The Cornell Review The Conservative Voice on Campus
An Independent Publication vol. xxxi, no. ii
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“We Do Not Apologize.”
September 18th, 2012
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Stakes Raised In Council Race CU Senior To Challenge Outsider for Collegetown Seat Alfonse Muglia Editor-in-Chief
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Chicago Teachers’ Union Strike 400,000 Students Abandoned Karim Lakhani President
Coffee with Karim
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n September 10th, four hundred thousand public school students in Chicago could not go to school. The nation’s third largest school system was shut down after negotiations between Chicago’s School Board and Chicago’s Teachers Union (CTU) fell apart. Those four hundred thousand students, sidelined from an opportunity for a brighter future, deserve to know who failed them. The reasons for the breakdown in negotiations were not clear, but Mayor Rahm Emanuel—President Obama’s former Chief of Staff— points towards two main remaining issues: unions are not accepting of principals’ increased independence over hiring, and they are not accepting of using student performance as
a part of teachers’ evaluations. When a business is failing, owners keep managers liable for the company’s performance. It is the responsibility of that manager to hire and train the right employees and get rid of those that are not getting the job done. A public school system is like a business, and the taxpayers—specifically the tax-paying parents of students—are the owners. They allow principals to function as managers, but those principals cannot do their job if they do not have the power to hire and train the right teachers and get rid of those that are not getting the job done. How can we expect to have the best teachers for our students if principals can’t make essential hiring decisions? Also, in January 2010, the Illinois State Legislature passed the Performance Evaluation Reform Act, which—along with many other things—would require 25% of teachers’ evaluations to be based on student performance. Some teachers Continued on page 8
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Editorial: A land of contradictory perceptions
Video Game Censorship A conservative's right-tricker
Student Assembly Platforms The important issues.
Collegetown insider that will have long-term implications on the character of Cornell’s center of student life. “I want to run in order to affect common sense solutions to the problems facing the Collegetown community,” explained Checkovich, a History major who currently resides on Stewart Ave. “I need your help to keep the seat in the hands of a Cornell student who understands the area.” “I consider C-Town an integral part of the Cornell experience, and have been saddened by the deterioration of the housing and business environment,” she added. “I want to make this a more livable area, not just a place people come to because they were pushed out by trends in campus policies in housing and Greek life. Unfortunately, there are a lot of entrenched interests that have created byzantine regulations that
Interview with Miss Maryland 11 Joanna Guy
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Miss America Org.
efore last November’s special election, the residents of Collegetown—a district populated 97% by Cornell students—had been represented in the Ithaca Common Council by two Cornell students in every year since 2004. The Democratic Party is now looking to elect its second consecutive candidate with no ties whatsoever to the Cornell students that he would potentially represent. The battleground is Ithaca’s 4th Ward, which encompasses most of Collegetown and parts of West Campus. Until this week, Councilman Eddie Rooker ‘09 held the seat. Rooker, who had served the area since he was elected in 2009, recently announced his resignation to pursue a law degree at the New York University School of Law. The outgoing councilman was a former president of the Inter-Fra-
ternity Council and member of Sigma Alpha Epsilon (SAE), and could often be seen around Collegetown, interacting with the students he represented even after his graduation. His presence as a link between the Cornell and Ithaca communities continued a long line of Cornell students becoming active in Ithaca politics—highlighted by fellow SAE brother Svante Myrick, who first joined the council in 2008. It was recently announced that Stephen Smith would be the Democratic nominee, and on Monday the Cornell Review’s own Misha Checkovich ’13 announced that she would represent the Republicans. The Democrat Stephen Smith is an alumnus of the State University of New York at Geneseo who has occupied his time since graduation by managing the campaigns of Democrats around the country, among other tasks. This creates a match-up between a clear Collegetown outsider and a
A Southern Gentleman In New York
A Lifelong Southerner’s Transition to Yankee Life
Mike Navarro Staff Writer “Please. Thank you. Yes ma’am. No sir.” hese are words I’ve uttered millions of times a day for years, so much so that they have become instinctual and second nature. Yet I hardly hear them at all now. I hold the door for ladies, and I fully expect to pay for my date’s evening. Yes, I am also fully aware and respectful of a woman’s ability to do these things on her own, but she won’t have to when I am around. This is simply how I was raised. It is called being a gentleman. When did this become so strange? I have spent my whole life in the warm, loving embrace of the American South. Though each state I have called home has had its own idiosyncrasies, regardless the side of the Mississippi on which they lay, prevailing themes have always held
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8 The Value of College Getting what you paid for?
10 Sports Cruz's summer progress on the diamond
true: we love sweet tea, we worship air conditioning, we love football a little too much, and we foster a wary view of our neighbors to the north. No, not the Canadian; the “Yankee.” From the time I was old enough to shell a crawfish, I had been hearing about the peculiar nature of northerners. The majority of my opinions had been formed by the stereotypical Hollywood New Yorker. In my mind’s eye, I pictured most men to be like Dan Aykroyd’s character in Trading Places; concerned only with themselves, fast-talking, and cutthroat. Most women I thought to be some sort of amalgamation of the characters from Sex and The City. These types of personalities are basically the antithesis of the traditional Southern Belle and Gentleman. To make matters even worse, my dad had lived in New York City for awhile back in the 80’s, and he assured me that most Yankees had poor opinions of Southerners as well; that we are all dumb rednecks who are too slow to make it in the real world. So it was with this lifetime’s worth of naïve understandings that I set out to Cornell University this fall, Continued on page 10
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Feature
September 18, 2012
The Chamber of Revelations A Report on Small Business and the Chambers of Commerce Roberto Matos Columnist
The Clarion Call
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ho are small businesspeople? What motivates them to create and innovate? What exactly are the sources of their ingenuity? What makes this role so crucial for American communities? Can such dauntingly broad questions be answered cogently? Perhaps not, but my summer internship position at the (NJ) Hunterdon County Chamber of Commerce presented me with an ideal and unique opportunity to confront these questions. As an Economic Development and Destination Marketing researcher, I approached my position as if I were conducting a case study, of sorts. After all, there seemed to be no better way to learn about average businesspeople and their concerns than to interact with an entire tapestry of them in this central setting, this hub of energetic activity (Flemington, being the county seat of Hunterdon, is one of the principal and few areas where official county business, public and private, takes place). Before I began, in my mind, Chambers of Commerce served narrowly and merely as greedy local organizations—self-serving commercial networks of self-centered business leaders whose sole and express purpose was to advocate for the shared financial interests of a select few private enterprises in their community, and little else. I never imagined that they aimed to serve the public interest as explicitly as they actually do. There is now little difficulty in identifying the origin of what was, at that time, my limited conception and unfair assumptions. After months of being bombarded with the screeds of (1) Occupy Wall Street demonstrators on the CU campus (protesting the excesses of the financial industry and corporations), (2) of observing the passionate campaigns of labor sympathizers (crusading against sweat shops), and (3) of reading about the “heroic” acts of civil disobedience carried out by green activists (objecting to the installation of an oil pipeline through the Great Plains), I had unknowingly been moved to a state of quiet resentment against job creators in the private sector. (But I was not alone, and the programming of my negative attitude toward business was anything but accidental, as we
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shall see...) Even I couldn’t help but fall prey to the carefully designed trap of prejudice against those engaged in commercial pursuits (businesspeople). Even on the first day of volunteering at the chamber, I was deceived: “Why should any commercial operations, small or large, escape citizen suspicion?” After all, aren’t all businesses purely money making operations, devoid of respect for civic duty and public interest? The OWS activist might very well ask, “What makes members of a medium-sized chamber of commerce any less greedy, unsympathetic and self-centered than the mega-industries we make a habit out of scrutinizing?” The answer arrived with the furry of a freight train. Within the first week of my time at the Chamber I had been enlightened. The ideologically framed attitude toward business on the CU campus is so radically different from the attitudes I encountered this summer—a real world of private enterprises intimately embedded in the work of improving the quality of life in their communities. Through numerous conversations of great length, it became obvious to me that these community real estate agents, bank presidents, accountants, and attorneys were indeed facilitators of social progress, collective advancement and economic empowerment for the local citizenry as a whole. The entrepreneurs, freeholders, and CEOs I met fervently believed that they were engaging in service to the community and acted like it. They cared deeply and seriously about the financial struggles of their employees and consumers. This much was evident from the manner in which they identified priorities at board meetings for economic revitalization, community outreach, and coordinated improvements of community services. For these small business people, their work with the chamber served as a vehicle of job creation and development on behalf of the citizenry. The chamber was not an instrument of self-enrichment for them, but a nerve center for desperately needed access, resources, advocacy and networking. These people were fueled by a motivation to ensure that shared objectives were met formally. And they were exceedingly sensitive to community needs (since they were, after all, just regular people who were aware of local problems), and were mindful of their obligation to contribute to community efforts to
secure them. The activities of public service and business were concurrent for chamber participants. My experience at both a Chamber Mayoral Breakfast and a Chamber Card Club festival brought me in direct contact with an entire assortment of passionate pioneers and visionaries. From legal services to medical services, and from IT to financial planning, they exhibited a sort of sustained dynamism which serves as the defining ingredient of the town’s uniqueness and success. For a few of them, the ingenuity never seemed to end, and the innovative offerings and service initiatives imagined took on so many different forms. I was nearly brought to tears. Everyone knew that their work was interwoven with the very fabric of the community. This point was repeatedly stressed. Everyone had a project oriented toward creative outreach. What is more, everyone was eager to share it with me. Everyone was genuinely interested in my input. For me, it was staggering and emboldening to behold a spirit of growing optimism among a group, even in this time of economic malaise. I couldn't have imagined how incredibly versatile chambers actually are. I once thought of them as mere political lobbies, but this characterization fails to capture their multifaceted role as a community-based partnerships. It is clear to me now that they serve as nerve centers for common-sense advocacy, networking and resources for literally hundreds of burgeoning small businesses, nonprofits, and community outreach programs. Strikingly diverse in their community function, they serve as forums for informational exchange, community development, strategy formulation, candid advice, and informed dialogue aimed at grappling with community challenges within the realms of local policy and economics. But many of them expressed worry to me privately. They feared that they were underappreciated by the powers that be, that they were being maligned for simply securing the best for their communities, their families, and their own senses of self-worth. They suspected that they were being unfairly scapegoated for the national problems created by lawmakers and bureaucrats in DC. To a person, they stood in horror when the SCOTUS Health Care opinion was announced on a sunny June day, and it appeared as if their future would tumble into darkness. They didn’t know why they were being punished with over-regulation and burdensome taxation even by some local authorities, and they were particularly unnerved when it was proclaimed on national television that they hadn’t really built what they sacrificed so much to create: their very own businesses. So why had I been so wrong?! Indeed, on an ideologically skewed
campus like Cornell, it is all too easy to be tainted by such a spirit of resentment toward job creators in general. Smearing the reputation of business entities is a hallowed preoccupation on this campus. The ongoing outcry in condemnation of Adidas for alleged mistreatment of workers, the administration’s capitulation to demands that a campus contract with said company be cut, and the subsequent elation over this outcome, comes to mind. Last year’s manufactured outrage over the Technion controversy also rings a bell. And on campuses across the map, many find it decidedly convenient to come to expect the worst of all decision makers in the entirety of the private sector, whether Goldman Sachs mega-broker or locallyoperating real estate agency. Those intent on lambasting the tycoons of the financial industry and big corporations (Wall Street) in the fall of 2011 surely couldn’t keep their bitterness from quietly spilling over into general suspicion of all things business (Main Street). And herein lies the bait of the trap. The act of demonizing hedge fund managers, speculators, and stock brokers seems—if not meaningless—very attractive for the restful and jealous. But the act also presents a dangerous avenue which descends into a spiritually compromising place: a more subtly expressed culture of suspicion of, prejudice against, and resentment toward middle class business folks like local attorneys, accountant managers and community bankers. So the festering spirit of hostility toward the corporate world is unavoidably accompanied by a subtext of contempt for the more humble lot of small entrepreneurs: those agents that spear head the underlying current of economic growth for thousands of communities nationwide. Regrettably, this festering spirit of anti-business hostility is nurtured by our professors, especially in the ILR and A&S colleges, who relentlessly fuel the flames of the dangerous sentiment. Why so dangerous? Because an antibusiness attitude is fundamentally out-of-step with the fundamentally entrepreneurial character which defines the cultural fabric of American life. For professors to send off graduates into the real world of business with skewed assumptions about commercial enterprise is harmful for those graduates and suicidal for the spiritual health of the country. Belief that business necessarily equates to greed and selfishness entirely misunderstands the bedrock of the American ethos: private initiative as an instrument which secures the best interests of the broader community in which that initiative serves. Roberto Matos is a sophomore in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at rlm387@cornell.edu.
The Cornell Review
Founded 1984 r Incorporated 1986 Jim Keller Jerome D. Pinn Anthony Santelli, Jr. Ann Coulter Founders
Noah Kantro Alfonse Muglia Editors-in-Chief
Karim Lakhani President
Lucia Rafanelli Managing Editor Vice President
Michael Alan
Executive Editor
Katie Johnson Treasurer
Laurel Conrad
Campus News Editor
Zachary Dellé
National News Editor
Contributors Kushagra Aniket Misha Checkovich Andre Gardiner Alex Gimenez Roberto Matos
Chris Mills Mike Navarro Kirk Sigmon Bill Snyder Jacob Zapata
Emeritus Members Anthony Longo Lucas Policastro
Oliver Renick Christopher Slijk
Board of Directors
Christopher DeCenzo Joseph E. Gehring Jr. Ying Ma Anthony Santelli Jr.
Faculty Advisor William A. Jacobson The Cornell Review is an independent biweekly journal published by students of Cornell University for the benefit of students, faculty, administrators, and alumni of the Cornell community. The Cornell Review is a thoughtful review of campus and national politics from a broad conservative perspective. The Cornell Review, an independent student organization located at Cornell University, produced and is responsible for the content of this publication. This publication was not reviewed or approved by, nor does it necessarily express or reflect the policies or opinions of, Cornell University or its designated representatives. The Cornell Review is published by The Ithaca Review, Inc., a non-profit corporation. The opinions stated in The Cornell Review are those of the individual author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the editors or the staff of The Cornell Review. Editorial opinions are those of the responsible editor. The opinions herein are not necessarily those of the board of directors, officers, or staff of The Ithaca Review, Inc. The Cornell Review is distributed free, limited to one issue per person, on campus as well as to local businesses in Ithaca. Additional copies beyond the first free issue are available for $1.00 each. The Cornell Review is a member of the Collegiate Network. The Cornell Review prides itself on letting its writers speak for themselves, and on open discourse. We publish a spectrum of beliefs, and readers should be aware that pieces represent the views of their authors, and not necessarily those of the entire staff. If you have a wellreasoned conservative opinion piece, we hope you will send it to cornellreview@ cornell.edu for consideration. The Cornell Review meets regularly on Mondays at 5:00 pm in GS 156. E-mail messages should be sent to
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Two Islams
Editorial
September 18, 2012
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Noah Kantro Editor-in-Chief
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merica is now a land of two constitutions. One Constitution is that of Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. It is the one which recognizes the existence of natural rights, the fallibility of man, and the necessity of limiting his governments. The other is the constitution of the modern liberal. It is the constitution of Pelosi, Reid, and Obama. It is the one which recognizes the existence of myriad positive rights, the fallibility of man, and the necessity of regulating his freedom. Yes, the words of both constitutions are the same, but the meanings are as different as can be. Each person in America knows which one they believe to be a better guide for the country. Some people become activists for their cause, or even go so far as to vote for candidates with similar beliefs. In recent decades, the gap between the originalist and “living and breathing” Constitution has grown wider, and the country more polarized. A similar schism has occurred in the Islamic world. Not the classic Sunni-Shia split, but a divergence similar to what has occurred in interpreting the American Constitution: originalist versus progressive. On the one hand there is a modern Islam: secularist, peaceful, willing to go along to get along in the globalized world. You undoubtedly know a few of its adherents. On the other is the fundamentalist: violent, totalitarian, and expansionist. Similarly, there are two Korans, two jihads, two sets of beliefs. It is all about interpretation. Just as with the Constitution, each believer falls somewhere along the spectrum, but generally has only the two options to choose from when making personal and political decisions. The problem for Americans, though, is that both groups claim the name, identity, and true meaning of Islam. Analogizing again to the Constitution, what would a foreigner think reading America’s charter for the first time? Naturally, he would take it at face value – the common meanings of the words on the page – and determine its acceptability based on his own beliefs. Accepted interpretations of the text are not his to devise. He might then seek interpretation or clarification from an American. Asking a liberal or a conservative, he would receive wildly different answers to his questions. And so it is for an American interpreting Islam. What we have to work with is an original Islam that we know from our perspective and analysis is decidedly antithetical to the American (originalist, of course) Constitution and values. For interpretation, we have an Islam in America that tells us our interpretation is wrong, and an Islam in the Middle East that has proven our
interpretation correct. Two Islams; endless obfuscation. The secularists claim to be Islam, as do the fundamentalists. As with the Constitution, it cannot be both. Yet in the US today, it has all been boiled down to political currency and correctness versus national security. The liberals in America tell us that the majority of Muslims in the Middle East are of the progressive variety. They tell us that they really want American-style representative secular government, and will realize this if only we are kind enough to them. The Middle Eastern culture is one that above all else seems to respect strength. The goal of winning hearts and minds must take that into account. By equivocating, appeasing, and infighting we invite their contempt. Our government continues to marginalize radicals in the Middle East. Claiming them to be marginal does not in fact make them so. They have real power and growing influence, and as we have seen are more than willing to use violence. It is becoming overwhelmingly apparent that this attitude is one designed to attack the American originalists rather than (impossibly) bridge the gap between America and fundamentalist Islam. Whenever the radicals are offended by some minor slight, American progressives blame America for not being sensitive enough, for having too broad an understanding of our rights, for a lack of cultural understanding, for patriotism, for patriarchy, or whatever the buzzword of the day happens to be. When we respond with strength and stand up for our values they point to the peaceful secular Muslims in the West as the example of what Islam is, rather than to the fundamentalist version abroad (and at home). However, this form of Islam, and governments adhering to it in the near east, seems to be shrinking rather than growing, as the secular and stable regimes have fallen and more nations follow the Turkish or even Iranian models of Islamist government. For example, when the Arab Spring began, we were told that we had nothing to fear from the Muslim Brotherhood. Now, they assent to the burning of our embassies, as evidenced by their failure in their duty to defend it and statements to supporters. An act of war in all but modern times (National Review columnist and former terrorism prosecutor Andrew McCarthy poses the question, “Would they have dared storm the American embassy in Cairo on September 11, 2002?”) It all comes back to the liberals though. They are – in typical fashion – not letting a crisis go to waste. Firstly, and most obviously, the media chose to make its priority attacking Republican candidate
Mitt Romney for his rather uncontroversial statement regarding the Muslims’ actions. Absurd details about his speech’s “timing” dominated two news cycles. Secondly, they want us to believe that these attacks were not premeditated – that they were the spontaneous reaction to an insult, and just happened to fall on the anniversary of the fundamentalists’ greatest triumph over the west. Does anyone honestly believe this? They want us to believe that radical Islam holds no malice but for a few Osamas towards the Western world, and is only capable of violence in retaliation to our actions. During the recent attack on the Cairo embassy, the chant was, “Obama, Obama, there are still a billion Osamas!” What’s worse is that the liberals in power expect us to apologize, cower, and surrender to the threat of future violence. Is it not the responsibility of our government to defend our freedoms no matter what? Is that not the very essence of our foreign relations – to make sure our freedoms are not threatened and that our steadfast belief in them is communicated to the outside world? Instead, the government tries to suppress the actions of Terry Jones, harasses “Sam Bacile”, and even fires on YouTube. It is the First Amendment that is attacked as harmful and outdated rather than a society that permits and even encourages violence in response to all offense. The American government’s response should have declared the burning of our embassies and murder of an ambassador intolerable, not immediately apologized. A vague notion of radicals was blamed, not the billion mainstream Osamas. But after abandoning our allies and stability in the Middle East for the sake of hope, change, the liberal alliance with progressive Islam, and its fear of shaking that alliance (thereby losing votes) by standing up to fundamentalist Islam, the Obama administration will sleep in the bed it has made, and all will suffer for it. English writer Gilbert K. Chesterton once said, “Tolerance is the virtue of the man without convictions.” Would we abandon our values for the sake of tolerance? There is no denying that America was founded on a set of convictions – natural rights. Have we no longer any convictions, nor the conviction to hold onto the values that created us? The Arab Spring and now Islamist Summer and Jihadist Fall have proven that the people and states of the Middle East are not about to compromise theirs. Noah Kantro is a junior in the College of Engineering. He can be reached at nk366@cornell. edu.
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September 18, 2012
Opinion
Defending the Indefensible Kushagra Aniket Columnist
Platonic Squabbles
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odd Akin misspoke and apologized for his comments. What more do we want? The First Amendment to the US Constitution is the cornerstone of the freedom of speech that we enjoy—a beacon light to the whole world. But the brevity of the constitutional provision leaves much room for interpretation as successive judgments of the Supreme Court have demonstrated. Over time, our understanding of free speech, which is integral to American democracy, has been enriched and expanded. In the same spirit, it can be argued that the idea of free speech as envisioned by those who drafted, enacted and defended the Constitution must be understood to include the right to articulate mistaken opinions and more importantly, the right to retract, not silenced, in case of error. It is not surprising that our founding fathers did not expect us to be infallible in word and deed. Much less surprising is the fact that the recantation of inaccurate statements has been an acceptable practice in our political culture. And sincere retraction has often been recognized as sufficient atonement for verbal misfortunes, especially if the speaker has not harmed anyone. Even the Roman Inquisition allowed Galileo to return to his telescope after he withdrew his claims. However, the liberal hypocrisy was more than obvious when Congressman Todd Akin was asked to withdraw from the Missouri Senate race for his controversial remarks on abortion. What’s more, nobody
even cared to see his complete interview on Fox News or read his comments in perspective before jumping onto the bandwagon. During the interview, to a question on whether abortion should be permissible in the case of rape, Akin replied, “It seems to me, first of all, from what I understand from doctors, that’s really rare. If it’s a legitimate rape, the female body has ways to try to shut that whole thing down.” Now let us attempt to understand what Akin actually meant by this statement. First and foremost, Akin attributed his beliefs to the doctors he had consulted, without naming one specificly. So, Akin can easily claim defense by producing two or more doctors whose counsel he received and who agree that rape is one of the most exceptional cases in which abortion is sought — not a particularly difficult task. Second, even a cursory glance at a children’s dictionary will confirm that the word “legitimate” has several meanings—right, lawful and genuine. No form of sexual assault is ever right or lawful. To be sure, no one in his right mind will ever argue that a crime as heinous and traumatic as rape can ever be legitimate in that sense. But one can always ask whether a reported case of rape is genuine or not. Even the staunchest of pro-abortionists cannot restrain someone from raising this legitimate question. It is quite evident that some allegations of sexual assault are genuine while others are not. Our law courts have to delve into this matter all the time. Moreover, while quoting someone, one should always try to understand rather than misunderstand the speaker. Indeed, the commonsensical practice would
have been to contextualize Akin’s words as “legitimate (case of ) rape”. Nevertheless, the word “legitimate” presents a dangerous dual meaning and could have been avoided. Todd Akin himself later clarified that rape is never legitimate on Mike Huckabee’s radio show. He further admitted that he had used the wrong words in the wrong manner. Third, Akin claimed that it was extremely rare for women to get pregnant from rape. Perhaps he was wrong. Perhaps he should not have said this. But in any case, Akin is not alone. It has been a popular medical belief that coerced sex cannot lead to conception. In fact, only one in fifteen rape victims become pregnant. Even if this is myth, Akin can only be held liable for a factual inaccuracy. For instance, in the Elizabethan Age, people held all sorts of absurd medical precepts dear. The liver was thought to be the seat of courage
“God forbid but if Macbeth were to repeat these words today, would we pounce on him like predators in search of prey?” and a coward was said to have white, bloodless liver. Macbeth reproaches his servant for trembling at the sight of the approaching enemy, “Go, prick thy face and over-red thy fear, thou lily-livered boy” (Macbeth, 5.3). God forbid but if Macbeth were to repeat these words today, would
we pounce on him like predators in search of prey? Akin has been consistent in his opposition to abortion without any exceptions in cases of rape because he believes that the punishment for the crime should fall on the rapist and not on the innocent victim. Akin might have been wrong in asserting that women can prevent conception in cases of rape. If his statement was factually incorrect, he withdrew it. If he inadvertently insulted the victims of sexual assault, he apologized. However, given his strong pro-life views, Akin’s refusal to abandon his bid for the Senate comes as a surprise only to those who have sacrificed magnanimity at the altar of political correctness. Indeed, it was President Obama who tried to exploit the issue by asserting that politicians should not make “health decisions” for women even after Akin tendered in his apology. It is quite evident that this was his and his media’s latest attempt to distract attention from more serious issues like fiscal debt, lack of economic growth, and intolerable unemployment rates raised by Romney. But when Paul Ryan, who had co-sponsored a bill on abortion with Akin, suggested for him to withdraw from the Senate contest, he left the decision to the Missouri representative, “For Akin is an honorable man”. This was the most sensible thing to do as in this hour of trial we do not need conservatives who will succumb to politics of slander. Instead, we need those who have the courage to uphold traditional values, undeterred by the campaign of malice and retribution. By refusing to withdraw from the race, Akin put across this point emphatically. Kushagra Aniket is a sophomore in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at ka337@cornell.edu.
Government: The Only Thing We All Belong To
From the Makers of “You Didn't Build That” Lucia Rafanelli Managing Editor
A Fortnight of Follies
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he authors of “You didn’t build that” are at it again, and they’ve come up with another slogan that’s sure to be just as much of a PR gem. A video screened at the opening of last week’s Democratic National Convention claimed that, as Americans, our government is “the only thing we all belong to.” Funny. I was under the impression that we might be part of something larger and nobler, or at least less in debt. The planet Earth comes to mind, as does the human race and—perhaps most politically significant—a community of free, equal, and rational beings with individual rights. Indeed, the recognition of such a community was one of the major political-philosophical developments of the American Revolution. After all, the line, “We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that
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all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights…” is deservedly one of the most famous in US history. And it is significant not just because it played a part in what would come to be the American founding. It is not because it posits the existence of some “Creator.” Rather, it is because it establishes the existence of humans as beings with rights prior to and external from the state. The theory that people’s rights are given by the state is a dangerous one. It suggests that the state may also take them away. This is why belief in the human community—the community of free and equal rights bearers—is so important. It is a powerful guard against supposed justifications of tyranny, and it is a muchneeded refuge for people whose rights have been infringed upon and whose governments refuse to do anything about it. In fact, without the notion of the human community, the concept of a
person whose rights have been violated by his government is not even comprehensible. If government is really the only thing to which we all belong, if we do not possess rights regardless of the whims of government, then the very existence of our rights is subject to those whims. As a rhetorical tool, perhaps, it seems prudent for the American left to paint the government as the only commonality connecting citizens; but to diminish the bond among citizens to an entanglement in the red tape of government bureaucracy is to derogate the meaning of citizen-
ship, and the meaning of being human. People are capable of unity even if it is not motivated by common membership in one state. There are, I would venture to say, many things that connect us all to one another. But the human community of rights bearers is one we should certainly not forget, and one whose health we should certainly not neglect. Lucia Rafanelli is a senior in the College of Arts & Sciences. She can be reached at lmr93@cornell.edu.
Conservatives Defending Art Dissecting Video Game Censorship and the Supreme Court
Kirk Sigmon Columnist
Right on the Law You might not have believed it from the rhetoric, but last year conservatism got to do something that it rarely gets the opportunity to do: defend art. In Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Association, the Supreme Court held that video games were protected speech under the First Amendment. Brown concerned the legality of a California statute prohibiting the sale of “violent video game[s]” to minors. This California statute used the rather vague three prong obscenity test from Miller v. California in order to determine whether or not a video game was a “violent video game” or not. In effect, this vague test granted a large degree of subjectivity (and thus power) to California in determining what was and was not a “violent video game.” Because numerous game publishers and members of the games industry feared the effects of this statute, the Entertainment Merchants’ Association (EMA) sued California, claiming that, among other things, the California statute was unconstitutionally broad, that the statute relied on questionable “proof” regarding video games’ effect on children, and on the basis that there were less restrictive means available to protect children from violent video games. The Supreme Court, per Justice Scalia, ultimately agreed with the EMA, finding that video games were protected speech and that there was little evidence linking videogames
and the harmful psychological effects that the California legislature alleged to exist. Needless to say, there’s a lot for conservatives to love about Brown v. EMA. Not only did the Supreme Court protect video games as being essentially the same as other forms of art, but they did so in a way that roundly criticized state paternalism. But there’s something even better about the Brown holding: it showed how small government ideals can protect art. The textbook liberal position on the statute in Brown—that it was necessary to “protect” children from harmful and psychologically manipulative violent videogames—is a position that hurts art because it implies that the state should be involved in the evaluation and classification of art. In contrast, the conservative view approving of Brown—which might be characterized as a sort of “let me buy what I want” approach—protects the ability of game developers to express themselves without the threat of state regulation or censorship, even if what they express is morally reprehensible. Thus, while allegedly pro-art liberals like Hillary Clinton often find themselves advocating for the legislative classification and compartmentalization of art in order to “protect” children, conservatives get to defend the merit of art unconstrained by the whim and emotional sensitivities of legislative bodies. Of course, beyond consistency, there are very good reasons why conservatives advocate small government ideals in the context of the
video game industry: as with many other business sectors, big government has the potential to seriously harm the video game industry. It is fairly obvious why legislative bodies cannot be trusted to evaluate videogames: few government officials can be trusted to evaluate the psychological effects of violence or sexual content, let alone in a way that would give a principled distinction between different games. For example, who could possibly tell if Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 3 should be considered to be more violent than Dead Space 2? Does the attempted realism of the former matter? Should a horror motif be considered more psychologically damaging than a military motif? Is sexual content more or less harmful than violent content? Such questions would lead to the creation of informal standards, which would lead to rulemaking, which would lead to more scrutiny—and ultimately more unnecessary and artless bureaucracy. Germany is a phenomenal example of how this sort of bureaucracy can harm video games and those who make and enjoy them. German law criminalizes the dissemination (including the sale of even one copy) of games that feature “cruel violence on humans or human-looking characters.” Germany also criminalizes the sale of games with symbols of “unconstitutional organizations,” meaning that swastikas displayed in historical games are also prohibited. Those who violate either of these laws can face up to a year in prison. As of the date of this article, Germany has banned a substantial
Freedom from Freedom? Katie Johnson Treasurer
Ladies’ Liberty
F
orgive me while I act like a fan girl for a moment: I am still coming off of the high from a summer of superhero movies. I know that conservatives value economic responsibility, but even exorbitant ticket prices could not stop me from seeing The Avengers multiple times. The movie itself was a caped candyland for an English major and political philosopher like myself. Some people go to such movies to see explosions or what their favorite actor or actress looks like in spandex; I go for the discourse—regarding freedom, for instance. Asking someone to define freedom in simple terms is opening up a can of worms, as there are as many different conceptions of freedom as there are dollars in Marvel’s box office. Freedom and life cannot be boiled down into simple terms that prescribe a one-size-fits-all course
of action for success and happiness. Loki, Bane, and every other verbose villain who delivers a soliloquy before their seemingly imminent victory, claim that true freedom is to be found in security… established conveniently in the form of martial law enforced by themselves. But that “security” is an illusion. This is also true in the real world: measures of supposed security are often more like an entrapment in which someone else forces you to do what he or she thinks is best for you. Security in itself is not a bad thing. Adrenaline junkies aside, longing for safety and comfort is an almost universal human desire. In that sense, humans are equal, just as they are in many other respects. But if all humans are equal, how can one human dictate others’ choices by presuming to be better than the rest? Power over me should be given, not taken. I might allow someone to pursue my best interests in an area where they have more expertise than I do, but allowing them control over every aspect of my life without
my permission is an alarming prospect. No other person knows me so intimately that they can make informed decisions about my welfare in every case, especially if they have to know everything about multiple other people in their charge as well. It is important to take care of other people, but there seems to be a lot of misconception about the best way to do that. Even an omnipotent God allows more free will than do lesser authorities on Earth. I am not suggesting that the government is a super-villain. Sure, there is some theft involved, but I would like to think that a few politicians, at least, are well-intentioned.
September 18, 2012
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number of games, including Left 4 Dead 2, Dead Rising, and Silent Hill: Homecoming. While German gamers are largely undeterred by these prohibitions (the Internet is a wonderful thing), these criminal laws have discouraged many game developers from translating their games into German and from marketing in Germany. This is, of course, not to say that all videogames deserve to be considered art or even deserve to be purchased. Few conservatives want fiveyear-olds to play Grand Theft Auto, and very few would argue that infamously bad games, like Star Wars: The Old Republic (also known as “T.O.R.tanic”), are art. But this same dynamic applies to all art: no fiveyear-old should (even if they could) read Naked Lunch, nor should anyone consider the novelization of the Smurfs movie to be “art.” Nevertheless, small government ideals simply cede judgments regarding the quality of art and media to the public, leaving the determination of appropriateness or quality to the purchaser. Brown thus shows that small government ideals can advance the arts just as much, if not more, as they do business. Small government ideals are not merely a tool to perpetuate financial strength—rather, they also serve the interests of those who often toe the line between what society likes and what society hates, and they prevent legislators and voters from voting away art that may shock, offend, or disgust. As the Supreme Court seems to understand, there are some topics that the government is simply ill-equipped to judge—and video games are one of those topics. Kirk Sigmon is a graduate student in the Law School. He can be reached at kas468@cornell.edu. I am also not suggesting that you moonlight as a vigilante (though if you do, skip the cape—trust me on this one). You do not have to be a superhuman to be a super human. You can stand up for what you believe without fighting an alien army. You can give charitably without being forced to do so. The government cannot legislate morality, and I am of the opinion that it does not have to try. Our rights do not have to be taken away to make us do the right thing, because we often do it of our own volition. Exercise your freedom, be kind to one another, and keep it classy, Cornell. Katie Johnson is a sophomore in the College of Arts and Sciences. She can be reached at kij5@cornell.edu.
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Opinion
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September 18, 2012
Freshman SA Campaigns Noah Kantro Editor-in-Chief
Every year, just weeks after their arrival, the freshly imported denizens of North Campus are set to the task of electing Student Assemby overlords representatives to complain to the University on their behalf. Despite not having any clue as to the breadth or depth of campus issues, each candidate is required to come up with a campaign platform. Below are some of this year’s more brilliant statements. VOTE FOR ME, I’M FROM ALASKA! I want to be known as the guy who positively changed the lives of students here and made the overall Cornell experience better as a whole.
Making sure that breaks don’t fall on weekends…and introducing later TCAT hours—especially to and from the airport.
Would you like to see safe roadways in the winter? More effective TAs? A course shopping period? A free net print allowance for freshmen? More air-conditioned buildings? A 24-hour café? We can work to make it happen if you elect me to the Student Assembly Finally, I’ve decided to run because ziplines. We need some of those. I feel that this is a wonderful opportunity for me to be involved in a decision making process I’ve been watching all my life. Paperless classes (look for my sustainable posters) VOTE
AND HAVE IT YOUR WAY
I have always had this theory that lines constrain the cognitive functions of the brain and don’t allow people to truly think outside of the box. Through my efforts to stay true to my idea, I have begun to avoid walking on set paths in order to keep my mind more open.
CLASS OF ‘16! You’re all wonderful people who deserve a wonderful first year at the most wonderful school of all time (with the exception of Hogwarts, where I was waitlisted).
Hey there, you reading through this oh-so-long list of candidate profiles for the Student Assembly, would you like a free puppy*? Since an actual political office is unattainable at this point in my life, I feel that holding a student position would be a good start and provide me with vital experience for future positions in my life. I like Cornell. A lot.
I watch MSNBC religiously.
Many of these freshmen do not yet realize the great inertia of the administration, or the importance of the almighty dollar. As the Class of 2016 will soon realize, it comes as no surprise that many of these proposals are brought up year after year by new freshmen, yet are never acted upon. Extending dining hall hours will require hiring and paying more Dining staff. Is the convenience of walking to RPCC instead of Appel for lunch really worth raising the cost of more expensive meal plans for everyone? In this age of budget and program cuts, what influence does the SA really expect to have on issues that could affect the school’s bottom line (like putting air conditioning in the Low Rises)? And as we have recently seen, changing break scheduling requires not only the SA but the general consent of the Faculty Senate, the Administration, and the individual Colleges; and in politics there will always be a dissent. That being said, congratulations to new SA reps Ian Harris, Matthew Stefanko, Thomas Garrison Lovely, and Juliana Batista. May you realize sooner rather than later not to raid or raise the Student Activity Fee for pet projects, not to bow to special interests, and to stand up for students and freedom on campus.
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Mooning the Zachary Dellé National News Editor
O
n August 24th, the Daily Sun published a series of typical left-leaning editorials to open up the new school year. One of them featured a senior nutritional science major making an argument for the expansion of government in a piece titled “Paul Ryan on Food Politics.” In it, he projected the effects of Paul Ryan’s budget on the US government's food-related expenditures. With the usual liberal gravitas, the author bemoans the lack of federal commitment to the causes of nutrition and obesity prevention. This is a brilliant example of the quintessential, “I know what's better for you than you do,” Cornell intellectual arrogance. Alas, the self-righteous left-wing ideas that stem from this mindset are as specious as they are nauseating. While I acknowledge the persistently “progressive” editorials in the Sun are always chuckle-worthy, this particular level of unjustified anointment surpassed all the expectations I ever held for the Sun. It began with a barrage of low-level body blows against highly capable Vice Presidential candidate Paul Ryan, even targeting his participation in a certain (very effective) P90X workout routine. Rather than acknowledging Ryan's depth of experience with nutrition and fitness as a potential asset in the field of food politics, in Byzantine liberal fashion the author immediately vilifies Mr. Ryan
debt is out of control. A debt so high every American child (obese or not) will be enslaved to repay $45,000 of it. I view this as a problem because absolutely no measured analysis has been done that substantially correlates federal spending on obesity prevention to declines in the US obesity rate. I view this as a problem because the $500 million dollar fund specifically dedicated to childhood obesity prevention alone could have fully fed every malnourished child in Haiti. Yes, our government spends enough money to nourish a nation of starving children trying to prevent your kids from becoming too fat. And it doesn't even work. The $421 per American citizen spent every year adds up quickly. Unfortunately, the author, evidently speaking from a position of immense financial privilege, cites this number as “not enough” as it could not “buy a yearly retail gym membership” (where the hell do you work out?). Speaking as a student who has struggled to make ends meet, political statements like these out of the mouths of some Cornellians is utterly sickening. I can't even begin to imagine the number of people who desperately needed $400 more dollars this year. For countless families across America, money like that was the difference between making that mortgage payment and foreclosure. Continuing such leftist ramblings,
These liberal students have an internalized belief that bigger government can solve all of society's problems, from people eating too much to eating too little. for his staunch commitment to fiscal solvency. The author then complains about what he views as a lack of commitment of federal resources on issues of nutrition and well-being. The author cites the current figure of $421 per American citizen spent every year on “preventative policy.” I would agree with the author that this spending is a problem. I view this as a problem because our public
the article then decries Ryan's opposition to the expansion of the Food Stamps (SNAP) Program as being the equivalent of wanting poor people to starve. Now look, I grew up in an immigrant-dense neighborhood where local mercados would commonly not accept EBTs (the food stamp payment card) at all. Fresh fruit and vegetables were plentiful and cheap, wages were low, and yet people did not go hungry. When I took the bus
down to visit my friends in San Francisco's more “ghetto” areas, I was shocked to find no fresh produce. Liquor stores price canned corn in excess of $3, yet cigarettes and alcohol are at the lowest prices I have seen on the market anywhere. The author defends the growth of SNAP for giving poor people access to fresh food, yet it doesn't address other structural barriers that prevent people from accessing nutritious subsistence. It can be as simple as people needing gas and a vehicle to drive to Whole Foods. Since many of them have neither, and because neither can be bought with food stamps, these recipients spend their food stamp benefits at local stores, at very high premiums. If you are unfortunate enough to have been rejected by SNAP, thrown off, or in the midst of an appeal, you must pay this price premium to account for the subsidy. The ultimate result is that food becomes unnecessarily inaccessible. It is very likely that because of food stamps, more poor children go hungry. Swallow that. Beyond the simple life in my neighborhood, I have also worked as an advocate at a local private non-profit benefits agency. I was an advocate for the poor and helpless, I helped impoverished individuals navigate the legal system and obtain the benefits they were entitled to. I have seen the racism and unmanageable bureaucracy endemic in the Food Stamps appeals system. I have sat down with countless poor clients to establish welfare budgets, and countless times I have had to explain to desperate families that the only way to receive sufficient government benefits to pay for bills and food was if the family divorced and live in separate homes. Yes, these incentives are real, and they are disgusting. To throw more money at this system would be a moral stain on this country. A statement so begrudgingly soaked
in privilege is fit to summarize the entire “college liberal” philosophy: it matters not whose money is spent or where it is coming from, only that as much of it as possible is spent on “good causes.” You see, these liberal students have an internalized belief that a bigger and more technocratic government can solve all of society's problems, from people eating too much to eating too little. All we need to do is control and regulate people. All we need to do is spend money on the problem. People are going hungry? Throw money at the problem. Obesity is a dangerous growing trend? Tax, borrow, spend, and repeat. When will these liberals realize you can't buy good character? How can you write an entire article about obesity and food politics without mentioning corn (high-fructose syrup) subsidies even once? When will they realize that Keynesian interventionist policies are destroying all real economic opportunity for the very people they intend to help? Can they ever understand their “humanitarian” efforts have such dire consequences? When will they admit their social experiments have failed? Oh Cornell, please wake up. Your country needs you. Zachary Dellé is a junior in the ILR School. He can be reached at zed3@cornell.edu.
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September 18, 2012
National
The Value of College T
he recent rise in tuition at Cornell, as well as cutbacks in both Federal and State assistance, has increased student emphasis on the cost of a college education. With a majority of the debate taking place at the trillion-dollar level, let’s step back and look at some stats. First, the average cost of college tuition has risen at a compound annual growth rate of 7.74% since the late 1970s, as opposed to a 3.9% CAGR inflation rate for the US economy as a whole. This price premium for higher education has not been tied with an above average rate of college enrollment, with only a 3.28% growth in undergraduate enrollment over the last decade. Assuming that the supply of higher education isn’t static, which it is to some extent it is, we have to assume that other factors justify the above average growth in costs. Another factor that should be analyzed is the annualized returns from a college degree. In 1980 the annualized returns for a high school and college education were roughly equal for men at about 8% and 9% respectively. Then over the next 15 years returns of college grew to roughly 13% while high school graduates grew to 9.5%. In 1995, the average earnings for males’ college graduates was $50,000 compared to $34,300 for high school graduates, as of 2010 income was $49,800 and $32,800 respectively. Female earnings have also been flat since 1995. Of course income isn’t everything. Job security and quality are also important. As seen in the table, unemployment rates drastically de-
Chicago Teachers' Strike continued from the front page argue that focusing on scores takes away from conceptual learning, but the contract asks for only 25% of the evaluations to come from students’ improvement in scores. I understand teaching is a complex process, but these achievement-gain measures allow us to see that our children are actually learning and provide a more standardized method of judging teachers. Regardless of these reasons, the request in the contract is in accordance with Illinois—state law. Even after the school board provided a 16% raise over four years in the contract, these two issues (one of which is the school board following the law) led 26,000 Chicago Teachers Union members to strike. According to a Chicago Public Schools spokesperson, the average pay for
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cline as education increases. Similarly, college graduates typically have access to white-collar jobs that
versial. While most people look at college in terms of debt, this perspec-
tend to have less of an adverse impact on one’s physical health. While lower unemployment rates are generally pretty appealing, especially in this job environment, college generally hasn’t justified its cost on an enrollment or earnings basis. Now there are some holes in this basic presentation of data. I’ve made no attempt to control for bias and for that you’ll have to look into some papers on multiple regression analysis. With that said, the argument that a college education is simply allowing people to tread water isn’t contro-
tive is simply a product of reduced job opportunities. Ironically, an increased emphasis on debt and the value of degrees has not caused people to shift their chosen major. High-growth fields such as the medical and engineering sectors are still short on undergraduate students. This current mismatch exhibits one of the major flaws with our current financial aid system. Since allocations are based upon need and not on merit, there are few ways that the market can provide short-term financial incentives for high school
being met by Cornell, what we really need to discuss is how college graduates can get a higher rate of return on their investment. Similarly, we need to look closely about how our financial aid system impacts short term incentives. In the long run freezing student loan rates isn’t going to matter if we don’t get this economy going. Andre Gardiner is a junior PAM major in the college of Human Ecology. He can be reached at apg58@cornell.edu.
teachers (not including benefits) is currently $76,000—the highest for any city in the entire nation. I love and appreciate my teachers. They taught me about life and gave me the opportunity to be where I am now. That being said, it is not fair to these 400,000 students to have their futures hijacked by a teachers union who have already received a generous raise (at the expense of already troubled taxpayers) and are receiving the highest pay for teachers in the entire nation. It was President Franklin D. Roosevelt who said the following: “Since their own services have to do with the functioning of Government, a strike of public employees manifests nothing less than an intent on their part to prevent or obstruct the operations of Government until their demands are satisfied. Such action, looking toward the paralysis of Government
by those who have sworn to support it, is unthinkable and intolerable.” Since their own services have to do with the functioning of Government, a strike of public employees manifests nothing less than an intent on their part to prevent or obstruct the operations of Government until their demands are satisfied. Such action, looking toward the paralysis of Government by those who have sworn to support it, is unthinkable and intolerable. President Roosevelt would not tolerate the actions of the CTU, and neither should we. On Monday, September 10th, four hundred thousand students were abandoned by their teachers, with their parents left struggling to find places for them to stay as they went to work. We, as Chicagoans, have failed these students and their parents because we have not kept teachers liable for their ac-
tions, school boards liable for their negotiations, and politicians liable for their special interests. Karim Lakhani is a junior in the School of Hotel Administration. He can be reached at kml248@cornell. edu.
Alliance for Excellent Education
Andre Gardiner Staff Writer
students to become engineers. If the US had a functional private student loan market, students going into high demand fields would likely receive better loan conditions than English and Philosophy majors. As much as we may focus on Pell Grants and the percent-of-need
Checkovich
continued from front page do not make sense in the 21st century.” Checkovich’s candidacy continues the trend of student engagement that has ensured Collegetown’s exceptional and responsive representation in Ithaca politics. Alfonse Muglia is a junior in the School of Industrial and Labor Relations. He can be reached at arm267@ cornell.edu.
National
September 18, 2012
The Shifting Political Landscape
Christopher Mills Staff Writer
D
eep below the election rhetoric, a subtle tectonic shift in the alignment of America’s two major political parties is becoming more apparent. The recent geopolitical alteration of party allegiances may be temporary, but there is a distinct possibility that 2012 marks this generation’s critical election. President Obama’s victory in 2008 broke many of the barriers the Democratic Party had faced since the mid-20th century. The President was able to capture the southern seaboard states of North Carolina and Virginia without any home-state leverage, and gathered 66 percent support from an unprecedented 23 million voters aged 18-29 by building off of Howard Dean’s 2004 social media outreach strategy. Higher proportions of Latino and African American voters were also attracted to the Democratic tent. These historic gains, coupled with control of the House and Senate, reflected a geographic and demographic realignment with increased Democratic clout. Fast-forward to 2012. Congress is divided. The President has little to show for his tenure except the highly controversial Affordable Care Act and a slow economic recovery. A Romney victory in November could be perceived as a swinging of the political pendulum away from Obama’s 2008 high-water mark. Recent poll-
ing, however, indicates this may not entirely be the case. The Republicans’ largest gains have not come in the southern and western states Senator McCain failed to secure in 2008, but rather in the Midwest. Likewise, President Obama has maintained substantial support in some traditionally conservative regions, but his advantage has waned significantly in Michigan, Wisconsin, and even his home state of Illinois. All of these trends point to a critical election. Theorized by political scientist V.O. Key, past critical elections include the presidential elections of 1800, 1828, 1860, 1896, 1932, and 1964. These elections, relatively generational in occurrence, mark significant changes in partisan voting behavior and usher in eras of one-party control. Although recent political gridlock has cast doubt upon the predictive powers of the critical election theory, one could point to 2008 as part of a major shift in the country’s political landscape. Regardless, 2012 also has the potential to be a realigning election — though in favor of whom is a much more challenging question to answer. If elected, Romney would be the first Republican president with a northern business background since Warren G. Harding. Mitt’s growing support in the Midwest may stem from his campaign’s emphasis on creating new jobs—an issue especially relevant in the recovering
rustbelt. Perhaps more significant is Mitt’s father, George Romney, who served as Michigan’s governor from 1963-1969. On the other end of the ticket, Paul Ryan’s Wisconsin heritage, alongside Governor Scott Walker’s recent electoral victories, has helped to energize the local conservative base. Romney’s support among traditional Republican constituencies, however, is becoming tenuous. Lack of enthusiasm among southern social conservatives and Senate candidate Todd Akin’s recent comments on rape have given Obama traction in Missouri. An emphasis on several rising GOP stars at the RNC conven-
The predicted era of post-2008 Democratic dominance has not been realized. tion, campaign ads targeting newly unemployed graduates, and a harder line on Medicare reform marks a Republican pivot toward the youth vote—it’s no accident that Romney and Ryan are the first pair of Republican nominees with a lower cumulative age then their Democratic opponents since Bush and Quayle in 1988. Furthermore, Romney-Ryan is arguably the first major party ticket not to include a Protestant, although the ramifications of this are still un-
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01 known. Policy aside, the 2012 election will determine who will take credit, or receive blame, for America’s immediate future. A contested Senate, with historically competitive elections in Hawaii, Massachusetts, and Virginia, and an aging Supreme Court mean the victor of this presidential election will likely set the stage for at least a brief period of one-party control. Both candidates understand this, with Romney preemptively forging congressional alliances in order to advance his first 100 days agenda. The predicted era of post-2008 Democratic dominance has not been realized. 2012 remains an opportunity for either party to take control of the American government. If early indications of geopolitical change come to fruition, 2012 could mark the beginning of a long-term political realignment—a Republican recommitment to fiscal concerns and gains in the industrialized Midwest, simultaneous with Democratic inroads along the liberalizing Atlantic seaboard. Christopher Mills is a freshman in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at cjm363@cornell.edu.
Stereotypes of the Legal World Jacob Zapata Staff Writer
M
ost students who intern at a law firm get stuck in the corner of an office and do work STjthat even young lawyers just out of law school would hate to touch. They never see a deposition, never go to trial, never interact with other lawyers, and because of that, they gain no real experience. To them, law becomes dry, and is now something they have lost the passion to pursue. Though we must all pay our dues, some of us are fortunate enough to land internshipd filled with action and leave with a respectable collection of “war stories”. Fortunately for me, I was able to intern for the J. Guerra Law Firm working directly under plaintiff’s attorney Jesse Guerra. I was fortunate that he took me under his wing, considering Mr. Guerra’s winning reputation in the aquatic litigation arena. He is highly regarded as “THE” go to swimming pool attorney in the USA. We would meet with potential clients and, even if a case seemed close to impossible to win, he would take it on. Immediately in these meetings, I was able to experience what went on in his head as he discussed strategy for winning each particular
case. These strategies were always outside of the box and in the past have proved to be very effective. He would take me to meet with clients, take depositions, and attend hearings and trials. It was a great feeling walking out of a conference room after a deposition knowing we had just left the defense white-faced and fuming. As Mr. Guerra would love to say, “Us plaintiff’s lawyers are like Spartans. One of us is 10 of them. We go straight for the jugular.” This internship was great because it exposed me to the reality of today’s legal world, while clearing my mind of stereotypes of what lawyers and the legal world would be: 1. All lawyers are scumbags. I remember Mr. Guerra telling me of his experience working with a successful lawyer, who we will call Mr. Jones, in Texas. Mr. Guerra had brought Mr. Jones two cases that he generously profited from. When Mr. Guerra went to collect his cut for referring the cases to Mr. Jones, Jones claimed that he didn’t know what cases he was talking about and Mr. Guerra was dismissed. Though Mr. Guerra and Mr. Jones didn’t have a legal contract laying out payment, most lawyers would recognize the referral and would be more than willing to give a percentage of the
settlement. There are many lawyers in the legal world that genuinely care about helping their clients more than simply the money. These are the lawyers that don’t just take the “slam dunk” cases, who will, and who are personally willing to work on the low margin cases not because they have to but because they want to. They fight until the end for the sake of justice being served. Remember, lawyers are people too. 2. Lawyers are limited to incessant paperwork, and endless reading and referencing legal books. In fact, the opposite can be true. While being a lawyer does require a lot of reading and writing, the job is as action-packed as you make it. Some lawyers prefer to instead work behind the scenes and do all the paperwork and legal writing for somebody else. But if you want to be hashing it out against an opponent, then you can definitely find a way to do that as well. During my time with Mr. Guerra, it seemed like every week we were going somewhere new to fight against the defense on their home turf. The satisfaction you get from showing up your opponent on their home court is priceless. 3. All lawyers are wealthy. I think people have the miscon-
ception that all lawyers make a lot of money and only got into the business for that reason. The truth is that most lawyers work for somebody else’s firm and are paid a salary, both on the plaintiff and defense side. There is potential to make very good money in the legal world, but with that comes risk. The lawyers that make the most money are predominately plaintiff’s attorneys, for they are paid on commission from settlements of the cases they settle. Interning for a law firm was truly a valuable experience. Even if you don’t want to go into the legal field, it’s important to know how it works and how it affects you as a citizen of the United States. For those families who were grieving and struggling with a loss and large medical debt, we were able to give them the monetary assistance they needed to live and have a brighter future. Most clients are truly grateful for your service and you leave feeling satisfied with the work you’ve done. Jacob Zapata is a sophomore in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at jaz54@ cornell.edu.
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September 18, 2012
Campus
At the start of each year, the Review asks its new writers to reflect on their first month at Cornell.
What to Expect at Cornell Bill Snyder Staff Writer
T
he idea of college loomed in my mind all throughout high school, but like most things in life, expectations hardly describe reality. As a new freshman from Chicago, I have the pleasures of both living away from home and being out of state. Fortunately, I am also the youngest of three in my family, which has helped during this transition period. Now at Cornell, I’ve come face to face with the daunting reality of college. And adjusting to both the social and academic environment of college can be both challenging and liberating. There are my
Southern Gentleman Continued from the front page
having only once travelled north of the Mason-Dixon Line before. I will say I was more curious than nervous to finally be amongst these people of which I had heard so much about, yet knew so very little. One of the first things I discovered at Cornell is that folks here seem to live in their own private bubbles. If you make eye contact and smile or, God forbid, say “good morning,” you are more likely to be rewarded with an odd look than reciprocation. Furthermore, it
impressions of both the social and academic conditions at Cornell. The social experiences in college are often the most anticipated scenarios imagined as pre-college students. Although Cornell is an Ivy League school, due to its large size, it is comparable in both feeling and social life to many state schools. The wild parties, the vast size and diversity of students and astounding array of clubs and activities can be overwhelming to a freshman, especially when you don’t know anyone. And being social then becomes a top priority as these activities become important in making new friends. Initially, I thought going to parties was the best way to make new friends. But while parties in Collegetown are fun, they are not the only way to meet new people and certainly not the defining social experience of college. I have spent time with people from classes and my dorm as well as Cornell sponsored activities and clubs. As a conservative, I’ve joined the Cornell Review and Cornell Republicans, where I am
Cornell University Class of 2014 appears that common manners have fled for warmer climates as well. Though these were the first things I noticed, they were certainly not the last. For instance, I am surprised by how on a college campus very few people smoke. Granted, when cigarettes are approaching $10 for a pack, I’m sure it makes picking up the habit a bit more difficult. But there definitely seems to
Cornell University Class of 2016
able to meet more people like myself and find temporary refuge from the intense liberal establishment on Cornell’s campus. But establishing good friendships is a slow process. Even after orientation week, I’ve noticed many of the friends I’ve met seem to have disappeared into ambiguity. However, people I better connect with replace the ones I lost, and more long-lasting friendships are made. As I’ve come to realize, Cornell’s vast social environment is what you want to make of it, and it can be fulfilling for all types of students. However, the difficult part of college is balance. Cornell is notorious for being one of the most challenging academic institutions of the Ivy League. Within the first two weeks, I’ve already spent countless hours completing homework and keeping up in my classes. Procrastination is easy to fall into, because unlike the rigid schedule of high school, college allows students to do the work on their own time. In addition, there is no separation
between academic and home life, because Cornell encompasses both. Both social opportunities and school responsibility surround us at every moment of the day. This makes adjusting to the workload even more difficult as it becomes tough to know how much work should be completed each day. But this situation, unlike high school, also allows for a freer way of life. When I’m hungry, I can go get something to eat; when I want to work out, I can go to the gym; and when I want to go out, I don’t have to be back before curfew. While this freedom has responsibilities that can be tremendous, I have the freedom to live my own life and be the person I want to be. Cornell can be overwhelming at times, but the freedom and opportunities it provides will be substantial experiences for our young adulthoods and a great time to create lifelong friendships. Bill Snyder is a freshman in the college of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at wjs254@cornell.edu.
be a higher proportion of smokers in the South than up here (I guess this explains why the Marlboro Man isn’t wearing a Mets cap). Another, more obvious, difference is the topography and weather. In short, they actually exist here. I have also rapidly fallen in love with the commitment to maintaining historical structures, rather than just razing them and building anew. The ability to actually walk everywhere is taking some adjustment, but in time I will learn to not miss traffic and horrible morning radio shows.
I know that I still have a lot to learn about life up here. I know that I have yet to see a real winter, and that I will need to bring my passion for football to Schoellkopf, and that until they develop a Southerner character for “Tapestry” I may have to keep explaining myself to people. However, in my heart, I will always remain a Southern Gentleman, and I’ll see y’all at the tailgate party for Homecoming. Mike Navarro is a junior in the College of Agriculture and Life Sciences. He can be reached at mln62@ cornell.edu.
Cruz Makes a Splash in Summer League Play Alex Gimenez Sports Correspondent
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he Big Red baseball team stormed on to the scene in the Ivy League in 2012, playing host to their first Ivy League Championship Series victory over Dartmouth and returning to the NCAA Regionals for the first time since 1977. At the forefront of the team’s success was then-sophomore right fielder Chris Cruz, who broke the Big Red single season record for home runs by crushing 12 big flies over the course of 49 games. The biggest of these home runs came in walk-off fashion against the Dartmouth Big Green in the bottom of the 11th inning of the Ivy League Championship Series, putting Cruz in the Cornell history books forever. As Cruz put together a spectacular year with 12 home runs, 35 RBI, and a .258 batting average, he provided the offensive firepower that the team needed to make a run in 2012 and became the talk of the Ivy League.
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But Cruz is far more than your average cleanup hitter. He was second on the team in stolen bases, first in outfield assists, and made acrobatic defensive plays in right field highlighted by a diving catch that sent him hurtling head first into the wall down the right field line. Furthermore, his quiet and humble mentality and lead by example approach make him a favorite among fans, coaches, and the players themselves. So just how good is Chris Cruz and what should we expect from him as the calendar turns to 2013? If his summer ball play with the Mohawk Valley DiamondDawgs of the Perfect Game College Baseball League was any indication, the sky is the limit for the Big Red right fielder. Cruz was named to the league’s top prospects (6th) in a field of players from the strongest programs in the country. “It means a lot because I worked hard all summer and it paid off,” remarked Cruz in a recent interview with the Cornell Review. “There were a lot of good players in the
league and to be named above them means a lot.” For Cruz, summer league play was a time to work specifically on his approach at the plate. Throughout
the regular season, he had trouble when he fell behind in the count and pitchers used their off speed pitches to keep him off balance. Continued at right
Campus
Interview with Cornell Student Miss Maryland Joanna Guy ‘13 Laurel Conrad Campus News Editor » via cornellinsider.com
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ne of Cornell University’s own, Joanna Guy, won the title of Miss Maryland 2012 in the Miss America Pageant. Joanna is a senior this year and is currently participating in the Cornell in Washington program in order to serve her Maryland community. Below is the exclusive interview she gave the Cornell Review. In the interview, she reveals what its like to be Miss Maryland, how she got involved in Miss America and her philanthropy, what she misses most about Cornell, and her plans for the future. Review: What has your experience as Miss Maryland been like so far? Joanna: Demanding, but very rewarding! Since winning the title in June I’ve spoken or performed at events every week, ranging from meeting with at-risk teens to introducing a War of 1812 performance at the Maryland Chautauqua festival. I’ve also traveled out of state, helping to host the Miss America’s Outstanding Teen competition in Orlando and performing as a finalist in the Alpha Phi’s Got Talent competition at the biennial convention in Phoenix. I’m proud to say that the philanthropy I represented, heart disease, was voted the winner by virtue of amassing the most “votes,” or donations. In all, the event raised over $22,000 for Foundation philanthropies. Foremost among these are cardiac care and scholarship, two causes close to my heart. Much of the work I do as Miss Maryland relates to my personal platform of heart disease and to the national platform of the Miss America organization, Children’s Miracle Network Hospitals. CMN hospitals span the country, helping over one million sick and injured children each year. I’ve been involved with CMNH since 2008, and during that time have been deeply touched by the strong, resilient kids I’ve met and by their families, who are so grateful for the lifesaving care their children receive. I’ve just kicked off two fundraising projects for this fall. One is a quilt raffle that I am promoting
Baseball
Continued from left “I was trying to cut down on the strike outs and just work on hitting the ball the other way,” added Cruz. “About the middle of the summer, I started to see all off-speed pitches which worked out. I know that now I’m more confident hitting the ball the other way and more confident with the off speed [pitches].” With hard work and a good approach, things started to click at the plate. In 41 games for the DiamondDawgs, Cruz hit 8 HR with 40 RBI,
through social media and my website. The other is a series of events called “Bounce Back” designed to involve the whole community of Garrett County, my home in rural western Maryland. I’ve raised more than $2,000 for CMNH to date, and hope to raise a total of $10,000 by the end of the year. My personal platform, Heart to Heart: Raising Awareness for Healthy Hearts, addresses a critical public health issue. As the number one killer in our nation, heart dis-
ease affects men, women and children. It’s also a personal concern for me because all four of my grandparents suffered from some form of heart disease or stroke. My efforts involve speaking, blogging and fundraising. I’ve spoken to people at health fairs, in classrooms and at civic club meetings about the risks of heart disease and the simple steps everyone can take to live a hearthealthier lifestyle. My 84-year-old grandfather, who had a heart attack and bypass surgery, is a great example of how it’s never too late to make these changes. Finally, Miss Maryland provides a way for me to publicly advocate on both a federal and state level for while posting a .319 batting average. In 18 less at bats than the regular season Cruz had more walks, stolen bases, hits, RBI’s, runs scored, doubles, and triples while posting fewer, strikeouts than he did in the regular season. What is possibly even more impressive is that he accomplished all this using wooden bats as opposed to the aluminum bats used throughout college baseball’s regular season. Off the field, Cruz is a Long Island native, and a devoted New York Yankees fan. He grew up idolizing Yankee greats like Paul O’Neil, Tino
other causes about which I care. One of these is funding for the humanities. As a government major, a former National History Day participant, and a firm believer in the notion that “democracy demands wisdom,” I am concerned about the well documented decline in civics education and cultural literacy. While I strongly support investment in STEM programs to increase America’s competitiveness in math and science, I think we cannot overlook the value and vital importance of the humanities in shaping our
future. This fall I’m working closely with the Maryland Humanities Council on an advocacy plan to raise awareness among legislators about the need for funding of humanitiesbased programs, particularly those at the state and community levels. I’m hoping to leverage some of the experience I gained working as a U.S. Senate intern in 2011 as well as the contacts I’ve made since becoming Miss Maryland. Being at the Cornell Center in Washington this semester puts me in the right place for these activities. Review: What is one of the most rewarding aspects of your role as Miss Maryland? Joanna: The outpouring of support and enthusiasm from people in my Martinez, and Bernie Williams with whom he shares a common Puerto Rican heritage. He attributes much of his success to the love and support that his family has given him over the years and throughout his time with the Big Red. The Big Red has found themselves a bona fide five tool caliber player in their humble right fielder Chris Cruz. His towering homeruns, spectacular defense, and great
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hometown and from my friends at Cornell has been overwhelming. The opportunity to act as a role model to children inspires me and the chance to serve, in a small way, as an ambassador for my state and for my university motivates me. Review: What do you miss most about Cornell so far? Joanna: It’s so hard to pinpoint just one thing. I miss the university as a whole and the various communities I’m involved in on campus, such as the Cornell Chorus, After Eight a cappella, and my sorority, Alpha Phi. In my three years at Cornell I have met some of the most intelligent, kind and interesting people anywhere, many of whom who have grown to be really close friends. I miss them a lot! Having said that, Cornell in Washington is a tight knit community composed of the same well-rounded and well-grounded kinds of people I’ve met in Ithaca. So I’m looking forward to getting to know the students here better and excited about exploring DC. Review: Do you have any advice for girls at Cornell interested in the Miss America pageant? Joanna: People take many different avenues to earn money for school and get more involved in their communities. For me, I happened across a newspaper ad and thought that Miss America sounded like a gratifying road for me to head down. If anybody was interested in the organization, I’d definitely encourage them to look at the Miss America website to read about the mission and achievements of the program, which is the world’s largest provider of scholarships for women, awarding $45 million in academic scholarships each year. Review: Where do you see yourself in ten years? Joanna: A decade from now I envision myself practicing law or working in some capacity in the public sector. I plan to take my LSAT’s next year, apply for law school, and pursue my J.D. This summer I worked at a law firm in Baltimore doing legal and medical malpractice research. I probably won’t discover precisely what type of law I’d like to practice until I complete law school, but I was fascinated by the work I did over the past few months. Laurel Conrad is a junior in the College of Arts and Sciences. She can be reached at lrc54@cornell.edu. respect for the game make him an all around player and you’d be hard pressed to find anyone who can say a bad thing about him. Keep your eye closely fixed on this kid because you may see him going from Big Red to Yankee blue pinstripes if he can continue to build on his success. Alex Gimenez is a sophomore in the School of Industrial and Labor Relations. He can be reached at ajg322@cornell.edu.
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September 18, 2012
Wisemen & Fools It is not good for people to get all they wish to get. It is sickness that makes health pleasant; evil, good; hunger, plenty; weariness, rest. Heraclitus
fundamental principles of free government. Grover Cleveland, Second Annual Message (December 1886) The Democratic Convention is $27 million in debt. They had to cancel the kick-off event at the Charlotte Motor Speedway. A speedway is the perfect place for the Democratic Convention. You go around in circles, turn left every few seconds, and you end up right where you started. Jay Leno
Given that only 15 percent of you turn to government assistance in tough times, we want to make sure you know about benefits that could help you. USA.gov announcement The nine most terrifying words in the English language are: 'I'm from the government and I'm here to help.' Ronald Reagan When more of the people's sustenance is exacted through the form of taxation than is necessary to meet the just obligations of government and expenses of its economical administration, such exaction becomes ruthless extortion and a violation of the
An atheist might floor me in a debate. But my faith runs so very much faster than my reason that I can challenge the whole world and say, ‘God is, was, and ever shall be.’ Gandhi I want the people of America to be able to work less for the government and more for themselves. I want them
to have the rewards of their own industry. That is the chief meaning of freedom. Calvin Coolidge Unity and self-sacrifice, of themselves, even when fostered by the most noble means, produce a facility for hating. Even when men league themselves mightily together to promote tolerance and peace on earth, they are likely to be violently intolerant toward those not of a like mind. Eric Hoffer The universal aptitude for ineptitude makes any human accomplishment an incredible miracle. Colonel Dr. John Paul Stapp, USAF To provide for us in our necessities is not in the power of government. It would be a vain presumption in statesmen to think they can do it. The people maintain them, and not they
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the people. Edmund Burke ...you didn’t build that. Barack Obama All left-wing parties in the highly industrialized countries are at bottom a sham, because they make it their business to fight against something which they do not really wish to destroy. They have internationalist aims, and at the same time they struggle to keep up a standard of life with which those aims are incompatible. George Orwell, Rudyard Kipling, 1942 change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change change Barack Obama
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