Consilience: Issue III by Consilience The Journal of Sustainable Development

ISSUE III WINTER 2010

con∙sil∙i∙ence (noun): the joining together of knowledge and information across disciplines to create a unified framework of understanding.

WWW.CONSILIENCEJOURNAL.ORG

EDITORIAL BOARD EXECUTIVE BOARD

Editor-in-Chief Chikara Onda

Lead Senior Editor Noe Kinet

Managing Editor Leigh Huffine

EDITORIAL

Senior Editors

David Berke Phil Crone Grant Graziani Dennis Martin Monica Varman

Junior Editors

Alex Boyce Matt Capetola Victoria Diaz-Bonilla Kasey Koopmans Jodie Liu Francesca Overwater Kimberley Rubin Pierre Saddi Vighnesh Subramanyan Semee Yoon

Managing Board

Katherine Schulman Taarini Vohra

PEER REVIEW AND ADVISORY

Corresponding Board Richard Allen Jesse Antilla-Hughes Christian Auncion Nicholas Cain James Cocks Frank Cohn John Feighery Mike Halperin Solomon Hsiang Chandra Kiran JP Leous Gordon McCord Jonathon Pfeiffer Tim Rappold Philip Sanoh Josef Szende Bolivia Vega Hakim Williams Daniel Yeow Garrett Ziegler

Faculty Advisory Board Severine Autesserre Akeel Bilgrami Mamadou Diouf Samuel Moyn John Mutter Shahid Naeem Katharina Pistor Jeffrey Sachs Saskia Sassen Michael Schmidt Wolfram Schlenker

Journal Advisor Louise Rosen

CONTENTS Scholarly Articles Promoting Social Dialogue in the Mining Sector in the State of Para, Brazil Noelia Cornejo, Columbia University Claire Kells, Columbia University Tania Ortiz de Zuniga, Columbia University Stacey Roen, Columbia University Brandon Thompson, Columbia University

Tax Incentives and Foreign Direct Investment in South Africa Michael Kransdorff, University of Witwatersrand

Innovation and Sustainable Development in the Refugee Camps: Concrete Action: Twin-pit VIP Latrine and Large Ferro-Cement Water Tank Fabian M. Kreuzer, Columbia University

The Plight of Green GDP in China Ying F. Chi, Yale University Jason Rauch, Yale University

102

The Food Crisis in Ethiopia and Egypt: Contrasting Hydrological and Economic Barriers to Development Leah Stokes, Columbia University A. Tianna Scozzaro, Columbia University Jennifer Haller, Columbia University

117

Water Management in Seasonal Floodplains of the Mekong Delta: A Case Study from Four Villages in Cambodia and Vietnam Christine Werthmann, Phillips – University of Marburg

139

Field Notes Poorest in the West: Probing Haiti’s Image in the Wake o the 2008 Hurricane Season Elizabeth Cooke, Indiana University Gross National Happiness – A Real Alternative or a Romantic Wish? Impressions from the Fourth International Conference on Gross National Happiness in Bhutan Ram Mukul Fishman, Columbia University

159

179

Opinion Pieces A Different Path: The Global Water Crisis and Rainwater Harvesting Nicholas L. Cain, Columbia University

187

CONTENTS Food Deserts: A Global Crisis in New York City Adi A Segal, Columbia University

197

Photo Essays Changing Places: Las Vegas/San Francisco/New Orleans Michael Kolster, Bowdoin College

215

An Agrarian Portrait of HIV Summer Starling, Columbia University

227

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Consilience: The Journal of Sustainable Development Vol. 3, Iss. 1 (2010), Pp. 179–186

Gross National Happiness – A Real Alternative or a Romantic wish? Impressions from the Fourth International Conference on Gross National Happiness in Bhutan Ram Mukul Fishman School of International and Public Affairs Columbia University, New York, NY, USA* Abstract Back in the 1970s, when discussion concerning economic development was monopolized by the concept of Gross National Product (GNP), King Jigme Singye Wangchuck of Bhutan developed the term Gross National Hapiness (GNH) as an alternative approach to development. Though the last 25 years of his reign saw Bhutan’s economy grow at an average annual rate of 7% while maintaining environmental quality and social capital, the recent stepping down of the king and the transition to democracy have left Bhutanese policy with an aspiration to uphold his GNH legacy, but without his intuitive guidance on its practical pursuit. In its absence, there is a need to base the concept of GNH on a concrete, objective basis. As an effort to place the discussion on a quantitative and rigorous social scientific basis, Bhutan is inviting scholars from around the world through its annual international conference on GNH. This field note offers a discussion reflecting upon the conference and the concept of GNH.

Keywords: Gross National Happiness; GNH; economic development; Bhutan. Back in the 1970s, when thought about economic development was completely monopolized by the concept of national income (or Gross National Product, GNP), the king of a small Himalayan Buddhist kingdom, just beginning to emerge from isolation, was observing the environmental and cultural degradation that was accompanying economic development around the world. King Jigme Singye Wangchuck began contemplating a way to improve the livelihood of his country men without sacrificing their natural environment or cultural heritage. To emphasize that well being is not only about material income, and as play on the term GNP, he used the catchy phrase Gross National Happiness (GNH) to describe the goal of his alternative approach to development. Since then, the term has caught on widely. Now that alternative, more inclusive measures than GNP like the UN's Human Development Index (HDI) and Green GDP have attained wide recognition and governments like those of the U.K. and France are trying to incorporate other dimensions of well being in addition to income into their policy discussions, the pioneering vision of the fourth king of Bhutan is worthy of special appreciation, especially when one remembers that, unlike France and Britain, Bhutan even today is *

email: rf2241@columbia.edu

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Fishman: Gross National Happiness

Figure 1: Lofty ideals â&#x20AC;&#x201C; The Bhutanese landscape is characterized by large extents of pristine forest cover.

a small developing country with a population of less than 700,000 and a per-capita income of 5,200$ (PPP GDP per capita).1 Moreover, the king did not restrict himself to lofty words. During the last 25 years of his reign, Bhutan's economy has grown at an average annual rate of 7%, life expectancy has risen from 40 to 64 years, school enrollment grew by 20% during the 1990s alone,2 and the UNDP reports that Bhutan is one of the few countries making good progress to meet the MDGs. And yet, any casual visitor to Bhutan will testify to the large extent of pristine forest cover3 and the thriving traditional culture (there is no other part of the Tibetan Buddhist world that I visited had the same sense of cultural continuity, or in which this religion seemed to flourish as much). The capital, Thimpu, is the cleanest of any town of comparable size I have visited in both South Asia and the Himalayan world, and no beggars are to be seen in its streets. Not all is perfect, of course. There seems to be a growth in crime, especially in the capital, which is often blamed on the spread of western and Indian entertainment, and dissatisfaction among the youth. Things are changing. CIA, The World Fact Book The Economist, March 24th 2008 3 64% of the land area is still covered with forest, in comparison to 67% originally. No forest was lost in the 1990s. Compare with 17% loss during the same decade in neighboring Nepal, whose forest cover has shrunk to 26% of the land area, down from the original 84%. Data is from the World Resource Institute's Earth Trends (earthtrends.wri.org) 1 2

FIELD NOTE

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Figure 2: Change â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Monks' robes are still the same, but their vehicles are changing.

While part of the King's success can be attributed to the utilization of hydropower resources (sales to India account for a major share of growth), aid from India or the relatively low population density, there is no doubt that his policy was both unique and effective. It included measures ranging from massive investments in public health (the steep, mountainous terrain is covered with a network of clinics), control of commercial advertisements, a law requiring the use of traditional dress and a ban on smoking, and a â&#x20AC;&#x2022;forcedâ&#x20AC;&#x2013; transition to democracy. The recent stepping down of the king, and the transition to democracy, have left Bhutanese policy with an aspiration to uphold his GNH legacy, but without his intuitive guidance on its practical pursuit. In its absence, numerous interpretations of what GNH is are emerging, ranging from Buddhist spirituality to social capitalism, and there is a need to base the concept of GNH on a concrete, objective basis, lest it become eroded by politics to mere words. What does GNH really mean? How should it influence practical decisions? How can it be monitored? These are the questions with which the Bhutanese government is now struggling.

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Fishman: Gross National Happiness

Figure 3: Bhutanese Hospitality - The organizers, pictured in this photo, took the conference and us, their guests, quite seriously. Bhutan deserves a similar attitude from the international research community.

This fascinating discussion (to which Bhutan is inviting scholars from around the world through its annual international conference on GNH) seems to be really inspired by deeply rooted Buddhist ideals about the futility of blind consumerism. But it includes not only lofty philosophical elements such as the goals of human societies and the meaning of happiness, but also a sincere effort to place the discussion on a quantitative and rigorous social scientific basis. The Bhutanese are trying to form a concept of GNH that will present a real alternative paradigm and be taken seriously by the world, and for that, they feel, it must answer certain social scientific standards. This is why they made a principal decision to create a quantitative measure of GNH that can function much as GDP does, and will replace the intuitive vision of GNH with an objective number. This is not a trivial decision. Some argue that many of the most important elements of well being are by nature immeasurable. Are they then to be excluded from policy? Others argue that this is a waste of time, and GNH will depend only on the vision of brave leaders and politicians, not on the existence of a number to measure it. Trying to define a measure for GNH is a difficult undertaking. After all, the use of GDP to proxy wellbeing was not ideological, but operational (in fact, GDP may not have been created for that purpose anyway),4 since income was something that could be, in principle, objectively measured and compared (certain methodological issues notwithstanding) across countries and across time. Most economists will recognize that it is an imperfect measure and should be interpreted with caution, but

The developer of GDP, Simon Kuznets, in a 1934 report to congress, says: â&#x20AC;&#x2022;â&#x20AC;Śthe welfare of a nation [can] scarcely be inferred from a measure of national income...â&#x20AC;&#x2013; 4

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in practice, it has become the yardstick by which we measure progress and compare countries. One body of criticism of GDP is concerned with the omission of certain factors from the accounting process, including, for example, distributional issues, and depreciation of environmental and social capital, like the loss of natural resources, a reduction in volunteer work or an increase in crime. This criticism has produced more inclusive measures that amend GDP by attempting to include in the accounting as much of the environmental and social costs as possible. The Genuine Progress Indicator (GPI) is an example of such a measure. But even these modified indicators take into account only those factors that can be reduced to incomeequivalent terms. For example, the loss of a forest is taken into account in so far as its monetary worth is lost. The increase in crime is included through the added fiscal burden. The non-material effect on quality of life is not included. How can dimensions of well-being that are not reducible to income be measured? The most prominent method has been the use of self reported, or subjective well being, in which survey respondents are normally asked to rank how satisfied they are with their life, how they value different activities, what makes them happy, and so on. While this approach is riddled with methodological pitfalls, many prominent economists believe there is something to be learned from such surveys. (Perhaps the earliest and most famous work with such data is Easterlin's work from 1974 about the declining returns to income of self reported well being, the conclusions of which have recently been challenged).5 If you take these surveys seriously, they can teach you both how life satisfaction is changing with time, and how it is affected by different factors such as income, environmental conditions, and health, and if you then take self reported life satisfaction as the goal of social policy— and that is a big ―if‖—, then you can in principle use these lessons to form policy. It seems the Bhutanese are converging on a system that incorporates both self reported satisfaction, self reported standard of living indicators of health and time use (e.g. the amount of sleep, food consumption, frequency of attending cultural shows) and psychological indicators (e.g. trust placed in the community, frequency of sadness). Using 72 such variables that attempt to capture the four pillars of GNH (equitable and sustainable socio-economic development, preservation and promotion of cultural values, conservation of the natural environment, and establishment of good governance), and defining thresholds of sufficiency for each, they are able to either form a single number capturing overall ―happiness‖ or look at specific categories separately, using a methodology developed for multi-dimensional poverty assessment at the Oxford Poverty & Human Development Initiative. The construction of a single number out of various indicators may seem to some to be necessary from a policy debate point of view, but always requires an arbitrary way of comparing apples to oranges, or of assigning weights to different components of the measure. This problem is not unique to the GNH index, of course. The UN's HDI, for example, is a weighted average of income, literacy and life expectancy. There is no allegedly correct way to assign these weights. It is a matter of policy, not of science, since it reflects what we feel is more important, and by how much. Again, is a single number really needed at all? It certainly makes comparisons easier and ―Maybe Money Does Buy Happiness After All‖, The New York Times, April 16, 2008 and references therein to Easterlin's original paper. 5

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Fishman: Gross National Happiness

Figure 4: Handing it down – A Bhutanese man with his daughter.

enables us to make painful tradeoffs between different components of well being, which is what policy decisions are really about. But it also seems hard to take a complicated formula seriously enough to really follow it to its logical conclusions. The debate is open. There is another issue here. When the Bhutanese government is including, for example, hours of sleep in its index, and considers any amount lesser than a threshold of 7, hours, say, insufficient, is it not dictating and defining what a good life is? This seems like a very treacherous path to take. If the ―free market‖

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Figure 5: Grossly nationally happy â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Three Bhutanese children.

proponents really believe that over-working and under-sleeping is a completely free decision and choose to ignore the seeming rat race that drives it, this paternalistic idea seems to be the opposite and far more questionable extreme. Of course, it all depends on what the governments actually does with its index of GNH. How is it going to affect policy? A great deal of effort has been put into measurement in recent years, and the next stage in the Bhutanese program of research is the really difficult question of how it can affect policy, which was left resounding in the air. Kinley Dorje, the editor of the national newspaper, in his frank closing remarks, challenged that GNH has thus far not entered any of the country's five year plans. Is GNH a slogan, a mere lip service used by Bhutan to draw foreign attention, tourists and aid? Are we foreigners romanticizing GNH and Bhutan, trying to protect something we ourselves have chosen to lose in our own countries, and ignoring the real needs of this country? It is true that, visiting in Bhutan, one can not but be touched by the rare pristineness and beauty of the country and the faith and kindness of its people, and it is hard not to wonder if it all must be spoiled by economic development, even while recognizing the importance of improving life standards. But at the risk of romanticizing, I also choose to believe there really is a sincere and deeply-inspired intention here to do things differently and to learn a lesson for the whole world to share. During the conference, I found myself alternating between cynicism and inspiration. The latter eventually won. How could I help it? Speakers kept mentioning the intended benefit to all sentient beings, animals included with all

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seriousness. The conference was closed with a meditation led by a humble and wise monk. The earnestness of the local scholars was touching. But the practical, intellectual and policy challenge is daunting, and you might think it is either admirable or perhaps naĂŻve for the Bhutanese to take on such a task with their humble scientific resources. If you agree that this is an important question with global relevance, you might feel significant international academic attention should be given to a government that seems so earnestly sincere about addressing it. But the conference, which was opened by the prime minister and and whose participants were all personally received by the new king, has attracted only a handful of western social scientists and practitioners (and many inspiring sympathizers and good will advocates). In policy circles, things may be changing. There was some presence from the OECD. And some of the attendants, from such groups as GPI Atlantic and the New Economic Foundations are making real headway into mainstream thoughts I Canada and Europe. But Academia (at least the social sciences) is largely ignoring Buhtan.6 Is it because GNH is perceived, in western academia to be something of a cute curiosity only? In light of the achievements of the 4th king, I think this is unfair. Let me close with some words from the opening speech of the recently elected prime minister, H.E. Jigmey Y. Thinley, who is said to be a genuine champion of GNH based policy: â&#x20AC;&#x2022;Is it enough for us to know how to measure happiness and to hope that this will influence policy-making? Is making GNH policies and programmes enough? What of political will and capacity given the fact that these, in a democracy, are responses conditioned by popular demands and aspirations? So, if people do not understand and favor GNH based policies, will politicians dare? And if they do, will they succeed? How do we begin? How do we internalize, beyond intellectual enquiry and statements, the values that we speak of? How do we as academics, thinkers, scientists, leaders and concerned citizens change our own way of life and behavior? My only request is that we now become more focused on translating the concepts of GNH into clear policiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2013;.

Academia is, however, becoming more interested in well being and in alternatives to GDP. Nobel winning economists Stiglitz and Sen are participating in a commission created by French president Sarkozy, happiness is researched by economists such as Kahneman, Layard and Krueger, to name a few. 6

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Consilience: The Journal of Sustainable Development Vol. 3, Iss. 1 (2010), Pp. 215-226

Changing Places: Las Vegas/San Francisco/New Orleans Michael Kolster Department of Art History Bowdoin College, ME* Abstract Dates: 2001-2009 These photographs come from a long-term and ongoing project concerned with how we perceive and are affected by changes in the places we inhabit. Each of the three places depicted here, New Orleans, Las Vegas, and San Francisco, finds itself in a precarious position relative to the “natural” demands of its geographic location. Eighty percent of New Orleans was flooded in 2005; as many of us now realize, most of the city is located below the level of the water that borders it. The probability of San Francisco experiencing a seismic event equal to or greater than the 1906 earthquake in the next 30 years, geologists tell us, is greater than 50 percent. And Las Vegas, still one of the fastest growing cities in the country, has no feasible long-term plan to keep its development from outstripping its ability to supply its inhabitants with fresh water. Due to where they are physically located, these cities in 50 years will most likely look nothing like they do now. Coincident to or perhaps because of its location, each of these cities has developed an identity that represents a diversion from the cultural norms associated with mainstream America. Many Americans I know prefer that what happens in Las Vegas stays there. San Francisco wears proudly its identity as a place of alternative lifestyles and liberal foment. New Orleans, known as the Big Easy for the ease with which musicians could find work, displays front and center its difference from the rest of America during its celebration of Mardi Gras. What should be an obvious truth, that a place’s physical location and features have a profound affect on the lives and outlooks of its inhabitants, is often overlooked. Saying we live “in” a place, rather than “on” or “with” it, concedes how entirely a place encompasses us physically. It acknowledges the pervasive affect the place’s external imperatives have upon our psyches, our perceptions of self and others, and the desires we pursue. Now that popular consensus is embracing the fact that our world is growing warmer, the uncertain futures these three cities face today may well be harbingers of change facing the places we all live in. Has a sequence of events already been set in motion that will irrevocably alter how and where all of us will be able to live? And if so, how will this fact affect how we relate to each other and to the places we inhabit? These photographs describe relationships between elements in the landscape that are specific to a particular day, hour, and fraction of a second. Some were made seven years ago, some just a few months ago. What is important to keep in mind is that each triptych (or multiple image panoramic) presented here comprises a series of individual and distinct photographs. Each individual “frame” within the triptych is its own point in time and each corresponds to a distinct piece of film that I exposed and developed. Taking in the scene presented by the triptych is *

email: mkolster@bowdoin.edu

Consilience

Kolster: Changing Places

analogous to how each of us encounters a prospect. By pausing slightly and regularly we set into motion a mental “imagining” in order to see things more completely. I hope each piece’s particularity, its reference to a specific location in time as well as space, stimulates speculation about how different that place appears at this very moment, were you able to behold it for yourself. And more exciting is to ponder what it might look like tomorrow, next month, and 50 years hence.

Keywords: spaces, location, change, Las Vegas, San Francisco, New Orleans.

1.So Broad Ave at Banks, Mid City, New Orleans, November 2005 New Orleans is located in a place that brings with it with a measure of risk. At the edge of the Gulf of Mexico the city is infamous for being below the level of the massive bodies of water that surround it and for subsiding further as large areas the city are pumped dry and “reclaimed” for housing developments. As its citizens found out in the days following Katrina’s landfall, surviving the wrath of a hurricane’s wind and rain is not enough; the failure of the levees to withstand the surge of water brought in from the Gulf by the storm inundated its streets with water up to 12 feet deep for over three weeks. This unprecedented breach of the public trust was compounded by the egregious governmental response to the plight of its citizens in the flooding’s aftermath.

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2. Ney Street, San Francisco, 2001 I lived in and photographed the city of San Francisco from 1992 to 2000 and still return often to photograph it. As I walk the city and look around I think about the risks my fellow San Franciscans take living so close to the San Andreas fault and how the city shares with New Orleans a fragile and indeterminate future.

3. Market Street at Jones and MacAllister, San Francisco, 2001 Almost all of the buildings that exist today in downtown San Francisco were built after the 1906 earthquake. Only a few structures survived the fires that burned for days after the earth stopped moving.

Consilience

Kolster: Changing Places

4. Harrison at Norfolk, SoMa, San Francisco, 1997 Rubble from the 1906 earthquake and fires was dumped into the bay bordering the South of Market Street area, or SoMa, eventually expanding the physical footprint of the city. The earth supporting certain blocks of SoMa consist solely of this rubble, which tends to liquefy during severe earthquakes and bodes poorly for any structure built upon it.

5. Twin Peaks, San Francisco, 2001 To call San Francisco home is to live with the specter of a major seismic event that will, at some point, change the course of many lives and render much of the city unfamiliar and possibly uninhabitable. This eventuality does not keep people away San Francisco remains one of the most popular, exciting, expensive, and beautiful places to live. To what extent does its location poised above one of the most active seismic faults in North America affect how its citizens greet each new day?

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6. Badlands Golf Course, Las Vegas, 2001 For decades now Las Vegas has been expanding beyond the Strip to become a major metropolitan area supporting large numbers of middle class Americans and retirees. As I have witnessed the growth of Las Vegas and its expansion from Sin City to Sun Belt suburb, I wonder what will happen when this growth overwhelms its supply of fresh water.

7. Top of Ballyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, Las Vegas, 2001 According to the US Census the population of Las Vegas grew by 83.3 percent, from 852,737 people in 1990 to 1,563,282 in 2000, placing it almost 20 percentage points higher than the next fastest growing metropolitan area in the US (Naples, FL, 65.3 percent).

Consilience

Kolster: Changing Places

8. Calico Basin trailhead, Red Rock Canyon, Las Vegas, 2006 The phenomenon of Las Vegas has been studied extensively due to its improbable location in the desert. Its recent explosive growth can be attributed to readily available supplies of energy to air condition and power our cars, houses, offices, and casinos, enabling settlement in such an extreme environment. Its continued success as a gaming and tourist mecca (and as a cultural oddity), has provided many workers seeking the American dream affordable housing, jobs that pay a living wage, and decent schools to educate their children. Yet the city remains an island in midst of the Mojave desert; its growing population is putting a serious strain on its supply of fresh water.

9. Lake Mead Marina, NV 2006 (B+W) and 2009 (color) Lake Mead, formed by the damming of the Colorado River near Las Vegas, supplies the city with much of its fresh water. Its level today is one half of what it was just seven years ago. Estimates from Las Vegas’s Water Authority indicate that within three years the lake’s water level will be below the first of the city’s water intake pipes, rendering them useless. If the current drought continues unabated shortages of water are imminent, with the equivalent of 256,000 people going without water in

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2010 and, by 2011, that estimate grows to 404,000 Las Vegans without access to fresh water.

10. Las Vegas - new home construction, Patrick Lane, 2006 (left) and foreclosed house interior, 2009 (right) Clouding any forecast of Las Vegasâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s future is the recent economic downturn and its effect on the housing market. Housing prices in Las Vegas fell this past year by more than a third and, while other areas in the country are beginning to see prices stabilize, they continue to fall in Las Vegas. Per capita incidence of home foreclosure in Las Vegas is one of the highest in the country.

11. Overlooking Las Vegas from Henderson, NV, 2006 One of the many questions Las Vegas faces is how much of its very existence is dependent on growth. If it keeps growing, especially at its current rate, how much longer can it be sustained? And if the growth of Las Vegas slows or reverses, what will be the effect on the city, a place so accustomed to endless expansion and defined by its sense of seemingly limitless possibilities?

Consilience

Kolster: Changing Places

12. North Claiborne Ave. Lower Ninth Ward, New Orleans, November 2005 The people along the Gulf Coast of Louisiana and Mississippi suffered landfall of a category three to four hurricane on the morning of August 29, 2005. The city of New Orleans, itself spared a direct hit from the storm, experienced its worst and most lasting damage when a few of its levees protecting the city gave way. Water from Lake Ponchatrain and the Mississippi River Gulf Outlet (“MisteR GO) poured into the city through the levee breaches; pumps designed to remove the water were overwhelmed and failed. Over 80 percent of the city remained under water for up to three weeks.

13. Polk at West End Blvd. (debris), Lakeview, New Orleans, Nov 2005 (top) and Nov 2006 (bottom) The American Red Cross, as of October 3, 2005, estimated that 310,353 single family homes were destroyed across coastal Louisiana and Mississippi due to the storm and flooding. By early October over 2 million individuals and households had registered with FEMA for disaster assistance. In New Orleans alone 75 percent of its population, over 375,000 people, were acutely affected. Piles of household and industrial debris filled parkways and “neutral zones”; a year later, with much of the debris removed to makeshift landfills, local, state, or federal government officials offered no guidance to assist citizens or businesses in their efforts to fill the empty spaces the storm and floods had caused. And four years later no coherent vision for the rebuilding of New Orleans has been established.

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14. Pierre Court, New Orleans East, March 2006 Most of the 310,353 houses destroyed by the storm and flooding should never been built - not necessarily because of where they were located but because their designs flouted basic considerations of the local geography. Traditional housing found in the French Quarter, the Garden District, Desire, Holy Cross, or Baywater features high ceilings and linear layouts (shotgun style) to dissipate heat; most all are raised off the ground to minimize flood damage. Many houses in recently reclaimed and developed suburban New Orleans sport low ceilings and a squarish layout making them difficult to cool; most all rest on a concrete pad, or slab, located on grade. Such a design is almost unforgivable in areas susceptible to flooding and tropical heat. Certainly these poor house designs lulled their owners into a false sense of security - but living in a place that is near and below the level of large bodies of water needs inventive solutions to mitigate the risks. The water marks on this houseâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s exterior siding show how much the slab of this house would need to be raised off the ground to avoid a flood damage the next time around. 15. Horizon Court, New Orleans East, Nov 2005 (top) and Nov 2006 (bottom) Sadly, raising slab houses after the fact is prohibitively expensive. Many homeowners in NOLA are still facing a decision: raise the structure and then rebuild, which requires sinking more money (that most donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t even have) into the property than it will ever be worth; rebuild with the structure remaining on grade, which disqualifies it from mortgage and flood insurance; or walk away from their homes with minimal (if any) insurance compensation. FEMA trailers remain on front lawns, now mostly empty, themselves vestiges of a time when

Consilience

Kolster: Changing Places

homeowners pondered their lack of options. One cannot blame many homeowners for feeling they were sold a bill of goods and left holding the bag.

16. Stafford Street, Lakeview, New Orleans, Nov 2006 (top triptych); Nov 2006, Oct 2007, and Sep 2008 bottom L to R As of June 2009, almost four years after the flooding certain neighborhoods, middle class and poor alike, are reconstituting but at a glacial pace. In Lakeview, a largely middle-class neighborhood, most all of which was completely flooded in water up to ten feet deep, the number of households receiving mail in June 2009 is only 50 percent of the number recorded in June 2005. And, the Lower Ninth Ward, a poorer neighborhood immediately adjacent to the failed Industrial Canal, reported that the number of households actively receiving mail in June 2009 is only 19 percent of that recorded in the months immediately before the inundation.

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17. 6068 Louisville St. (mold), Lakeview, New Orleans, November 2006 As insurers, independent investigators and governmental agencies like the Army Corp of Engineers and FEMA argue about how and why the levees failed, these same levees continue to serve as the primary safeguard against further catastrophic flooding. In the eyes of many of its displaced citizens, they remain as fallible and possibly compromised as the sections that caved under Katrina’s storm surge.

18. Hay Place at Fleur de Lis Blvd., Lakeview, New Orleans, September 2008 Compounding any doubt about the integrity of the levees is the fact that Katrina was a category three storm as it made landfall east of New Orleans. Despite the recent installation of large gates at the mouths of the 17th Street, London and Orleans canals and the decision to decommission “MisteR GO,” there is little reason to believe, now more than four years later, that the systems designed to protect NOLA from flooding will survive a direct hit of a more powerful storm and keep its accompanying surge of water from inundating its houses and streets again. And perhaps this is best explanation for why the rebuilding of the newer sections of New Orleans continues to proceed so slowly.

Consilience

Kolster: Changing Places

19. Church and Duboce, San Francisco, 2001 “Should New Orleans be rebuilt?” many people ask me. As any resident of New Orleans will tell you, the rebuilding of New Orleans began when individuals began to hear forecasts of Katrina’s imminent landfall. Its rebuilding continues today and will continue until the next flood hits, just as San Francisco is still being rebuilt in response to the earthquakes of 1906 and 1989.

20. Boulder Hwy. at Russell Road, Las Vegas, 2001 New Orleans, Las Vegas and San Francisco are three American cities whose future is very difficult to predict. Are there lessons to be learned from these cities as the world’s climate warms and the places we inhabit face the prospect of unprecedented change? To what degree can we label the difficulties these cities confront a result of “natural” or “man-made” forces? And, for that matter, does not such a distinction obscure our attempts to envision what our cities, towns and villages will look like in 50 or 100 years from now?

Consilience: The Journal of Sustainable Development Vol. 3, Iss. 1 (2010), Pp. 227-240

An Agrarian Portrait of HIV Summer Starling Mailman School of Public Health Columbia University, New York, NY* Abstract [June â&#x20AC;&#x201C; August 2008; Arusha, Tanzania; Global Service Corps] An often-unnoticed face of HIV in Tanzania is distinctly agrarian. For farming communities in the Arusha area of Tanzania, the connection between food security and HIV is hard to ignore. About 8 out of 100 people in Tanzania are living with the virus. Livelihoods claimed by the HIV epidemic are increasingly young men and women whose families depend on their labor on family-run gardens and farms. In the last ten years, young people have begun migrating from their rural communities to urban centers. This trend, combined with HIV infection rates among the young, have a crippling effect on food security in the isolated hills outside Arusha. Whole communities struggle with drops in local food production, loss of market opportunities, and high imported food costs. Women comprise the majority of Tanzanian food producers in rural settings â&#x20AC;&#x201C; roughly 90% of women in Arusha district engage in subsistence farming and market activities every day. As the HIV epidemic reaches more and more rural areas, women bear newer roles as farmers, breadwinners, and caretakers to those family or community members with HIV. Global Service Corps (GSC) is a San Francisco-based non-profit that facilitates HIV education workshops and bio-intensive agriculture trainings for people in the Arusha area, making the critical connection between HIV prevention and sustainable farming. Trainings stress a multi-generational, family-centered approach to HIV prevention, and include discussions around sexual decision-making, negotiation, and condom use. Most recently, GSC has launched HIV-prevention day camps for secondary school students to help them stay HIV-free. Bio-intensive agriculture (BIA) trainings instruct on sack-gardening, crop rotation, companion planting, and other labor-saving farming techniques. These trainings also emphasize family nutrition and sustained crop yield. Numbers of people in the Arusha community receiving both BIA and HIV trainings are on the rise. Embracing an ecological perspective in the fight against HIV and food insecurity, Global Service Corpsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; operations set a sustainable example for integrating disciplines on the ground for improved quality of life.

Keywords: Tanzania, HIV/AIDS, agrarian, food security.

email: summerstarling@gmail.com

Consilience

Starling: HIV Agrarian

Women observe a condom demonstration at a community HIV training. Condom use has growing cultural acceptance among younger women in Tanzania, both as a way to prevent HIV and as a way to delay or plan pregnancies. Family planning is unilaterally embraced by the international community as the best means of ensuring adequate nutrition in resource-poor and subsistence farming settings.

Consilience

229

Training participant with her child. Because nearly 90% of women in the Arusha district farm or sell produce at market to support their families every day, their health is critical to the health of the larger population. The HIV status of a female head-ofhousehold is the largest determining factor in the health of her family. Women attending trainings made considerable adjustments in their schedules to attend session.

Consilience

Starling: HIV Agrarian

The child of an HIV training participant quietly observing class. Children feel the impacts of food insecurity first, especially in large families. Traditionally, having many children was a way for families to safeguard against hunger and malnutrition, as children would help cultivate family food plots exclusively for family and community consumption. But in the last ten years, young adults have begun migrating to large urban centers at high rates. Women have largely taken up agrarian and market roles to feed their families, often traveling long distances with heavy loads.

Consilience

231

An HIV-positive mother brings her baby to a training to learn about how to prevent mother-to-child HIV transmission. Preventing mother-to-child transmission of the virus is a crucial front in breaking the cycle of HIV. In 2004, the Tanzanian government unrolled new initiatives for HIV testing during prenatal care, as well as efforts to educate HIV-positive expectant mothers about delivery options to minimize transmission. Poorer, rural women are still in need to many of these new options.

Consilience

Starling: HIV Agrarian

A Tengeru farmer showcases his bio-intensive permaculture plot. Traditional farming practices among Tanzanian farmers were once adequate to support their families at the much lower population levels of generations previously. But both overpopulation and soil devastation have resulted in poorer nutrition and decreased yields. Bio-intensive agriculture trainings stress using materials ready at hand, incorporating space-efficient rotation methods and crop diversity, which replenish soils.

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Consilience

Starling: HIV Agrarian

A woman sells vegetables at the weekly Tengeru market. Market producers and sellers are overwhelmingly women from rural areas. With available farming labor in decline as younger generations migrate from their rural birthplaces to city centers, women stand to benefit the most from bio-intensive farming techniques.

Consilience

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Global Service Corps trainer Evans Javesson demonstrates how to maintain a sack garden, which conserves space and energy for subsistence farmers. Especially for families caring for a member with HIV, making the most our of available materials and conversing space and time are critical. At Global Service Corpsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; BIA trainings, women and men participants are about equally represented.

Consilience

Starling: HIV Agrarian

A Masai man discusses how HIV has affected his rural community. He described how many of his villageâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s young men have migrated to urban areas only to return infected with HIV. Masai communities depend almost exclusively on the young men from their tribes to tend cattle, hunt, and otherwise provide food for their families. The HIV epidemic has devastated this resource pool in many indigenous communities. As the virus claims more and more young men, food scarcity and insecurity pose a true threat.

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A village mama prepares an afternoon meal. With many young men either absent from their tribal birthplaces, or living with a stigmatized HIV virus, the roles of women have increased to even more realms. Once viewed only as menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s work, farming and land management are shifting into the realm of womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s responsibility, in addition to traditional domestic duties.

Consilience

Starling: HIV Agrarian

Christine, an HIV Day Camp 2008 participant. HIV rates in Tanzania are highest among young persons aged 18-24. There has been a greatly recognized need among international aid and activist groups for HIV prevention education to begin in primary schools. While there are growing numbers of education professional in Tanzania getting behind this idea, sexually transmitted infections remain a taboo topic for many administrators in the country. HIV day camps were conducted by GSC during summer break, and included condom demonstrations and situational role plays for safer sex.

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Students from Uraki Secondary School in Usa celebrate and perform at the graduation from HIV Day Camp 2008. Anatomy and reproduction, HIV prevention skills, and decision-making were all skills taught at HIV camp. Educating and empowering young girls around HIV and protection is viewed as the most effective vehicle to reducing HIV rates for the whole of Tanzania. As in many developing country settings, negotiating safer sex is often challenged by power discrepancies and womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lower status in society. Given womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s emerging roles as farmers and food marketers, turning the tide of their HIV infection rates is a crucial national endeavor for the health of all.

Consilience

Starling: HIV Agrarian

Rachel, right, and her great grandmother laugh at a break during HIV training. Both women expressed the need for HIV prevention to be â&#x20AC;&#x153;a family concern.â&#x20AC;? Hearing this ethic expressed in an unabashed manner, free of stigma around the topic of HIV, is a hopeful indicator of the future of all Tanzanians.