Black Boys and the Class Ceiling

February 2024

Solomon Ayalew, Former Sr. Program Manager, NREI

Black Boys and The Class Ceiling

CENTER FOR POLICY ANALYSIS AND RESEARCH

Education is the Key, but the Lock is Broken

It has long been understood that educational outcomes heavily correlate with economic consequences. Research confirms that increased investment in education leads to increased economic growth. This includes higher individual salaries, greater workforce effectiveness, and higher gross domestic product (Sudderth, n.d.). Therefore, it is critical to understand educational inequality first to understand economic disparities.

EARNINGS AND UNEMPLOYMENT RATES BY EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT, 2021

Doctoral degree

Professional degree

Master’s degree

Bachelor’s degree

Associate’s degree

Some college, no degree

High school diploma

Less than a high school diploma

TOTAL: 4.7%

ALL WORKERS: $1,057

Note: Data are for persons age 25 and over. Earnings are for full-time wage and salary workers.

Source: Education pays: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Population Survey. (n.d.).

Across education in the United States, gender, race, and class disparities persist and, in some respects, have grown. The most notable change within the gendered educational disparities is the reversal of outcomes between boys and girls. At every level, boys underperform, while girls excel (Reeves, R. 2022). These disparities reveal structural inequalities in our education system, something no one could have predicted after signing the landmark Title IX1 into law in 1972 (Reeves, R. 2022). The educational disparities consequentially place Black boys further behind their girl counterparts and hamper their

1 Title IX is the most commonly used name for the federal civil rights law in the United States that was enacted as part (Title IX) of the Education Amendments of 1972. It prohibits sex-based discrimination in any school or any other education program that receives funding from the federal government.

economic output in the future. The consequences of the educational disparities faced by Black men accumulate over time, creating financial burdens for Black women and their families and trapping Black families in poverty (Chetty et al., n.d.). These disparities intersect across racial, gender, and socioeconomic lines, resulting in inferior outcomes for Black boys and a “class ceiling” for Black men. (Chetty et al., n.d.). The phrase “education is the key to success” holds much truth, but a key is only as good as its lock, and for many Black boys and men, the locks are broken.

Research Positionality

This research uses comparative analysis and intersectionality theory. It will often compare Black boys and men to Black girls and women and sometimes compare boys and girls in general, as it is not a race-unique disparity being observed. This comparative analysis will help to understand the breadth of this disparity. However, the research does not absolve the reality that Black girls and women have distinct and harmful educational and economic disparities. For example, Black girls are six times more likely to be expelled, three times more likely to be suspended, and four times more likely to be arrested than white girls (Glover, 2021). Collectively, there should be a continued effort to address those disparities. Highlighting the inequalities faced by Black boys and men should not go against the advances and gains of Black girls and women. Instead, it should help to understand the complete picture of its impact on Black households.

Intersectionality theory—developed from feminist and critical race theories—centers on the interconnected identities of race, class, gender, and other similar social identities. The approach addresses and validates the complex lived experiences of Black women. Since its inception, this theory has broadly been accepted and applied across gender studies, but its application is lacking in research about boys and men. This neglect creates a blind spot in gender studies that perpetuates men as the default gender to understand patriarchal systems of oppression. This blind spot is particularly harmful to Black boys and men, as researchers often study Black boys’ identities as separate social categories (e.g., gender only or race only). The lack of understanding creates complications as Black boys’ identities are uniquely racialized, gendered, and classed across sociocultural and historical contexts (Curry, 2017). These two modes of analysis are critical to growing the understanding of the conditions of Black boys and men. They will be utilized consistently to contextualize the experience of Black boys across the education system into their economic adult lives.

How are Black Boys Struggling in Education?

In his book Young, Black, and Male in America: An Endangered Species, J.T. Gibbs writes, “The majority of Black males, particularly those in urban centers, are categorized and stereotyped by the five Ds: dumb, deprived, dangerous, deviant, and disturbed.” (Gibbs, 1988, p. 3). These stereotypes contribute to the fear among some educators concerning Black boys, which lowers the instructional rigor these students need to achieve a highquality education. Thus, Black boys are more frequently identified for special education. They are referred for behavioral health services. Their school behaviors are criminalized, and teachers dole out poor grades as a method of discipline (Gibbs, 1988). The 5 Ds framework presented by J.T. Gibbs excellently breaks down how the actions of educators and the education system hamper Black boys’ educational outcomes. The racial bias in education often mirrors the biases present across other systems of oppression, such as the criminal justice system. While the 5 Ds framework does not reflect all Black boys’ and men’s experiences, it shows up across the academic trajectory of a typical Black boy or man in this country.

PRESCHOOL

Preschool is a student’s first interaction with the education system. Preschool is where patterns of behaviors around education are developed and where the foundation for the educational trajectory of children is set. Due to the natural lack of language skills during this developmental period, miscommunication and misinterpretation of behavior are more likely in Pre-K than in later years (Wright, 2018). The developmental and communication gaps during Pre-K can lead to a misinterpretation of a preschooler’s behavior; this gives preschool educators a high level of discretion when administering discipline and providing instruction. The racial bias observed amongst many educators is then expressed through the increased discretion their roles offer them. One aspect of discrimination that can be observed across the education and criminal justice systems is the diversity of the individuals enforcing the norms and laws. It is well-documented that Black preschool boys educated in public schools are more likely to have a teacher of a different race (Downer et al., 2016). This mismatch creates pathways for bias against Black preschoolers based on existing biases against Black people (Bates & Glick, 2013). These biases, paired with misunderstandings about preschoolers’ behaviors, specifically harm Black boys. As preschoolers are expelled at four times the rate of school-age children, Black preschoolers specifically are twice as likely to be expelled than non-Black preschoolers. Additionally, boys are expelled at 4.5 times the rate of girls (U.S. DOE Office for Civil Rights, 2014). Boys

who experience extensive negative interactions through excessive punishment or neglect from authoritative figures, like preschool educators, are likely to develop trust issues against authoritative figures in educational environments and beyond (Rashid, 2009).

Early childhood educators must understand the importance of their roles in Black boys’ educational trajectories and learn how to view Black boys through an intersectional lens. Examples of applying this lens in real time for Black boys occur by observing how we discipline physicality, activity, and play in educational environments. Through socialization and biology, young boys aged 3-5 are more likely to physically engage with their world, including running, jumping, standing, and touching. These developmental needs are uniquely crucial for young boys, and for Black boys, it is often policed as early as preschool. This dynamic has left many Black boys without the necessity of developmentally appropriate play when compared to other racial groups (Bryan, 2017). Play is the foundation for learning, and the lack of developmentally appropriate play reduces the chances for Black boys to develop reading, thinking, problem-solving, and motor skills (Play in Preschool, n.d.). The hyper-policing of play in preschool carries on across the educational trajectory of Black boys and works in tandem with other narratives that perpetuate misinformation about Black boys and education. During this nurture-dependent developmental phase, Black boys are highly vulnerable and require support in teaching and home environments. Significant coordination is needed to ensure they reach developmental milestones before elementary school.

ELEMENTARY

Elementary school is the first mandatory education experience that children will encounter. At this stage of development, Black boys are quickly learning about their precarious position in society. The increased awareness carries multiple conflicts, forcing Black children to reconcile expectations from their communities, the stereotypical views from the larger society, and their individuality. Due to the specifically damaging narratives about Black masculinity, boys are often at the sharpest end of educators’ misunderstandings, misinterpretations, and misinformation. Educators perceptions, based on these false narratives often focus exclusively on the external behavior patterns of Black boys as the root causes of the disparities to which they are subject. These negative perceptions, stemming from preschool and persisting throughout education, often overlook the challenging and complex educational environments that label and misinterpret Black boys as apathetic towards academic or broader achievement. (Howard, 2013). This misinterpretation leads many educators to give up on nurturing Black boys

toward success before they enter the classroom. The apathy of educators toward Black boys compounds into adverse educational outcomes, such as Black boys being 27% less proficient in reading compared to their white counterparts (Fields, 2014) and 4% less proficient than Black girls (Young, 2019). The misconception of Black boys’ indifference to education creates negative pressure away from entering gifted and accelerated programs. According to Office of Civil Rights data, Black students are underrepresented in gifted programs by about 50% (Ford, 2011), with Black girls and Black boys being underrepresented by 40% and 60%, respectively (Ford, 2013). Research has shown that students who enter these programs within elementary school are more likely to earn a bachelor’s degree (Rose, 2013).

One tool that can be used to better Black boys’ elementary experience is for teachers to adopt “Relational Teaching Practices.” Relational Teaching Practices (RTP) focus on strengthening and centering the teacher-student relationship and developing a “working alliance” between teachers and students (Reichert & Hawley, 2014). Evidence shows that the strength of a teacher-child relationship can predict children’s academic and behavioral outcomes from kindergarten to eighth grade (Downer et al., 2016). Further evidence details how positive educational relationships, such as support and reinforcement provided by educators, benefit Black boys the most (Noguera, 2003). For Black children, RTP requires adopting an intersectional lens, understanding a student as an individual within a society, understanding their positions in society, and rejecting deficit-based narratives about Black children in education (Nelson, 2016; Wright & Counsell, 2018). Attempts to improve educational outcomes for Black boys should begin with seeing them as capable of reaching and maintaining high academic standards set by engaged educators (Brooms, 2019). As Black boys mature cognitively, this challenging and dismissive stage in development leaves many Black boys with trauma that carries on into their adolescence.

MIDDLE AND HIGH SCHOOL

The transitional years from childhood to adolescence are complicated and full of pitfalls for Black boys. Being oppressed and feared prevents many Black adolescent boys from achieving academic success. This dual marginalization makes Black boys face higher school discipline rates than any other group. The increased awareness required to navigate this treacherous environment often adds to Black boys’ distrust of educational settings and teachers (Okonofua et al., 2016). Distrust of educational settings, paired with the difficulties presented by puberty, the internalization of negative narratives, and

the lack of coherence between Black adolescent boys’ educational environment and lived experience, lead them to disassociate in academic settings (Goings et al., 2015). This dissociation encourages Black boys to relinquish education as a tool for achieving their goals and aspirations (Howard, 2013). The lack of encouragement and support first observed in elementary educators persists through high school. Research shows that counselors and teachers discourage Black high schoolers from pursuing college and often do not provide adequate support to prepare them for standardized examinations and college admission (Harper & Davis, 2012; Howard, 2013). The lack of support across their educational lives and the oppressive systems that encourage a deficit mindset culminate in Black adolescent boys’ graduation rates being 11% less than their white peers and 9% less than Black girls (Kalkat & Reeves, 2023). School support staff are critical to repairing and improving the outcomes of Black adolescent boys. The harms school support staff perpetuate directly lead to complications in higher education. Turning support staff into social change agents who collaborate with families could help boost graduation rates (Stamato et al., 2018).

HIGHER EDUCATION

Across the country and in similarly developed nations, men have struggled to keep up with their women counterparts in education. Higher education demonstrates the most significant disparities. From 2000-2018, the female-male college enrollment gap was 7% in favor of women, and for Black men and women, the gap was slightly higher at 8%. These low enrollment numbers for Black men reflect the effects of the years of structural and systemic educational oppression. In 2018, college degree attainment was considerably low for Black men at 26.5% of the population, compared to about 36.1% for Black women, 44.3% for white men, and 51.4% for white women (Anthony, Nichols, and Pilar, 2021). The breakdown of the educational attainment for each group reveals that Black men represent the largest group with less than a high school degree, meaning they most likely have the highest drop-out rate across K-8 education. Black men also have the most significant proportional percentage of high school degrees or grad equivalents (GED), while other groups have a more even distribution. Black men seem to get stuck in high school. If they do pursue higher education, the gap between those with some college, no degree (24.3%) and those with a college degree (26.5%) is the smallest (Anthony, Nichols, and Pilar, n.d.).

A closer examination of the types of degrees each group attains reveals that Black men struggle to succeed in higher education. As detailed in the graph, Black men have the lowest levels of degree attainment at all three levels. Research shows that most degrees will improve income, but bachelor’s degrees are the most effective at providing higher wages, economic stability, and job security (Jr, Nichols, and Pilar, n.d.). The data reveals that Black men’s bachelor’s

degree attainment is exceptionally low, especially compared to white women, whose proportion of bachelor’s degrees alone is almost equal to that of Black men with any degree. College preparatory and Black Male Initiatives (BMI) have been proven to work for Black men (Ferguson, 2021). North Carolina Central University, whose student population is less than 30% male, developed the Men’s Achievement Center, helping the university maintain a graduation rate 36% points higher than the national average for Black men (Fairfax, 2022).

Black Boys and Girls Diverging Educational Outcomes

Women outpace men at practically every academic level. This trend is observed across every racial and ethnic group and globally in similarly developed nations (Reeves, R. 2022). While the gaps are smaller between Black boys and men and Black girls and women, the trends still show that Black women, like their white counterparts, far outpace men. This may seem recent, but researchers have observed this reversal of gender disparities in education for over two decades (Reeves, R. 2022). Understanding why girls excel so rapidly past boys in education is critical to understanding the structural inequalities impacting Black boys specifically. One difficulty with observing the differences across the educational trajectory is the lack of research on the intra-racial disparities between Black boys and girls across K-12 schools. This is partially due to datasets not disaggregating race and gender, as it is not mandatory for reporting (Young, Foster, and Druery 2018). Even with this limitation, we can still understand why this achievement gap exists and its implications on Black households.

Across social groups, Black girls are recognized as the only female group that has consistently outperformed their male counterparts since as far back as 1976 (Young, Foster, and Druery 2018). Across K-12, within states that disaggregate race and gender data, Black girls have higher GPAs and test scores, with the most significant gaps occurring in the middle school years between the ages of 11-14 (Michelson & Greene, 2006). This does not mean Black girls do not encounter systemic discrimination in education. Black girls are also criminalized, stereotyped, and experience similar discrimination as Black boys, and Black girls are six times more likely to receive disciplinary actions than their white counterparts. That is the most significant racial gap between races of the same gender. However, Black boys still rank the highest in

disciplinary actions across all racial and gender groups (Lopez, 2018). The low level of academic success among Black boys points to a systemic bias in education, specifically against boys and men. Black boys and men find themselves at the sharpest edge of this bias. The systemic bias against boys and men in education has only recently been uncovered, and more research is needed to understand why it exists. The general hypothesis from the literature is that the only reason boys were ever ahead of girls in education was that girls were excluded. Once girls entered the school system en masse, it revealed structural educational issues (Reeves, R. 2022). The structural issues result from the biology of boys and girls (nature) and differences in the socialization of boys’ and girls’ behaviors around education (nurture).

NATURE: BRAIN DEVELOPMENT

The gaps in brain development between boys and girls have been observed informally for decades. Only recently has it become accepted as a scientific fact that, on average, boys develop 1-2 years slower than girls. The gap in brain development becomes most visible around the age of 5 and persists until about 25 years old, with the broadest gap occurring around 16-17 years old (Reeves, 2022). Adolescence is particularly challenging for boys as the increased presence of testosterone pushes them towards sensationseeking behaviors rather than impulse-controlling behaviors. This is because the prefrontal cortex, the part of the brain associated with impulse control, planning, and future orientation, matures two years later in boys than girls (Vargas & Goldberg, 2006). This slower development cycle affects the rest of the brain as well. The cerebellum, which regulates emotional, cognitive, and regulatory capacities, is developed at age 11 for girls and 15 for boys. Another relevant gap is in the development of the hippocampus, the memory and learning center of the brain. This development is more specifically linked to when puberty occurs in the individual. However, since girls hit puberty earlier than boys, the hippocampus generally develops in girls much earlier than boys (Reeves, 2022). In adulthood, identified as 25 years and above, these gaps shrink and become non-existent, but the damage to boys’ educational outcomes has long been cemented by that point. These lags in brain development make a learning environment that rewards organization, self-regulation (both mental and emotional), and maturity very difficult for boys.

The combination of increased sensation-seeking behavior observed in boys with the consequences that occur when expressed in an environment unsuited for those behaviors puts Black boys at a disadvantage. Increased sensation-seeking behavior is observed across K-12 (Reeves, 2022). One example discussed earlier is of boys engaging

with the world more physically than girls in preschool. The time when this behavior is most intense for boys coincides with high school when children are expected to control their impulses more. This is particularly problematic for Black boys as disciplinary actions during high school are highly punitive against them (expulsion, suspension, etc.). Due to their identity as males, the baseline biological facts associated with brain development, and the discriminatory policies and practices affecting them, they are perpetually at the intersection of perilous situations. The authoritative figures charged with their safety both fear and oppress them, and the institutions they are asked to learn in do not often foster their brain development. Black girls do not have to contend with this as they develop similarly to white girls, and in fact, “the education system is tilted from a neuroscientific perspective more in favor of girls” (Reeves, 2022). The irony is that while men built the education system, once women were allowed equal access to the system, their admittance revealed the structural issues that mainly affected boys and men.

NURTURE: SOCIALIZATION DIFFERENCES

It is no secret that boys and girls are socialized differently. The variance in socialization impacts every aspect of children’s lives, including educational outcomes. Research has shown that the restrictive gender roles enforced upon young girls are more aligned with how teachers expect good students to behave. These include good listening behaviors, respect for authority, emotional regulation, and organization. On the other hand, boys are socialized to speak up, challenge authority, emotionally suppress themselves, and have their disorganization explained away due to their gender (Dumais, 2002). These socialization methods provide distinct challenges for each group when navigating K-12 education.

Additionally, some researchers attribute engagement levels as a significant contributor to the achievement gap (Soland, 2018). Boys must contend with low expectations; for Black boys, the expectations are even lower. This directly affects their level of engagement as most Black boys develop an apathetic relationship with education across their lives. At the same time, girls remain optimistic about its long-term benefits. The optimism girls feel towards education is observed across all grades, with one study finding that when the children reached 14 years old, girls were more likely to have higher aspirations than boys, with almost 65% saying they thought it very important to go to pursue higher education compared with 58% of boys (Sammons & Sylva, 2016). This optimism helps to facilitate higher levels of engagement. It is partially due to the alignment between how girls are socialized around education and the values rewarded in students about education.

Research has identified that one sure way to encourage positive engagement in education from Black boys is by increasing the number of Black male teachers. In 2020-2021, less than 2% of teachers were Black men (Yang, 2023). Having a Black teacher decreases the drop-out rate among Black male students by 39% (Gershenson, Hart, and Papageorge, 2022). Another study identified that children taught by a teacher of the same race develop better learning and problem-solving skills; this effect was most pronounced in Black and Latino children (Gottfried, Little, and Ansari, 2023). Unfortunately, there has not been enough research to see the specific effect of Black male teachers on Black boys. However, research has shown that male teachers help broaden gender knowledge, promote positive relationships between men and children, and provide gender-equitable versions of masculinity (McGarth et al., 2019). These findings illustrate how Black male teachers could improve Black boys’ experience across the educational trajectory.

Research shows how investments in education directly connect to economic outcomes (Sudderth, n.d.). We see how girls have academically benefited from their alignment with the current educational system. This alignment has led to better grades, higher graduation rates, fewer disciplinary measures, and a more optimistic outlook on education as a vehicle for success. So how have Black men fared without an educational system that adequately prepares them as boys to enter the labor market? Conversely, how has the educational alignment benefited Black girls’ economic outcomes as women? Moreover, how have these disparities contributed to developing a “class ceiling” for Black boys and men and, by extension, their communities?

Locked Out: Black Men and the Class Ceiling

The “class ceiling” describes hidden mechanisms within elite institutions that make economic and social mobility harder for those of working-class backgrounds. For Black boys and men, their struggles in the classroom lock them out of traditional vehicles for economic mobility. For Black men, this gives the class ceiling concept another layer of meaning as they enter the labor force less prepared than every other race and gender group. We see this play out in the labor market, where Black men have the highest unemployment rate of any race or gender group and the lowest labor force participation among men. (Holzer 2021). This creates diverging economic outcomes for Black men and women, burdening Black households and, by extension, communities.

BLACK MEN IN THE LABOR MARKET

Multiple factors impact Black men’s participation in the labor market, including globalization, education, discrimination, and incarceration. The declining employment rate of Black men tracks with the declining employment rates of all men without college degrees. This is partially due to the decline of manufacturing and other manual labor jobs that do not require advanced degrees. These jobs have been traditionally male-dominated and were a consistent source of income for Black men who struggled to attain adequate accreditation. As the economy shifted away from these jobs, Black men who historically depended on them were hit the hardest when globalization and other economic factors reduced their availability. It is estimated that Black workers lost over 600,000 manufacturing jobs between 1998 and 2020 because of the shifts away from manufacturing (Austin, 2023). As the job market shifted toward jobs that required more education, the disparities Black boys and men experienced in education became more of a barrier.

For the Black men who attain the necessary level of education to participate in the current economy, they still must overcome anti-Black hiring policies. One study found that a white male high school dropout is as employable as a Black man with an associate degree, and a bachelor’s degree is needed to make themselves more employable (Austin, 2023). High incarceration numbers of Black men have also played a significant part in their declining employment rates. In the 2000s, Black men were incarcerated at eight times the rate of white males and 17 times the rate for Black women (Austin, 2023). While many Black men have been released at some point, they must contend with employment discrimination for having a criminal record. One study found that Black job applicants with a criminal record would get a call back just 5% of the time, the lowest of any racial or gender group. The same study also revealed that a white man with a criminal record is more employable than a Black man without a criminal record (Pager, 2003). While all the named factors also impact Black women, the intensity and scale of these economic disparities are most felt by working-class Black men.

BLACK MEN AND WOMEN AND DIVERGING ECONOMIC OUTCOMES

Since 2000, there have been approximately one million more employed Black women than men, and the Black community is the only population with fewer employed men than women, as detailed in Figures 4 & 5. While these disparities are significant, they likely do not capture the complete picture, as official employment statistics do not include the

almost 400,000 Black men serving prison sentences (Austin, 2023). Additionally, most official measures of unemployment are limited to people who have looked for a job in the past four weeks of the statistics being recorded (Austin, 2023).

ONLY IN THE BLACK POPULATION ARE THERE FEWER EMPLOYED MEN THAN WOMEN

Annual average employment levels for Black men and women, 2000 to 2022

Average number of men working for every 100 women working by race, 2000 to 2022

The Equal Opportunity Project research revealed that the intergenerational persistence of poverty that perpetuates the racial wealth gap is primarily due to the poor economic outcomes of Black men (Chetty et al., 2018). The study further showed that Black men born to low-income parents are less likely to improve their income when compared to Black women, white women, and especially white men. Black men have low individual earning mobility, with 54% of Black male youths born into poverty struggling to raise their earnings as opposed to 34% of Black girls and women (Winship, Reeves, and Guyot 2018). When we look at family income mobility, Black women face a high risk of being impoverished. According to the same study, Black women in families have a higher risk (62%) of not escaping poverty than Black men (50%). The paper theorizes that this could be due to Black women creating families with Black men who are doing poorly on both individual earnings and adult family income mobility, thus bringing down family income mobility results for Black women. This suggests that Black girls are more likely to escape poverty independently (Winship, Reeves, and Guyot, 2018). A significant takeaway from the Equal Opportunity Project report was that “…the key to closing income disparities for both Black and white women is to close intergenerational gaps in income between Black and white men.” (Chetty et al., 2018).

Latino White American Indian Asian

Chart: Emma Curchin; Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Series ID: LNU02000007 and LNU02000008.

first

Chart: Emma Curchin; Source: Author’s analysis of Current Population Survey data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Note: 2022 data are for the first 11 months. White and Black data exclude Hispanics after 2015. American Indian calculation excludes 2022.

Policy Recommendations

Education is a primary key to success in our current economy, yet many Black boys and men benefit the least from pursuing education as a tool for economic mobility. To combat the disparities in education and employment, policymakers, educators, and employment agencies should consider the following:

1. Addressing school disciplinary procedures to reduce bias. Black boys are at the sharpest ends of racial bias and disciplinary procedures within the school. Introducing disciplinary review boards, increasing teacher diversity, and intentional implicit bias training for teachers is critical to help address the bias Black boys are facing. Additionally, reducing schools’ reliance on referrals, Student Resource Officers, arrests, and other overtly punitive measures is necessary to help dismantle the school-to-prison pipeline. This can be achieved by reviving the 2014 School Discipline Guidelines, removing police from schools, passing the Restorative Practices Act, and shifting resources toward student mental health services (Hopkins, 2023).

2. Developing programs and policies encouraging Black boys and men to enter H.E.A.L careers.

H.E.A.L stands for Health, Education, Administration, and Literacy. These jobs include teachers, nurses, social workers, school administrators, and home health aides. HEAL jobs are grouped based on the need for an advanced application of literacy. These jobs represent the country’s largest and fastest-growing job sector, as for every one STEM job created, three HEAL jobs will be created. Currently, jobs in the HEAL sector are as gender-segregated as STEM jobs are. This is due to several factors, including gendered stigma against boys and men working in these traditionally women-dominated jobs. There should be a coordinated effort to get more Black boys and men to enter HEAL careers, like those developed to encourage Black girls and women to join STEM professions. The benefits of more Black men in HEAL professions include boosting Black men’s employment rate, providing opportunities for positive interactions, mentorship, and role models for Black boys, and fostering more emotional intelligence from Black boys and men.

3. Conducting research on the effects of a delayed academic start for boys. The current education system rewards behaviors associated with maturity, such as organization, timeliness, and future-oriented decision-making. While these are not bad things to reward, it does make achieving academic success more difficult for boys, who develop at a slower rate than girls. One study where a third of participants

were Black boys found that a delayed start positively impacted the boys’ overall test scores, reduced the risk of repeating a grade, and improved chances of taking the SAT or ACT (Cascio & Schanzenbach, 2016). The same study also found that it was particularly effective for Black boys and those from marginalized groups. Policymakers and researchers should begin developing longitudinal qualitative and quantitative research on the effects of a delayed start for boys. If it is proven effective, educators should begin a discussion on potentially delaying boys’ entry into pre-k by about one year. This could give the boys the adequate developmental time needed to meet the challenges of K-12 education.

4. Mandating the disaggregation of race and sex data for K-12 education. The Department of Education requires states to report on various metrics related to educational achievement to assess the country’s progress. This data covers many subgroups, including every major ethnic and racial group. These disaggregated data have been valuable to researchers as they try to identify trends for marginalized groups to advocate for solutions and resources. One major category they do not disaggregate is sex, meaning it is difficult to find accurate and consistent data on groups across race and sex or any other subgroup (foster care, children with disabilities, etc.) and sex (Smith et al., 2021). Disaggregating the data to include sex as a subgroup could help us understand how to support Black boys across their time in school.

From the observations of the economic status of many Black men, we can see the toll that years of low investment, neglect, discrimination, and lack of care from the education system have had on their lives. Achieving meaningful educational reform for Black boys can improve economic mobility for Black men. An intersectional approach is needed for Black boys and men as they are not just their race or gender, nor are the discrepancies they face. Black girls and women face many of the same challenges as their male counterparts. However, research increasingly shows a gendered aspect of racial discrimination affecting Black boys and men, specifically in education. Research also shows that the diverging economic outcomes between Black men and women correlate heavily with diverging educational outcomes of Black girls and boys. In other words, girls’ structural advantages in the classroom correlate with the economic success and gains they have achieved over the past 20 years. This combination of discrepancies and the gendered racial discrimination in education directed at Black males effectively traps them and their communities in cycles of intergenerational poverty. Bettering the economic mobility of Black households requires improving the economic mobility of Black men. To achieve economic mobility for Black households and to help Black men overcome the class ceiling they face in society, the best place to start is with Black boys in the classroom.

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