Wilma Hurricane.i2

Acting as Havana’s most prominent outdoor space, the Malecón hosts a series of activities throughout the day. For many fishermen it is a source of basic income, both by rod-fishing in the hostile waters and by spreading their lure on the pavement selling fish to passers-by. After the sunset is when the sex trade becomes obvious. Sex workers hitchhike along the street or wait for tourists outside bars and clubs. Due to its growing

Despite the sea being a prominent feature of Havana’s image, the seawall has been designed to cut off access to it. The users would be kept away from the water, and the water away from the city - separated by a clear boundary. This is overcome by users who jump over the wall for fishing and swimming, but are only limited to doing so during a low tide and calm sea.

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In a country of tropical climate and average temperatures of 22°C-28°C, shade is an asset. However along the length of the seawall, not a single tree or any form of shelter can be seen. This significantly limits daytime activities, with many users only visiting the area after the sunset.

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The lack of consideration of the human scale is also evident in the design of Malecón as a monolithic linear barrier. Its 8km length crosses areas of significant variation in character, land use

moderate intense The Malecon hosts a wide array of activities during day and night, becoming a crucial space in Havana’s urban space.

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Floodplain in Vedado, and flood intensity.i4

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The Malecón is obviously not designed to host these activities. At a first glance it is a bare, inhospitable expressway, a buffer separating the city from natural threats. A lively but forbidding public space, carrying a dire need for redevelopment as well as strong potential.

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The layers composing the landscape along the Malecon. This is a generic section of the typical situation.i5 Despite the many problems faced in its use as public space, the esplanade remains a host of a variety of activities.i6

and demographics, however the wall is completely unvaried. This enhances the reading of the Malecรณn as a barrier rather than an interface of city and water, and reminds mostly of fortification systems rather than a public space. Bottom-up designs and ingenious use of mundane space are integral in the lifestyle of Havana. Nonetheless, the Malecรณn could benefit significantly from a master-planning scheme that takes into account all potential future threats and maximizes its resilience by designing it as a public space

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generic section - applies for most of the Malecon

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walkways and cycle paths as a means of helping its integration.

Place-making is the process of designing based on local communities’ assets and potentials, with the intention of promoting health, happiness and well-being. It is the design of urban environments that are people-centric instead of dehumanizing and abstract. The notion is strongly tied to the generation of place-identity, by which people identify with their environments through meaningful engagement. To include placemaking in flood defence designs implies the design of infrastructures that tend to small-scale human needs and large-scale flood risk as equal ambitions. 3

The strategies discussed are derived from the RIBA guide combined with inherent qualities of the current situation in Havana.

2. Avoiding fragmentation Inhabitants living nearby the infrastructure are more prone to engage with it. By encouraging permeability, it acts as a visual and physical link to the sea. This can result in stronger community engagement and identification with the newly created public space, due to the provision of opportunities to interact with the surrounding environment. The infrastructure can be a way for bringing communities together.

Challenges to synergetic design

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Strategies for place-making at the Malecón

Block creatively As discussed above, flood protection is often equated with the creation of barriers. The RIBA guide suggests the re-imagining of these infrastructures as interfaces rather than walls. One way of achieving this is by questioning the form of a barrier. The seawall in Havana now is a single-function object. Still, the minor affordances it provides have been appropriated by the locals, who use the top of the wall as a bench, table, walkway etc. This could be pushed further by reshaping the barrier to build-in added functionality to it.

3. Design with the water

The RIBA ‘Climate Change Toolkit’ – 07 Designing for Flood Risk focuses on the importance of the integrating control and mitigating the risk seamlessly into the overall design. The flood risk is recognized as a key constraint that also allows for a number of potential opportunities which need to be addressed from the outset. Inclusion of multi-disciplinary specialists, such as landscape architects can promote this integrated approach and reach multi-layered solutions. Flood defences are seen as a social infrastructure with unique potentials due to their often prominent and interesting locations.

An inhospitable and uninviting space.i7

The guide describes an approach that includes all three facets in the diagram below. Focus in this article is placed on place-making, that has significantly been neglected at the Malecón.

Designing for residual risk of a breach or failure of the primary defence adds resilience. An obvious solution for flood-prone cities is to provide space for flood waters to occupy during such an event. This does not imply total relinquishment of space to water. Social uses need not be displaced, especially in the cases of dense urban environments. By combining natural systems to activities and forms of the city, such as parks, plazas, canals, the urban fabric can be significantly enriched while simultaneously preparing for floods. Through the use of meaningfully formed public spaces which double as flood water retention basins, the spaces are transformed and their uses adapted through the duration of the flood season. This complexity adds value to them as well as their adjacent neighbourhoods.

The structure can be designed as a flyover elevated pathway, a garden wall, a skate park or even combine functions such as a stepped seating with a shelter underneath. A variation of form will more successfully absorb the high demands for multi-functionality by the users. The varied formal approach will then give way for new reinterpretations and generate even more potential uses, far beyond the aspirations of the designer. For this to happen however, the initial variation in potentials needs to exist. Additionally, a more intimate and complex interface with the water can increase appreciation of the coast. People will develop their own ways of dealing with the sea rather than being cut-off by it.

Considerations for place-making 1. Interface instead of barrier

Allow water in

With flood defences’ primary notion as ‘barriers’, the major problems that arise in a non-integrated approach is the physical divide of one area to the other. A physical divide inhibits a number of activities that could take place such as fishing, swimming, and even just walking along the promenade. Therefore a crucial urban design goal is to promote permeability and linkage. By avoiding a barrier along the flood line, the city can maintain its interface with the coast which defines it, both in terms of activities as well as visually. This creates imaginable and recognizable urban environments, by promoting the natural features that make them unique. Further, the new infrastructure should be connected to existing public spaces such as

Currently, the esplanade suffers frequently from minor wave overtopping, which results in minor floods deeming the street unusable. Exacerbated by the existence of primarily hard surfaces which do not absorb any of the water, sections of the street and pavement are often blocked off causing traffic congestion.

The affordances of the wall make up for the lack of actual seating space.i8

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Instead of focusing on a completely defensive scheme, the Malecón would benefit by designing spaces where water is allowed in. The frequent breaches could be directed into depressed plazas or canals adjacent to the street, which would be gradually drained when appropriate.

Synergetic design of flooding infrastructure.i9

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Combining place-making with flood defences

This project was an exemplary success in synergetic design, by combining flood protection infrastructure and an integral public space for the city. It is included in this article as a proof of how these two goals can be combined to add resilience to the urban environment. The Cheonggyecheon River linear park lies in the middle of the concrete jungle that Seoul is. Its striking transformation from a problematic waterway tucked away under the city’s fabric, into a vibrant green public space bespeaks of an urban renewal success story.

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In the 1940s the river was paved over due to its unsanitary state. Above it, an elevated expressway was constructed in 1976. The area was infamous for criminal activity and often avoided by the public. Additionally, Seoul’s monsoon climate which causes marked variations of river flows throughout the year, resulted in frequent surface water flooding of the underground channel during the summer months.

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Festival at the Cheonggyecheon River linear park.i10

Being one of the most expensive river restoration projects ever undertaken ($900m), the project initially drew significant public opposition. The start of the project saw the removal of the elevated highway, the uncovering of the river, and the restoration of roadways on either side. This precipitated land acquisition and relocation of surrounding businesses exacerbating negative support. The mayor only managed to gain public approval for the project by advertising it as a combination of solutions – the demolition and relocation of the deteriorating elevated expressway, the construction of a necessary major flood relief channel and the marketing potential for Korea’s international image.

This project signifies Seoul’s changing attitude towards natural processes within urban life. Instead of restricting the water in underground pipes as used to be the case, the canal and flood defences are now interweaved in the surrounding social and urban activities. The success lies in the fact that the project was conceived primarily as a resilient public space, addressing flooding through a synergetic approach. This has led to an environmentally sustainable and resilient solution, as well as an enrichment of the public realm.

The park opened to the public in 2005. Koreans now had the chance to cross the city centre along the 5.8km path, undisturbed by traffic and surrounded by nature. Of the 64 000 daily visitors, 1400 are tourists who also help boost the economy of Seoul. This led the project to rapidly become a flagship location of the city. Environmentally, the project has been designed for up to a 200-year flood event, and can sustain a flow rate of 118mm/ hr. By 2008 a 639% rise in biodiversity had been observed, with plant species increasing from 62 to 308, and birds from 4 to 25. The stream combined with the vegetation and the removal of the paved expressway have caused a decrease in the urban heat island effect.4

The design of the linear park has been focused on combining flood mitigation strategies with public space affordances.i11

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From a design perspective, the park consists primarily of curving pathways on either riverbank, and high walls with vegetation on top. The park is sunken below street level, therefore these walls act as an expanded channel path to convey the 1 in 200 year rainfall events. In such a case the public is also warned by loudspeakers broadcasting announcements along the length of the park. Beyond these main features, the project introduces significant variation along its length, providing separate identities to specific areas. Within the dense city centre, the park is mostly paved, with steps and fixed benches as seating areas. These are provided in different forms and heights, causing the landscape to change with variations of the water level. Bridges of varied styles allow access from one side to the other, and a number of checkpoints are provided in the form of information points and gathering areas. A series of lighting methods are employed including underwater fixtures and blue LED strips along the sides. The closeness to the canal and the multiple conditions successfully encourage public engagement with the water. Further downstream, the canal becomes much more organic with less paving and more vegetation.

Cheonggyecheon River park, Seoul (Korea)

By focusing on a more layered relationship with the water instead of blocking it off, locals will stop viewing it as a problem but instead as a defining aspect of their city. The temporal change of such a plaza is also a means of providing variation in the landscape, and potentially in the functions and affordances of the plaza. Such minor flooding events could even be celebrated due to the change they bring in the visual environment.

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Maintain visual connection The U-shape of the coast of Havana providing views of the city along the Malecón, generates a powerful cognitive visual understanding of the city, making orientation in Havana very accessible for locals and even tourists. Additionally it is a big part of the city’s charm, especially the contrasting skylines of affluent Vedado and the Havana Vieja. To achieve place-making flood defences, this visual connection needs to be maintained. This feeds into the discussion that most flood defences act as both physical and visual barriers, mentioned earlier. A raised landscape or a stepped barrier could be a way of ensuring the view of the city while blocking floods.

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The current situation – the esplanade designed as a single linear barrier with very minimal variation along its length.i15a

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Not to be neglected, is the value of developments adjacent to the seafront, whose value will largely benefit from the impressive views (should the real estate market ever become susceptible to the free market). Blocking these views would be detrimental for the properties.

Stepped seating barrier.i12b

Vedado

Encourage variation

Centro Habana

Habana Vieja

N. Vedado

The process of place-making requires a deep understanding and connection to the local communities. A shortcoming of Malecón in this aspect is that it has been designed linearly, without taking into account the character of the diverse areas it protects.

The esplanade designed as a series of varied consecutive spaces, each specific to its adjacent area and residents.i15b

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By varying the forms of the sea wall, each intervention can be tailored to the neighbourhood it attaches to. This can be pushed further by addressing specific needs of each area and community. Connections can be provided to existing (or planned) infrastructures to ease its integration into the rest of the city fabric. A varied intervention along the coast can help locals identify with their part of the infrastructure, which will in turn encourage more emotive participation in its maintenance and improvement. Users should feel that they partly own public spaces, and identify with them, since an attachment between people and infrastructure is a sure way of

achieving its resilience and its amalgamation into urban activities. The multitude of ways of dealing with flooding provides an ideal framework to build a varied infrastructure.

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Nevertheless, walking along the coast which is a currently a frequent activity by locals and tourists, will gain a new meaning as users will be faced with a richer landscape, a varied character, and an insight into the Cuban communities’ lifestyles. The Malecón seawall has not been designed as a public social space, yet it thrives as one. What can be taken from this is the inherent potential it has to behave as such a space.

Public space designed to accommodate water in case of breach, adding temporal variety and new affordances.i13

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Havana

Flyover path / barrier.i12a

Endontes: “History of Havana’s Malecon Seawall Boulevard”, accessed December 27, 2016, http://havanamalecon-bib.com/history-ofhavanas-malecon-seawall-boulevard/ 2 L.C. la Gasse, M.I.S. van Rooij, B.P. Smits, A.M. Ton, R.L.C. Velhorst, “Coastal protection Malec´on seawall”, (TU Delft master thesis 2015), 3-5. 3 “Placemaking”, accessed 26 December, 2016, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Placemaking 4 “Cheonggyecheon Stream Restoration Project “, accessed December 27, 2016, http://landscapeperformance.org/case-studybriefs/cheonggyecheon-stream-restoration

Vedado skyline, visible along the whole length of the Malecon.i14

Bibliography: Curtis, Kiran. “07 Designing for Flood Risk”. In Climate Change Toolkit, edited by RIBA. London: RIBA, 2009. Steers, James Alfred, ed. Introduction to coastline development. London: Macmillan and Co LTD, 1971. Otero, Concepcion. El Vedado. History of a Havana Neighborhood. Alicia Juarrero, 2013. Noever, Peter, ed. The Havana Project: Architecture Again: International Conference on Architecture, Havana, Cuba. Munich: Prestel,1996. Scarpaci, Joseph, Roberto Segre, Mario Coyula. Havana Two Faces of the Antillean Metropolis. North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 2002. The Rockefeller Foundation. Rebuild by Design: The Hurricane Sandy. New York: American Printing Co., 2015. Kothuis, Baukje, Nikki Brand, A.G. Sebastian, Anne Loes Nillesen, Bas Jonkman. Delft delta design. Delft: Delft University Publishers, 2015. Baca Architects, BRE. The LifE Handbook: Long-Term Initiatives for Flood-Risk Environments (EP97). London: Routledge, 2009. UN Habitat, Urban Patterns for green economy - Working with nature. Nairobi: UNION, 2004. 40-41. UNESCO CLT WHC. “Old Havana and its fortification system.” 2013. Accessed December 15, 2016. http://whc.unesco. org/en/list/204/ Colin Marshall. “Story of cities #50: the reclaimed stream bringing life to the heart of Seoul.” The Guardian (Website), May 25, 2016. Accessed December 18, 2016. https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2016/may/25/story-cities-reclaimed-stream-heart-seoulcheonggyecheon

Images: The construction of the Malecon, 1902 (credit: unknown photographer, havanamalecon.com) Flooding during the 2005 Wilma hurricane (credit: UNDP ‘Cuba - Risk Reduction Management Centres’, 2007) i3-5-6-8-11-12-13-14 Images and diagrams are made by the Author i4 Floodplain in Vedado, and flood intensity (credit: Melisa Silva, 2016) i7 Inhospitable (credit: Robin Cals, 2016) i9 Synergetic design of flooding infrastructure (credit: RIBA Designing for flood risk (edited, 2016)) i10 The Cheonggyecheon River, 2008 (credit: Michael Sotnikov, Archdaily, 2008) i15 Linear barrier vs varied and site specific design (credit: author, Google Earth, 2016) i1 i2

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RORY DOWNES

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Integrating Infrastructural Objectives

A wider look at the various watersheds of Havana down to the water supply issues of Havana, this report then attempts to look at the potential in a blue green strategy to fundamentally improve the issues facing Havana’s relationship with water. While the jury is still out on the benefits of Blue-Green infrastructure implementation, the principles are certainly attractive to a city that has the opportunity to learn lessons from many other cities that have made significant in roads to a more integrated urban landscape, and of course cities that have made obvious mistakes.

growth has overwhelmed its century-old public water works, forcing the Luyano and other rivers to become dumping grounds”2.

Resilient cities, prepared for the future, are taking a careful look at their ecology that first appealed to human settlement and attempting to re-integrate its processes with the continued built development of our cities. It is an attitude embodied in the movement toward ‘Blue-Green Cities’, bringing water management and green infrastructure together to re-establish an uninterrupted water cycle into our dense urban futures. A hopeful notion, the idea seeks to stitch the ripped seems of nature and the man-made which ” offers urban regions a feasible, more valuable solution to the challenges of climate change in the future”6, which is no more condensed and disturbing than in the example of Havana. While Havana has a rich aesthetic heritage, now steeped in the fashionable and popular interest in the ruin and decay of its visible built form, the impact of the free market will be less impactful in commercial and cultural projects, but more so in technical and infrastructural projects, for it is on this level that Havana is in most desperate need of capital. Of most pressing concern is the water supply infrastructure that will need capital driven directly to well defined problem areas. These efforts will determine a re-engagement with their streams, rivers, lost rivers and aquifers, as sources of water to propel an awareness of better, more sustainable practices. Most interesting will be when these priorities become efficient in how they confront and impact other concerns of the city; when they become social projects that may sow the seeds of an organic and habitual improvement in urban living.

The neglect of these rivers has rendered them environmentally vulnerable and infra-structurally redundant. Awareness and efforts to understand and clean up the city’s rivers and begin living with them and utilising them in a responsible way are widely considered to be superficial, without the immense investment desperately needed to totally revamp the distribution piping. This is a huge undertaking, but the reality is that any isolated water related projects are starkly in vain when over 50% of the water fails to reach the end user. The issues facing Havana’s water supply, of course stem from fundamental and historical problems with management of Havana’s watershed and its Rivers. One of these issues has been its practices relating to water intensive farming, most notably of citrus and rice, staples of the Cuban diet - “the very large water needs of rice and citrus have required the construction of a network of reservoirs, which have reduced the amount of water flowing to the coastal aquifers of Pinar del Rio and La Habana Provinces”3. The authors go on to note that in Havana, the opportunity to increase the capacity of reservoirs is severely limited and so this has put an even greater strain on water drawn from aquifers. Ultimately, demand for water is high for various reasons beyond potable, residential water supply and Cuban awareness of efficient methods of water management is low. This has obviously had knock on effects on Havana’s rivers, diminishing them as a source and site of inner city nature and wildlife. The decline of Havana’s Rivers is a story of increasing deficit in capacity over time, relative to the growing population and a lack of waste management. As population increased, such large quantities of water were being withdrawn from the aquifer, without adequate replenishment, that the water table was receding. In some areas of Western Cuba the water table had been depleted to below sea level throughout the 1960’s. This is not to say that overall capacity is not sufficient however, as it has been calculated that Cuba has enough nominal water treatment capacity “to satisfy domestic water demand”4. Furthermore, “the fuel and spare parts shortage in the Special Period forced the opening of many scattered dump sites to reduce transportation”5, the effects of which can be seen clearly in the state of the rivers and tributaries.

Havana’s Rivers and Watersheds Havana features 2 main watersheds. It is the watershed West of the centre, featuring the Alamendares River that provides potable water to Havana’s residents. Havana’s second watershed, which features the Luyano and Martin Perez River is an almost redundant ecosystem, with limited river flow and excessive pollution. It has three inlets at Marimelena (NE), Guasabacoa (SW) and Atares at the southwest1. The old centre and most of the working class districts, including Diez De Octubre (the most densely populated municipality of Havana) actually fall within the boundaries of this secondary watershed. There is added significance to this particular watershed because it is here that the Luyano and Martin Perez River flow into the city’s, much polluted bay. “The waterway is a case study in how Havana’s

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HAVANA’S WATER SUPPLY INFRASTRUCTURE: WHAT NOW AND WHAT NEXT?

no has taken the toll more than any other. In a city so desperately in need for rain, nearby residents of the Luyano balk at the thought, painfully aware of the inevitable stench that will follow the flushing of open sewage into the dried up riverbed2. The massive amount of waste and pollutants in the Luyano River stem from the neighbourhoods the river runs through. Diez De Octubre is the densest of all Havana’s municipalities but the housing stock and service infrastructure is behind that of Vieja or Vedado meaning the effect of waste on the area is amplified. The main sources of pollution in the Luyano River are organic material, nutrients, sewage and solid waste and the River itself has been found to be one of the main sources of pollution and contamination in the Havana Bay2.

An old postcard showing the Luyano River running under Havana Bridge, 1902.i1

The capacity of Havana’s water treatment plants is technically adequate in capacity for the supply of the city’s continuous demand (i.e. 24 hour supply), however, it is vulnerable in a number of areas and for a number of reasons. Thus, strategies towards development of this infrastructure may have to look at different and more innovative strategies for fundamental improvement. Any strategy would have to address the following four categories:

Waste and scavaging on the banks of the Luyano River.i3

Almedares-Vento Watershed

1. Piping/Distribution 2. Contamination 3. Pumping Station/Equipment Upgrade 4. Treatment - chlorination

The Almendares-Vento watershed is the largest in Havana. It features the Vento aquifer which is hydraulically connected to the Almendares river which serves as the primary source of potable drinking water to the city of Havana - for up to 47% of its population. It is located west of the centre of Havana, providing the settlement for numerous industrial and infrastructural activities along its course that have polluted and contaminated the water. The river is the subject of the extensive studies due to its significance and importance for the population of Havana.

Green and Blue vision for Havana: Opportunities The Luyano River poses significant challenges and opportunities to re-engage public awareness with the importance of the river for the city and the urban potentials in developing programatic urban-scapes at one with the natural resources and processes of river ecology. Poignantly, the River runs through the districts Diez De Octubre and San Miguel del Padron, both working class areas suffering from a stark level of neglect even by the standards of Havana. The typical model for the redevelopment of these areas over the last forty years in free market driven western cities has been culturally focussed, at least as a top-down marketing tool, masking some of the negative traits of land and property speculation. The notion however, that the creative class can regenerate a neglected and poor area of the city toward the goal of establishing ‘culture’ has only fed price rises

The Luyano River The Luyano River is part of the Havana Bay (Cuenca de la Bahia) watershed and is significant because it’s main river is the largest that feeds into Havana’s harbour. More than any other waterway, the Luyano River encapsulates the city’s disintegrated relationship with its environment. The Luyano is neglected, a dumping ground for waste and pollutants, carrying about 90% of the organic pollutant load to the bay1. As the population of Havana has outgrown its water supply infrastructure, the Luya-

Open sewer into Luyano River.i2

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Waste and oil deposit in Havana Bay.i4

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Issues and Priorities for Havana’s Water Supply

HAVANA BAY

Pastrana Stream Bridge Calle Lopez

LUYANO ‘Collector Marginal’ Improving the existing urban water supply networks in Dakar.i5

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Senegal’s capital city, Dakar enjoys the same tropical climate as Havana. It also benefits from an advantageous geographical location, stemming its development as an important port city for travel and commerce with the Americas. Dakar’s context and handling of their water supply can serve as good reading for Havana, particularly with regard to the significant improvements made in relatively short time through a public private partnership established in 1996. Previously state run, raising revenue was difficult, there was limited capacity and leakages were severe. These are certainly challenges that face Havana. While Havana’s state governed but privately outsourced water management has struggled to make significant improvements in the last 6 years, the intervention of a PPP in Dakar was able to take steady strides towards continuous (24hr) water supply in 2006. In fact it was so well managed, with costs heavily reduced, that a tariff surplus meant re-investment could be directed to low-income neighbourhoods. Dakar’s second PPP arrangement, after a period of 20 years of public management was seeded in 1995 when the government formed three bodies under the Senegalese National Water Company, which became a state asset holding company. A private operating company and public sanitation company were established, answerable to the state holding company. By privatising operations, maintenance, investment for system expansion, as well as billing and collection became efficient and competitive. Dakar, similarly to Havana sources its water from fossil aquifers that also face the prospect of over-exploitation and salination. Residents near

Bridge Calzada Luyano

Bridge Calle Mayor

JUANELO

AMPLIACION DE LAWTON

Bridge Calle Fe

Luyano Stream

School Yard

RIO HONDO

Bridge de la Viga Linear diagram of Luyano River, showing neighbourhoods, bridges and tributaries.i6

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Mont Rolland, 70km from Dakar, are now required to drill up to 80 metres to pump water, whereas historically, the area used to be well known for its mineral springs. The reality Dakar faces then, is the necessity of utilising the Senegal River as a source of surface water. This requires hugely uncreased infrastructure, including pipelines over a distance of up to 240km. This would also have a significant environmental impact, and Senegal will also face issues relating to limited river flow as climate change takes hold. Similarities with Havana continue. Wastewater treatment in Dakar is limited, only 15% being treated, the rest discharged into the Atlantic Ocean. Interestingly however, Dakar are making inroads into the blue-green vision as some wastewater, as of a 2007 initiative, is being re-used for the irrigation of trees, green spaces and vegetable gardens. One innovative approach used in Dakar, potentially appropriate to Havana where water struggles to reach the poorest of the population, would be the encouragement of enterprises to maintain localised, neighbourhood water systems with support from micro-credits. Havana’s issues with water supply is one of central over-dependence and infrastructural decay, and looking at motivating decentralised means could well be a step in the right direction, not least because it could feed into the wider ecology and stimulate community initiatives. The sustainable model used in Dakar was the introduction of boreholes, through which metering and volumetric pricing was established. Private companies received compulsory maintenance contracts with support through the principle of micro-credit.

Case Study Comparison: Dakar

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A dried-up waterway running North through Diez De Octubre toward Havana Bay. Spotted at Calazada Luyano.i8

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An unused, underground waterway running through the valley of Lomo del Burro in Diex De Octubre, presumably connected to the Luyano River.i7

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It is interesting to note that the numerous masterplans that have been proposed for Havana bay (that the Luyano river feeds into) feature swarms of green space, with landscapes parks interweaving between various built program. The awareness that the bay can become redeveloped in a sustainable way obviously exists, but its implementation in practice, when the demands of the invested stakeholders form the trajectory of the process is another matter entirely. What is starkly evident in the masterplans however is the complete lack of consideration of the working class neighbourhoods that stretch south with the Luyano River. It can be supposed therefore that these ideas around the development of the Bay fail to think integrally about the watershed as a whole that may be included in vision to make the Rivers and then the Bay a more environmentally and ecologically conscious feature of Havana. Strides towards such a blue-green vision for this watershed could begin in a comprehensive analysis of Diez De Octubre. Its history shows the various unplanned and dense residential grids were built in and around the famous Calzada Diez de Octubre, previously Jesus del Monte - a main artery out of the city providing a route to the southern neighbourhoods for trade and passengers. These grids responded to the varied topography of the area, as if blocks were being poured into leftover space. One quite obvious outcome is the lack of green space in these neighbourhoods which leads to a great deal of run-off from tropical storms. There is no landscaped strategy in these neighbourhoods

Conclusion Havana’s must look for innovative and progressive solutions to its water crisis as it looks to solve the issues of its failing infrastructure. It will not be enough, and will be a wasted opportunity if Havana sets its sights on simply fixing its distribution network which is “not capable of meeting the needs of the population”4. The statistic that 55% of potable water doesnt reach residents is a reality, but simply focussing on this problem will not address the deep set issue that Havana’s central aquifer is running a supply deficit due to a diminshed water table. Innovative solutions around decentralising the water supply, in conjunction with an awareness about Blue-Green infrastructures would be a truly progressive direction relative to even the most environmentally forward thinking cities. Dakar provides an important for water management from an executive point of view which can be learnt from. Some studies have already called for such integration. Cueto and De Leon4 call for ‘integrated management’ of the wastewater treatment system with “new wastewater infrastructure in locations of high importance such as densely populated urban centres”. This ‘fits’ the notion of a green-blue vision and should be approached as such as the 352

wastewater treatment plant for the Luyano River is completed. Meanwhile, the Luyano River must be the site of the utmost importance in attempts to re-invigorate Havana as an environmentally conscious city. A sensitive improvement of this River would connect the neighbourhoods to the Bay, decrease water contamination, have a social impact on the neglected working class neighbourhoods and improve air quality and wildlife prospects.

Bibliography: “DEMONSTRATION OF INNOVATIVE APPROACHES TO THE REHABILITATION OF HEAVILY CONTAMINATED BAYS IN THE WIDER CARIBBEAN” (paper presentation at the Regional Workshop to promote Envinronmentaly Sound Water and Wastewat Provision at the Community Level in the Caribean, Kingston, Jamaica 28-29 November 2007) accessed at, http://www.unep.or.jp/ietc/ws/newsnov07/4-1_Cuba_HeavilyContaminatedBays.pdf 2 Martinez, M. “In Cuba, a hard river to clean: But construction lags on a ‘devil of a mess’ in Havana”, Chicago Tribune (2007), accessed November 20, 2016, http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2007-09-25/news/0709250060_1_untreated-sewage-hava-na-bay-raul-castro 3 Sergio Díaz-Briquets and Jorge F. Pérez-López. “Water, Development, and Environment in Cuba; A First Look” (2014): v09 at, http:// www.ascecuba.org/c/ wp-content/uploads/2014/09/v03-briquets1.pdf 4 Josenrique Cueto and Omar De Leon. “EVALUATION OF CUBA’S WATER AND WASTEWATER INFRASTRUCTURE INCLUDING HIGH-PRIORITY IMPROVEMENTS AND ORDER-OF-MAGNITUDE COSTS” (2014): v20. Accessed October 25, 2016 at, http://www. ascecuba.org/c/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/v20-Cuetoanddeleon.pdf 5 Joseph L. Scarpaci, Roberto Segre, Mario Coyula: Havana: Two Faces of the Antillean Metropolis (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 2002) 6 Ramboll. “ENHANCING BLUE-GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE IN GREY URBAN AREAS”, last modified 2015, http://www.ramboll.com/ megatrend/feature-articles/enhancing-bluee-green-infrastructure-in-grey-urban-areas 7 Perez, Cardona, Locay and Helena M. Solo-Gabriele. “WATER AND WASTEWATER INFRASTRUCTURE PRIORITIES FOR CUBA WITH EMPHASIS ON HAVANA, INCLUDING SOME BENEFIT-COST CONSIDERATIONS” (2014): v19. Accessed October 26, 2016 at, www.ascecuba.org/c/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/v19-perezcardonaetal.pdfwww.ascecuba.org/c/wp-con-tent/uploads/2014/09/ v19-perezcardonaetal.pdf 8 Patricia Grogg, “Water Shortages Have a Heavy Impact on Women in Cuba”, Ed. Estrella Gutiérrez/Translated by Stephanie Wildes. Inter Press Service News Agency, Dec 2, 2015, accessed November 12, 2016, http://www.ipsnews.net/2015/12/ water-shortages-have-a-heavy-impact-on-women-in-cuba/ 1

Images: i1 POS-72 Cuba 1902 Havana Bridge of Luyano River Postcard to Scotland, accessed at Dec 7, https://www.delcampe.net/en_GB/ collectables/postcards/other-8/pos-72-cuba-1902-havana-bridge-of-luyano-river-postcard-to-scotland-333517464.html i2 Delgado Valdés, Elio, accessed on Dec 7, http://www.havanatimes.org/?p=107132 i3 Sanchez, Louis, accessed on Dec 7, http://blogsdecuba.impela.net/2014/10/s-o-s-contaminacion-fluvial-en-la-habana-45-fotos/ i4 Romero, Gilberto, Cuban Environmentalist, accessed on Dec 16, https://www.quora.com/What-was-the-environmental-record-of-Castros-Cuba i5 Project of Expansion of Urban Water Supply System in Dakar, accessed on Dec 7, http://cgcint.com/index.php/en/construction/ water-engineering/134-zdgj/gongcheng/2014-06-24-13-55-34/296-expansion-dakar i6 “Modelling of water quality in the middle segment of the Luyanó river”. June 2010. i7-8 Images are made by the Author

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to capture surface run-off which may feed back into the waterbed. Rather, downpours feed into the Luyano and swirls the pollutants into the Bay. Of course, the vision of a blue-green city would be particularly relevant to Vedado as well, a more affluent area of Havana, West of the centre along the famous Malecon, Havana’s primary seafront road. From the seawall, to around 600 metres inland, Vedado experiences regular floods after tropical rain, exacerbated by rising sea levels that the existing Malecon wall can no longer temper. The striving for sustainable drainage systems (SuDS) to re-create natural water cycles would halt the intense run-off effect of this areas topography. Blue green infrastructure, such as roofs with vegetation and gardens that capture and manage rainfall would certainly help in this area. Moving onto Central Havana, it is here that a significant heat island effect is experienced by residents and visitors. This area doesn’t benefit from the rigid, European planned grid of Vedado which at least provides wide, ventilating vistas perpendicular to the shoreline. In Central Havana, a less rigid, historic grain and built density to its East and West renders this are particularly unpleasant during high summer. A Blue Green vision here, utilising aforementioned methods would improve air quality significantly.

and thus the dislocation of residents. A different strategy might well be relevant to these poorer neighbourhoods, one that looks to the river and its ecology to stimulate an environmental and infrastructural led regeneration. Density in Diez De Octubre is high and public space either limited or very undefined. Improving access and landscape toward and around the Luyano river with very well integrated but specific public space and attractions must be embedded into the practical goals around equipment upgrades and distribution efficacy. The benefits of returning this river to its natural state and re-purposing it toward a relevant and sensitive urban vision would arguably be of greater and more impressive metal than the same feat achieved with the Almendares, no less for the fact that these neighbourhoods would be leveraged by such a vision towards a community-centric regeneration. If the government are strong enough to allow the space around the Luyano River to be landscaped, instead of utilised in any way toward the goal of property speculation, then a positive position will be communicated that a blue-green vision of the central districts is important.

HOW FOOD SHAPES CUBA?

XIANGTING MENG

Since the beginning of urbanization, cities have been intertwined with agriculture. The rapid growth of cities in the developing world is placing enormous demands on urban food supply systems and also an increasing in urban poverty. By 2020 the developing countries of Africa, Asia, and Latin America will be home to some 75% of all urban dwellers, and to eight of the anticipated nine megacities with populations in excess of 20 million. It is expected that by 2020, 85% of the poor in Latin America, and about 40-45% of the poor in Africa and Asia will be concentrated in towns and cities1. Most cities in developing countries have great difficulties to cope with this development and are unable to create sufficient formal employment opportunities for the poor. Urban agriculture provides a complementary strategy to reduce urban poverty and food insecurity and enhance urban environmental management. Urban agriculture contributes to local economic development, poverty alleviation and social inclusion of the urban poor and women in particular, as well as to the greening of the city and the productive reuse of urban wastes. The importance of urban agriculture is increasingly being recognized by international organizations like UN-Habitat and FAO (World Food and Agriculture Organization).

Productive garden in Santa Clara.i1

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â&#x20AC;&#x153;And it has been a success in terms of meeting some of the food security needs, but it has not resolved the problem since the island still imports a great deal of food.â&#x20AC;? Stephen Wilkinson,International Institute for the Study of Cuba

When the Soviet Bloc collapsed in 1989, Cuba lost its food imports and agricultural inputs from which it depended for an adequate supply of food. The US Embargo also created a shortage of petrol necessary to transport the food from the rural agriculture sector to the city. The entire country, especially most of all Havana has been shocked by the serious food shortages. In the face of a massive food shortage, over the last fifteen years, Cuba has developed one of the most successful examples of urban agriculture in the world. Cubaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s agricultural revolution, based largely on a return to peasantfarming principles, propelled the island from the lowest per capita food producer in Latin America and the Caribbean to its most prolific.

Healthy drinks in local market.i2

Definition Urban agriculture can be defined shortly as the growing of plants and the raising of animals within and around cities. The most striking feature of urban agriculture, which distinguishes it from rural agriculture, is that it is integrated into the urban economic and ecological system: urban agriculture is embedded in and interacting with the urban ecosystem, including the use of urban residents as laborers, the use of typical urban resources (like organic waste as compost and urban waste water for irrigation), the direct links with urban consumers, the direct impacts on urban ecology (positive and negative), being part of the urban food system, competing for land with other urban functions, being influenced by urban policies and plans, etc. Urban agriculture is not a relict of the past that will fade away (urban agriculture increases when the city grows) nor brought to the city by rural immigrants that will lose their rural habits over time. It is an integral part of the urban system.

Fruit on the rooftop.i3

Garden in Alamar, Havana, Cuba.i4

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Intertwined Cities

Post-plantation Cuba

200 gardens, plus thousands of backyards and rooftops where people grow leaf vegetables, tomatoes, herbs, and even wine grapes.

The small island nation of Cuba has been exploited in the world economy since Christopher Columbus stopped by in 1492, beginning a process of extermination for the native populations and sowing the seeds of a plantation economy based on slave labor. For most of the last 500 years, Cubans have grown sugar, coffee, and tobacco for foreign markets: first Spain, then the U.S. and the Soviet Union.

Historically, farming has meant hard labor but in Cuba it was primarily forced, underpaid labor on someone else’s land. The new Cuban farms, in contrast, are mostly cooperatives managed by their members who may work equally hard but make about three times the national average wage and are considered valuable contributors to Cuban society.

Organic rooftop vegetable and herb garden, high-rise building in Bangkok.i5

plot of land in the middle of a city to grow food on when that plot can be sold as real estate for a higher value,” says Daniel Hoornweg, professor and Jeff Boyce research chair at the University of Ontario Institute of Technology. It is also difficult for governments to rely on hobby farmers in urban areas for a regular food supply. Urban agriculture will be most beneficial when it is integrated into other city plans, such as combing it with green space which benefits residents while keeping real estate values high. Urban farming related food production has a significant multiplier effect on the urban economy. It generates economic activity in related industries, including those that supply agricultural inputs, as well as storage, transportation, canning, marketing and food processing. Street food vendors in Bangkok and elsewhere grow their own food and cook it for sale every morning5. Urban farming also provides secure jobs to Bangkok. In Bangkok, a poultry conglomerate has contracts with no less than 10,000 poultry out-growers. A great many of the out-growers are small-scale entrepreneurs who provide employment to others. Urban agriculture is an easy industry to enter for the urban poor. It can be started on a small scale, on informally accessed land, with few and in expensive inputs and limited technical knowledge and skills.

Could it be a solution for urban poor? Urban farming in Bangkok “If urban farming could be regularized and encouraged with the backing of Thai government, the the potential for feeding the city’s growing numbers of residents could be big.” ---Homer In Thailand, agriculture areas are undergoing changes, as a result of a rapid urbanization. A rapid urbanization is a significant driving force for land use conversation that leads to unsustainable agriculture land use. As the capital of Thailand, each resident has only 3 square meters of green space which is one of the lowest ratios in Asian cities. In 2000, Bangkok’s population was 6.3 million, roughly 10 percent of the total population of Thailand. Despite the limitation of open space, researchers also found a surprising number of low income families growing herbs, vegetables and spices unofficially in parks, in building lots and on windowsills around the city. Until now, they not only feed themselves, they even also sell the products in local markets. The gardeners also started training people in the community to encourage more urban farm plots. “It doesn’t make economic sense to use a small 356

Policy orientated The citizens of Havana used any spare space they could use, like balconies, terraces, backyards, and empty lots to plant tomatoes, beans and bananas. In only two years time, there were gardens and farms in every neighborhood in Havana.

Cuban farming was based on Soviet-style megafarms and U.S. agribusiness. Massive quantities of Soviet petroleum products were used to operate tractors, make chemical fertilizers and pesticides, and fuel trucks to bring agricultural products from distant farms into the city. Cuba exported sugar and imported food. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, the Cuban economy collapsed with it. Gross domestic product fell by half and oil imports by 80 percent. Without subsidized Soviet oil and petroleum products, the cities faced a food and transportation crisis. Even though Cuba maintained basic food rationing so that no one would go without, calorie and protein intake fell below minimum levels as defined by the United Nations. Scrambling to feed themselves and their families, some began planting food in vacant lots. Many early gardens failed for lack of knowledge, but the grow-your-own idea took hold. Through trial and error, ecologists and agronomists began establishing organoponicos, the distinctive raised bed organic gardens of Cuban urban agriculture today. Harvard ecologist Richard Levins, who worked with the Cubans in the 1980s, says “The rest of us (the ecologists) saw it as a process of converting ecologistsby-necessity into ecologists-by-conviction.” Worm castings from animal manure is one of the primary ways organoponicos add to the soil2.

Instead of government

forbidden these efforts, the of Havana facilitated them.

In 1994, the newly formed Urban Agriculture Department undertook a few key actions: (1) it adapted city law to the planning concept of Usufruct, making it not just legal, but free to adapt unused, public land into food production plots; (2) it trained a network of extension agents, community members who monitor, educate, and encourage gardeners in their neighborhoods; (3) created “Seed Houses” (agricultural stores) to provide resources/information; and (4) established an infrastructure of directsale Farmers’ Markets to make these gardens financially viable3. By 1998, from individually run plots to large State-run estates, there were over 8,000 officially recognized gardens in Havana. And produced about 50% of the country’s vegetables. Of course, Cuba is far from perfect, and whether these policies remain successful, or even successfully in place, is doubtful. Some predicted that with the easing up of the food crisis, Cuban’s urban gardens would fade away. But just the opposite has happened. Havana’s farms and gardens are steadily increasing, both in size and number, but most importantly in quality. They have had a visible impact on the food security of the city and in improving the Cuban diet. The gardens also bring environmental benefits. Many empty lots, which earlier were informal garbage dumps, are now beautiful gardens that provide food to local communities and improve neighborhood aesthetics and health.

Organoponicos can be as small as the vacant lot used by a three-family coop in Pinar del Rio, or as large as the 26 acres used by the 150-member Vivero Alamar in the Havana suburbs. Countrywide, there are more than 7,000 organoponicos, and their number is growing. Havana, with 2.5 million people, has more than 357

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Lettuce is protected from insects by basil and young garlic. During the 1980s, Cuban ecologists started talking about sustainable development using environmentally sound techniques to become self-sufficient in food. Although few changes were actually made in that decade, some fundamental concepts of organic agriculture and integrated pest management were studied.

Organoponico plaza, Havana, Cuba.i6

Land utilization.i8

2001, Cubans cultivated 18,591 hectares of urban land; in 2006, 52,389 hectares were cultivated. As a result of these efforts, the caloric intake for the population averaged 3,356 calories a day in 20054. During the economic crisis, unemployment sharply increased. However, the creation of extensive urban agricultural programs, which included centers of information and education, provided new jobs that subsumed 7 percent of the workforce and provided good wages.

In Cuba, the urban agriculture formed bottom to top - involved citizens taking action in response to a crisis. And whatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s more fascinating about Cuba, is how food once again became the guiding factor in the shaping of its capital city. Before urban agriculture became a viable alternative to feeding the city, it became a visible course of action. If we let food once again be our guide to urban design, then the first step will be to use design to shorten-not just the physical distance-but the conceptual distance between us and our food.

Urban agriculture and reforestation projects also constituted important gains for the environment. Shifting food production away from reliance on fossil fuels and petrochemicals is better for human health and reduces the carbon dioxide emissions associated with food production. Urban reforestation projects provide sinks for air pollution and help beautify cities. Finally, local production of food decreases food miles. It also requires both local producers and consumers. Therefore, community members get to know each other and are responsible for each other through the production and consumption of food.

Benefited Cuba

Fresh picked bok choy.i7

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The pursuit of food sovereignty has yielded many benefits. Urban agriculture has increased food production, employment, environmental recovery and protection, and community building. Perhaps the most impressive strides are in the area of food security. In the early 1990s, during the Special Period, Cubansâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; caloric intake decreased to approximately 1,863 calories a day. In the midst of food scarcity, Cuba ramped up food production. Between 1994 and 2006, Cubans increased urban output by a thousand fold, with an annual growth rate of 78 percent a year. In

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pasture scrub marsh small trees evergreen forest

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transitioning towards food independence. As global warming intensifies and energy, land and water reserves diminish, more and more people see the value in a return to the local and the development of more resilient food systems. Cuba’s model, which is affordable, accessible, comprehensive and organic, could be particularly instructive for other nations seeking improved food security. And while Cuba was forced to innovate due to the food crisis of 1989, other countries have the opportunity to develop their own self-sufficiency before such a crisis unfolds. With the pressing threat of climate change waiting in the wings, designers have a responsibility to engage, perhaps by helping countries retrofit urban food system for self-sufficiency.

Cuban urban organic agriculture.i7

into the city fabric, this country-wide initiative suggests local land-use transitions, provides a model for agricultural education and offers up a variety of new formal garden typologies. Perhaps most importantly, Cuba presents a useful case study because the country has endured a food crisis by oil scarcity, but has thrived.

plays an important role in programs and projects that target enterprise development, income generation and food production and supply. Urban food production has a significant multiplier effect on the urban economy. It generates economic activity in related industries, including those that supply agricultural inputs, as well as storage, transportation, canning, marketing and food processing. Urban agriculture provides secure jobs to many people in the city. In some cities, as many as one-fifth to one-third of all families are engaged in agriculture, with up to one-third of these having no other source of income6.

A large-scale conversion to urban agriculture demands a shift in cultural and social values while also triggering concomitant formal and physical changes. Professor Alex Wall suggests that the new forms of landscape urbanism must be “targeted not only toward physical but also social and cultural transformations, functioning as social and ecological agents.”8 Part of this transformation entails a disciplinary shift, through design, while another part of it is political and social, a shifting of language and thinking around what the city can and ought to be. A good example of this transformation can be found in Havana’s master plan, which identifies a planning typology called a “food park”. This new terminology illustrates the enlightened thinking of planners and residents and suggests a way forward for other parts of the world.

Productive landscape With natural and man-made disasters increasing in both frequency and severity, architects, landscape and planners can help countries plan for resilience by identifying replicable methods for self-sufficiency7. Cuba’s innovative approach to urban farming provides a blueprint for urban food security, with a host of formal recommendations that could be useful in other areas. While not originally planned

Indeed, the urban agriculture practiced in Cuba provides an important model for any country 360

References: The national agricultural dictionary, 2011 Urban Agriculture in Cuba, Mickey Ellinger, Reimagine Journal 3 Pinderhughes, Raquel, Catherine Murphy, and Mario Gonzalez. “Urban Agriculture in Havana, Cuba.” August 2000. 4 Christina Ergas, Cuban Urban Agriculture as a Strategy for Food Sovereignty, Monthly Review, 2013, Volume 64, Issue 10 5 Irene Tinker. 1993. Introductory comments, Canadian African Studies Association Conference, Toronto, May 1993. 6 Lee-Smith et al. 1993. Urban Food Production; and Daniel G. Maxwell, Land Access and Household Logic: Urban Farming in Kampala. Kampala, Uganda: Makerere Institute of Social Research. 7 Carey Clouse, Havana’s Urban Agriculture: Productive land-scapes within a city’s crumbling infrastructure 8 Charles Waldheim, The Landscape Urbanism Reader 1 2

Images: Images and diagrams are made by the Author Healthy drinks in local market, Noah Friedman-Rudovsky, 2013 i3 Fruit on the rooftop, Noah Friedman-Rudovsky, 2013 i4 Garden in Alamar, Havana, Cuba, Liwen Zhang, 2016 i5 Organic rooftop vegetable and herb garden atop a high-rise building in Bangkok, Flora Bagenal, 2013 i6 Organoponico plaza, Havana, Cuba, James Pagram, 2008 i7 Fresh picked bok choy, James Pagram, 2008 i9 Cuban urban organic agriculture, https://elodietravels.wordpress.com/2016/05/30/urban-agriculture/ i1-8 i2

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CRUMBLING CITY

ZEHUI LI

Poorly maintained drainage and sewage systems in Havana Cuba have become one of the main causes of the whole city’s decaying and crumbling. The city and its people are suffering from the malfunction of water infrastructure. Frequent flooding in rainy seasons poses a threat historical heritage and water environment in the city of Havana, which creates big obstacle for the development in the future. The drainage and sewage system should be investigated from social and engineering aspects in order to perceive the relationship between water and people’s life not only in Havana but also in other parts of the world.

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Flooding in Havana due to obsolescence and inadequacies of drainage infrastructure. Havana, Cuba. 2015.i1

Introduction

drinking, cooking and bathing leads to a danger of spreading diseases such as cholera, dengue fever, hepatitis A, leptospirosis and salmonella.

The residents of the capital have seen how the streets and avenues have been deteriorating for more than 50 years, arriving at the critical situation in which they are today. Blockages in drainage pipes currently affect more than 60 percent of the capital’s residents, with workers saying that many of the systems have gone 50 years without necessary maintenance. The sewer system was designed for a certain number of residents, but Havana’s population has been growing by leaps and bounds, therefore creates great difficulties. Today many city streets are practically back roads, full of dirt, because there is barely any pavement left. The drains are clogged and the sewage system networks are not rehabilitated, as a result, the sewage waters gets out when heavy rains flood the streets. Although there is an effort to justify these problems with the Special Period, everyone knows that the neglect dates from 1959. Even until today, workers claim that they are aware of the ever-widespread issue, but unable to do anything. In addition, the pool maintained drainage and sewage system have become a new source of disease which begun to pose serious health hazards to people living in the city. As a result, pollution of water supplies for

Since the system of sewage and drainage has been a big issue for the city of Havana, it is urgent to deeply understand the history and structure of sewage in Havana and how it works nowadays. In this essay, the main task is to research and introduce the drainage and sewage system in the city of Havana and related issues. In the first chapter, the history and development of the drainage and sewage system will be given. What is more, the related institutions and organizations are also crucial for understanding the social aspects of the whole system. In the second chapter, physical conditions of the existing sewage and drainage system will be illustrate based on related research and on-site survey, taking central Havana as an examples. Furthermore, the influence on people’s life is also interpreted in four aspects. In this chapter, the method of typology is stressed in terms of methodology. At last, in the final chapter, the drainage and sewage system is considered as a global issue and discussed in a global context. Taking Beijing and Dhaka, two completely different cities, both suffered from flooding and drainage problems as examples, the in-depth 363

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Sewage and drainage in Havana, Cuba

analysis has been made, which provides the city of Havana with the experience of dealing with similar issues. Moreover, Leidsche Rijn in Utrecht, Netherlands is given as a exemplary model for Havana in terms of concept and strategy.

Wastewater Treatment Plant Inundation Area

In general, the sewage system in the Havana City is in lack of maintenance. There has been a long history of drainage and sewage problems in Havana. Despite its age, an aqueduct built in 1856 still provides water to the city of Havana. In 1900, most houses in the city used cesspools to collect sewage, which were occasionally drained into the harbor, causing passengers arriving by ship at this city to be greeted with the unpleasant smell of raw sewage. The Central sewer networks were developed in 1905-1915, which means the sewers have been used more than 100 years. The other small sewer networks have been developed when the area was developed together with other infrastructures such as water supply and drainage facilities. By 1920, the improvement of infrastructure provided 426 kilometer of storm drains and sewers, however, the untreated sewage was pumped directly into the sea at Cojimar, east of Havana. The sewer service area in Havana is covered by the Central Sewerage System, which includes sewer networks, pumping stations Colectors, a siphon and a main pumping station, a transmission tunnel and an outfall sewer. The sewerage system is maintained by an company called “Aguas de La Habana”. There are also small sewer service areas in the south eastern part of the system, which were developed to discharge the produced wastewater to nearby stream or river. The sewers are maintained by Water Supply & Sanitation Company of Havana East.

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Construction of drainage of Malecon in Zona Catedral de La Habana y Paseo de ValdÈs, Havana, Cuba. 1927.i3

Published: November 17, 1900

Made by Author. Existing Drainage and Sewage System.i2

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Similarly, the existing drainage system in the Havana City have been developed since 1908. The culvert structures and pipes of 386km in total length, 28470 street drain inlets have been installed. Among them, the structures of 146km in length were constructed during 1908 and 1915 to cover the urban area of 25 km2. The existing stormwater drainage system in central Havana were developed to the west of Havana Bay, which includes three major drainage channels: Agua Dulce, San Nicolas and Arroyo Matadero. Runoffs collected through the networks are discharged to the three channels and eventually to the Havana Bay due to gravity, without any stormwater pumping station. Runoffs from other small areas are discharged through tributary rivers and directly into the Havana

Existing Major Drainage Facilities.i5

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1.General information 1.1 History &Development

Stormwater Drain Colector (Main Sewer) Rio (River) Cuenca (Basin) of Bahia de Habana

Bay. The Agua Dulece drainage system was constructed between 1908 to 1915, covering area about 690 hectare. The Arroyo Matadero system covers 730 hectare of Centro Habana and Habana Vieja Municipalities. The remaining area is covered by several small drainage system including the San Nicoloas, covering part of La Habana Vieja.

National Assembly

Council of State

Council of Ministers (Cabinet)

INRH National Institute for Water Resources

Generally, it may be said that there are two leading agencies in charge of the water issues in Cuba. The National Institute of Water Resources (INRH) is the governmental agency responsible for the Water Supply and Sanitation Sector. The Ministry of Public Health (MINSAP) also plays an important role in the control and monitoring of potable water supplies, and setting national standards for potable water and wastewater. Concerning the operation of the water supply and sanitation sector, in addition to the two leading agencies, there are a number of extra agencies that also contribute to the sector. The Ministry of Science, Technology and Environment (CITMA) is the governmental agency responsible for the nation’s Environmental Management and scientific research.

Provincial People's Administrative Council

DPRH Provincial Delegation of HydraulicResources

MINSAP Ministry of Public Health

Provincial Hygiene & Epidermiology Center

Other Related Ministries and Institutions CITMA—Ministry of Science Technology & Environment Ministry of Economy and Planning Institute of Physical Planning Ministry of Finance and Prices Ministry of Construction Ministry of Higher Education: Ministry of Education Civil Defence

Water & Sanitation Enterprises

A car wades through a flooded street during an intense rainstorm in Havana, 2015. i6

Municipal People's Administrative Council

Local Municipal Ofﬁces of the Enterprises

Peoples Council

Water Supply & Sewerage Systems or Areas

Municipal Hygiene & Epidermiology Center

Related institutions and organizations.i9

Furthermore, the Local Bodies of the Popular Power in Cuba are formed by the Assemblies of Popular Power established within the politicaladministrative jurisdictions at national, provincial and municipal level, which are the superior organs of government and are invested with the highest authority of the state through local administrations to direct the production, public services and economic activities.

channels. Unfortunately, the malfunction and lack of maintenance can be observed even in the streets. Inundation occurs frequently during rainy seasons. According to the research from by JICA on hydraulic capacity of its drainage system and estimation of storm water runoffs, as an overall evaluation, almost all of the present drainage pipes do not have enough capacity. In addition, uncontrolled garbage and other solid wastes into drainage networks and open drainage channels will reduce the drainage capacity and worsen the water stagnations. As a result, inundations can frequently occurred in those areas with high density. Moreover, the separate sewer system has been developed to collect wastewater and to discharge stormwater separately. Some sanitary sewer were connected to the drainage pipes by connecting pipes and structures to mitigate the insufficient capacity of sewers instead of increasing the capacity by installing additional sewers or new sewers with larger size . This makeshift practice of using drainage system make the drainage systems one of the major pollutants sources to the Havana Bay.

2. Existing sewage and drainage system 2.1 Physical conditions

Complex Projects Alamar group. Water system of Havana, 2016.i7

In the case of the City of Havana, the city itself is a province, which means the governing body is the Provincial People’s Administrative Council. For the implementation of the law regarding water resources and the environment, the governing body is the Provincial Delegation of Resources of the City of Havana of the National Institute for Hydraulic Resources (DPRH). In addition, the following central government institutions also play an important role: (MINTRANS) Ministry of Transport, (MIP) Ministry of Fisheries, (MINAG) Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Finance and Prices, Ministry of Economy and Planning and Institute of Physical Planning.

sewer grate

manhole

sewer grate

drainage water into street

exposed drainage pipe

Drainage and sewage facilities in Old Havana, 2016.i8

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As we all know, The existing sewage in the city of Havana were developed in 1905-1915. The central sewer networks have been used about 100 years, thus the capacity of the system must be reduced from the original capacity. The minimum diameter of sewers is 150mm. The central sewage system has 9 collectors: Norte, Sur, Sur 1, Sur 2, Sur 3, Sur4, Paralelo al Orengo, Cerro and Centro Habana. According to the report done by JICA (Japan International Cooperation Agency), some of the collectors are not well connected the central sewage system due to the damage. Therefore, wastewater generated from some areas is discharged into the near by rivers, for instance, Luyanó and Martin Peréz and finally into the Havana Bay. The design capacity of the existing drainage system cannot be evaluated easily due to the unavailability of original design documents, design calculation papers and profiles of drainage pipes installed. Generally, runoffs on the streets flow down through street gutters and inflow to side gutter inlets installed at intervals, then discharged into rivers or Havana Bay through drainage 367

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1.2 Related institutions and organizations

and the knock-on disruption can be severe. Meanwhile, climate change due to the urban growth could lead to more extreme rainfall, which result in more urban flooding. The city of Havana has the similar situation here. Despite the different level of economic development and scale, the population growth in both two cities require more sufficient drainage capacity and more efficient urban planning. To deal with the urban flooding problem in Beijing, a number of strategies have been proposed. • To carry out actively emergency engineering construction works as soon as possible in seriously flooded areas. Retention tanks will be built to solve the flooding problems in the 56 sunken roads in flyover/underpasses areas in Beijing over the next three years. • To improve the urban storm water drainage system, following the new “Outdoor Drainage Design Standards”, using increased design standards. • To plan and design a new urban flooding prevention engineering system (Major drainage system).

2.2.4. Water pollution of Havana Bay

facade-plaster exfoliation, spalling

damaged window frame

facade-biological attack

damaged structure

leaking water pipes

freestanding facade

damaged interior

Damage conditions of Old Havana Buildings.i10

through the small streets in central Havana. Instead of petrol fumes from those aging cars, sewage and dust compounds unpleasant smell in the muggy air. Stagnant water from leaking drains sits along a pavement. Havana is becoming more and more famous as a “crumbling city”.

2.2 Influence on city life 2.2.1.Flooding

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Wastewater in the street of Havana worsens the living condition.i11

Flooding problems in Havana are most frequent along the Malecon in Vedado area. Studies by INRH in 1997 and Oficina de Turismo’s shows that nearly 100 areas of urbanized land are periodically flooded during the rainy season because of malfunctioning drainage system. Flooding is especially severe in the Playa municipality regularly due to heavy rains. However, Playa is served by only 11 kilometers of drains despite being one of the city’s largest municipalities. In this area, water is mainly drained through natural ground and underground channels, rather than humanbuilt drainage system. Moreover, during flooding period, people usually tried to remove the drain covers when the streets flood, because they 1 think in this way the water will drain faster and avoid affecting their houses. However, it will lead to a danger not only for the pedestrians who try to cross the streets, but also for vehicles.

2.2.3.Threat to heritage The districts of Central Habana, Old Havana and Cerro were the most affected the collapse of buildings caused by the floods, according to preliminary information from the authorities. It is reported that two persons are dead and nearly 30 homes collapsed, after heavy rains and flooding in Havana on April 30th, 2015. In fact, it is just the tip of the iceberg. It is said that three houses collapse either partially or completely every single day. Seven out of ten houses need major repairs, 7% of housing in Havana has formally been declared uninhabitable, according to official statistics. Besides, under the World Heritage Convention, it is our duty to preserve the world’s heritage sites which include Old Havana. It is said that there are two partial or total building collapses in Central Havana alone every three days (no official figures). Neo-Baroque and Art Deco treasures deteriorate at a alarming rate. Experts said that a combination of age, decay, termites, salt spray and humidity due to the malfunctioning drainage system threatens important 19th century neoclassical villas and Spanish colonial mansions, along with some of the world’s finest example of 20th century architecrture Art Deco palaces from 1930s and modernist structures from the 1950s.

2.2.2.Environment Residents of the capital are growing frustrated by the daily reality of overflowing sewage and water leaks, together with uncollected rubbish. In many Havana neighborhoods, the drainage problem became extremely critical. Water leaks flow regularly across the streets of Havana’s barrios without being fixed, with residents having no idea when it will become better. There is a lack of cohesion between the various government organization, the water company and municipal company. Such issues are obvious as you walk 368

3. As a global issue

3.2. Dhaka-unplanned development

3.1. Beijing-Surface Water Flooding

Dhaka is particularly vulnerable to flooding during the monsoon season. It is a rapidly growing megacity, and is one of the most densely populated cities in the world. Similar to Havana, its vulnerability is exacerbated by poor housing standards. When flooding occurs, the lack of services and adequate infrastructure leads to significant sanitary and health problems. With the rapid urbanization, combined with the reduction of water storage and percolation areas, the flooding from local rainfall and river spills has reached a dangerous level. According to the research done by CORFU, congestion of storm-water drainage system inside the city area, the high water level in the peripheral rivers, and the intrusion of the floodwater from the rivers through the drainage routes are the main reasons for flooding in Dhaka. Due to the population growth and the resulting boost of unplanned development, together with the rise of rainfall intensity and sea level, the flood risk in Dhaka might increase in the future. What can be concluded from the city of Dhaka is, the planning of drainage system must be included in the whole urban planning from the very beginning, which means that ,on the one hand, the unplanned development should be avoided, and on the other hand, the drainage and sewage system should be regularly updated according to expansion of urban area and population. In addition, the relationship between the urban area and the local hydrographic net should also be taken into consideration.

Surface Water Flooding- Surface water flooding is the most likely cause of flooding in Beijing, rather than river, tidal or groundwater sources. It is a risk that many urban areas experience due to the large amount of impermeable surfaces. This type of flooding generally occurs following an intense rainfall event where rainwater is unable to soak into the ground or enter a drainage system. When the drainage system is overwhelmed in this way; puddles, pools and temporary flows form. Urban flooding due to malfunctioning drainage system is becoming a wide spread problem in China. In recent years, urban flooding has hit a number of cities causing significant damage and the loss of life. For example, Beijing has been struck regularly by urban flooding, and a notable flooding event occurred in July 2012, where 79 people were reported to have been killed, and economic damage were approximately about 10 billion Yuan. Over the past few decades, China has witnessed a rapid increase in its urban population, as a result of rural-urban migration. Between 1980 and 2012, the percentage of people living in urban areas grew from 19.4% to 52.5%. Not only does this population growth mean more people will be affected by flooding, but population growth places demands on land as well. As a result, the area of impervious surfaces will grow, leading to more runoff in the city. A particular problem in Beijing is the vulnerability of the traffic network; many underpasses are prone to flood, 369

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unrepaired pavement

Nowadays, over a million people live, work and visit the shores of Bohia de La Habana daily. Havana’s harbor is in urgent need of environmental control and regulation. It is recognized that the pollution of Havana Bay remains one of Cuba’s biggest environmental problems. Currently, Havana’s bay is dominated by heavy industry that has led to severe problems with water and air quality. Wastes from paper mills, chemical plant, and inadequate sewage system have taken a toll on the bay. Recent improvement of infrastructure that divert pollutants have provided some relief. Birds and fish have recently retired to Bahia de La Habana. However, the sources of pollution remain, such as the highly contaminated Lugano River that empties into the bay. Although pollution has moderated, much works remains, especially in the clean-up of rivers and drainage systems that feed pollutants into the bay.

permeable pavement the city faces with respect to drainage and sewage problems. The existing systems are not capable of meeting the needs of the population due to the heavy deterioration within the urban centre. The malfunction seriously affects people’s life. The flooding in rainy seasons, the decaying and deterioration of the city caused by awful urban environment, the damage of heritages in old Havana, and the contamination of the Havana Bay are continuously challenging the city and its people. As a global issue, the drainage and sewage problems are widely experienced in the world, not only in metropolis but also in many developing cities. What can be learned from the both positive and negative examples are systematic and practical. The well-functioned, healthy drainage and sewage system for Havana should be developed on different level, and with the vision in future.

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wadi

Wadi in Leidsche Rijn, Utrecht.i12

In order to ensure the quality of the runoff before discharge to the canals, different types of wadis, which is a grass-covered suppression in the landscape, with a top layer designed for Undoubtedly, Many cities in the Netherlands are retaining pollutants and good infiltration potential very experienced dealing with the drainage and underneath, have been implemented in Leidsche water issues, which can be learned as a model Rijn. The wadis were constructed with sand of dealing drainage and sewage problems for and humus in the top layer, which will eliminate the city of Havana. For instance, Leidsche Rijn pollutants found in stormwater, and plastic trenches is the a large housing development project in underneath the top layer for storing the infiltrated the Netherlands located in the western part of water. In Leidsche Rijn, wadis are well-functioned Utrecht, which contains some 30000 houses and combined with landscape, providing seasonal that can accommodate up to 80000 inhabitants. and colorful space for the neighborhoods, One of the key characteristics is the stormwater which makes it attractive place to local people. management system, which ensures that the permeable pavement is widely stormwater is collected in a closed loop system 1 In addition, used in this area, which is invisible but intended to retain water year round. On the one effective for the purpose of infiltration. Many hand, stormwater is regarded as a source of nonlow-traffic roads and yards are equipped polluted water because the water in the Amsterdamwith permeable pavement that ensures the Rhine Canal and the surrounding agricultural land stormwater runoff percolate to the system. are high in phosphorus concentration. In order to have sufficient water supply during dry periods, it is important to store stormwater in the system. On 4. Conclusion the other hand, stormwater is managed to prevent the flooding incidents. The stormwater collected The present condition of Havana’s drainage from roofs and streets is the main source, which and sewage infrastructure warrants extensive is conducted through a network of infiltration improvements to both systems. The research trenches and canals, and ends up in a deep lake conducted has highlighted the major challenges located in the northwestern of Leidsche Rijn. 3. Leidsche Rijn, Utrecht

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Bibliography: Colantonio, Andrea, and Robert B. Potter. Urban Tourism and Development in the Socialist State: Havana during the ‘special Period’ Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 2006. Roosa, Stephen A. Sustainable Development Handbook. Lilburn, GA: Fairmont Press, 2010. The Challenge of Slums: Global Report on Human Settlements. London: Earthscan Publications, 2003. ‘Responding to flood risk: Surface water flooding case study report’, City of London Corporation, July 2014 Collaborative research on food resilience in urban areas. ”Science-Policy Brief No.1 Flood Risk Management in China.” 2014. http://www.corfu7.eu/media/universityofexeter/research/microsites/corfu/1publicdocs/publicresults/CORFU_Science_Policy_Brief_ No_1_-_Beijing.pdf. Kobayashi, Yoshiaki, and John W. Porter. Flood Risk Management in the People’s Republic of China: Learning to Live with Flood Risk. Mandaluyong City, Philippines: Asian Development Bank, 2012. Japan International Cooperation Agency. “Exsiting Sewage System and Future Plans.” 2011. http://open_jicareport.jica.go.jp/pdf/11767209_03.pdf

Images: http://www.trabajadores.cu/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/inundaciones-habana.jpg Images and diagrams are made by the Author i3 https://cubaenlamemoria.wordpress.com/page/11/ infrastructure infrastructure i4 Report of Havana’s sewer project, 1900, The New York Times i6 YAMIL LAGE / AFP - Getty Images. http://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/heavy-rains-slam-havana-n351741 i7 Complex Projects Alamar group. Water system of Havana, 2016. i11 https://translatingcuba.com/havana-smells-very-bad-victor-ariel-gonzalez/ i1

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AR3CP040 Water Seminar Seminar Leader Manuela Triggianese Chair Complex Projects Kees Kaan Department of Architecture Delft University of Technology The Netherlands

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