2022 NREI Research Op-Ed: HBCU Funding

Cameryn Blackmore, John R. Lewis Social Justice Fellow | November 2022

HBCUs Should Receive More than 1% of Federal Research Funding

HBCUs are prominent institutions of higher learning responsible for educating Black students when other institutions refused to admit students that identified as Black.

I completed my undergraduate education at a predominantly white institution (PWI). I attended this institution for four years as a Black woman not realizing I was only a number to my professors, who only issued me a grade at the end of each semester. Then, I decided to attend the Southern University Agricultural and Mechanical College in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, a Historically Black College and University (HBCU), for my Master of Public Administration. It was at Southern University I heard the words that would change the trajectory of my life! The chair of my thesis committee looked at me with a puzzled look and said, “have you ever considered a Ph.D.?” This question sparked a light in me. I would go on to obtain a Ph.D. from a different PWI.

According to the Higher Education Dive, “federal research dollars are a major component of institutional capacity and public perception about a college.” This perception negatively affects HBCUs in the higher education sphere, which uses research classification to rank higher education institutions.

HBCUs are prominent institutions of higher learning responsible for educating Black students when other institutions refused to admit students that identified as Black. Since 1837, HBCUs have managed to sustain a legacy of education and cultural relevancy beyond the Black community, in the face of discrimination and economic disparities. Despite the number of scholars and research Southern University has produced throughout its history, Southern (like other HBCUs), lags far behind predominantly white institutions in federal research funding.

IMPORTANCE OF FEDERAL RESEARCH DOLLARS

According to the Higher Education Dive, “federal research dollars are a major component of institutional capacity and public perception about a college.”1 This perception negatively affects HBCUs in the higher education sphere, which uses research classification to rank higher education institutions. The Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Education is responsible for creating the metrics by which research universities are labeled. However, these metrics, in turn, have created requirements that are primarily based upon an institution’s revenue towards research activities, mainly in producing doctoral graduates.

The basic classification requirements for a university with ‘very high research activity,’ referred to as an R1 institution, are at least 20 research/scholarship doctoral degrees awarded and at least $5 million in research expenditures.2 For many Ivy League institutions and flagship state-funded institutions this is an easy requirement to meet. HBCUs, however, must overcome historically oppressive economic barriers (ex. lower per pupil costs from state legislatures) to compete for this distinguished R1 designation. Currently, no HBCU has R1 status. This is problematic not only for the faculty, staff, and students at HBCUs, but also for the communities these institutions have continued to serve throughout time.

DISPARITIES IN FEDERAL RESEARCH FUNDING

In 2018 only 1% of federal research funding was awarded to HBCUs.3 This creates a major disparity for HBCU faculty and students engaged in research that often is crucial to making progress in the communities they represent. The disproportionate funding is further

Despite being dedicated to research development activities, HBCU landgrant universities are often forced to leave funding on the table due to federal legislation that requires a oneto-one match from non-federal funding.

exacerbated since no R1 HBCUs exist. Since HBCUs do not attract a larger portion of the federal research funding, R1 status becomes harder for HBCUs to attain. Without R1 status, HBCUs are not attractive for federal funding designed to reward higher education institutions that reach R1 status. Meanwhile, R1 institutions continue to pour funding from non-governmental sources (ex. tuition and fees) into their research activities and doctoral student development. HBCUs by contrast rely more on government funding at all levels than predominantly white institutions (PWIs) to fund their annual budgets.

The research activity index standard used by the Carnegie Classification requires, in addition to doctoral degree conferrals, research and development expenditures disaggregated by field.4 Science and engineering fields are preferred by the index with both research expenditures and research staff in science and engineering being counted towards the research activity index.

For HBCUs, the 1890 land-grant institutions are an example of institutions positioned for R1 status given their legacy of prioritizing agriculture, science, and engineering as stated within the mission of all land-grant universities.5 These institutions have the potential to be R1 institutions due to the research activities being conducted on their campuses.

Despite being dedicated to research development activities, HBCU land-grant universities are often forced to leave funding on the table due to federal legislation (Evans-Allen Act of 1977 and National Agricultural Research, Extension, and Teaching Policy Act of 1977) that requires a one-to-one match from non-federal funding.6 Since many of the 19 HBCU land-grant universities are in states with a historic and contemporary practice of

HBCUs are often excluded from the federal funding that could be utilized to increase research expenditures. In 2020, $21 million dollars in federal funding was not claimed by the HBCU land-grant universities due to their inability to receive funding necessary to complete the one-toone requirement. This is funding that could have been utilized to increase the number of doctoral students matriculating on HBCU campuses, as well as increase research expenditures.

underfunding these universities, HBCUs are often excluded from the federal funding that could be utilized to increase research expenditures. In 2020, $21 million dollars in federal funding was not claimed by the HBCU land-grant universities due to their inability to receive funding necessary to complete the one-toone requirement.7 This is funding that could have been utilized to increase the number of doctoral students matriculating on HBCU campuses, as well as increase research expenditures.

IMPLICATIONS OF HBCU FEDERAL RESEARCH FUNDING GAP

Funding at PWIs far outpaces HBCUs in state and private funding. Federal research funding creates a greater gap between the haves and have-nots in higher education. This influences the money available to conduct research experiments, faculty pay, graduate student support (tuition and stipends), and ultimately the research classification of an institution. Education policy expert and scholar, Dr. Ivory Toldson, refers to this as a caste system operating within higher education.8 This caste system creates a major distinction between HBCUs and R1 institutions with the latter being able to attract research funding that can be used to fund top notch technology upgrades, graduate education through stipends and tuition, and prominent faculty and postdoctoral staff.

While working on my doctorate at The University of Alabama, I witnessed firsthand how this caste system widens the research opportunities between R1s and HBCUs. During my time at UA, the University went from R2 to R1 status. The University poured a great amount of funding into its doctoral students and the research projects faculty (largely in the STEM fields) were engaged in to achieve its goal of attaining R1 status. There was plenty of funding for assistantships, which paid graduate students’ tuition and stipends, travel for conference presentations with the hope of graduate students publishing articles or books, and trainings for graduate students to increase research activity. My favorite training was being able to consult with an editor on the best ways to turn my dissertation into a book through a Publisher in Residence program. These experiences were in addition to attending a campus constantly constructing and renovating buildings, as well as its technology platforms. I also miss the free software packages available to every student on campus.

The four historically Black medical schools — Meharry Medical College in Nashville, Tennessee; Howard University College of Medicine in Washington, D.C., Morehouse School of Medicine in Atlanta, Georgia and Charles R. Drew University of Medicine and Science (CDU) in Los Angeles, California — were instrumental in ensuring Black communities throughout the country were informed about vaccination in the face of distrust in the healthcare field.

Federal research funding disparities also have negative implications for Black communities that rely on clinical research inclusive of their needs. Many clinical trials seeking to provide medical answers for Black communities do not have Black citizens participating. The Association of American Medical Colleges states that Black people account for only 5% of participants in clinical trials.9 By HBCUs essentially being limited in federal research funding, a chance to have greater Black spaces participating in clinical research is greatly missed. At the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, the four historically Black medical schools — Meharry Medical College in Nashville, Tennessee; Howard University College of Medicine in Washington, D.C., Morehouse School of Medicine in Atlanta, Georgia and Charles R. Drew University of Medicine and Science (CDU) in Los Angeles, California — were instrumental in ensuring Black communities throughout the country were informed about vaccination in the face of distrust in the healthcare field. With an increase in federal research funding, HBCU medical schools can lead the charge in ensuring Black participants are represented within clinical trials.

The America Competes Act will funnel $1.2 billion to HBCUs to support research and educational activities in STEM fields. While this will impact HBCUs in a positive way, more can be done to ensure HBCUs are able to move into the R1 classification.

Policy Suggestions

Shifts in policies can occur at every level of government to support the research activities and personnel at HBCUs. There has been movement through congressional legislation to increase funding at HBCUs. The America Competes Act will funnel $1.2 billion to HBCUs to support research and educational activities in STEM fields. While this will impact HBCUs in a positive way, more can be done to ensure HBCUs are able to move into the R1 classification.

• Congress should pass Representative Alma Adams HBCU IGNITE bill. This bill would provide comprehensive financial support to upgrading the physical and technological infrastructure at HBCUs. This bill, if passed, gives HBCU students access to stateof-the-art learning facilities and technology, so they may have more competitive advantages in the workforce and beyond.

• Congress should reconsider the one-to-one match for HBCU land-grant institutions. Given the dark past associated with Black education in this country, HBCU land-grant institutions should not be required to obtain matching funds from non-federal government sources before receiving the full allotment of federal funding available.

• State governments should fund HBCUs at equitable levels that would make them competitive for federal research funding. For many HBCUs, funding disparities originate at the state government level. Since state governments are not funding HBCUs at the same per pupil level as their in-state counterparts, many HBCUs are forced to operate at oppressive economic levels annually.

ENDNOTES

1. Spitalniak, L. (2022). Defense research funding for HBCUs, minority institutions lags, report says. Retrieved from https://www.highereddive. com/news/defense-research-funding-for-hbcus-minority-institutions-lags-report-says/622908/

2. The Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Learning. Basic classification description. Retrieved from https://carnegieclassifications. acenet.edu/classification_descriptions/basic.php

3. Allen, T. & Glover, G. (2022). Opinion: 101 HBCUs get nearly 7 times less money than 1 other school. That must change. Retrieved from https:// www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/06/17/increase-hbcu-funding/

4. Supra note 3

5. The 1890 HBCU land-grant status acknowledges those HBCUs that were granted funding from the federal government to establish their institutions. These institutions were required to prioritize agricultural, science, and engineering fields. This commitment remains within the mission of these institutions.

6. National Education Association. (2022). A looming crisis for HBCUs? An analysis of funding sources for land grant universities. Retrieved from https://www.nea.org/sites/default/files/2022-03/A%20Looming%20Crisis%20for%20HBCUs%20%20An%20Analysis%20of%20Funding%20 Sources%20for%20Land%20Grant%20Universities.pdf

7. Id.

8. Toldson, I. (2016).The funding gap between historically Black colleges and universities and traditionally white institutions needs to be addressed. Journal of Negro Education, 85(2).

9. Boyle, P. (2021). Clinical trials seek to fix their lack of racial mix. Retrieved from https://www.aamc.org/news-insights/clinical-trials-seek-fixtheir-lack-racial-mix

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