Music at the court of Maria Carolina and Ferdinando IV in the late eighteenth century

SAGGI

Anthony R. DelDonna

MUSIC AT THE COURT OF MARIA CAROLINA AND FERDINANDO IV IN THE LATE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

The last twenty-five years of the eighteenth century in Naples witnessed a profound transformation of the nation.1 At the center of this process of innovation, change, and upheaval was Queen Maria Carolina, the consort to King Ferdinand IV.2 Thanks to the

1 Scholarly literature on the Kingdom of Naples has grown significantly in recent years; a select bibliography with a broad purview includes Storia del Mezzogiorno, a cura di Giuseppe Galasso and Rosario Romeo, 15 voll., Naples: Edizioni del Sole, 1991; Storia del Regno di Napoli, a cura di Giuseppe Galasso, 6 voll., Turin, UTET, 2006. For recent sources in English, see TOMMASO ASTARITA, Between Salt Water and Holy Water: A History of Southern Italy, New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2006; Naples in the Eighteenth Century: The Birth and Death of a Nation State, a cura di Girolamo Imbruglia, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2000; SANDRO CASTRONUOVO, I cinque Borbone. La dinastia napoletana dal 1734 al 1860, Naples, L’Altrastampa, 2000; ELVIRA CHIOSI, Lo spirito del secolo. Politica e religione a Napoli dell’età dell’illuminismo, Naples, Giannini, 1992; GIUSEPPE NUZZO, A Napoli nel tardo Settecento: La parabola della neutralità, Naples, Morano, 1990; FRANCO VALSECCHI, Il riformismo borbonico in Italia, Rome, Bonacci, 1990; GIUSEPPE NUZZO, La monarchia delle Due Sicilie tra Ancien Régime e rivoluzione, Naples, A. Berisio, 1962. Earlier sources include HAROLD ACTON, I Borboni di Napoli, Milan, Martello, 1962; and MICHELANGELO SCHIPA, Nel regno di Ferdinando IV di Borbone, Florence, Vallecchi editore, 1938. 2 There is a large body of sources on Maria Carolina, both historical and contemporary, that continues to grow. For recent works, see essays Io, la regina. Maria Carolina d’Asburgo-Lorena tra politica, fede, arte e cultura, «Quaderni 33», a cura di Giulio Sodano and Giulio Brevetti, Palermo, Mediterranea - ricerche storiche 2016; The Diary of Queen Maria Carolina of Naples, 1781-1785: New Evidence of Queenship at Court, a cura di Cinzia Recca, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2017; CINZIA RECCA, Maria Carolina and Marie Antoinette: Sisters and Queens in the Mirror of Jacobin Public Opinion, «Royal Studies Journal 1», 2014, pp. 17-36; CINZIA RECCA, Queenship and Family Dynamics through the Correspondence of Queen Maria Carolina of Naples, in Mediterranean Queenship: Negotiating the Role of the Queen in the Medieval and Early Modern Eras, a cura di Elena Woodacre, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, pp. 265-286; All’ombra della corte. Donne e potere nella Napoli borbonica (1734-1860), a cura di Mirella Mafrici, Naples, Friderciana Editrice Universitaria, 2010; Un anno di lettere coniugali. Da Caserta, il carteggio inedito di Ferdinando IV e Maria Carolina, a cura di Nadia Verdile, Caserta, Edizioni spring, 2008; ALLISON J. I. GOUDIE, The Sovereignty of the Royal Portrait in Revolutionary and Napoleonic Europe: Five Case Studies Surrounding Maria Carolina, Queen of Naples, DPhil diss., University of Oxford, 2014; RAFFAELLA DEL PUGLIA, La regina di Napoli. Il regno di Maria Carolina dal Vesuvio alla Sicilia, Pavia, Editoriale Viscontea, 1989; RAFFAELE AJELLO, I filosofi e la regina: il governo delle Due Sicilie da Tanucci a Caracciolo (1776-1786), «Rivista Storica Italiana 13», 1991, pp. 398-454, 657-738; GIOVANNI ASTUTO, Dalle riforme alle rivoluzioni: Maria Carolina d’Asburgo: una regina austriaca nel Regno di Napoli e di Sicilia, «Quaderni del Dipartimento di Studi Politici 1», 2007, pp. 27-51; LUCIA TRESOLDI, La biblioteca privata di Maria Carolina d’Austria regina di Napoli. Cenni storici, Rome, Bulzoni, 1972; EGON CAESAR CORTI, Ich, eine Tochter Maria Theresias. Ein Lebensbild der Königin Marie Karoline

influence in her upbringing of her mother, Empress Maria Theresa, Maria Carolina was not to be a mere spouse or observer; rather, she was destined to be the catalyst and driving force for sweeping change within the Kingdom of Naples. Her significant role in and impact on the Neapolitan state (and on Europe) remain the basis for continued scholarly inquiry, and her historiographic portrait has been extensive, notably critical, and even, on occasion, excessively harsh.3 Her centralization and consolidation of power at court overturned prevailing political, social, and cultural policies that had been in place since the founding of the independent Kingdom of Naples by her fatherin-law, Charles III, in 1734. The continuous upheaval occasioned by her undermining of the throne of her husband, who was largely unfit to rule, initiated the headlong process that culminated in the Republican Revolution of 1798, the Restoration and violent reprisals of 1799, and the subsequent French invasion in the early nineteenth century. As a result, she has been portrayed by antagonistic contemporaries and critical historians as imperious, inexorable, inept, shortsighted, morphine-addled, indiscreet, lacking diplomatic skill, and a promiscuous, sexually insatiable predator.4 Yet actually, Maria Carolina displayed along with her efforts to intrude in to the realm of power politics an astute sense of contemporary taste and proved to be a skilled arbiter of and meditator within the visual arts, dance, and above all, music, having a lasting and transformative influence on late eighteenth century Neapolitan culture.It is the last area, music, which

von Neapel, Munich, Bruckmann, 1950. Historical sources include: CARMINE LANCELLOTTI, Elogio di Maria Carolina, Arciduchessa d’Austria, Regina del Regno delle Due Sicilie, Naples, Tipografia Flautina, 1829; JOSEPH ALEXANDER VON HELFERT, Königin Karolina von Neapel und Sicilien im Kampfe gegen die französische Weltherrschaft (1790-1814), Vienna, W. Braumüller, 1878; JOSEPH ALEXANDER VON HELFERT, Maria Karolina von Oesterreich, Königin von Neapel und Sicilien. Anklagen und Vertheidigung, Vienna, G. P. Faesy, 1884; ALFRED VON REUMONT, Maria Carolina, regina delle Due Sicilie e i suoi tempi, Florence, Coi tipi di M. Cellini e C., 1878; AMALIA BORDIGA AMADEI, Maria Carolina d’Austria e il regno delle Due Sicilie, Naples, Cooperative editrice libraria, 1920; MARY CATHERINE BEARNE, A Sister of Marie Antoinette: The Life-Story of Maria Carolina, Queen of Naples, London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1907; Correspondance inédite de Marie-Caroline de Naples et de Sicilie avec le Marquis de Gallo, vol. 1, 1785-1805, a cura di Maurice-Henri Weil, Naples, Émile-Paul, 1911; MICHELANGELO SCHIPA, Come Maria Carolina venne a regnare in Napoli, Rome, Tipografia della R. Accademia nazionale dei Lincei, proprietà del dott. Pio Befani, 1922. 3 Among notable historical and contemporary sources highly critical of Maria Carolina, see PIETRO COLLETTA, Storia del Reame di Napoli al 1737 sino al 1825 Florence, Felice Le Monnier, 1856; VINCENZO CUOCO, Saggio storico sulla rivoluzione di Napoli, a cura di Antonino De Francesco, Naples, Piero Lacaita editore, 1998; FRANCESCO LOMONACO, Rapporto al cittadino Carnot. Dall’illusione alla denuncia: la rivoluzione napoletana del 1799, a cura di Giovanni Libertazzi, Venosa: Edizioni osanna, 1990; GIUSEPPE GORANI, Mémoires secrets et critiques des cours, des gouvernements et des moeurs des principaux états d’Italie, Paris, Buisson, 1793; BENEDETTO CROCE, La rivoluzione napoletana del 1799. Biografie, racconti, ricerche, Bari, Laterza, 1968. 4 No less a historian than Benedetto Croce declared, in reaction to the growing rehabilitation of Maria Carolina, «Come si possa giustificare una donna che, oltre le scorrettezze e le turpitudini della vita privata, è stata colta in una serie di menzogne flagranti e di violazione d’impegni solenni presi […] io non riesco ad intendere.» («How one can justify a woman who, beyond the improprieties and turpitude of her private life, was caught in a series of flagrant lies and the violation of sacred vows undertaken … I cannot understand».) Cited in Un austriaca alla Corte napoletana: Maria Carolina d’Asburgo-Lorena, in Mafrici, All’ombra della corte, a cura di Mirella Mafrici, p. 51.

serves as the basis for the present inquiry. Although the history of eighteenth-century music in Naples has been widely studied and documented (above all the varied forms of contemporary stage drama),5 lesser attention has been given to the roles of instrumental and vocal music within the private, often personal and intimate spheres of the lives of Maria Carolina and Ferdinando IV. Yet, their cultivation of music remained nevertheless intertwined with the more public and official social as well as political responsibilities of aristocratic life and court obligations of their era. The findings reveal a more nuanced, mature, and carefully calibrated portrait of Maria Carolina, one in which music (as well as the visual arts and related areas) served to urge a broad reorientation and alignment with her native Austro-German culture.

The making of a Queen

Maria Carolina’s formative years in Vienna provided the basis for her shrewd cultural sensibilities even prior to the role of queen consort in Naples. Her interest in the humanities reflected the powerful interests of her mother the Austrian Empress Maria Theresa. In letters of preparation for Maria Carolina written in 1767, her mother stresses that she, «continue with strictness your studies in music, painting, history, geography, Latin and every type of [educational] endeavor».6 The placement of music at the initiation of this list underlined an ongoing devotion to the discipline. During her youth in Austria, Maria Carolina had been a harpsichord student of Georg Christoph Wagenseil (1715–1777) and Josef Antonín Štĕpán (1726–1797), both keyboard virtuosi and composers in Vienna.7 Her devotion to music was later echoed by her brother Joseph II upon his formal visit to the Kingdom of Naples in 1769, the year following her nuptials to Ferdinand. In a broad summary to their mother Maria Theresa in the aftermath of his sojourn in the kingdom, the Habsburg sovereign reflected,

5 Storia della musica e dello spettacolo a Napoli, a cura di Francesco Cotticelli and Paologiovanni Maione, 2 voll., Napoli, Turchini edizioni, 2009; FRANCESCO COTTICELLI and PAOLOGIOVANNI MAIONE, Onesto divertimento ed allegria de’ popoli. Materiali per una storia dello spettacolo a Napoli nel primo Settecento, Milano, Ricordi, 1996; ID., Le istituzioni musicali a Napoli durante il viceregno austriaco (1707-1734). Materiali inediti sulla Real Cappella ed il Teatro di S. Bartolomeo, Napoli, Luciano editore, 1993. 6 Consigli matrimoniali alle figlie sovrane, di Maria Teresa d’Austria, a cura di Arsenio Frugoni, Florence, Passigli Editore, 2000, p. 62: «Continuerete con esattezza i vostri esercizi nella musica, nella pittura, nella storia, nella geografia, nel latino e in ogni specie di lavoro». 7 Wagenseil was a highly influential figure in Viennese musical circles as a composer, pedagogue, and keyboardist for almost half of the eighteenth century. For a basic introduction see DANIEL HEARTZ, Haydn, Mozart, and the Viennese School 1740-1780, New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 1995); see also JOHN KUCABA and BERTIL H. VAN BOER, “Georg Christoph Wagenseil,” Grove Music Online, 2001, <https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.29767> (last consultation 24 february 2021). Štĕpán, a native of Bohemia, fled his native country for Vienna, becoming a keyboard and composition student of Wagenseil. In 1766, he was appointed “Klaviermeister” to Maria Carolina, and presumably his tutelage lasted until her departure for Italy. For a brief overview of his career and associated bibliography, see HOWARD PICTON, “Josef Antonín Štĕpán,” Grove Music Online, 2001, <https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.26687> (last consultation 24 february 2021).

La esortai a dedicarvisi, lei me lo promise. La musica, cioè il canto, visto che praticamente non suona più il cembalo, è uno dei suoi svaghi principali. Ha un maestro di canto che mi è parso molto bravo e che in poco tempo ha formato la sua voce, rendendola irriconoscibile; e si può dire che canti più che discretamente, e legga anche bene la musica. Le dimostrai l’utilità dell’esercitarsi al cembalo e sopratutto all’accompagnamento, e di impegnarvisi.8

The aforementioned teacher was Pasquale Cafaro (1715/16-1787), whose career Maria Carolina promoted through his subsequent appointment as maestro di cappella to the Cappella Reale, (even bypassing the traditional public concorso) and through continued patronage of his stage works.9 Yet these citations exist only as fleeting snapshots of a much broader cultural orientation toward music, on her part which can be deduced through an investigation of an array of contemporary materials. These heterogenous materials span her personal diaries (albeit incomplete), contemporary correspondence of court officials, the letters of Norbert Hadrava, the memoir of the composer Adalbert Gyrowetz, eighteenth-century periodicals such as the Gazzetta Universale and Notizie del Mondo as well as surviving archival sources. To complement the aforementioned documentary data, the Library of the Conservatory of Naples (San Pietro a Majella) possesses a notable body of music in varied genres (vocal and especially instrumental) that can be associated directly with the preferences and activities of Maria Carolina and Ferdinand. These sources, both documentary and musical, offer a more complete portrait of the artistic patronage of the sovereigns and the valued position of music during their reign, the so-called Golden Age of Naples.

Music for the Court

Indications of a growing premium placed on performances of music (including theater and dance) within the more intimate environs of court emerged almost immediately after the arrival of Maria Carolina as documented in the letters of Prime Minister Bernardo Tanucci. It was in the royal apartments (or in similar areas of the other palaces, whether Caserta, Portici, Carditello, or Capodimonte) that Maria Carolina and Ferdinand often held elaborate feste (also referred to as gran gala, conversazioni or salons). Tanucci increasingly seized upon the escalating expenses and dutifully communicated

8 Cortelazzara. Relazione a Maria Teresa sui Reali di Napoli, a cura di Elisabeth Garms-Comides, Naples, Franco di Mauro Editore, 1992, p. 47. «I urged her to devote herself [more productively]; she promised to do so. Music, in particular the voice, in light of the reality that she hardly plays the harpsichord anymore, has been one of her primary entertainments. She has a voice teacher, who seems to me to be very talented and in little time has developed her voice, making it almost unrecognizable; one can say that she sings quite well, and that she reads music well. I explained to her the importance of practicing the harpsichord and above all performing collaboratively, and engaging herself in these activities». 9 HANNS-BERTOLD DIETZ, Instrumental Music at the Court of Ferdinand IV Naples and Sicily and the works of Vincenzo Orgitano, «International Journal of Musicology 1», 1992, pp. 99-126; ID., A Chronology of Maestri and Organisti at the Cappella Reale in Naples, 1745-1800, «Journal of the American Musicological Society 25», 1972, pp. 379-406.

them to Charles III to share his concerns. For example, he writes in 1775, that «the king did not hold the Council of War, [it was replaced] by a particular cantata, and instrumental music in the apartment of the queen».10 In a similar manner in the following year, he notes, «the king was unable, given his preoccupation in the feste and various entertainments given for the royal relatives, to hold any State Council».11 Even richer sources of information about the feste, specifically instrumental and vocal music performances at court as well as prevailing tastes come from two historical sources: the surviving personal diaries of Maria Carolina, spanning the brief period of 1781–1785, and the letters of the Austrian diplomat and cultural mediator Norbert Hadrava.12

Despite their incomplete span and formulaic arrangement, Maria Carolina’s diaries offer revealing insights into her daily life, whether political, social, or personal. They make references to her complex schedule of state affairs (councils, celebrations, official visits, etc.), a deep engagement with her advisors, and many aspects of aristocratic private life. It is evident that she gradually assumed a leading role in the administration of the kingdom, frequently meeting with the king’s counsellors while he pursued a rather carefree lifestyle. To accommodate Ferdinand’s daytime schedule (often marked by forays into the countryside to hunt or fish), meetings were reconvened in his presence in the evening to ratify decisions made earlier in the day. The diaries also make copious reference to the presence and frequency of music from day to day. These mentions take on different forms, documenting the queen’s attendance at the theatre (for opera performances and diverse feste), her personal music making, and what can be described as exclusive soirees or concerts. These last often occurred in the private apartments of the royal palaces, the same locations used for official, state-sanctioned events (such as the aforementioned feste), thereby underlining the important role of music.

Despite the formulaic nature of the diary entries, it is evident that Maria Carolina viewed attendance at operas as a form of official social duty. The vast majority of the related diary reflections offered terse value judgements on the quality of performance. For example, she records on December 15, 1781: «I went to the theatre – saw the

10 Lettere di Bernardo Tanucci a Carlo III di Borbone (1759-1776), a cura di Rosa Mincuzzi, Rome, Istituto per la Storia del Risorgimento Italiano, 1969, p. 964, letter dated May 16, 1775, «Il re non ha tenuto il Consiglio di Guerra per una certa cantata, e suoni che si fecero nel quarto della regina». 11 Ivi, 1028, letter dated April 30, 1776, «Non ha potuto il re, occupato nelle feste e divertimenti varj dati alli reali parenti tener alcun Consiglio di Stato». 12 The complete body of Maria Carolina’s diaries has not survived. Cinzia Recca has recently transcribed those from the period of 1781-1785, revealing a wealth of information about the daily life and activities of the queen. See The Diary of Queen Maria Carolina of Naples, a cura di Cinzia Recca. I have also consulted Recca’s publication of the diaries in their original French: see Sentimenti e politica. Il diario inedito della regina Maria Carolina di Napoli (1781-1785), a cura di Cinzia Recca, Milan, Franco Angeli, 2014. The letters of Hadrava are translated from German into Italian, see GIULIA GIALDRONI, La musica a Napoli alla fine del XVIII secolo nelle lettere di Norbert Hadrava, «Fonti musicali italiane 1», 1996, pp. 75-143.

comedy at the Florentines’ Theater [Teatro de’ Fiorentini] which bored me to death».13 It is also clear that she rarely remained for a complete theatrical performance. A subsequent entry on October 5, 1782, again from the Fiorentini, notes: «we went to the new performance of a comic opera at the Florentines – the theatre was full – it bored me so much – after the second act we returned home».14 Similarly, it was not unusual for Maria Carolina to attend more than one performance at different theaters in the same evening. She records on January 9, 1783, that «We went to the Fondo Theatre where the new comic opera – entitled L’Astrologo – was a composition of all imaginable horrors – [then] went to the San Carlo theatre with Lady Gravina and Marsico».15 Her evaluations of these dutiful evenings may illustrate her more exacting and demanding musical taste.

In contrast, her diaries demonstrate that personal music making was a preferred, perhaps even essential element of the household and private quarters. There are abundant indications, often on a daily basis: for example, «in the afternoon I played harpsichord for a while».16 Maria Carolina scrupulously notes her continued formal study, recounting «played harpsichord with the teacher»,17 as well as her diligence, noting the day after that she «played harpsichord – applied myself».18 Although there is an ebb and flow at times of these notations in the diaries, their mere inclusion, framed by allusions to larger issues of state, is significant. There are, in addition, periods of great musical activity, which coincided with soirees. In November 1782, Maria Carolina records playing the harpsichord on thirteen separate days, as well as theatrical attendance on five separate occasions, an impressive total given her considerable official responsibilities. The queen also mentions separate musical performances: on October 26, 1782, she notes that she «played the harpsichord – then there was music in the king’s apartment – a famous violinist called Bugano – in the service of Turin – he played excellently».19 The violinist in question was actually Gaetano Pugnani, and his skills evidently made a significant impression on the queen. In the following two weeks

13 The Diary of Queen Maria Carolina of Naples (hereafter, Recca, ed., Diary), a cura di Recca, p. 125. See Sentimenti e politica, a cura di Recca, p. 90, «je suis allé au théâtre - voire la comédie chez Théâtre Florentin qui m’enuya mortellement». 14 Diary cit., p. 135; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 105, «nous allâmes à la nouvelle représentation de l’opéra comique aux florentins - le théâtre étiot plein - je m’y enuois bien - après le 2 acte nous retournâmes au logis». 15 Diary cit., p. 168; Sentimenti e politica cit., pp. 140-141, «on alla au théâtre du Fondo où la nouvelle opéra boufa - intitulé l’astrologo - et un composé de toutes les horreurs imaginables … allois au théâtre St. Charles avec la dame Gravina et Marsico». 16 Diary cit., p. 150, entry dated November 13, 1782; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 122, «joué un peu du clavesin». 17 Diary cit., p. 149, entry dated November 8, 1782; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 120, «m’appliquer jouer du clavesin - avec le maître». The teacher was probably Vincenzo Orgitano; see DIETZ, Instrumental Music at the Court of Ferdinand IV cit., pp. 99-126. 18 Diary cit., p. 149, entry dated November 9, 1782; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 120: «jouer du clavesin - m’appliquer». 19 Diary cit., pp. 115-116, entry dated October 26, 1782; Sentimenti e politica cit., pp. 115-116: «jouer du clavesin … puis il y eut musique dans l’apartement du Roi - un fameux violon appellee Bügano service de Turin - y joua exelenment bien».

(November 2–11, 1782), Pugnani performed three more times in the royal apartments, culminating in the queen noting the active participation of her daughters: «I sent down Theresa and Luisa – the first played the harpsichord in the presence of Bugano».20

As the diaries attest, Maria Carolina was conscientious in providing music lessons for her daughters, and they were frequent companions at the local theaters. The queen did not hesitate to showcase their talents in the presence of her inner circle of advisors, members of the diplomatic corps, or visiting dignitaries. She notes on January 5, 1783, «the two eldest [Maria Teresa and Maria Luisa] played the harpsichord in the presence of Migliano – Gravina – Lamberg».21 This was certainly not a singular occurrence, as she writes on June 8, 1783, «Lamberg brought to me Baron Didier who listened to Theresa play the harpsichord».22 These evenings sometimes took on a more formal context, as noted in a later entry: «I had a little concert where there were Baron Darmfeld – Belmonte – Gravina – Marsico – Sambuca and Lamberg – my daughter played the harpsichord».23 While there are regular references to Maria Teresa and Maria Luisa in the diaries, there is only a single occasion on which Maria Carolina mentions the participation of her son in performance: «heard the harpsichord played – my son who accompanied – then Theresa played».24

For his part, Ferdinand participated in these formal and informal performances too. Among the first entries in the extant diaries, Maria Carolina records: «heard the king playing the lira».25 Later on, she notes, «listened to Theresa play the harpsichord and the King play the lira».26 Ferdinand’s growing interest in music did not subside as a further entry recounts, «after lunch the King went to Posillipo by sea to play music».27 It is also evident that Ferdinand appreciated the queen’s skills, with one entry noting:

20 Diary cit., p. 150, entry dated November 11, 1782; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 121: «puis j’ai fait descendre Thérèse avec Louise - la première joua du clavesin avant Bugnano». 21 Diary cit., p. 167, entry dated January 5, 178; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 139. There is a discrepancy here between Recca’s English translation and the original in French, which reads «les deux aînnée jouèrent du clavesin en présence de Migliano - Gravina et Lamberg». The Prince of Migliano, Francesco Loffredo, was a gentleman of the King’s Chamber. Don Filippo Orsini, Duke of Gravina (1742-1824) was a general in the Neapolitan army. Anton Franz de Paula Graf Lamberg-Sprinzenstein (1740-1822) was an Austrian diplomat and close confidant of the queen, who served as Austrian ambassador to Naples in the period 1778-1784. 22 Diary cit., p. 204, entry dated June 8, 1783; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 183: «Lamberg me porta la barone Didier qui entendit jouer ma Thérèse du clavecin». 23 Diary cit., p. 262, entry dated March 8, 1784; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 253: «j’eus une petite musique où le baron Darmfeld - Belmonte - Gravina - Marsico - Sambuca - et Lamberg assistèrent ma fille joua du clavesin». 24 Diary cit., p. 342, entry dated March 26, 1785; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 345: «puis entendre jouer du clavesin - mon fils acompagna - puis Thérèse joua». 25 Diary cit., p. 117, entry dated November 15, 1781; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 77: «jouer la lire au Roi». 26 Diary cit., p. 228, entry dated Octobe 9, 1783; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 212: «puis entre jouer le clavesin de Thérèse et la lire du Roi». 27 Diary cit., p. 285, entry dated June 27, 1784; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 281: «le Roi fut l’aprèsdiner à Pausilipo par merr à faire musique».

«played music against my will – the king – ordered me».28 And the royal couple would occasionally perform a duet: Maria Carolina notes several times that she «played music with the king until the evening».29 Such occasions were recounted by one chronicler, who noted: «Her Royal Majesty sang last night and the king sang likewise in these most intimate little academies, which they enjoy holding».30 There are also external sources of information that verify the intense private music-making and patronage of the sovereigns. Giovanni Paisiello, who in this period served as maestro di cappella to Catherine II in St. Petersburg remained acutely aware of these developments. In a series of exchanges with the scholar and official Ferdinando Galiani, Paisiello scrupulously enquires about the tastes of Ferdinand and Maria Carolina. To that end, it is evident from the letters that Galiani was in a position of not only influence but also intimacy with Ferdinand and Maria Carolina. For example, Paisiello writes: «I have had the pleasure of learning that the other music sent by me to Their Royal Highnesses was enjoyed, but I beg you, Lord Minister, to let me know with greater specificity such and what will be preferential to them, and if there will be performances of those already sent by me».31 It is also evident that Paisiello valued the musical formation of Maria Carolina, noting in the same letter that she is «a person who is knowledgeable and expert in music».32 The composer received the desired response from Galiani in a letter posted from Naples on June 26, 1781. The scholar claimed, «His Majesty played in his chambers and has sung all the scores that you have provided to him».33 There is, of course, the question of the specific music that was performed; nevertheless, Paisiello had sent both vocal and instrumental pieces to the sovereigns for their performance and at court. The participation and interest of Ferdinand in music making should not be overestimated. It had been advocated by Maria Carolina (given her educational orientation and certainly that of the Habsburgs) as a manner of cultivating a more refined public image of the sovereign, whose preference for speaking Neapolitan, coarse manners, and ephemeral pursuits were well known in diplomatic and official circles as well as among the general public.

28 Diary cit., p. 161, entry dated December 17, 1782; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 131: «faire par force une musique - le Roi - qui me l’avoit ordonné». 29 Diary cit., p. 160, entry dated December 16, 1782; Sentimenti e politica cit., p. 131: «puis faire avec le Roi musique jusqu’au soir». There are further references throughout the diary to Ferdinand’s interest in music, especially his performance of the lira organizzata. 30 ANNA MARIA RAO, Corte e Paese: il Regno di Napoli dal 1734 al 1806, in All’ombra della corte, a cura di Mafrici, p.24: «Infatti la M.S. cantò la sera e cantò anco il Re nelle privatissime accademiole, che sogliono tenere». 31 SALVATORE PANAREO, Paisiello in Russia. Dalle sue lettere a Galiani, Trani, Vecchi e Co, 1910, p. 22, letter dated May 5, 1781, «Ho avuto molto piacere di sentire che l’altra musica da me spedita AA. LL. MM. abbia piaciuta, ma la priego, signor Consigliere, di farmi sapere con più distinzione come e quale gli sia più piaciuta, se faranno rappresentare qualcuna di queste da me spedite». 32 Ivi, p. 24. «una persona che l’è molto intendente ed esperta nella musica». 33 FOLCHINO SCHIZZI, Della vita e degli studi di Giovanni Paisiello, Milan: Gaspare Truffi e Comp, 1833, p. 90, «Sua Maestà ha fatto suonare in camera, ed ha cantata tutti gli spartiti che gli avete umiliati».

The select entries from Maria Carolina diaries and correspondence of Galiani and Paisiello cited above only hint at the reality of a larger intense engagement, cultivation, and patronage of diverse genres (vocal and instrumental34) by both local and foreign musicians within the context of the Neapolitan court. A correlative source of information illuminating the rapport of the royal couple with local musical practices is found in the letters of Norbert Hadrava, which overlap with Maria Carolina’s personal diaries.35 Hadrava was the secretary for the Austrian ambassador to the Neapolitan kingdom in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, roughly 1776–1799.36 His unprecedented access to the court and his political station were augmented by his broad talents as a cultural mediator. He was a talented pianist and composer and a savvy aesthetician who had a keen ear for both instrumental and vocal music. His diplomatic training provided him with the necessary social skills to curry favor with the Neapolitan court, especially given his shared nationality with Maria Carolina. In particular, Hadrava possessed an astute instinct for cultivating ties at court, and he became a significant sponsor of foreign musicians and music during his time in Naples. His epistles, spanning the period 1783–1799, not only record the details of the court engagement with music, but also provide keen insights into aesthetic tastes and even musical knowledge of the sovereigns. Of particular interest are his numerous reflections upon local music culture, while also demonstrating Hadrava’s close relationship with Maria Carolina and Ferdinand, as well as his regular presence and participation at court events. Perhaps equally important, his cultural agenda and advocacy for Austro-Germanic composers and their music stand out transparently. Hadrava was a formidable and vocal advocate for northern musicians in Naples, taking up the cause for Dittersdorf, Pleyel, Sterkel, Gyrowetz, and Haydn above all, to name only a few.

Regarding this last point, Hadrava’s letters also mention a continuous succession of Austro-Germanic artists, often instrumentalists, for whom he arranged performances in the rarefied setting of the Bourbon court. For example, he recounts the details of the concerts by the clarinettist Raymund Griesbacher and the pianist Johann Sterkel, repeatedly underlining that the king and queen were deeply engaged in these soirees. It is evident that Hadrava knew intimately and wished to gratify the musical tastes of the queen; yet his efforts were also directed toward developing Ferdinand’s artistic

34 CESARE FERTONANI, Musica strumentale a Napoli durante il Settecento, in Storia della musica e dello spettacolo a Napoli, a cura di Francesco Cotticelli and Paologiovanni Maione, 2 voll., Napoli, Turchini edizioni, 2009, II, pp. 925-963; see also GUIDO OLIVIERI, The ‘fiery genius’: the contribution of Neapolitan virtuosi to the spread of the string sonata 1684-1736, PhD diss., University of California, Santa Barbara, 2005; Hanns-Bertold Dietz, Instrumental Music at the Court of Ferdinand IV Naples and Sicily and the Works of Vincenzo Orgitano, «International Journal of Musicology» 1, 1992, pp. 99-126; ANTHONY R.DELDONNA, Instrumental Music in Late Eighteenth-Century Naples: Politics, Patronage, and Artistic Culture, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2020. 35 GIALDRONI, La musica a Napoli cit., pp. 75-143. 36 He had been secretary to Gottfried van Swieten in Berlin (1774-1779) before coming to Naples. He was also active as a reviewer and contributor to the Magazin der Musik, founded by Carl Friedrich Cramer (1752-1807).

sensibilities and knowledge.37 Indeed, he notes that the king was so enamoured with the playing of Griesbacher that he presented the clarinettist with the opportunity of a permanent position in Naples.38 In a subsequent letter, Hadrava notes the presence and performance at court of the oboist Friedrich Ram and the violinist Carl Cannabich, whose artistry was «rewarded with much benevolence by His Majesty the King».39 Regarding the Cappella Reale and other musicians in the employ of the Neapolitan court, Hadrava’s assessments range from critical to withering. For example, he reserves particular invective for the court violinists (among other individuals and ensembles) and their attempted performance of unnamed Haydn symphonies. The juxtaposition of his praise for Austro-German musicians such as Griesbacher, Ram, and Cannabich form a strategic counterpoint. They reflect Hadrava’s professed nationalistic agenda while also highlighting his value as cultural mediator to the royal court. Indeed, he claims that «the more understanding in music that the king acquires, the less he is satisfied with those [court] violinists».40 In a further boastful moment, Hadrava notes, «I could cite many examples in order to demonstrate that the king knows how to appreciate real musical talent and recognizes the value of music».41 Finally, it should be noted within the letters that Hadrava also stresses that his continued close ties to court promoted broader connections to other significant figures in the Neapolitan diplomatic milieu – in particular, Sir William Hamilton and his second wife, Emma, who, like the court, held frequent musical gatherings and shared an interest in repertoire for the fortepiano.

As a pianist and composer himself, Hadrava gravitated toward this repertory, and it also led to his association with the maker Johann Stein; he ultimately became Stein’s agent in Naples.42 The preference for keyboard genres also reflected a point of common interest with the Queen as is evident in her personal diaries. Among the more interesting details is continued reference to works (mainly sonatas) for four hands. Hadrava was quick to note Ferdinand’s keen interest upon learning of this genre because «at

37 See DIETZ, Instrumental Music at the Court of Ferdinand IV cit., pp. 99-126; HARRY R. EDWALL, Ferdinand IV and Haydn’s Concertos for the ‘Lira Organizzata’, «Musical Quarterly» 48, 1962, pp. 190-203. 38 GIALDRONI, La musica a Napoli cit., p. 89. Hadrava states, «the bearer of this letter is Griesbacher, an excellent clarinetist, who renders honor to our nation. During his sojourn here, he achieved everywhere the most unconditional applause of all the learned and dilettantes» («Il latore di questa lettera è il signor Griesbacher, un eccellente clarinettista, che fa onore alla nostra nazione. Durante il suo soggiorno qui si è guadagnato ovunque il più incondizionato plauso di tutti i conoscitori e gli appassionati.») 39 Ivi, p. 113, «Il signor Ram ed il giovane signor Cannabich hanno avuto l’onore di farsi ascoltare dalla corte, il primo all’oboe, il secondo al violino; entrambi sono stati compensati con molta benevolenza da Sua Maestà il re.» 40 Ivi, p. 114, «ma tante più conoscenze il re acquisiva nella musica, tanto meno lo soddisfacevano quei violinisti.» 41 Ivi, p. 115, «Potrei addurre molte prove per dimostrare che Sua Maestà il re sa apprezzare i veri talenti musicali e riconosce il valore della musica.» 42 JOHN RICE, Stein’s ‘Favorite Instrument’: A Vis-à-Vis Piano-Harpsichord in Naples, «Journal of the American Musical Instrument Society» 21, 1995, pp. 30-64.

court they are not yet familiar with the fashion of seeing four hands on the keyboard».43 The instrument used for these performances was made by Stein. Hadrava recounts that he was able to procure, «a short time before his [Sterkel’s] arrival, a fortepiano made by Stein, on which he [Sterkel] was able to be heard and to perform with true admiration, while otherwise he would have attained little distinction for his sonatas on his wretched little clavichord, to whose sound Italian ears are not well accustomed».44 In fact, Hadrava’s efforts on behalf of Stein also extended to the royal family. He notes that he arranged the purchase of two instruments by the Viennese maker, one for the queen and the other for her eldest daughter, Maria Teresa, whose performance at the keyboard, as we have seen, is often mentioned by Maria Carolina in her diaries. In addition, Hadrava notes that Maria Carolina possessed a large piano of British provenance. Hadrava’s central role as musical arbiter, sponsor and interlocutor cannot be underestimated within the exclusive sphere of court life.

The musical life of Maria Carolina and Ferdinand’s court is also documented in contemporary periodicals, the Gazzetta Universale and Notizie del Mondo. These sources reveal an almost unending series of occasions presenting music (vocal and instrumental) and dance within the privacy of the varied royal palaces. These sources also demonstrate that the royal couple were ardent patrons of the Accademia de’ Cavalieri and also attended events within the private residences of the large contingent of foreign dignitaries that formed the diplomatic corps of the capital city. This last point is frequently acknowledged and an early entry from the Gazzetta Universale underlines the emergent rapport between diplomacy and the arts, recounting «Abbiamo qui molti qualificati Signori Inglesi, ed altri distinti forestieri, fra quali il Principe di Rhoano Chabot. La nostra Accademia, o Assemblea, è per i forestieri una maraviglia, mentre altrove non si trova un divertimento così nobile, magnifico, e piacevole».45

Given the importance of projecting images of sovereignty, there is no question that the crown sought to present the most exclusive and artistically important events through their direct sponsorship. For example, the Gazzetta narrates,

Sabato scorsa le MM. LL. si divertirono a Posilipo con una sontuosa Accademia di musica, alla quale fu invitato tutto il Corpo Diplomatico, primaria Nobiltà, e vi suonò un concerto di violino il celebre Sig. Nardini. Indi fu imbandita una lauta cena, e sotto i Regj balconi una Serenata molto brillante ove cantarono la Sig. Balducci prima Donna del R. Teatro, e il Sig. Millico.46

The rarefied space of the royal casino in the exclusive area of Posillipo is expanded to the include the diplomatic elite at an academy featuring both instrumental and vocal

43 GIALDRONI, La musica a Napoli cit., p. 92, «a corte non si conosceva ancora la foggia di vedere quattro mani su un pianoforte». 44 Ivi, p. 95, «poco prima del suo arrivo, un fortepiano dello Stein, sul quale egli ha potuto farsi ascoltare ed anche suonare con vero piacere, mentre altrimenti avrebbe ottenuto poco onore con le sue sonate sul suo meschino clavicordo, al quale le orecchie italiane non sono abituate». 45 Gazzetta Universale, Napoli 29 dicembre 1776, p. 37. 46 Ivi, Napoli 2 agosto 1780, p. 534.

performances offering the celebrated violinist Nardini and personnel from the San Carlo theater, namely the prima donna Marina Balducci and famed castrato Giuseppe Millico. The royal court also established close ties to the traditional festivals (religious or secular) of the city through its sponsorship of music. For example, the Gazzetta notes,

Sabato si eseguì la solenne festa alla Madonna di Piè di Grotta, dove il dopo pranzo si portarono i nostri Sovrani in forma pubblica. La sera poi le MM. LL. passarono alla fiera, ove vi fu una strepitosa musica fatta a spese di quella Corte, alla quale suonarono diversi bravi dilettanti e si contarono fino a 60. Strumenti.47

Of particular interest and importance in the prior citation is the clear patronage of instrumental music, verified by Hadrava (and others), yet often overlooked in past research. The ongoing sponsorship of instrumental music appears regularly in the narratives of the Gazzetta and Notizie del Mondo. For example, even during their holidays, the Notizie del Mondo makes a point of specifying that «Le MM. LL. vi prendono il divertimento della pesca, e nella la sera vi fanno rappresentare delle Tragedie, e Commedie Francesi, e di concerti di musica».48

The phrase “concerti di musica” reflects the specific inclusion of instrumental music performance for court events. The patronage of the sovereigns is also extended to their direct participation in such events. Among the most fascinating and revealing notices of the Gazzetta records,

Nel di 15. Sua Maestà si portò a spasso nelle sue Galeotte e nobil seguito a Margellina, ove ricevè un pranzo inviatogli dall’Ambasciator Marocchino consistente in 8. piatti caldi, cioè un pilao, una minestra con varj legumi, carne di castrato, e bove in umido ecc. La M. S. degnosi assaggiare il tutto, che era cucinato all’Orientale, e dopo costeggiò la bellissima riviera di Posilipo nel tempo che dentro i Regi legai suonavano bellissimi concerti di lira, accompagnati dall’Orchestra di Corte, il che formava un’armonia maravigliosa.49

The tranquil imagery of the Neapolitan sovereigns on board their royal vessel as they receive the gift of a traditional Moroccan service from that ambassador is completed by their actual performance on board featuring the concertos for lira organizzata with the Cappella Reale as the accompanying ensemble. This citation underlines not simply the importance of instrumental music and its role within the contemporary diplomacy, but also the significant position of music-making within the personal lives of Ferdinand and Maria Carolina themselves.

The high-profile sponsorship of instrumental music by the royal court undoubtedly resonated outward to the Neapolitan nobility and diplomatic corps as documented by the Gazzetta and Notizie del Mondo. For example, the Marchese di Corleto was praised for organizing «un lauto pranzo con scelta e numerosa orchestra». In the same notice,

47 Ivi, Napoli 10 settembre 1781, p. 610. 48 Notizie del Mondo, Napoli 5 giugno 1782, p. 390. 49 Gazzetta Universale, Napoli 19 agosto 1782, p. 570.

the Princess of Belmonte is also cited for hosting an «magnifico trattenimento in musica».50 It is also noteworthy that many members of the international community also sponsored performances of instrumental repertory, which Ferdinand and Maria Carolina attended (often verified by the queen’s diaries). Perhaps the most prominent diplomatic and cultural figure of late eighteenth-century Naples was the aforementioned Sir William Hamilton, the English ambassador. Hamilton retained unprecedent, intimate access to the crown and his influence reverberated throughout the political, cultural, and intellectual circles of the city. One account narrates «Venerdì il giorno comparvero al gran corso al Ponte alla Maddalena, e la sera in Casa, del Ministro Inglese Hamilton, ove parimente vi fu Accademia di musica, e fece il concerto di Violino il celebre Sig. Burgos che trovasi qui di passaggio».51

Emma Hamilton also noted the King was often accompanied by musicians for his regular trips to his lodge in Posillipo. Among the frequent references to social events there, Hamilton notes,

On Sunday he [Ferdinand] dined at Paysilipo [sic], and he always comes every Sunday before the casino in his boat to look at me. We had a small diplomatic party, and we was sailing in our boot [sic], the K. directly came up, put his boot [sic] of musick next us, and made all the French horns and the wole [sic] band play.52

Albeit humorous given Emma Hamilton’s almost illiterate spelling the recollection underlines the ubiquitous presence of music and musicians within the quotidian routines of the King.

As noted earlier, the royal couple also participated often in events sponsored by the Accademia de’ Cavalieri.53 These occasions often mixed music (vocal and instrumental), dance, and games of chance. While performances of vocal genres were often explicitly referenced and detailed, instrumental music was referred to with the general phrase concerti di musica. Based on contemporary accounts, the latter occurred often within the range of entertainments. For example, the Notizie del Mondo announces that «ricominciarono nell' Accademia dei Cavalieri nei giorni destinati i balli, ed i concerti di musica».54 An explicit connection between the sovereigns, music and this institution is noted in early 1780 as «Principiata la Quaresima mercoledì sera le LL. AA. RR. intervennero alla conversazione della Nobile Accademia che fu oltremodo numerosa. Anche giovedì sera onorarono la medesima, e vi fu musica».55 This organization as

50 Ivi, Napoli 17 giugno 1783, p. 414. 51 Ivi, Napoli 7 marzo 1780, p. 197. 52 The Collection of Autograph Letters and Historical Documents: The Hamilton and Nelson Papers, a cura di Alfred Morrison, vol. 1, Printed for Private Publication, p. 117. 53 LUCIO TUFANO, Accademie musicali a Napoli nella seconda metà del Settecento: sedi, spazii, e funzioni, in «Quaderni dell’archivio storico», Naples, Istituto Banco di Napoli, 2005-2006, pp. 113178; ID., Musica, ballo e gioco a Napoli nella seconda metà del Settecento: l’Accademia dei Cavalieri e la Conversazione degli Amici, in Spazi e tempi nel gioco del Settecento, a cura di Beatrice Alfonzetti and Roberta Turchi, Rome, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2011, pp. 378-399. 54 Notizie del Mondo, Napoli 2 ottobre 1781, p. 660. 55 Gazzetta Universale, Napoli 15 febbraio 1780, p. 150.

well as the Accademia degli Amici grew in prominence during the reign of Ferdinand and Maria Carolina, occupying a significant place within local artistic life, especially in the patronage of instrumental genres. For example, the Gazzetta documents «Nel dì 16. essendo incominciata la Novena del S. Natale, si sono chiusi i Teatri fino alla sera de' 26, ma in luogo dei medesimi restano aperte tutte le sere le due Accademie dei Cavalieri, e degli Amici, ove si danno dei magnifici concerti».56

While noting the traditional closure of the theaters for the Christmas season, the notice underlines the quality of instrumental concerts organized by both academies for their constituencies. The premium placed on instrumental and vocal genres, not to mention the direct participation of the sovereigns in performance of this repertoire naturally raises questions about surviving repertoire, especially that performed within the exclusive circles of the royal court. Although Hadrava asserted that the King and Queen maintained a large library of music,57 both vocal and instrumental, there is no surviving source documenting their collection. Rather, a general sense of their music collection can be derived from two surviving sources: the Indice di tutti i libri, e spartiti di Musica che conservansi nell’Archivio del R[eal] Conservatorio della Pietà de’ Torchini and the present-day holdings of the Conservatory Library of Naples, San Pietro a Majella.

The Indice bears the handwritten date of 180158 and its printed contents record the sources that were consigned to the newly formed royal archive, which was coordinated in the same time period as the consolidation of the remaining conservatories.59 The entries, which range from the dramatic stage to instrumental and theoretical treatises, are carefully organized and indicate the items donated by Maria Carolina from her personal library (using the abbreviation S. M. or Sua Maestà). The vast majority of these gifts (approximately 170 items), as has been noted elsewhere, were dramatic and sacred

56 Ivi, 19 dicembre 1786, p. 832. 57 GIALDRONI, La musica a Napoli cit., pp. 75-143. 58 Indice di tutti i libri, e spartiti di Musica che conservansi nell’Archivio del R[eal] Conservatorio della Pietà de’ Torchini [sic], Napoli, 1801. I am grateful to my colleague Prof. Cesare Corsi, Director of the Conservatory Library, for sharing the contents of this document. 59 For information regarding the creation of the royal archive, see SAVERIO MATTEI, Per la biblioteca musica fondata nel Conservatorio della Pietà con Reale approvazione. Memoria del consigliere Saverio Mattei, Naples, 1795. On Mattei, see PAOLO FABBRI, Saverio Mattei e la ‘musica filosofica, «Analecta musicologica» 30, 1998, pp. 611-629; ID., Saverio Mattei: un profilo bio-bibliografico, in Napoli e il teatro musicale in Europa tra Sette e Ottocento. Studi in onore di Friedrich Lippmann, a cura di Bianca Maria Antolini and Wolfgang Witzenmann Florence, Olschki editore, 1993, pp. 121144. Sigismondo’s account of his part in the creation of the archive can be read (in English) in GIUSEPPE SIGISMONDO, Apotheosis of Music in the Kingdom of Naples, a cura di Claudio Bacciagaluppi, Giulia Giovani, and Raffaele Mellace, trans. Beatrice Scaldini, with an introduction by ROSA CAFIERO, Rome, Società editrice di musicologia, 2016, pp. 63-88; see also ROSA CAFIERO, Una biblioteca per la biblioteca: la collezione musicale di Giuseppe Sigismondo, in Napoli e il teatro musicale, a cura di Antolini and Witzenmann, pp. 299-367; MAURO AMATO, La biblioteca del conservatorio ‘San Pietro a Majella’ di Napoli: dal nucleo originale alle donazioni di fondi privati ottocenteschi, in Francesco Florimo e l’Ottocento musicale, a cura di Rosa Cafiero and Marina Marino, 2 voll., Reggio Calabria, Jason editrice, 1999, II, pp.645-699.

works.60 Maria Carolina’s participation is verified in a royal dispatch dated May 10, 1798, which notes «Concerning the Real Teatro di San Carlo, as Her Majesty granted to donate the scores of previously performed operas and sacred oratorios humbly presented to her by previous impresarios, as well as other [scores] to be performed in the future».61

While the Indice reveals expected names within the queen’s personal library – such as Paisiello, Cimarosa, Guglielmi, and Cafaro – there is a notable quantity of music by Austrian and German composers. The latter include both the expected (Hasse, Gluck, and Gassmann) and those generally not associated with Italian dramatic works – especially Franz Sterkel, and Ignaz Pleyel, among others primarily recognized for instrumental genres. The Indice also shows that Maria Carolina contributed instrumental compositions, albeit of significantly lower quantity. Nevertheless, the choices reveal the tastes, preferences, and interests of the queen, demonstrating that they were not exclusively “Neapolitan.” Table 1.1 shows that Maria Carolina’s bequests included only one collection of instrumental music by a Neapolitan: Giovanni Paisiello. This volume, as noted on its title page, represented instrumental works that the composer had prepared for his Russian patron during his years in St. Petersburg and were referenced in the prior noted correspondence with Ferdinando Galiani.62 The remaining compositions include works by the northerners Schuster, C.P.E. Bach, and Franz Xaver Richter, as well as the Italians Gaetano Pugnani63 and Giovanni Battista Sammartini.

Table 1.1: Instrumental music donated to the royal archive by Queen Maria Carolina

Composer Title

Anonymous

Balli inglesi Anonymous Marcie diverse Bach, Carl Philipp Emanuel Sei sonata di Cembalo Paisiello, Giovanni Raccolta di vari Rondò e Capricci per Piano Forte con accompagnamento di violino, composta espressamente per S.A.I. la Gran Duchessa di tutte le Russie

Pugnani, Gaetano Richter, Franz Xaver Trii per due violini e basso Concerto per Cembalo

60 See ANNA MONDOLFI BOSSARELLI, Gluck e i contemporanei attraverso i manoscritti donati da Maria Carolina alla città di Napoli, «Chigiana. Rassegna annuale di studi musicologi» 9-10, 1975, pp. 585-592 61 Cited in SIGISMONDO, Apotheosis of Music cit., p. 82. 62 Paisiello spent the period 1776-1784 at the court of Catherine the Great in St. Petersburg, composing not only operas but also a significant body of compositions for the keyboard. See NICOLETA PARASCHIVESCU, Die Partimenti Giovanni Paisiellos. Wege zu einem praxisbezogenen Verständis, Basel, Scwabe, 2019; JNO LELAND HUNT, The Life and Keyboard Works of Giovanni Paisiello (1740-1816), PhD diss., University of Michigan, 1973; Id., The Keyboard Works of Giovanni Paisiello, «Musical Quarterly» 61, 1975, pp. 212-232. 63 Pugnani had performed a series of highly successful concerts for the queen at the Palazzo Reale in October 1782, which undoubtedly led to the commission of his opera Adone e Venere for the Teatro di San Carlo in 1784. Maria Carolina was generous in arranging for commissions from the royal theater for visiting musicians, especially those with shared German or Austrian heritage. See Teatro di San Carlo di Napoli. Cronologia degli spettacoli 1737-1799, a cura di Paologiovanni Maione and Francesca Seller, 1, Naples, Altrastampa Edizioni, 2005.

Rose, Bernardo Raccolta di Contraddanza Inglesi Sammartini, Giovanni Battista Sei sonata di cembalo Schuster, Giuseppe Sonata di cembalo col violino Vento, Mattia Sonate di Cembalo con accompagnamento di Violino, o Flauto

The dearth of instrumental music donated to the official archive immediately raises questions, however, this is not entirely surprising. The volumes of dramatic and sacred works were not practical; rather, they were deluxe editions with ornate covers and stylish bindings expressly prepared for the queen and with the object of long-term preservation. Instead the donations noted in Table 1.1 reveal the intimate, personal preferences of the Queen for keyboard genres (especially as a practitioner) and social dances. The latter pieces were undoubtedly favorites from either the intimate gatherings in her personal apartment or perhaps music encountered at the elaborate feste di ballo held regularly in the royal Teatro di San Carlo. In regard to the keyboard genres, it is highly likely that these works represent music performed regularly by the queen herself and her daughters Maria Teresa and Maria Luisa as often referenced in her diary entries. Regarding the sole composition requiring an accompanying ensemble (the Richter concerto), this too should not be surprising. Given that the Cappella Reale served as the resident ensemble of the royal court and its various abodes, any works for ensemble, especially instrumental genres, would in all likelihood been part of an additional, private collection maintained by the King and Queen, to which Hadrava had referenced in his accounts of performances at court. Nevertheless, the holdings of the Conservatory Library64 offer a much broader and inclusive selection of instrumental genres, which correlated to existing (and previously cited) documentary evidence point toward the artistic environment, patronage and soirees hosted by and associated with the Neapolitan sovereigns. These sources notably include sinfonias, concertos, sonatas (solo and duo), quartets, and quintets, among other genres. The musicians represented in the instrumental music holdings are equally quite diverse. There is a noteworthy quantity of works by local luminaries (including but not limited to Paisiello, Cimarosa, Guglielmi and others often those closely associated with opera) and an equal if not greater representation of the Austro-German composers favored by Maria Carolina including Joseph Schuster, Leopold Koželuch, Johann Gottlieb Naumann, Franz Anton Hoffmeister, Franz Alexander Poessinger, Václav Pichl, Ferdinand Franzl, and others. An assertion can therefore be made that the repertoire found in the Conservatory of Naples Library represents a more accurate portrait of instrumental music cultivation in late eighteenth-century Naples than the few items provided in the Indice.

Finally, it is also important to recognize the transformed role of the Cappella Reale during the reign of Ferdinand and Maria Carolina. Hanns-Bertold Dietz has asserted in his research that the Cappella Reale supplied the personnel for the broad range of private performances at court (and in the different palaces), including vocal genres (often

64 See www.opac.sbn.it, which is the most accurate source of contemporary information; Catalogo delle opere musicali del Conservatorio di Musica San Pietro a Majella, a cura di Guido Gasperini and Franca Gallo, Parma, 1934; reprint Bologna: Arnaldo Forni editore, 1988.

dramatic forms), feste di ballo, and of course instrumental music.65 He has also provided an outline of the musicians, focusing primarily on the primi and secondi maestri who were engaged in the Cappella Reale. Recent research has revealed a more complete accounting of musicians who served in this ensemble, allowing a more accurate understanding of instrumentation and potential repertoire, as well as speculation about the standards of musicianship within the group. The quality of musicianship has been a topic of interest to scholars and a recurring source of debate, given the well-known critical reflections left by individuals (often non-Italians) such as Charles Burney and those cited earlier by Hadrava.66 Table 1.2 presents an outline of the members of the Cappella Reale and the associated instrumentation (as well as their related affiliations) in the critical years of 1776–1785.67

65 See DIETZ, Instrumental Music at the Court of Ferdinand IV cit., pp. 99-126; EDWALL, Ferdinand IV and Haydn’s Concertos for the ‘Lira Organizzata’ cit., pp. 190-203. 66 See CHARLES BURNEY, The Present State of Music in France and Italy, 2nd edn., London, Becket & Company, 1773; facsimile edition New York, Broude, 1969, pp. 159-196. 67 Table 1.2 derives from both published and unpublished archival documents from the Neapolitan archives. The identities of the membership of the Cappella Reale in the period 1776-1785 can be

found in GIULIA DI DATO -TERESA MAUTONE - MARIA MELCHIONNE -CARMELA PETRARCA, Notizie dallo Spirito Santo: la vita musicale a Napoli nelle carte bancarie (1776-1785), in Domenico Cimarosa: un ‘napoletano’ in Europa, a cura di Paologiovanni Maione and Marta Columbro, 2, Lucca, Libreria Musicale Italiana, 2004, pp. 709-711. Through consultation of related sources, the specific roles of each member (voice and specific instrument) are supplied, as well as affiliations with other select groups – e.g., the Tesoro della Cappella di San Gennaro, San Domenico Maggiore, and San Gregorio Armeno. Correlative sources include, Archivio di Stato di Napoli, Fondo Casa Reale Antica, fascii nos. 965-970, 1269, 1517; MARTA COLUMBRO - PAOLOGIOVANNI MAIONE, La Cappella musicale del Tesoro di San Gennaro di Napoli tra Sei e Settecento, Naples, Turchini edizioni, 2008; HANNS-BERTHOLD DIETZ, A Chronology of Maestri and Organisti at the Cappella Reale in Naples, 1745-1800, «Journal of the American Musicological Society» 25, 1972, pp. 379-406; ULISSE PROTAGIURLEO, Breve storia del Teatro di Corte e della musica a Napoli nei secoli XVII-XVIII, in Il Teatro di Corte del Palazzo Reale di Napoli, a cura di Felice De Filippis and Ulisse Prota-Giurleo (Naples, L’Arte Tipografica, 1952), pp. 19-146; ID., I teatri di Napoli nel secolo XVII, a cura di Ermanno Bellucci and Giorgio Mancini, 3 voll., Naples, Il quartiere, 2002; SALVATORE DI GIACOMO, I quattro antichi conservatorii di musica a Napoli, 2 voll., Naples, Remo Sandron Press, 1924; BENEDETTO CROCE, I teatri di Napoli, Naples, Pierro, 1891; ANTHONY R.DELDONNA, Behind the Scenes, in Fonti d’archivio per la storia della musica e dello spettacolo a Napoli tra XVI e XVIII secolo, Napoli, Editoriale Scientifica, 2001, pp. 427-448; MICHAEL ROBINSON, A Late 18th-century Account Book of the San Carlo Theatre, Naples, «Early Music» 18/1, 1990, pp. 73-82; also DELDONNA, Production Practices at the Teatro di San Carlo, Naples, in the Late 18th Century, «Early Music» 30/3, 2002, pp. 429-45; ID., Eighteenth-Century Politics and Patronage: Musical Practices Before and After the Republican Revolution of Naples, «Eighteenth-Century Music» 4, 2007, pp. 211-250. See also FRANCESCO COTTICELLI - PAOLOGIOVANNI MAIONE, Le carte degli antichi banchi e il panorama musicale e teatrale della Napoli di primo Settecento: 1732-1733, «Studi Pergolesiani» 5, 2006, pp. 21-54; PAOLOGIOVANNI MAIONE, Le carte degli antichi banchi e il panorama musicale e teatrale della Napoli di primo Settecento, «Studi Pergolesiani» 4, 2000, pp. 1-129; ID., Il mondo musicale seicentesco e le sue istituzioni: la Cappella Reale di Napoli (1650-1700), in Francesco Cavalli. La circolazione dell’opera veneziana nel Seicento, a cura di Dinko Fabris, Naples, Turchini Edizioni, 2006), pp. 309341; DINKO FABRIS - GRUPPO DI LAVORO “NAPOLI” , Dal medioevo al decennio napoleonico e oltre: metamorfosi e continuità nella tradizione napoletana, in Produzione, circolazione e consumo.

Abbreviations CSG Cappella del Tesoro di San Gennaro SDM Cappella di San Domenico Maggiore SGA Monastero di San Gregorio Armeno TdF Teatro dei Fiorentini TdFo Teatro del Fondo TdSC Teatro di San Carlo Table 1.2

Name Instrument Affiliations (until 1799) Misc.

Agresta, Francesco Soprano CSG SDM Antonacci, Pietro Violin CSG (1751, 1753–1754, 1771, 1773, 1777–1787) TdSC (1775–1786)

Aprile, Giuseppe Soprano Barbieri, Santi Contralto CSG

Bergantino, Giovanni Battista Violin CSG (1767) TdSC (1775–1779, 1780a) Mentioned by Mozarts Dates of activity are 1757–1758 (CSG) Alternate spelling Santolo Alternate spelling Brigantini (dated to 1767)

Burlò, Pietro Contrabass CSG (1744, 1751, 1753–1758, 1767)

Cafaro, Pasquale Organ Cammerino, Carlo Violin CSG (1767–1771, 1773, 1777–1788) SDM (1777) TdSC (1750, 1775–1786) Cardillo, Costantino Trumpet CSG (1768–1770, 1777–1797) TdSC (1780–1786)

Compagnoni, Vincenzo Violin CSG (1770)

Consorti, Vincenzo Soprano SDM (1760) Corbisieri, Francesco Organ de Magistris, Giuseppe Organ SGA (1778) Di Donato, Francesco Tenor CSG (1778, 1779, 1781, 1783) SDM (1777) Di Donato, Geronimo Oboe CSG (1754–1759, 1767–1768, 1770–1771, 1777–1787) Alternate spelling Compagnone

Alternate spelling De Donato

Maestro di Oboe Sant’Onofrio (1778–1785)

Consuetudine e quotidianità della polifonia sacra nelle chiese monastiche e parrocchiali dal tardo medioevo alla fine degli Antichi Regimi, a cura di David Bryant and Elena Quaranta, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2005, pp. 227-281; ANGELA FIORE, La Cappella di Santa Cecilia dei Musici di Palazzo di Napoli: nuove acquisizioni dall’Archivio del Conservatorio della Solitaria, «Fonti musicale italiane» 17, 2012, pp. 25-44

TdSC (1749–1750, 1775–1786)

Ferrari, Francesco Voice Ferrari, Litterio Tenor CSG (1759) SDM (1777)

Forni, Michele Voice Franchi, Gaetano Violin CSG (1750, 1767) TdSC (1775–1780b)

Francescone, Domenico

Cello CSG (1778, 1779, 1780) TdSC (1775–1786) Giuliani, Pasquale Trumpet CSG (1758–1759, 1767, 1769,c 1770, 1778, 1781, 1788, 1789, 1795–1799)

Guarino, Gennaro

Guerra, Giuseppe Soprano CSG (1768, 1770–1771, 1778, 1779, 1796) Guglietti, Domenico Bass CSG (1778, 1779) Grimaldi, Nicola Tenor Labanchi, Giuseppe Oboe

La Barbiera, Baldassare Trumpet

Lecce, Francesco Violin CSG (1751, 1754, 1756, 1757, 1771, 1773, 1777–1799, 1806) SDM (1777)

Lizio, Ferdinando Oboe; bassoon

TdSC (1749–1750, 1775–1777) Lorello, Onofrio Trumpet CSG (1776,d 1777, 1778, 1782, 1786) TdSC (1775–1786)

Luca, Innocenzo Contrabass

Maccozzi, Leopoldo Magri, Francesco Bass Majorano, Gaetano Soprano Marchetti, Giuseppe Vice-maestro; organ Montoro, Antonio Violin TdSC (1775–1780e) Moresco, Antonio Violin CSG (1778–1799) TdSC (1775–1786)

Neisparchen, Francesco Gottlieb Timpani TdSC (1775–1779)

Orgitano, Paolo Organ CSG (1777,f 1778, 1780) Pagliarulo, Giuseppe Violin TdSC (1775–1779) Pepe, Filippo Violin CSG (1768, 1771) Piano, Gennaro Trumpet CSG (1773, 1777, 1778) TdSC (1749–1750) Alternate spellings Girolamo and De Donato

Michele is also listed. Guarino listed as violinist at TdSC 1749–1750

Based on 1806 roster Alternate spelling “Lambanchi”

Uncertain: could be Vincenzo de Luca

d. 1783 Priest

Piccigallo, Antonio Soprano CSG (1781) Piccinni, Francesco Violin CSG Prota, Giuseppe Oboe CSG (1778, 1779, 1780) TdSC (1778–1786)

Pumpo, Pasquale Contrabass TdSC (1775–1786) Raimondi, Giovanni Violin TdFo (1785) Recuperi, Domenico Ricupero, Francesco Bassoon; oboe TdSC (1775–1786) CSG (1767–1768, 1770–1771, 1777–1799) Sabatini, Gioacchino Violin SDM (1777) Salernitano, Gaetano Violin TdSC (1749) Santacroce, Nicola Cello CSG (1790) TdFo (1785)

Santi, Pietro Contralto Tedeschi, Giovanni Contralto Tolve, Francesco Tenor CSG (1777, 1778) Ugolino, Vito Salterio; lute Valente, Gennaro Violin TdSC (1775–1786) Valerio, Giuseppe Tenor CSG (1777,g 1778, 1780) Listed, 1744 Maestro di oboe Santa Maria di Loreto, 1778–1780

Primo violino

“Amadori”

a Listed as a pensioner for the Teatro di San Carlo. Archivio di Stato di Napoli, Fondo Casa Reale Antica. b Listed as a pensioner. Archivio di Stato di Napoli, Fondo Casa Reale Antica. c Noted as “sounatore di strumenti a fiato” (player of wind instruments). d COLUMBRO and MAIONE, La Cappella musicale del Tesoro di San Gennaro di Napoli, p. 369: petition to be admitted as tromba straordinario. e Listed as a pensioner for the Teatro di San Carlo. Archivio di Stato di Napoli, Fondo Casa Reale Antica. f COLUMBRO and MAIONE, La Cappella musicale del Tesoro di San Gennaro di Napoli, p. 375. g COLUMBRO and MAIONE, La Cappella musicale del Tesoro di San Gennaro di Napoli, p. 374.

As revealed in Table 1.2, this group was well constituted – including fifteen violinists, two cellists, three contrabassists, five oboists, two bassoonists, five trumpeters, one timpanist, one player of the salterio and lute, and four organists. The ensemble was rounded out by vocalists, in light of its performance of sacred music, dramatic works (and perhaps other related music), including nine castrati (six sopranos and three contraltos), five tenors, and two basses.68 The large number of violinists included individuals who were expected to play the viola (typically two to four), following eighteenthcentury performance practice.69 It was also customary for an oboist to perform on the

68 It is highly unlikely that luminaries such as Majorano (the famed “Caffarelli,” who died in 1783) and Tedeschi (whose stage name was Amadori) were active, performing members of the ensemble. Rather, these payments represent in essence their pension, which was not uncommon in Naples. 69 For general information about performance and production practices in Naples, see DELDONNA, Behind the Scenes cit., pp. 427-448; ID., Production Practices at the Teatro di San Carlo, Naples, in the Late 18th Century, «Early Music» 30/3, 2002, pp. 429-445; ROBINSON, A Late 18th-century Account Book of the San Carlo Theatre, Naples cit., pp. 73-82.

flute, while the two bassoonists could cover any parts written for the clarinet. This duality or “doubling” was the norm for the brass musicians, too, who moved from trumpet to horn. Only at the end of the century does the surviving repertory present separate parts for winds and brass. In the same manner, the musician listed as salterio in all likelihood helped to bolster the continuo line, performing on the lute and/or theorbo as needed. The inclusion of a percussionist, Francesco Neisparchen, also bolsters the suggestion that the ensemble performed large instrumental and vocal genres. The roster also includes the primi and secondi maestri, who were the traditional leaders of the ensemble – including Pasquale Cafaro, Marchitti, de Magistris, and Orgitano.

The Art of the Keyboard

In view of the large body of surviving keyboard works representing diverse genres and the correlative supporting evidence about its performance,70 this area of inquiry offers an excellent point of departure for a musical discussion. Hadrava’s explicit references to the novelty of piano sonatas for four hands performed at court do not identify the specific composers, yet this genre is well represented in the collection of the Conservatory Library. In particular, the sonatas of Leopold Koželuch71 and Ignaz Pleyel are notably present. While there is no evidence of Koželuch visiting Naples, his works were widely performed and circulated beyond Vienna. Koželuch’s Sonata a quattro mani per Piano Forte survives in two manuscript copies (bearing consecutive collocation numbers) and completely uniform in content.72 This particular sonata in F major dates from the early 1780s (either 1781 or 1784), therefore contemporary to Hadrava’s presence at court and representing at the very least new music, if not a new vogue as asserted by the diplomat. It should also be noted that there is a later, even more direct connection to the Neapolitan court in the person of Maria Teresa di Borbone, who became Empress of the Holy Roman Empire and second wife of Franz II. Koželuch

70 A select bibliography focused on the keyboard in Naples includes FRANCESCO NOCERINO, ‘Oh che armonico fracasso’: strumenti musicali per Cimarosa, in Domenico Cimarosa. Un “napoletano” in Europa cit., I, pp. 261-269; ID., Strumenti musicali a Napoli al tempo di Piccinni, in Il tempo di Niccolò Piccinni. Percorsi di un musicista del Settecento, a cura di Clara Gelao e Michèle Sajous D’Oria, Bari, Mario Adda Editore, 2000, pp. 57-62; ID., Organi, clavicembali, spinette, tiorbini … Strumenti a tastiera del periodo napoletano di Domenico Scarlatti, in Domenico Scarlatti. Musica e storia, a cura di Dinko Fabris e Paologiovanni Maione, Napoli, Turchini Edizioni, 2010, pp. 41-56; ID., Arte cembalaria a Napoli: documenti e notizie su costruttori e strumenti napoletani, in Ricerche sul ’600 Napoletano. Saggi e documenti 1996-1997, a cura di Silvia Cassani, Napoli, Electa Napoli, 1998, pp. 85-109; ID., Napoli centro di produzione cembalaria alla luce delle recenti ricerche archivistiche, in Fonti d’archivio per la storia della musica cit., pp. 205-226. 71 For an introduction to his life, reputation, and piano sonatas, see CHRISTOPHER HOGWOOD, The Keyboard Sonatas of Leopold Koželuch, «Early Music» 40, 2012, pp. 621-637; ID., Leopold Koželuch: Complete Sonatas for Keyboard Nos. 1-50, 4 voll., Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2012-2015. Of the early biographical accounts, Gerber’s is especially laudatory: see ERNEST LUDWIG GERBER, Historisch-biographisches Lexikon der Tonkünstler, 2 voll., Leipzig, Breitkopf, 1790-1792. 72 LEOPOLD KOŽELUCH, Sonata a quattro mani per Piano Forte, shelf-mark MS 4179 and shelf-mark 4180.

served as teacherto the children of the empress –in particular, Marie Louise, the granddaughter of Maria Carolina and future wife of Napoleon Bonaparte. As noted earlier, Maria Teresa was an active performer and as John Rice has documented in his research, she avidly collected music and Koželuch’s works were no exception. It would not be impossible to speculate that the longstanding cultural and artistic ties between Vienna and Naples were the basis for the collection and early cultivation of the composer’s music by the Bourbon court, later manifesting itself in the close association between the composer and the Empress of Vienna.73 Regardless, the sonata is a modest work comprised of three movements marked respectively Adagio, Allegro, and Rondo (Allegro). The initial Adagio in triple meter (3/4) presents a lyrical, yet terse introduction to the piece, spanning a mere twenty measures of music, while outlining a harmonic movement from the tonic (F) to the dominant (C). The concluding half-cadence undoubtedly provides momentum for the succeeding Allegro. Nevertheless, the roles of each performer in the Adagio are clearly delineated as soloist and accompaniment. In particular, the solo part offers a rising triadic theme (or Triadic Ascent schema), immediately followed by an elegant stepwise idea, marked by modest embellishments (primarily appoggiature). The accompaniment doubles the initial gesture at a third below before offering a typical broken-chord figuration in contrast. (See Musical Example #1a and b; mm. 1-4).

Musical Example #1a; mm. 1-4

Musical Example #1b; mm. 1-4

These melodic motives remain primary in the brief movement, whose overall shape takes the form of successive musical periods. The linear, gently embellished style of the Adagio (undoubtedly inspired by Galant idioms) gives way to a more chordal, denser melodic content in the expanded Allegro that follows. The idiomatic writing displayed in the Allegro alternates the initial rising chordal gesture (suggesting a transposed Do-Re-Mi schema on the third degree of tonic) in the primary part with a

73 RICE, Empress Marie Therese cit., pp. 44-47. Koželuch’s keyboard music is present in large quantities in the Conservatory Library.

cascading line characterized by subtle appoggiatura with meticulous articulations (legato and détaché) underlined by variety in the rhythmic patterns. The lucid formal plan of the Allegro is a modest ternary design and Koželuch exploits the full range of the contemporary fortepiano from C2 to C6.74 The harmonic underpinnings offer features typical of the late eighteenth century keyboard sonata, characteristic to those of musicians from the Austria and Germany. It reveals a predilection for statements of thematic material often distinguished by sequential secondary dominant relationships, extending as far as the tonality of E major. There are also moments showing recourse to the mediant and sub-mediant areas as well as sudden modal contrasts, yet always with tonicaffirming closings. The concluding Rondo retains the tonic key F major, asserting an overall tonal unity for the sonata, and presents a five-part formal plan (e.g. A-B-A-CA). The longest of the three movements, the Rondo displays the most fully realized thematic material. The initial A strain spans the first twenty bars, dividing into two, symmetrical phrases of 8 + 12. The last four measures of the second phrase form a cadential extension that provides a seamless transition to the B strain and the new tonality of C (or dominant key; See Example 2; mm. 1-20; Piano I).

Musical Example # 2; mm. 1-20; Piano I

74 See KATALIN KOMLÓS, Fortepianos and Their Music: Germany, Austria, and England, 1760-1800, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1995.

The new theme and tonality offer a slightly expanded moment of contrast before the reprise of the A. The succeeding C strain is the most harmonically ambitious section of the Rondo, lingering on the secondary dominant tonality of D with several brief shadings of the parallel minor before an eventual half-cadence on A. With the twin goals of harmonic instability and thematic contrast achieved in the C strain, there is an abrupt, immediate return to the tonic and the final reprise of the A material with a brief Coda to conclude. Of the three movements, the Rondo is the most stylistically mature. Namely, its presentation of fully-realized melodic material underscored by a harmonically ambitious tonal plan as well as balanced formal components point toward an advanced realization of the keyboard sonata. It is also a sonata that reflects the continuing development of the instrument itself, one possible of diverse shadings of volume, a variety of articulations and spanning a compass of C2 to F6 (as especially evident in the Rondo).

An even more progressive style than that of Koželuch’s approach to the keyboard sonata for four-hands emerges in the music of his contemporary Ignaz Pleyel, a frequent visitor to the Kingdom of Naples. While there is some disagreement regarding the timing of Pleyel’s initial visits (whether 1777 or 1778),75 it seems that by the 1780s, Hadrava’s efforts had played a crucial role in the composer’s success in the capital city and his access to the royal court.76 A full accounting of works composed during Pleyel’s sojourns to Naples is not possible (despite the monumental achievement of Rita Benton’s thematic catalogue77), but there is a considerable body of his solo and ensemble music in manuscript in the Conservatory of Naples Library. In particular, Pleyel’s music for piano is well represented as well as a variety of chamber and orchestral genres. The large number of copies both in manuscript and in printed form corroborate a contemporary review in the Magazin der Musik from one of his Italian tours, which noted, «He composed various beautiful sonatas which are in great demand here».78 Among the compositions represented in the Conservatory Library are several sonatas for four hands, establishing connections to Hadrava’s assertion about the popularity of this genre within the court soirees. Despite its designation «pour le Clavecin ou Forte-Piano,» the Sonate a 4. Mains represents an advanced composition positing

75 In his dissertation on Pleyel’s string quartets, Zsako claims that «Pleyel went first to Naples where he stayed for several months during 1777 and 1778», basing this on contemporary sources. See JULIUS ZSAKO, The String Quartets of Ignace J. Pleyel, PhD diss., Columbia University, 1975, p. 26; see also JIESOON KIM, Ignaz Pleyel and His Early String Quartets in Vienna, PhD diss., University of North Carolina, 1996. 76 A report in the Magazin der Musik from 1786 notes, «A short while ago we had the pleasure here of seeing and learning to know Herr Pleyel, Haydn’s admirable student. He is a young, spirited and very talented composer, besides being very modest and agreeable». As quoted in RITA BENTON, Ignace Pleyel: A Thematic Catalogue of His Compositions, New York, Pendragon Press, 1977, ix. See also GERBER, Historisch-biographisches Lexikon cit., vol. 1, cols. 160-161. 77 BENTON, Ignace Pleyel cit. 78 «Magazin der Musik» 2, 1786?, p. 1378. Cited in KOMLÓS, Fortepianos and Their Music cit., p. 111.

the suggestion that it may date from the end of the eighteenth century.79 In contrast to the Koželuch, Pleyel’s sonata offers a pair of movements (an Allegro succeeded by a Rondo), yet also displaying the idea of tonal unity with each conceived in the key of A major. Despite the aforementioned standard option of instrument, the initial movement is tailor-made for the contemporary fortepiano. The primary thematic material is announced in an eloquent eight-measure introductory phrase for the first pianist alone. This phrase marked piano (with a reiterated dolce) divides into symmetrical halves, each with careful articulations (alternating staccato and legato) with light touches of embellishment (See Musical Example 3; mm. 1-8).

Musical Example # 3; mm. 1-8; Piano I

The brief transition leads to a secondary melodic idea expanding the harmonic compass to E major, while also offering a notable stylistic contrast. Throughout the introductory section (or exposition), there is scrupulous attention given to the expressive resources of the instrument – in particular, the balance of thick, chordal textures (primarily in the second piano), contrasting with deft passages of finger work, including running sixteenth notes (in different configurations) and a variety of broken scale passages, whether in thirds (as at the outset of the movement), octaves, or as part of rising and descending stepwise figurations. There is also an evident attention placed on proper technique in both parts as the hands move in both parallel and contrary motion. Pleyel also exploits the full range of the fortepiano, whose combined compass spans A2 to E6. The formal parameters and dimensions posit a (very) modest sonata structure with a fleeting development section. This quality may indeed suggest an earlier compositional date than the one forwarded by prior scholars. Nevertheless, the concluding Rondo bears many similarities to the work by Koželuch. Like his counterpart, Pleyel conceives this movement in the five-part scheme (A-B-A-C-A) with an ongoing playful interplay between each piano. Each strain offers a balanced, symmetrical melody. The transparent harmonic outline, however, emphasizes modal contrasts between the

79 IGNAZ PLEYEL, Une Sonate e 4. Mains pour le Clavecin ou Forte-Piano, shelf-mark 7411. This work is found in the Benton catalog along with its numerous locations in diverse libraries throughout Europe. The Conservatory Library also possesses several pieces for piano four hands, which may be arrangements of Pleyel’s violin works.

strains. In particular, juxtaposing the tonic A major (for the initial A) with e minor (B section) followed by the reprise (A major) and a minor for the extended C portion of the form. The Rondo also presents as many idiomatic qualities as the Allegro: formal clarity, nuanced performance-practice markings (dynamics, articulations, embellishments, etc.), and buoyant rhythms indicative of the genre. This last point is also of importance given the well-known tastes and passion for contemporary social dances in the capital city. The large body of Pleyel’s works in the Conservatory Library attest to his stature at the court of Ferdinand and Maria Carolina. Indeed, Hadrava recounted in a letter from 1786 that,

[Pleyel] experienced the specific grace and satisfaction that His Majesty the King, having invited him two days before his departure from Naples to a private musical soiree, [Pleyel] listened and also played with great expression and appeal three of the Nocturnes of his own composition with the complete instrumental accompaniment. At the end of the music, the King stated to Pleyel, in the presence of Sir William Hamilton, the English minister, and others, a most worthy compliment, that the music contained dynamism and much expression, and that he played the music more joyfully than all the others for these two reasons.80

This citation, albeit recounted from the perspective and aligned artistic leanings of Hadrava, nonetheless underline Pleyel’s stature as well as the King’s burgeoning knowledge of music and its associated aesthetics. One can likewise deduce the elevated stature of the musical gatherings sponsored by the court as well as genres such as the keyboard sonatas for four hands presented above.

As noted earlier, the Conservatory Library also contains a noteworthy collection of chamber music, notably string quartets, quintets and modest concertos. Among the more interesting works associated with the cultivation of music at court belongs the works of Adalbert Gyrowetz. A Bohemian by birth, Gyrowetz arrived in Italy in the fall of 1786 to serve as secretary to Prince Ruspoli in Rome.81 His travels and musical activities over the following year, in his own words, «contributed to a great longing in Gyrowetz to go to Naples in order to complete his training in music and to acquire a

80 GIALDRONI, La musica a Napoli cit., p. 108: «inoltre egli ha avuto la particolare grazia e soddisfazione che Sua Maestà il re, dopo averlo invitato due giorni prima della sua partenza al suo incontro musicale privato, ha fatto ascoltare e ha suonato con molta espressione e piacere tre dei notturni da lui scritti con accompagnamento completo dei restanti strumenti. Al termine della musica il re ha fatto al Pleyel, in presenza del ministro inglese cavalier Hamilton e degli altri, una giusta lode, dicendo che la sua musica conteneva molto spirito ed era assai toccante, e che egli suonava la sua musica più volentieri di tutte le altre per quelle due ragioni.» 81 The details of Gyrowetz’s life are presented in his Selbst-Biographie, published in Vienna near the end of his life (1848), which he wrote in the third person. It was reissued as Lebenslaüfe deutscher Musiker, a cura di Alfred Einstein, Leipzig, Siegel, 1915 and has been the basis for study by numerous scholars. The present translations are taken from RENEE ANNE ILLA, The Autobiography of Adalbert Gyrowetz: A Translation and Edition, PhD diss., Kent State University, 2000; ERWIN DOERNBERG, Adalbert Gyrowetz, «Music and Letters» 44, 1963, pp. 21-30; WILLIAM HETTRICK, The Autobiography of Adalbert Gyrowetz (1763-1850), «Studien zur Musikwissenschaft» 40, 1991, pp. 41-74.

complete knowledge of counterpoint and of strict composition».82 Given his nationality, Gyrowetz was drawn into the Austro-German circles of the capital city. He recounts an invitation to concerts that «were arranged at the home of the Austrian Ambassador, Baron Thugut, by the Legationsrat Hadrava».83 His connections in these circles provided an opportunity to offer his first set of quartets (composed in Rome) for purchase by subscription, which he claimed gave him financial security.84 He also gave violin lessons and performed chamber music (primarily quartets) on a daily basis, together with private patrons or in the diplomatic circles of Naples.85 It was these quartet performances «through which his name and his works became more known and liked».86

However, the crucial factor for Gyrowetz in establishing himself in Naples was his access to Giovanni Paisiello87 and Hadrava. He specifies that it was through Hadrava, to whom he had originally presented his letters of introduction, that he obtained the commission for the six serenades for lira organizzata for Ferdinand IV. In turn, «His Majesty expressed the desire to become acquainted with the composer personally and also to hear the symphonies he had already composed».88 This statement leaves little doubt that Hadrava (and perhaps Paisiello) was advocating on Gyrowetz’s behalf. It also underlines the continued cultivation of instrumental genres at artistic events associated with the sovereigns. The performance that transpired (Gyrowetz does not state how long it took to arrange) was held at the Reggia di Caserta, and «Gyrowetz himself conducted with the violin and Paisiello as first Court Kapellmeister, sat at the fortepiano».89 It was during the intermission of this concert that Gyrowetz was introduced, by request, to the most important patron and sponsor of music in Naples, Queen Maria Carolina. This interaction was highly favorable for the composer, and evidently, he was given a thorough and wide-ranging interview by the queen.

82 Ivi, p. 28. 83 Ivi, p. 35. 84 Ivi, p. 37. 85 Gyrowetz mentions German and Italian private patrons as well as English Ambassador Hamilton and Russian Ambassador Skavronsky; the latter was evidently especially passionate about quartet playing. See Ivi, pp. 37-41. 86 Ivi, p. 39. 87 Gyrowetz recounts how he was quickly accepted by local musicians, above all Paisiello. In particular, he mentions that he learned from the composer «the manner in which and way in which a Kapellmeister had to proceed with rehearsals and in general with upcoming music performances». Ivi, p. 30. 88 Ivi, p. 44. 89 Ibidem. The question arises of which symphonies were actually performed at this event. By his own statements, Gyrowetz had composed his earliest symphonies while serving as secretary to Count von Fünfkirchen in the early 1780s. Although his symphonies started to appear in print by 1786 through Imbault in Paris, they had circulated earlier in manuscript form. Nevertheless, the lack of further evidence renders the question impossible to answer. See Adalbert Gyrowetz (1763-1850): Four Symphonies, a cura di John A. Rice, New York: Garland Publishing, Inc, 1983, pp. xi-xxxi.

Although his studies with Nicola Sala focused on counterpoint (and it is evident that they were grounded in the partimento90 method), Gyrowetz’s most lasting contributions were to instrumental music. As a result, his chief compositions were the six serenades and another set of six string quartets composed in Naples, the latter published in Paris in 1788–1789 as Op. 2.91 Three of these quartets are held in the Conservatory of Naples Library in manuscript form and may be the autograph copies.92 These works not only attest to the thriving cultivation and performance of instrumental music in Naples at this time, but also given Gyrowetz’s ties to Paisiello, Hadrava and Sala may have been performed within the exclusive circles heretofore documented. The Quartet in D major (published as Op. 2; No. 3) is conceived in three movements (as are the others): an initial Allegro moderato, an Andante con Variazioni and a concluding Rondo. The breadth of musical expression in this quartet underlines Gyrowetz’s skill in this genre. The movements are marked by melodic and harmonic ingenuity, idiomatic writing for each part and an impressive range of expression. For example, the initial gesture of the Allegro moderato introduces a repeated syncopated figure (began with the anacrusis) that leads to a bold, rising scale figure. It is immediately juxtaposed with a contrasting lyrical line; both ideas nevertheless underline the tonic sonority (See Musical Example #4; mm. 1-4; 8-10).

Musical Example # 4; mm. 1-10; Violin I

The initial idea takes the shape of a repeated melodic and rhythmic motive throughout the movement. It also serves as the basis for the secondary subject in the dominant A in the unfolding of the sonata concept. As is customary with this repertoire, the development section is modest (albeit recalling the opening rhythmic motive), exploring the sub-dominant and dominant areas, before a perfunctory reprise of the exposition material. The Andante con Variazioni offers a contrapuntal tour de force through its ingenuity of ideas and techniques. The principal theme (offered in the first violin part) in Bb major and set in triple meter spans twenty-four measures divided into three

90 Gyrowetz recounts in detail how Sala taught him, beginning “with the scale,” suggesting a foundation upon the rule of the octave from partimento theory. See ILLA, The Autobiography of Adalbert Gyrowetz cit., p. 71. 91 For the details of their publication in Paris by Imbault (as well as Gyrowetz’s impressions of that city), see Ivi, pp. 55-65. The printed versions of the quartets written in Naples and subsequently published by Imbault include performance practice markings. It is therefore reasonable to assert that the addition of these indications may have reflected the work of the composer. 92 They are cataloged respectively as Op. 2, No. 3 (shelf-mark MS 2976); Op. 2, No. 4 (shelf-mark MS 2973), and Op. 2, No. 5 (shelf-mark MS 2988).

symmetrical phrases. Its contour is marked by small intervals and steps colored by the occasional altered passing tone. Rather than successive and increasingly embellished melodic variations, Gyrowetz focuses on melodic and rhythmic motives within the themes that are spun out in a series of deceptively sophisticated variations. For example, he concentrates on the initial triadic gesture associated with the theme as its returns in different permutations for Variations 2, 3, and 4. In contrast, the stepwise idea of phrase 2 in the theme also returns at different moments embedded within virtually all of the five variations. There is also frequent recourse to rhythmic augmentation and diminution of these ideas within the subsequent variations. The harmonic plan of the theme (Bb-F with some shading of minor) is also playfully expanded at one point reaching Eb major as the basis for Variation 4. Although the first part takes the lead in this movement, the other members of the ensemble play more than mere accompaniment, often contributing essential lines to the musical discourse. The close-knit organization, depth, and substance of this movement point undoubtedly to Gyrowetz’s studies in counterpoint with Nicola Sala. The concluding Rondo movement returns to the tonic sonority and offers a playful, yet perfunctory five-part outline (similar to those found in the Koželuch and Pleyel duo sonatas). There is, nevertheless, a clear mastery of style and material demonstrated in the Rondo.

Of the compositions listed in Table 1.1 donated by Maria Carolina to the newlyestablished royal archive, a copy of the Concerto per Cembalo in C major by Franz Xaver Richter (1709-89) currently resides in the Conservatory Library.93 The potential connection to Naples, beyond mere taste, could have been in the person of Pleyel, who served as Richter’s assistant in Strasbourg beginning in 1783 and succeeded him in 1789. Scored for the solo harpsichord and a modest chamber accompaniment of two violins, viola, bass, and pairs of flutes and horns, the concerto is among the very few examples of printed music in the collection, bearing a publication date of 1785. Richter’s concerto is comprised of two movements, an Allegro and Allegro assai, both anchored in the tonic key. The expansive initial ritornello of the Allegro spans twentyfive bars, offering a light-hearted thematic idea, offered by the soloist and first violin in unison. The theme is treated sequentially as it moves swiftly away from the tonic to explore closely related tonalities to prepare for the unfolding of the dialogue between the soloist and tutti ensemble. The ensuing interaction is more indicative of Galant procedures, the rapid exchanges between solo and tutti often lasting only a handful of bars. Nevertheless, the solo part presents a range of idiomatic figurations including flowing scale passages, broken chords and arpeggiated sonorities. There are moments of contrapuntal density, largely to underline changes of harmony often to minor tonalities as well as imitative exchanges suggesting fugal techniques. Interspersed through the discourse, there are brief solos for the violin and flute, while the remaining ensemble steadfastly provides the harmonic undergirding and accompaniment. Melodic embellishment remains modest throughout the Allegro instead opting for the prior noted idiomatic features. The ensuing Allegro assai retains many of these features. Namely, it opens with a broad ritornello thematic statement, once again joined by the first violin.

93 FRANZ XAVER RICHTER, Concerto per Cembalo, shelf-mark 8039.

Yet in this movement, the keyboard takes a more pronounced role through long solo passages in which the ensemble functions as a simple accompaniment. Richter retains most of the compositional techniques present in the initial movement, especially the sequential treatment of the thematic material as it winds through diverse harmonic areas. Despite its modest dimensions and complimentary scoring, the Richter succeeds in balancing the progressive elements of the Italian lyrical style with a clear grounding in Northern aesthetics of counterpoint, albeit more Galant than Pre-Classical. Nevertheless, the status of this composition as one of the few donated by the Queen, does provide subtle insights into her musical tastes and associated aesthetic leanings. This concerto also provides a clear compliment to the Schuster duo sonata (for violin and harpsichord) also listed on Table 1.1, a piece for which the Queen had expressed her esteem.94 Finally, it should be noted there was no lack of keyboard virtuosi within the personnel of the Cappella Reale, for whom this piece (given its technical requirements, not to mention the required ensemble forces) would have been easily rendered.

Although the present discussion of music-making at the court of Ferdinand and Maria Carolina has focused on the music, in particular instrumental genres, of the Queen’s compatriots (undoubtedly reflecting her personal tastes and broad cultural agenda), there is a notable body of works by Neapolitan musicians in the Conservatory Library. At the outset of this essay, the reflection of Joseph II (after his official visit to the capital city in 1769) underlined Maria Carolina’s artistic growth, especially as a vocalist. It is evident that the Queen applied herself to music (as well on the harpsichord as verified in her personal diaries), especially through her studies with Pasquale Cafaro. An opportunity to gauge Maria Carolina’s talents may be derived from a surviving arrangement of the aria “Dall’amore e dal timore” from Il marchese villano95 by her teacher, whose dedication to the sovereign (see Figure 1) suggests that the piece was intended for personal performance.96

94 For a discussion of the Schuster, see DELDONNA, Instrumental Music in Late Eighteenth-Century Naples cit., pp. 156-161. 95 The attribution to Pietro Chiari’s Il Marchese Villano remains somewhat puzzling as the verses set by Cafaro do not derive from that libretto. Chiari’s dramma giocoso was the basis for later adaptations, most notably as Il Matrimonio inaspettato, set by Giovanni Paisiello in 1779. Maria Carolina does mention attending a performance of this opera in her diaries, yet the poetic verses utilized as the basis for Cafaro’s setting remain unique to it. 96 PASQUALE CAFARO, Aria per Vespina/nel secondo atto dell’Opera intitolata/il Marchese Villano/per/S.M. La Regina/Cafaro 1776, I-Nc: shelf-mark Rari 1.9.22.

Figure 1: Pasquale Cafaro, Il marchese villano, «Dall’amore e dal timore».

The soliloquy is set for a soprano (the humble mezzo-carattere archetype of Vespina) and chamber ensemble accompaniment including violins I/II, viola, bass, oboes I/II and horns I/II. This scoring could have been readily fulfilled by the Cappella Reale for any potential representation. Cafaro’s aria is carefully calibrated to the skills of his patron. The declamatory initial vocal gestures, marked Larghetto, posit a melancholy tone for the soliloquy, one of longing and desire, underlined in the lilting appoggiature of the violins. Yet the style of the vocal line, mostly absent the embellishments of the violins, provide a clear indication that this performance was intended for a skilled practitioner, yet not a professional. It is only at the ensuing change of tempo to Allegro (and meter to common time) that the vocal line truly takes center stage, engaging in both delicate passage works and flowing runs of fioriture (the latter meticulously doubled in the violins), vaulting up to a D6 to conclude the dramatic first strophe of poetry (See Musical Example #5). This alternation of declamatory and virtuosic passages prevails throughout the balance of the aria, whose overall structure is a broad, repeated binary outline. There are also fleeting moments when the voice is completely uncovered, rising above the instrumental accompaniment. The aria is nevertheless clearly weighted toward broader, more declamatory phrases allowing a range of expression (and of course reflecting the abilities of the dedicatee). Yet the range of technical and expressive resources presented in this piece indicate that it was conceived for a mezzo-

soprano of noteworthy musical abilities grounded in a thorough training. The singular existence of this type of item remains puzzling in light of the longstanding patronage and direct engagement with music, consistently demonstrated by the sovereigns in the late eighteenth century.97

97 A second manuscript residing in the Conservatory Library contains a range of arias from contemporary operas performed in Naples including those of Cafaro, Paisiello, Sacchini, Insanguine, Rutini, Gluck, and Schuster. The largest number of the aforementioned are attributed to Cafaro. All of the selections are arranged for soprano and the same instrumental accompaniment as the Cafaro, «Dall’amore e dal timore» suggesting their preparation for the Cappella Reale. In addition, each of selections contained in the manuscript reflect operas donated by the Queen to the newly established royal archive. Finally, the meticulous juxtaposition of Neapolitan and Austro-German composers, above all the Queen’s favorites Gluck and Schuster, suggest that this collection formed part of the musical repertory for her personal performance. See COMPOSIZIONI VOCALI PROFANE, I-Nc, shalfmark Arie 41.

Musical Example # 5; «Dall’amore e dal timore», mm. 22-38.

Conclusion

The historiographic portrait of the reign of Ferdinand and Maria Carolina, as noted at the outset of this essay, has recounted in painstaking detail the disastrous events leading to the demise of the Kingdom. Too often lost within this narrative is their clear commitment as cultural stewards, who not only sponsored, but also often occupied leadership roles in the artistic life of the city. Indeed, their actions were not limited to the ceremonial, often ritualistic appearances at the royal Teatro di San Carlo. Rather, their impact was more accurately embodied by a broad subscription to the humanities, in which music played a principal role. The patronage of music manifested itself in multiple, often intertwined public and private roles of diplomacy, sovereignty and also personal interests. This essay has demonstrated that the royal couple were astute, engaged patrons and skilled practitioners themselves. More importantly, it has revealed the intense cultivation of music, whether instrumental or vocal forms, within the private, often personal and intimate spheres of the lives of Maria Carolina and Ferdinando IV. It has also confirmed the clear preferences and predilections of the Queen for the music and musicians of her native Austria, despite the presence of figures of significant artistic importance within her direct employ and court circles. Nevertheless, this brief snapshot (primarily lingering upon instrumental genres) underlines the richness of Neapolitan artistic life in the late eighteenth century, one often guided by the tastes, vision, and participation of the sovereigns themselves.

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