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How Sean Patrick Maloney won big in the midterms—but lost his own seat

He had more money, name recognition, a registration advantage and the help of Democratic heavyweights

BY RAINA LIPSITZ

On an election night that saw Democrats do surprisingly well nationwide, the leader of that e ort, Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney, became the rst chair of either party’s House campaign committee to lose a race for re-election since 1992.

How did a ve-term incumbent such as Maloney lose in a district where Democrats outnumber Republicans by 70,000? Given Democrats’ stronger-than-expected showing nationwide, why couldn’t the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee chair hold onto his own seat?

Maloney had establishment backing: the support of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi as well as former President Bill Clinton, who campaigned for him. Maloney raised nearly $5 million in the 2021-22 cycle, almost ve times as much as his opponent raised. Yet in NY-17, which includes Rockland, Putnam and parts of Westchester and Dutchess counties, Maloney lost to Mike Lawler, a rst-term assemblyman who was relatively unknown outside of his Rockland County district.

A representative from the Maloney campaign shared a news conference clip with Crain’s but declined a request for an interview. What happened in NY-17 was part of a trend in a number of New York suburbs this year, where residents came out in droves to support Republican candidates. e change is notable. In NY-3—a Long Island district Joe Biden won by a double-digit margin in 2020—Republican George Santos beat Democrat Robert Zimmerman by more than eight points. Compared to 2018, turnout this year was down in the city and up in the New York suburbs, a di erence that seems to have bene ted Republicans.

Maloney’s missteps

Even so, Maloney might have avoided New York’s red wave, if not for his toe-stomping and unfortunate timing.

In May a special master redrew several New York districts, upending electoral expectations and strategy, and pitting high-pro le Democrats against one another. ey included longtime Reps. Carolyn Maloney and Jerry Nadler in Manhattan as well as in the Hudson Valley, where Maloney’s decision to run in NY-17 e ectively forced Democratic Rep. Mondaire Jones, a popular progressive newcomer, to consider primarying Rep. Jamaal Bowman, a fellow Black progressive in a neighboring district. Alternatively, Jones could have risked primarying Maloney, his own party’s congressional campaign chair, or try his luck elsewhere.

Jones chose the third option, running for an open seat in NY-10, which covers parts of Manhattan and Brooklyn. Centrist Democrat Dan Goldman, an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, prevailed in that primary, winning with just 25.9% of the vote. Many progressive Democrats resented Maloney for dislodging Jones. After Maloney conceded, Jones tweeted a single word: “yikes.”

Another misstep was Maloney’s e orts to portray himself as a staunch defender of reproductive freedom. e stance was successful for Rep.-elect Pat Ryan, who won in neighboring NY-19, one of New York Democrats’ few House victories this year. But Maloney had cultivated an image as a moderate who was proud to work with and even endorse Republicans, including those who were hostile to abortion rights—a strategy that may have alienated some progressives.

By contrast, Lawler described himself as “personally pro-life” and claimed he would vote against a federal abortion ban.

Finally, Maloney’s prominence as chair of the DCCC made him a target of the national GOP. Led by the Congressional Leadership Fund, a House GOP super PAC, Republican groups poured $6 million into the race, including $4 million in the nal few weeks. e money went to TV and radio ads hitting Maloney for supporting Democratic “taxing and spending” that “tanked our economy.” e Republicans’ messaging on the economy also sought to paint Maloney as an out-oftouch elitist. In October he ew to Geneva for a cocktail reception and dinner with Rep. Adam Schi —a decision that looked arrogant to some, given that he was locked in a competitive race back home. Asked how he would ght in ation, Maloney suggested before Election Day that his constituents tighten their belts: “Well, I grew up in a family where if the gas price went up, the food price went down, so by this time of the week we’d be eating Chef Boyardee if that budget wasn’t gonna change. . . . So that’s what families have to do.” Given these ga es, Maloney’s e orts to portray himself as a ghter who could protect his constituents from the ravening Make America Great Again hordes fell at. His campaign presented the race as a contest between “MAGA Mike” and “Mainstream Maloney.” But as an a uent Democratic Party insider who founded a tech startup and is married to a real estate executive, Maloney didn’t seem terribly relatable. And Lawler, a disciplined candidate who stuck to GOP talking points on in ation and crime and successfully courted police unions and Orthodox Jews, two crucial constituencies in NY-17, didn’t come across as ultra MAGA. MALONEY conceding defeat on Nov. 9 to Mike Lawler (inset)

State leans right

While Democrats did better nationally than many predicted, they did poorly in New York state. Rep. Lee Zeldin’s unexpectedly ro-

bust gubernatorial campaign focused on crime, blaming bail reforms that were passed and supported by Democrats for it. e crime narrative a ected down-ballot races as well. Democratic strategists say the message resonated with suburban voters. As one strategist told Crain’s, “How people talked about crime, and the Democrats’ inability to take back that narrative, had a de nite impact.” “BY THIS TIME OF THE WEEK Although Zeldin lost, he came closer to the governor’s mansion than any Republican has

WE’D BE EATING CHEF since George Pataki unseated Mario Cuomo BOYARDEE.” in 1994. Zeldin helped ip Su olk and Nassau counties to red and won Staten Island, where former Democratic Gov. Andrew Cuomo had eked out a 1.5-point victory in 2018. Zeldin dominated Gov. Kathy Hochul by more than 30 points in the borough. Given New York’s reputation as a liberal bastion, many were shocked that Republicans were able to ip four seats in New York— the most of any state in the country. Whether Democrats can address constituents’ concerns about crime and in ation is part of what will determine their future in the state. So, too, is the e ectiveness of the state Democratic committee. As Elisa Sumner, former chair of the Dutchess County Democratic Committee, told Crain’s, “When Democrats in red states are outperforming Democrats in New York, there’s a problem with the state party.” ■